illf ¦ 'mm ¦ ... . ..... .... ¦¦ ¦¦. ^ ...... ..'..¦ .... :-..-.-... : .-::.-¦.-.¦•.¦!¦- : ; '-¦'¦' ' ' '¦¦ ¦ ' ¦ ¦ '. ' ' A ' . ; ¦ ; ¦ ' ¦ ¦ . ¦ ; ¦ '-'¦ ¦ ¦ - ¦ X ¦ ' ¦ ¦¦ - ' ' ' ¦- : A :" ' .. ¦'-. :'• ymmM^ ... -.,-_-;¦-¦ MM Mil mgMi YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Bought with the income ofthe WILLIAM C. EGLESTON FUND SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE THE MACMILLAN COMPANY NEW YORK BOSTON ¦ CHICAGO ¦ DALLAS ATLANTA ¦ SAN FRANCISCO MACMILLAN & CO., Limited LONDON ¦ BOMBAY • CALCUTTA MELBOURNE THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd. TORONTO SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE BY MARY WILHELMINE WILLIAMS, Ph.D. Associate Professor of History in Goucher College jfteto gorfe THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1920 AU rights reserved COPYRIGHT, 1920, BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY Set up and electrotyped. Published, August, 1920 TO MY SISTERS AND BROTHERS Chattels die ; kinsmen pass away ; One dies oneself ; But good report never dies From the man that gained it. The Guest's Wisdom. PEEFACE It is hoped that this book may be of service not only to the serious student of history and allied subjects but also to the general reader who desires to learn more about a people who for a long period played a leading and unique part in European history, and who, to an extent rarely realized, made, directly and indirectly, a lasting contribution to the cultural development of Europe and America. The literary sources drawn upon in the preparation of the volume are listed in the Bibliography at the end of the book. Considerable attention was also given to an examination of the relics to be found in the archaeo logical museums of Scandinavia. So far as the confusion caused by the World War per mitted, permission has been secured for the reproduction of illustrations ; and in all cases proper acknowledgment has been given. The quotations at the heads of the chap ters are, for the most part, selections from English trans lations of the sagas and eddas. I feel deep obligation to the many kind and courteous ones who gave ready aid towards the preparation of the book. This includes members of museum and library staffs, whose names in some cases were never known but whose services are not forgotten. Special acknowledg ments are due to the late Professor Gabriel Gustafson of the University of Christiania and to Mr. Halldor Hermannsson, curator of the Fiske Icelandic Collection of Cornell University. Through the kindness of Pro fessor Gustafson, while in Christiania I had the oppor- x PREFACE tunity to examine the contents of the Oseberg ship, which throw much light upon Scandinavian culture dur ing the Viking Age, — though they were not yet ready for public exhibition; and during the periods when I worked at Cornell, gathering material from books in the Fiske Icelandic Collection, Mr. Hermannsson placed his extensive bibliographical knowledge at my service and extended aid in innumerable other ways. When the book was in manuscript large portions of it were read and helpfully criticized by two friends at Goucher College — Dr. Mary Emma Armstrong, of the Latin department, and Dr. Ella Lonn, a colleague in the history department. M. W. W. Baltimore, Maryland, February 26, 1920. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I The Land and the People 1 II The Ties op Kinship and Nationality - 23 III Classes op Society 34 IV Infancy, Childhood, and Youth 57 V Dress and Ornament; Personal Refinement ... 72 VI Marriage and Divorce 88 VII Position op Women 109 VIII Homesteads and Houses 123 IX House-Furnishings and Food 143 X Agriculture and the Routine of Farm Life . . . 163 XI Hunting, Fowling, and Fishing 179 XII Transportation: Internal Travel; Ships and Nauti cal Science 191 XIII Trade and Commerce 215 XIV Markets and Towns 235 XV The Career op the Viking; Weapons and Warfare . 248 XVI Government 269 XVII System op Justice s . . . 292 XVIII Social Gatherings; Recreations and Amusements . 317 XIX Language and Literature: The Runes X . . . . 331 XX Learning in General; Scientific Knowledge; Art . 351 XXI Religion: Objects of Worship^,. ...... 363 XXII Religion: Places and Methods of WorshipA. . . 379 XXIII Superstition 397 XXIV Death and Burial 411 Bibliography 431 Index 445 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FIOUIIE PAGE 1 Fragments of Embroidered Cloth 77 2 Silk Cuff or Wristband with Pattern Woven in Gold Thread facing 78 3 Pendants in the Form of Thor's Hammers . . . facing 78 4 Large Gold Finger Ring Set with Blue Stone 83 5 Brooch of Typical Tortoise-Shell Shape .... facing 82 6 Gold Brooch with Unusual Style of Ornamentation facing 82 7 Comb of Bone 84 8 Buildings in Modern Iceland Based on Ancient Models . . 129 9 Elaborately Carved Door Frame facing 132 10 Carved Chair, Back View 145 11 Side View of Same Chair 146 12 Plain Wooden Bedstead 148 13 Bronze Key Ornamented with Animal Design 150 14 Iron-Bound Oaken Chest Ornamented with Nails . facing 150 15 Bucket with Ornamental Ears Decorated with Enamel facing 150 16 Iron Kettle with Tripod .... .... facing 152 17 Skillet with Very Long Handle facing 154 18 Decorated Pitcher of Heavy Earthenware . . . facing 154 19 Vessels of Chased Silver facing 154 20 Carved Horn Spoon 153 21 Two Types of Sickle and Plow Iron 166 22 Anvil, Casting Ladle, Hammers, and Axes 177 23 Blacksmith's Tongs, Shears, and Other Tools 178 24 Engraving from a Rune Stone from a Memorial Bridge . . 193 25 Bronze Finishing for Harness facing 196 26 Richly Decorated Spur of Gold facing 196 27 Elaborately Carved Sledge facing 198 28 Elaborately Carved Wagon facing 200 29 Plans of a Viking Ship 204 30 The Oseberg Ship facing 208 ILLUSTRATIONS „„„__ PAGE FIGURE 31 Drawing of a Dragon Ship facing 208 32 Vindskeidar from a Ship's Tent . 209 33 Bronze Balances /o««p 228 34 Weights for Balances, Silver Bars, and Pieces of Coin facing 228 35 Danish Battle Axe with Design in Silver 258 36 Sword with Decorated Handle facing 256 37 Decorated Helmet of Bronze and Iron .... facing 256 38 Playing Piece Representing a Berserker with a Long Shield facing 256 39 Small Wooden Shield with a Metal Boss 260 40 Pieces of Boards for a Table Game 325 41 A Horse-Fight in Iceland. From an Ancient Drawing facing 330 42 Two Types of Runic Characters 347 43 Elaborate Carving on a Sledge Shaft .... facing 360 44 Pictorial Stone from the Island of Gotland . . . facing 360 45 Ground Plan of an Icelandic Temple 381 46 Grave Chamber of Queen Thyra of Denmark 416 47 Modern View of Circular Burial Mound .... facing 422 48 Burial Place with Monumental Stones in Outline of a Ship facing 422 49 Rough-Hewn Monumental Stone with Thor's Hammers . . 423 50 Pictorial Monumental Rune Stone facing 42A Map Showing Towns and Areas of Scandinavian Influence at Front of Book. MARKLAND *»- TOWNS AND AREAS OF SCANDINAVIAN INFLUENCE SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE CHAPTER I THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE The Dani and Sueones and the other peoples beyond Dania are called by the Frankish historians Normans, whilst however the Romans sim ilarly call them Hyperboreans, of whom Martianus Capella speaks with much praise. . . . When one has passed beyond the islands of the Danes a new world opens in Sueonia and Nordmannia, which are two kingdoms of wide extent in the north, and hitherto almost unknown to our world. Of them the learned king of the Danes told me that Nord mannia can scarcely be traversed in a month, and Sueonia not easily in two. ... On the borderland of the Sueones or Nordmanni on the north live the Scritefini, who are said to outrun the wild beasts in their run ning. Adam of Bremen. The people of Scandinavian stock, during the surpris ing activity characterizing them from the close of the eighth century to the middle of the eleventh, _ spread far beyond the limits of their early Scandinavia base in northwestern Europe. In the New World they established themselves on the west coast of Greenland, and for a brief period they abode upon the mainland of North America, in Vinland/lhe Good; east ward, they extended their sway to-the heart of the present Russia, and were not without influence even as far as Constantinople, where they formed the bodyguard of the Byzantine emperor; their movements towards the North Pole were arrested only by the barriers of the Arctic climate; in the balmier regions to the south they made many conquests, setting up victorious standards in Nor mandy on the French coast, in scores of places in the British Isles, in Sicily and Southern Italy, and they even 1 2 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE threatened to gain a foothold in the Iberian Peninsula and Northern Africa, in which places for a short time they occupied territory.1 Such, broadly speaking, were the remotest frontiers of the ethnic empire of Greater Scandinavia, but with the geographic character of the whole of the territory within the boundaries indicated this chapter is not concerned, for non-Scandinavian peoples influenced to a considerable extent the manners and cus toms of the Northmen in the border population, though the latter often formed the ruling element. Hence, con ditions here were less representative of Scandinavian cul ture than they were in the original swarming ground- Denmark, Norway, and Sweden — and in Iceland, the first Scandinavian colony of the Viking Age. The population of these ancient lands was chiefly and fundamentally of Scandinavian blood, and the culture was primarily of Northern origin. Since these countries form the theatre in which took place the events producing and reflecting the social characteristics, a glance at their geography should make more comprehensible not only the Northern culture, but also the actors of the drama, the ancient Scandinavians themselves. The physical features of the units making up inner Scandinavia vary greatly. Denmark, composed of the To o ra h attenuated peninsula of Jutland and a group of scattered islands to the eastward, is, — ex cept for the high, rocky island of Bornholm, forming the extreme eastern limit of the Danish archipelago,— rather flat and low-lying, and is marked here and there iThe following works treat of the spread of the Northman during the Viking period: Gjerset, History of the Norwegian People; Haskins The Normans in European History; Hovgaard, Voyages of the Norsemen to America; Johnson, Normans in Europe; Kluchevsky, A History of Russia ¦ Larson, Canute the Great); Mawrer, The Vikings; Nansen, In Northern Mists. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 3 by white chalky cliffs suggestive of the coasts of France and England. The great rocky peninsula lying north ward shows a broad, gradual incline from the sea and gulf limiting it on the east to the crest of the Scandi navian Alps, at the west of which there is a short, rapid drop to the North Sea. In the rugged mountains on the broadest side of the water-shed, rise the long, crooked rivers which expand into the thousands of lakes char acterizing the Swedish landscape. Here and there along the coast of Sweden are occasional good harbors, and beyond them are a few isolated islands, closely bound witb the early history of the peninsular mainland. In Norway, on the steeper side of the mountain crest, scarcely a river worthy of the name exists. Instead, there are short, rapid, vestigial streams, often originat ing in the snow-fields and glaciers high up among the mountains and terminating in the countless cataracts and waterfalls which tumble madly over the lofty cliffs, contributing greatly to the majestic beauty of Norway's fiord-indented coast. These fiords, the sheer-walled "drowned valleys," which give the Norwegian coastline its peculiar character, are very deep, and range from one half mile to two miles in width. Many of the larg est penetrate from fifty to a hundred miles into the heart of the peninsula. Near the mouths of the fiords, like sentinels guarding the mainland, stand groups of high, rocky islands. These are in long, narrow archipelagoes, and are especially numerous towards the north. With the arms of the sea thus beckoning to every part of the land and offering safe harbors for the mariner, and with the islands just beyond, to serve as stepping stones out ward, it was inevitable that the Norwegians, in partic ular, should become a great sea-faring people. Iceland, on the other side of the North Sea, has, like Norway, a 4 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE generally uneven shoreline, deeply scored by fiords. The coast of the island is, as a whole, fertile, and some pro ductive valleys are found in the interior, but much of the surface is occupied by sand- and lava-deserts, snow-fields, and glacier-mantled mountains. Some of the mountain peaks are active volcanoes,, from which, now and then in times past, have poured forth great rivers of lava, bury ing farms and homes, and permanently devastating large parts of the island. Hekla is the most famous of these, because of the violence of its eruptions, but Mount Askja is the largest. The volcanic character of Iceland ex plains the presence there of the numerous mud lakes, hot springs, and geysers, which have increased its attractive ness to modern tourists. Though much of inner Scandinavia lies close beneath the Arctic Circle, and all of it is well to the north of the c . parallel marking the southern limits of Lab rador, the climate of the region as a whole, thanks to the warm ocean- and air-currents from the equatorial belt, is much kindlier than that of the same latitude elsewhere in the world. This important advan tage made possible the comparatively high degree of culture found in these far-northern lands a thousand years ago. The Scandinavia of the past and present is just as truly the result of these benevolent natural influences as Egypt is "the gift of the Nile." But dis tance from the Pole and elevation above sea-level, as well as other lesser agencies, have made the climate in some parts milder than in others. Southern Sweden and Denmark are cooler in summer and warmer in win ter than the northern tier of American states in the Mississippi Valley. In fact, they have a climate very similar to the state of Washington and the Canadian province of British Columbia. Iceland, on the other THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 5 hand, and the northern parts of Sweden and Norway have very severe winters, and here for many months there reigns almost continuous night, brightened only by the wan, slant rays of the low-circling sun — when it appears at all — and by the weird splendor of the iridescent aurora borealis. But there are compensations in the brief sum mers. Continuous daylight then reigns in the Far North for several successive weeks ; the sun dominates the earth during most of the hours in the twenty-four, scarcely in terrupted by the brief, silvery nights formed by the union of twilight and dawn in an ethereal and mystical beauty — nights likely to inspire the visitor, at least for a brief space, with a feeling akin to reverence and awe. At this season the whole vegetable kingdom awakens and re sponds marvelously to the sun's enchantment. Plants grow with a speed scarcely exceeded in the tropics, and bloom and put forth mature fruit and seed before the deadening winter again closes down. Yet even the cli mate of Iceland has occasionally in modern times shown striking mildness; and the same variation was not un known in the olden days, as is evident from the testimony of contemporary accounts, that one winter of the eleventh century was so moderate that it was possible to build houses and fences in January and February.3 On the other hand, these same ancient records state that in the middle of June of a certain year the snow was so deep and frozen so hard that the men of Iceland went a-f oot to attend the summer session of parliament.3 A thousand years ago bogs and swamps were more nu merous in Scandinavia than now, and the forests were thicker and more extensive. Most of the original fen- and swamp-tracts, particularly those in Denmark and 2 Origines Islandicae, I, 270. » Ibid. 6 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Sweden, have long since been transformed into fertile fields ; while some of the early lakes are now TnTFens marshes. In the ancient days the woods were * in many cases impenetrable because of the heavy undergrowth of shrubbery. Great stretches were overgrown with heather, especially upon the sand-blown peninsula of Jutland; but a larger area of Denmark, southern Sweden, and Norway was also mantled with no ble forests of ash and alder, birch, oak, and beech, as well as with representatives of the coniferous evergreens. With the advance towards the north, most of the decidu ous trees gradually gave way, in the Norwegian-Swedish peninsula, to the conifers — fir, pine, spruce, and hemlock — such as furnish the abundant lumber supply for Nor wegian and Swedish commerce at the present time. Within the borders of the Lapland of to-day, the ever greens disappeared, and almost the only representatives of tree life were the rowan, or mountain ash, with its gay red berries, the birch, little more than a slender switch, and the willow, transformed by the rigorous Arctic climate into a mere trailing vine. In the present Iceland there is scarcely more of forest than in Lapland, and the kinds of growth are the same in the two lands ; but at the time when the island was settled by the Norsemen the trees were larger as well as more numerous. The state ment in the account of early colonization that the first comers found the land forested "from the mountains to the sea"4 may be something of an exaggeration, but it is quite clear that the forests of Iceland once covered a much larger area than now. As regards the size of the trees, we have not only the record of the early historians that the forests supplied timber large enough for the * Schonfeld, E. Dagobert, Der Islandische Bauernhof und sein Betreib zv/r Sagazeit, 3. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 7 building of ships as well as houses ; 5 but there is also the testimony of the swamps and bogs of the land. Here have often been found trunks of trees of much greater thickness than those growing in Iceland to-day. 6 Wild animal life, too, was more abundant in the an cient North. The rivers, lakes, and seas abounded in fish, particularly trout and salmon in the A . , _ ., „ , . , . , t.jt Animal Life fresh water, and herring and cod m the sur rounding ocean. Seals, whales, and walruses, as well as other water mammals, were plentiful, particularly close to the Polar Circle. Foxes and wolves were common throughout Scandinavia ; and in the forests of the conti nental part ranged wild cats, brown bears, common deer, red deer, reindeer, and elks. Small quadrupeds, such as the beaver and the marten, the hare and the squirrel, were also numerous. Polar bears from Greenland occasion ally visited Iceland, brought there upon the ice-floes. Hawks and falcons were especially prized among the land birds. Sea-fowl of many species and in great numbers swarmed about the coasts and islands, especially in the north; and of these the eider duck, found about Iceland and on the north and west coasts of Norway, was prob ably then, as now, the most highly prized. At the close of the eighth century the population of Scandinavia was very much less than now. It is idle to attempt definiteness as to the numbers, but it does not seem probable that the inhabitants inhabitants of that day were more than a small fraction of the present total of nearly ten millions.7 It was com- 6 Origines Islandicae, I, 31, 47. 8 Maurer, Konrad, Island von seiner ersten Entdeckung bis zum Unter- gauge des Freistaats, 15. 7 Professor Alexander Bugge believes that the population of Norway in 8 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE posed of various pre-historic elements as well as of the dominant Norse type, generally referred to by scholars as the real Scandinavians. The questions of the affinities and characteristics of the pre-historic peoples, of the order of their migration into the Northern lands, and of their relations to one another, have long puzzled scholars, and upon the answers they are by no means all agreed. The first inhabitants of the land must have entered it in the hoary past, shortly after the glaciers retreated,8 and it was perhaps they who left the primitive kitchen-middens, or refuse heaps, upon the coasts of Denmark and southern Sweden. Whether these aboriginal peoples moved away, were extirpated by later comers, or merged with them, or whether their descendants are still to be found in the Scandinavian North, a fairly distinguishable type, it seems impossible to determine with certainty. There is no doubt, however, that when the Teutonic^ settlers, who were the ancestors of the present-day blond Scandinavians, arrived they found already The Bru- established in the land a brunette people less nette Strain advanced than themselves. These older in- Scandina- habitants were still in the Old, or Rough, vian Popu- Stone stage of culture,9 while the invading lation Teutons used implements and weapons of skillfully chipped and polished stone; and they brought with them various kinds of domestic ani mals, some of which they probably used in the cultiva tion of the soil; 10 for before entering the Scandinavian lands they had progressed beyond the status of mere herdsmen. It is not impossible that several invasions this period was only about a ninth or a tenth as large as it is at present. Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. II, p. 221. s Hansen, Andr. M., Oldtidens Nordmaend, 2-3. 9 Keane, A. H., Mam: Past and Present, 515. i" Hansen, Oldtidens Nordmaend, 14, and passim. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 9 of dark peoples of inferior culture took place between the coming of the first dwellers in the land and the arrival of the immigrants of Teutonic blood. It is the question of the origin and character of these brunette people or peoples which has presented the greatest prob lem to students of pre-historic man in Scandinavia. Cer tain scientists hold that they belonged to the somewhat hypothetical Iberian wave of population which swept over Europe in the van of the Celts ; u others believe that they were representatives of the "Alpine race" of Ripley's classification.12 The type which is the subject of discussion was dark of hair and eyes, generally broad-skulled, and of medium, or short, stature. These people were not wiped out by the invading Teutons, but many of them in the southern part, — especially in Denmark where there was little chance for migration, — were conquered and enslaved. Farther north, they were crowded into narrow strips of land along the coast, or were driven into the more heavily forested parts of the interior. The blond new-comers meanwhile helped themselves to the best land in the river valleys and the grass-clad open spaces on the hill slopes, choosing territory which was desirable either for cultiva tion or for grazing. 13 Throughout Scandinavia, the dark people came in the course of time under the dominion of the Teutonic invaders and adopted their language and their culture. The result was to modify both classes of the population to a considerable extent physically; but, since Nature is fond of reverting to old forms, we may be 11 Ripley, William Z., The Races of Europe: a Sociological Study, 207- 208; Olrik, Axel, Nordisk Aandsliv i Vikingetid og tidlig Middelalder, 13-14. "Hansen, Oldtidens Nordmaend, 127; Ripley, Races of Europe, 207-211. is Hansen, Oldtidens Nordmaend, 14; Nansen, In Northern Mists, I, 209. 10 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE sure that the appearance of the pre-historic people con quered by the Scandinavian Teutons is pretty faithfully reflected in the distinctly un-Teutonic looking element in the present population— people of medium height or less, rather stocky of build, broad-skulled, and possessed of dark hair and eyes and regular features. This type is particularly well represented in Denmark, but here and there in the Scandinavian peninsula may also be seen patches of such a population, especially along the south western coast of Norway ; while on much of the remaining coast. and in the river valleys are found the purest repre sentatives of the blond Norse race.14 That the brunette strain was not contributed to the Scandinavian continental population, by the so-called Iberian race seems quite evident from the fact that the latter was characterized by long skulls. Neither were these early people Celtic in origin, as Nansen suggests, 15 — at least, not fundamentally so — for the true Celts were a tall, blonde people. It is1 more probable that they be longed to Ripley's short, dark, broad-skulled Alpine race. The people of Iceland, on the other hand, do display a distinct Iberian strain,16 presumably the result of im migration from the British Isles. Settlers Race Mix- from these islands antedated the Northern in Iceland immigrants into Iceland, and some of the earlier population probably remained after the coming of the Scandinavians and intermarried with the latter.17 But what was doubtless a more important dilution of the Northern blood in Iceland came through the subsequent arrival of Ibero-Celtic peoples from the i* Hansen, Oldtidens Nordmaend, 118-126; Ripley, Races of Eurove 210-211. ' " ' ib In Northern Mists, I, 210. io Ann andal e, Nelson, The Faroes and Iceland, 12, 219. " Nansen, In Northern Mists, I, 165-167. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 11 islands to the south. Some of these entered the land individually, as free settlers ; others immigrated because of marriage into Scandinavian families, settled tempo rarily in northern Britain or Ireland; while a consider able portion was brought in — particularly from Ireland — as slaves. A further ethnical question connected with the early North is the identity of the ' ' Finns ' ' of the Scandinavian peninsula, so frequently mentioned in the The "Rinn f°r the bonds of brotherhood were very Brother- close and dear. "Bare is the back of the hood brotherless," says a proverb of the period. It was undoubtedly this recognition of the need for brothers on the part of the brotherless man which led to the origin of the system of sworn- or blood- brotherhood, by which men, unrelated by birth, formed an artificial fraternal tie by literally mingling their blood in solemn ceremony. During the Viking Age the formal rites marking the new tie were as follows : a piece of turf several feet long was cut on the sides while the ends re mained fast to the ground. The strip thus made was raised from the ground,— the ends being still fastened — and braced up in such a manner as to form an arch, by means of a spear used as a support. This done, the two or more men who wished to unite in voluntary brother-, THE TIES OF KINSHIP AND NATIONALITY 25 hood gashed themselves and let their blood mingle to gether on the fresh earth under the arch. Then, upon their knees, after beseeching all of the gods to bear wit ness, each swore to avenge any wrong done the other as if they were own brothers. A hand-clasp sealed the ceremony, after which those who had entered the pact passed under the arch of sod.2 The ties thus formed were as sacred and binding as those of blood-relationship. In the viking period even men having kindred, brothers included, united themselves thus to other families of brothers. Naturally, the selection of one's sworn- brother was in such case determined by the fighting strength of the family with which the union was made, as well as by affection and congeniality of temperament. Such an artificial formation of the ties of brotherhood was not peculiar to ancient Scandinavia, but has existed among many other peoples at the stage where the strength of kindred means much, particularly among the Arabs. Family solidarity varied in different parts of the North during the early Middle Ages, but it was strongest in Denmark and Sweden, the lands earliest settled. Here, it manifested itself in many Family ways. The most distinct traces of ancestor Solidarity worship to be found in the Scandinavian mark and North are connected with the religion of these Sweden two countries ; and the persistence of the wor- ship was due to the prolonged emphasis of the bond of kindred. As the family lost its earlier solidarity in the late heathen age, ancestor worship degenerated into a common "cult of the dead."3 But other instances of 2 Gisla Saga Surssonar, 13-14. 8 Phillpotts, Bertha S., Kindred and CUm in the Middle Ages and After 272-273. 26 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE the strength of common blood survived in Denmark and Sweden well down into the Christian time, such as the use of the kinsmen's oath in freeing a man from a charge of crime. In Denmark, this method was used as proof in all laws; and in both countries the oath of twelve kinsmen played an especially important part. If a Dane, for instance, was accused of manslaughter, he could clear himself by taking an oath of innocence, supported by the oaths of eleven of his relatives, selected by the accusing side.4 In Denmark also, where family solidarity last disappeared, the community of interests was recognized by laws forbidding that quarrels between brothers and sisters over landed property be settled in the courts. Such disputes must be adjusted privately in a sort of family conference, in which "twelve of their best kins men" had a part.5 In some parts of Sweden, relatives of slaves had a right to buy the freedom of the latter, even against the wishes of the owners.6 Throughout continental Scandinavia, the kindred had certain claims upon ancestral land, called " 08 al land" in Norway, which must be recognized by the Land member of the family possessing the soil. If the owner wished to sell the property, he must make the fact known in order that heirs or other relatives might have an opportunity to purchase it, and the land thus be kept in the family. In some parts, even if the land had been sold out of the kindred, the law gave any member the standing right for many years of re purchasing it. No such regulations were found in Ice land because the settlements there were new, and land was comparatively abundant.7 But in Iceland as well * Ibid., 76, 99. e man 75_76. e Ibid., 99. 7 iud., 43. THE TIES OF KINSHIP AND NATIONALITY 27 as in Norway, — though seemingly not in the two older countries of Scandinavia, — we find the claims of family recognized by the law requiring that people be respon sible for their pauper relatives. A man was bound to support his parents, children, and brothers and sisters, if they were in want and unable to work, even if such an obligation resulted in his going into debt-thralldom ; and if his income exceeded a certain minimum, he was required to maintain still more distant kindred.8 The strength of blood-ties was also displayed through out Scandinavia in a very marked manner by the place occupied by the feud. In early pre-historic^-,. „ times, private settlement for injury was the, only settlement possible. And among the proud North men the code of honor declared that the wrong could be wiped out only by blood-revenge. Consequently, the natural kindred, augmented by relatives-in-law, foster- relatives, and blood-brothers, hunted down all male mem bers of families one member of which had done the wrong. Here was shown the responsibility of the whole kindred. A killing on one side, according to the existing code, c'alled for a counter-killing; and it mattered not who lost his life, so long as it was a member of the enemy family. Thus, in following up the feud, whole kindreds were at times wiped out, and frequently the enmities were handed down for several generations. After a fairly adequate system for the public administration of justice through law courts had developed, the feud still played an important part throughout Scandinavia — just as it does to-day in the mountains of Kentucky and *Ibid., 43-45. The customary right, existing during the heathen age, to expose infants, and to put to death, during periods of famine, old people who were dependents seems to have been a survival from very primitive times when kindred responsibility played little part. 28 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Tennessee and in Sicily — because it was by this time strongly entrenched in the traditions of the social or ganization. And the revenge which kindred tradition looked upon as a sacred duty, the laws of the land, molded by the force of public opinion, recognized as a right. Even after Christianity had become well established in the North, laws acknowledging and regulating the right of blood-revenge were in force. In Iceland, the feud was especially strong and per sistent, presumably because — in consequence of the man ner in which the island was settled — the inhabitants were particularly sensitive regarding matters of personal dig nity and honor. But, though the feud here displayed such strength, it is of interest to note that even near relatives at times refrained from joining the members of the family in their pursuit of blood-revenge — a result of the early disintegration of family solidarity in Ice land. Throughout Scandinavia the strength of blood ties was shown also by the laws for the payment of wergeld to a family in compensation for one of its members who had been killed, — a mode of settlement which tended to supplant the feud. Such laws were based upon the assumption that each man repre sented a certain economic value, was worth a certain amount to his family, the amount varying according to the social class of which he was a member; and if he was killed, in order to preserve peace, satisfactory dam ages must be paid by the family responsible for the economic loss. But in the matter of the wergeld Den mark and Sweden again show the greater family soli darity; for in these lands the ancient laws for its pay ment were still in force in the Middle Ages. These laws provided that the sum total to be paid must be made THE TIES OF KINSHIP AND NATIONALITY 29 up by the whole kindred of the slayer, and it must be divided among the kindred of the slain, whether all were his regular heirs or not. The amount of money paid and received by each person varied with the degree of rela tionship. In general, each degree of kinship paid one half less than the one nearer; and, similarly, each degree on the injured side received one half less than the degree nearer. A relative on one side paid to the corresponding relative on the other; grandfather, for example, paid to grandfather. Since the value of the dead man to his family was represented by a fixed sum, if the relatives of the murderer were few, each one must pay so much the more; if many, so much the less. In Sweden, as a rule, the mother's kindred received only half as much of the damages as the father's kindred, a recognition of paternal superiority.9 In Norway and Iceland, on the other hand, the manner of apportioning the wergeld in the viking period indi cates a distinct break with the traditions of family unity. It was no longer a matter which concerned the distant kindred, but only the heirs — as a rule, parents and chil dren on both sides. Theoretically, under the old system of responsibility, the laws for which were obsolete in Western Scandinavia, the murderer paid nothing towards the damages, for he was supposed to be outlawed and his property confiscated. As a matter of actual fact, in the Iceland of the saga-time, the slayer was the one who most frequently paid the wergeld, and paid it all; for promi nent men as a rule settled their troubles out of court. If, for any reason, the slayer did not pay, his heirs did, or the chieftain or priest of his district.10 In Norway, »Ibid., 68-99. 10 See below, pp. 298-299. Bertha Phillpotts has shown clearly that the parts of the old laws of Norway and Iceland, called baugatal in the latter 30 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE the breaking up of the kindred unit had progressed al most as far. The payment and receipt of wergeld were usually matters concerning only the slayer himself, his chieftain, and the immediate heirs on both sides.11 Probably the main reason for the weakening of ties binding the larger kindred in Iceland and Norway was migration, especially migration by sea.12 As was stated in the preceding chapter, some of the early settlers of Norway perhaps came from Denmark; and the spread of population over the Norwegian land, because of the fiord-indented coast, must have been largely by water. This broken-up character of the land, geographically, also made for personal independence among the immi grants, and worked against kinship solidarity. The same forces were influential to a much greater degree in Iceland, because of its isolation in the Atlantic, far from the motherland. To move to Iceland was to cut loose from kindred ; for the early settlers, as the records clearly show, rarely brought more than wife and children along, and many single individuals also immigrated. So, in the broad sense of the term, most settlers of Iceland were kinless.13 Far back in the pre-historic times, — perhaps before coming into the North, — the Scandinavians developed a group consciousness more comprehensive than that of kindred, but existing with it. This was due to the estab- country, had become dead letters by the saga-time. Kindred and Clan, 11 and pa&sim. 11 Phillpotts, Kindred and Clan, 20-67. wlUd., 35-37, 264-265. is Bertha Phillpotts has shown that migration had the same effect upon family solidarity among the first Teutons who settled in England. Here, as early as the seventh and eighth centuries, when the first light of his tory was thrown upon their institutions, the influence of kindred ties had been reduced to a minimum. The slight subsequent revival may be at tributed to the influence of settlers from Denmark, where kindred soli darity was exceedingly strong. Kindred and Clan, 205-245. THE TIES OF KINSHIP AND NATIONALITY 31 lishment of pohtical and military ties binding together a number of kindreds, living generally in a single geographical unit. These politico-mil- unity itary units were at first very small, but with the passage of time they grew by uniting. Such political development resulted from various influences : desire for community harmony; need for protection against adja cent enemy groups; the ambition of strong men, who, from military leaders, became chieftains or petty kings. At the first dawn of the historical period in the Scandina vian North, the largest political units were provinces, which, particularly in Sweden, stood out in a very definite manner, each possessing a distinct group solidarity, as is seen from the provincial laws of the period. To the Westmanlander and Gothlander, for example, other Scandinavians were "foreigners."14 The various pro vincial laws for the protection of life and property and defense of honor showed distinct partiality to natives of the province for which they were made.15 When, at the opening of the Viking Age, the personal ambition of some of the stronger of the petty kings of the provinces resulted in the unification of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, and the rise of the Scandinavian nations of to-day, a larger group consciousness of a po litical sort began to grow — though in a shifting manner, because of the long period of national instability — and the Danish Jutlander and Seelander came to feel them selves a little closer to each other, because they lived under the same sovereign and same national laws, than they did to the Swede or the Norwegian or Icelander. While, during the viking period, the people of the i* Phillpotts, Kindred and Clam,, 70; Guta-Lagh, 21. is Guta-Lagh, 21 ff. See below, p. 33. 32 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE North were growing conscious of the artificial national boundaries recently established about them, Racial Self- d the increasing differences in the char- Conscious- , n , -ai • j.i ness acter of government and laws within the na tions, they also came to recognize, seemingly as never before, the unity of race; they developed a group consciousness which included all of Scandinavian blood who spoke the common tongue of the North. The stimulation to the recognition of this larger grouping came largely from travel in foreign lands, on military or viking enterprises. When thrown into contact with people of different ethnical stock, they saw how much, as Northmen, they had in common. Not only were they bound together by linguistic unity and the consciousness of membership in the same ethnical group, but also by similarity or identity of manners and customs, and — most important of all — of religion ; for the fact that they alone of all the Teutonic peoples still clung to the ancestral heathen gods, while virtually all the Europeans with whom they associated when beyond their own borders were adherents of the vastly different Christian faith, was a powerful inducement toward the development of a Scandinavian nationality, social and racial in character. This Scandinavian group consciousness was also indi cated in the laws of the various political units of the North, but rather in a comparative than a positive man ner. In Iceland, where the feeling for kindred was least strong, and the recent historical connection with continen tal Scandinavia easily remembered, the feeling for race grouping was, as would be expected, unusually marked. It is noticeable in the laws of the republic concerning the payment of wergeld and the right of prosecution in the case of the killing of one not an Icelander. If a "foreign man" from the three kingdoms where "our tongue" is THE TIES OF KINSHIP AND NATIONALITY 33 spoken (Denmark, Norway, and Sweden) is killed in Ice land, runs the law, the relatives are to have the same right of prosecution as the Icelanders themselves; but foreigners not from lands where our tongue is spoken, cannot prosecute except in the case of father, son, or brother, and then only if the murdered man was known in Iceland.18 This provision might be explained in Ice land as merely a recognition of herself as a Scandinavian colony; but in Sweden whose geography would be ex pected to incline her to look to the east, and away from the other Scandinavian lands, and thus separate her from them, we find another set of laws showing by an interest ing gradation an acknowledgment of racial consciousness extending even to the British Isles. These are in the provincial code of West Gothland, which, ever partial to her own, placed the wergeld for a native West Goth at twenty-one marks; for a Swede, at a little more than thirteen ; for a Norwegian or Dane, at nine ; and for an Englishman, at six marks.17 is, III, 171. 17 Enander, Joh. A., Vara Fdders sirmelag Fomnordiska Karaktersdrag, 15. CHAPTER III CLASSES OF SOCIETY Edda a child brought forth: MoSir then brought forth a boy: they with water sprinkled in silk they wrapped him, its swarthy skin with water sprinkled him, and named it Thrall. and named him Jarl. Light was his hair, Amma a child brought forth: bright his cheeks, they with water sprinkled it, his eyes piercing as a and called it Karl. young serpent's. The mother in linen swathed Lay of Big. the ruddy red head; its eyes twinkled. While the Northmen loved freedom and were in some respects democratic, no such thing as social equality was to be found among them ; an aristocratic sys- CharacteV10 ^em was *n ^ orce> as nas heen true of all peo- of Society pies in the earlier stage of their development. Birth and wealth, as a rule, determined the social stratification; but leadership within a class was accorded to only those really qualified and personally worthy. A leader was chosen on the basis of what he himself could do, not upon the record of his ancestors. Iceland, in particular, emphasized family connections, and even at the present day that nation perhaps pays more attention to genealogical records, and takes more pride in long ancestral lines than any other people in the world. In determining social position, land was the most influential kind of wealth throughout the North, though to a lesser degree in Iceland, where it was more 34 CLASSES OF SOCIETY 35 plentiful, than elsewhere. On the continent, much em phasis was placed on the possession of ancestral land, which, consequently, was highly prized. In general, each subdivision of society had its place, which it was expected to keep. In the great banqueting halls there were high seats and low, suited to the rank of all comers, those for the most humble being nearest the door; and in the public burying-grounds, introduced after the adoption of Christianity, the nobles were en tombed in the most sacred ground, beside the church, and beyond them, outward, were buried the other classes in descending order, the slaves being nearest the wall of the church-yard.1 The divisions existing in life were thus preserved even after death. Class discrimination was, however, felt most in connection with legal and gov ernmental matters : in determining the amount of wergeld which must be paid if a member of the population was wronged or killed ; in the composition of the juries ; and in the exercise of legislative and judicial power at the pohtical assemblies. Yet, the social division was one of class, not of caste. People of unequal social grade were occasionally united in legal marriage ; and it was possible — and in some cases, quite easy — to rise by other means from a lower social rank to a higher one. In Iceland, where society was more fluid because of the newness of , the country, and where wealth was more easily obtained, such class shiftings were less uncommon than upon the , > continent. To classify the whole Scandinavian people of the early Middle Ages in one set of social pigeon-holes . is impossible, because conditions varied in classes , s different parts of the land. Iceland, in j ;, particular, showed certain important modifications and [ [ i Norges Gamle Love, I, 391-392. 36 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE omissions. Broadly speaking, the continental population may be said to have come under the following headings, some of these in turn being marked by divisions of minor importance: (1) slaves of all sorts; (2) freedmen, com posed of ex-slaves and a number of generations of their descendants; (3) boendr, the great landed middle class, ranging from the petty freeholder to the holdr, or proud possessor of ancestral soil; (4) nobles, made up in the early times of hersir, or patriarchal chieftains, but re placed, after the political unification of the lands, by lendirmenn, who were the kings' liegemen; (5) "high born men," including jarls, who were also the kings' liegemen and superintendents, and the kings themselves and their families. In Iceland, the first two classes existed with practically the same composition. But among the boendr there was very httle of sub-stratification, since here less impor tance was attached to the possession of allodial soil; while, in the Orkneys and ' Shetlands this seems to have been emphasized as much as in Norway.2 Iceland also lacked the noble and "high-born" classes — in the con tinental sense — since it was a republic during the period considered. The only men in the country who corre sponded in any degree to the continental nobles were the district chieftains, or priests, who rather belonged to the upper ranks of the boendr. Slavery, or thralldom, was very common throughout the North during the period in question, and it is prob- Slavery able that the system was at this time thou sands of years old. But it does not seem likely that the slaves ever formed a very large fraction of the population. They were held by only the well-to- 2 Johnston, A. W., "Orkney and Shetland Historical Notes," in Saga Book, vol. VIII, 211-264. CLASSES OF SOCIETY 37 do, or rich, and perhaps not more than twenty or thirty were found, as a rule, even on the largest Scandinavian farms. The ranks of slavery were recruited in several ways : many were born into native thralldom ; great num bers were purchased from foreign slave merchants; still others were introduced to compulsory servitude through capture in foreign wars or viking raids, Celts, especially those from Ireland, being the most common bondmen of this class from the west, and Finns and Slavs, from the east; and even free Scandinavians themselves were occasionally enslaved as punishment for debt or for more serious offenses and crimes; or they sold their children for the purpose of wiping out debt ; sometimes also a man who found it impossible to support and protect himself voluntarily surrendered his freedom. In Sweden such a voluntary bondman was known as a "gift thrall." 3 The thralls found in Scandinavia at the opening of the Viking Age were perhaps largely descendants of the part of the population subjugated by the blonde Norse. Most important among these were the short, brunette people already mentioned as having preceded the Teutons into the land. These probably formed the lowest class of bondmen. The subjugated native slaves were later aug mented from the northern Finns or Lapps; and there seems good reason to believe that when the Swedes con quered their neighbors, the Goths, they in some cases made slaves of them.4 But it is not likely that at any time the thralls of Scandinavian blood were numerous, for slavery was not a common punishment for crime, and debt bondage was only temporary, unless the amount owed was equivalent to the value of a slave; moreover, s Eriksen, A. E., "Om Traeldom hos Skandinaverne,'' in Nordisk Uni- versitets-Tidskrift for 1861, no. Ill, pp. 10-12; no. IV, pp. 84-95. *Ibid., no. IV, p. 84; Bugge, Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. II, 227. 38 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE a wife could not be committed to slavery for debt without the consent of the family to which she belonged. With the increased activities beyond the seas which charac terized the last period of heathendom, however, slavery became more important in the North, because of the more common use of foreign thralls. The bondmen of foreign blood were, not infrequently, people of high birth who held positions of honor in their own lands. In some cases, they were carried off in warring raids merely for the purpose of demanding a heavy ransom; if this was not paid, they became the slaves of their conquerors. The daughters and wives of foreign chieftains or kings, particularly if they were beautiful, were occasionally also taken, to become the slave-mistresses of their captors, or to be sold to others.5 " Bondmen in ancient Scandinavia appear to have been treated very much as were the Negro slaves in the United States. The high-spirited Northern people of Slaves so l°ved freedom as to have, as a rule, a lively contempt for those who were not in enjoy ment of it, even though these latter were in servitude because of no fault of their own. Before the law, slaves were not persons, but property, like livestock; and when they were hopelessly sick or too old to work, they might be turned out to die, like the other domestic animals. In Norway, even after Christianity had been introduced, the thrall who had become too feeble to work might be taken to the church-yard and placed in a grave prepared for him, where he was left to perish. Slaves were per haps also frequently required to follow their masters and mistresses to their graves, through being put to death on the funeral pyre.6 The life of the slave was 'Eriksen, "Om Traeldom," in Nordisk Vnivs.-Tidskr., for 1861 no. Ill, PP- 4, 10. • Bugge, Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. II, 238-239. See below, pp. 419-t20. CLASSES OF SOCIETY 39 always held lightly, and his master might maim or kill him with impunity — unless the act took place at certain holy periods — but the law required that the killing be publicly announced upon the day oh which it took place.7 If a man killed the bondman of another, he must pay damages, as for other property, and if such payment were made within thirty days, the owner. might not seek revenge, unless the slave were put to death to secure revenge on the master. Except in rare cases, no slave might be a witness or take an oath ; hence, like the African slave of antebellum days in the United States, he had no rights which the master was bound to respect. A person who was in temporary thralldom for debt was ^•treated like other bondmen, except that he might not be ;sold or driven to work with blows, unless he were stub born.8 But if the slave was not permitted to enjoy the rights of society, he also escaped most of its duties. His mas ter was entirely responsible for his actions. All bond men were exempt from military service, except in the case of a great crisis, in which case free and slave alike must go. If a master violated this law and took his slave to foreign parts for military service, he forfeited his owner ship and the man became free, or was confiscated by the king. It was also illegal to sell a slave out of the coun try, except for crime ; but there was nothing to prevent a master from taking his slave abroad as a personal ser vant or as a cook.9 The working hours of the slave were long and hard, and his food, clothing, and housing provisions were of the simplest. But glimpses are given in the sagas of t Grdgds, III, 189-190. sEriksen, "Om Traeldom," in Nordisk Univs.-Tidskr. for 1861, no. Ill, 10; IV, 86. » Ibid., no. Ill, 32-33; no. IV, 87-89, 96. 40 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE cheering exceptions to this. The household slaves, as in the case in Negro slavery in the United States, were often well treated and became attached to the family. This was especially true of the men and women who assumed virtually the whole care and training of the children in the homes of the wealthy. These, like the "mammies" in the South, were frequently regarded by the children as second parents. Occasionally, also, thralls were per mitted to accumulate property and were given positions of trust. One thrall is mentioned who became adviser of the king, and later rebelled against him.10 No prohibition existed against the sale, within the coun try, of one who was a life-slave; but the sale must take place in a legal manner, and in the presence of witnesses. The price of slaves varied, but it generally ranged fromi one to three marks of silver (eight to twenty-four ounces). The customary price for a woman was one mark, but three times this amount was not unheard of. In some places, the purchaser was permitted by law to take the slave on trial, with the right of returning him within a certain time, if not satisfied. In the Swedish island of Gotland the time limit for trial was six days. On the seventh day the thrall must be returned or the money for him paid down.11 In some parts of the North there were fugitive slave laws, which encouraged the ap prehension of runaways by offering rewards. In. Nor way if the slave was captured in the district in which he belonged, the reward was one eyrir (one ounce of silver) ; but if he had fled farther, it was two. When a bondman was hired out by his owner, the temporary master was responsible if the slave lost his life through any evident 10 Ibid., no. Ill, 45 ; Du Chaillu, Paul B., The Viking Age, I, 512-513. nEriksen, "Om Traeldom," in Nordisk Univs.-Tidskr. for 1861, no. Ill, 60; no. IV, 92; Guta-Lagh, 67-68. CLASSES OF SOCIETY 41 carelessness on the part of the former. Likewise, if the slave was sent home alone and ran away, the one who had hired him was responsible.12 Slaves were permitted to marry, but, as in the United States, marriage ties between them were often ignored by the master for the sake of financial gain, - , . .. Children of and, in general, sex morals among them slaves were loose. Children of slave parentage on one side had a status which varied with the section and also with circumstances ; but generally the law gave them the rank of the mother. In some parts of Sweden, how ever, children of a marriage between slave and free par ents were free ; and under the East Gotland law, a master was required to provide for his children begotten by a slave. The Danish laws, on the other hand, declared the child of a slave mother to be a slave, but the father could free it by paying the mother's owner three marks. In Iceland, at least, children of a debtor slave must be reared in slavery.13 Even in heathen times masters often voluntarily freed their slaves; and the emancipation movement was ac celerated by the introduction of Christianity into the North. Many received their free- tion dom in recognition of special service, or deeds of marked heroism ; but more escaped from thrall- dom through their masters giving them part of their time in which to work for themselves, and thus to accumu late money for the purchase of their liberty. The ranks of the freedmen were also considerably augmented, — especially in Sweden, — as a result of the relatives of bondmen supplying the price of liberty. Emancipation 12 Norges Gamle Love, I, 35. "Eriksen, "Om Traeldom," in Nordisk Univs.-Tidskr. for 1861, no. Ill, 12,40,90; no. IV, 99- 42 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE was celebrated and sealed in a formal manner through out the North. In Norway, a ceremonial banquet, called a "freedom ale," was held by the thrall about to receive his liberty. The details of this were prescribed by law. Throughout the land a certain amount of malt must be used in brewing the ale, and in the north of Norway, slave and master must slaughter a wether for the feast in a ceremonial manner. The master and mistress were guests of honor at the banquet, at which the price of liberty — if this was secured by purchase — was paid down in the presence of witnesses. As the result of custom and law, the price demanded of a slave who gained free dom through his own labor was often very low, in Nor way being only a fourth of market value.14 If slaves were to be freed by relatives, some laws re quired that the relatives appear at a specified meeting of the popular assembly, and pay over the purchase money to the master, stating on oath at this time that by so doing they freed the bondman. Such freedmen were, consequently, said to be "freed by money and the oath of relatives." After the introduction of Christianity, emancipation wjas solemnized in some parts by means of a religious ceremony. In Iceland, for instance, the man who was to receive his freedom was required to appear at the popu lar assembly and to swear with his hand upon the cross in the presence of witnesses to keep the laws of the land as did "the man who kept them well." To the chieftain- priest who administered the oath and "led him in the law" he must pay a small fee. But manumission under the auspices of the church appears to have especially characterized Norway, where, through the influence -"Ibid., no. Ill, 54-57; Norges Gamle Love, I, 33-212; Wergeland, Agnes Mathilde, Slavery in Germanic Society during the Middle Ages, 94 CLASSES OF SOCIETY 43 of the new religion, as early as the eleventh century the laws decreed that a slave must be emancipated at Christ- mastide in every province, each district in the province contributing towards the' purchase money. The cere monies connected with such cases of manumission — and perhaps other cases also — were held in the church. In some instances the priest uttered the formula of manu mission after placing a copy of the Gospels upon the head of the thrall; but the proclamation of freedom might be made with the slave seated upon the chest of arms which occupied a place below the master's seat; or the slave might even be permitted to sit in the seat of honor itself.15 Though the ex-slave was in one manner or another initiated into the non-servile part of society, the complete emancipation of himself and his descendants was a slow and gradual process. The delay "edmen was intended, on the one hand, to prevent Leysings him and his from becoming a burden upon society or a menace to it; and, on the other, to protect them from designing persons until they were capable of protecting themselves. During the transition stage between the status of the slave and that of the freeman, the ex-thrall was called a ley sing, or f reedman. At times the two words were used interchangeably, but, in general, "freedman" meant one to whom freedom was given, while a leysing was an ex-thrall who had redeemed him self. Broadly speaking, the latter was freer than the former.16 The differences were, however, not sufficiently emphasized to make it possible to regard them in a dis- 15 Eriksen, "Om Traeldom," in Nordisk Vnivs.-Tidskr. for 1861, no. Ill, 53; no. IV, 90, 92, 100; Grdgds, III, 190-191; Wergeland, Slavery in Germanic Society, 118, 132-133. i» Wergeland, Slavery in Germanic Society, 133, 143. 44 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE cussion of the transition state; consequently, the word "freedman" is here employed to include all ex-bondmen —regardless of how they escaped their bonds— who had not yet entered into the full rights and privileges of freemen. In some cases, the ex-thrall was required to work for his former owner for a year after being emancipated; if he violated his duty during this time, his master might re-enslave him. At the end of the probation period, if the freedman had found favor in the eyes of his master, he might rise rapidly. But such cases were rare. More frequently, after the initial act of emancipation had taken place, a new relationship lasting for several genera tions was begun between the freedman 's family and the master's family. The tie binding the two was of the nature of wardship, and carried with it various rights and obligations on both sides, which gradually decreased as time passed. The freedman 's son, for instance, had more of absolute independence than his father, and took a higher rank in society, as is shown by the higher wer geld which might be demanded for his death. But while the ties between the two were still close, the freedman was, in a sense, a member of the master's family. For this reason many of the prominent settlers of Iceland brought their freedmen out with them; and the same was true of the settlers of the Danelaw in England.17 For a period, the master's family must supply the freed men with the necessaries of life, if they could not supply themselves. In view of this obligation, the laws in some parts forbade freedmen or their descendants from marry ing without the consent of the head of the family to which they had once been attached as slaves. During the heathen period, if a pair of freed people married it Seebohm, Frederic, Tribal Custom in Anglo-Saxon Law, 353. CLASSES OF SOCIETY 45 without securing proper consent and had children who were paupers, the master had a legal right to put the children — if there were two — into an open grave and leave them there until one died, — after which he must take out the other and care for it.18 By way of compensation for his responsibilities, the master was the heir of his ex-slave if the latter died without children, and was the next heir after any children that might be born. But as time passed and a more extensive free kindred was formed, any relative could inherit before the master's family. However, the right of inheritance could be long claimed by the master's descendants; in Norway, the right descended "to the ninth knee." Not till nine generations had passed did the master's descendants lose the right to property left by heirless descendants of the ex-slave.19 As has been already stated, the introduction of Chris tianity hastened the complete abolition of slavery throughout Scandinavia. In Norway and Iceland the institution probably disappeared Disappear- some time in the twelfth century ; for slaves slavery in are not mentioned in writings of later date. Scandinavia In Denmark, it persisted until much later, probably not dying out until the fourteenth century; while in Sweden, which longest resisted christianization, thralldom survived a little longer still.20 The cause for the persistence of slavery in Denmark, where Christianity was first introduced in i • i.x Serfdom in the North, was serfdom, which was brought Denmark into the country quite early through feudal ism. Hence, slavery and serfdom existed side by side, is Norges Gamle Love, I, 33. is Seebohm, Tribal Custom, 265-267. 2°Eriksen, "Om Traeldom," in Nordisk Univs.-Tidskr. for 1861, IV, 108-109. 46 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE and the former was accordingly prolonged. A second bad effect of feudal influence was that it added to the hardships of the freedman, and made it more difficult for him to rise in the social scale. However, serfdom did not extend north of Denmark, and did not even affect the whole of that country, but was restricted to the islands of Seeland, Laaland, Falster, and Moen.21 Economically, the freedmen were generally identified with the free laborers or cottiers, who formed the hum blest part of the non-servile population. Laborers ^^e f°rmer were very limited in number, because of the existence of slavery in the North; and, as it was very easy for them to become cottiers, — which perhaps many of them were in later life, — they were not named separately in classifying the Scandinavian population. Though perhaps most of the free laborers came from the slave class, some were people who had, for one reason or another, failed to succeed economically among the higher ranks of the freemen. Sometimes poor folk of this sort became the servants of well-to-do relatives. A few of the laborers were im migrant foreigners. As this laboring class was entirely free, those who were out of work might travel about from place to place looking for employment. When they did so, like the rest of the free population, for the sake of protection they went armed. Once employed, the la borer was less free to leave an undesirable situation than at the present time, for he was generally hired for a certain period, and in most parts there were laws for the protection of the employer. Such laws allowed the mas ter to whip disobedient or defiant servants. Wages were fairly definitely fixed also, by law or custom, except per haps in Iceland, where influences already referred to, 21 Ibid., 92. CLASSES OF SOCIETY 47 made conditions better in many ways for the serving classes. But, on the whole, the free laborers were treated kindly; they had protection under the law against unjust or dishonest masters, and enjoyed, as well, the legal rights of all free people. However, certain political privileges were closed to the free laborer and the cottier in Iceland — most probably elsewhere also — and neither could serve on a jury of neighbors.22 The humblest member of society having a dwelling of his own was the cottier, or cottager, called Jcotkarl in Ice land, and husmadr in Norway. He was per haps most frequently a freedman, and corre sponded closely to the Norwegian husmand, or houseman, of the present day. The cottiers formed a fairly large fraction of the population and were tenants of the proud boendr. Their homes were small cots or huts, structures of one room and a loft, furnished in a simple manner. They paid their rent for the small piece of land which they cultivated, either in labor or in kind, and at times also worked for their landlords for wages. During the early Middle Ages this class was in a happier position than it was later, after the humbler part of the popula tion had been ground down by the kings and the nobility ; for the Viking Age brought a prosperity to the whole North in which the cottiers had a small share indirectly ; and, furthermore, there was nothing to prevent them from trying their fortunes over seas as well as the richer men, for they could go as sailors. Above the freedmen and the freemen who Bdendr or were mere laborers or cottagers, were the *"*" boendr, who formed the great middle class, or backbone, of Scandinavian society. Though some of MWeinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 429-431; "B6ndi," in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary. 48 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE the large tenants of farms were classed as boendr, this was an exceptional use of the term, which was almost exclusively bound up with full ownership of land, and was virtually synonymous with freeholder. Since the population of the Scandinavian North during the early Middle Ages was completely rural, this great body of agriculturalists held a position of dignity and impor tance. The boendr had full political and judicial rights, and in the early viking period were proud, liberty-loving people, who did not hesitate to defy kings as well as nobles when their rights were jeopardized. But towards the close of the era, because of the encroachment of the wealthier freeholders, and the oppression of the nobles and the kings, the smaller boendr were thrust into a less honorable position. ¦ Some of them seem to have lost their freeholds entirely; for evidence indicates that during this time many of the smaller, independently-owned lands were merged with the larger estates of the wealthy, made wealthier through trading and viking expeditions.23 In time, the boendr also lost some of their liberty. As early as the middle of the tenth century, they were, in Denmark, forced to work on the king's estates and to build castles for him ; 2i but farther north they retained a greater degree of their former independence, for Nor way, and, to a still lesser degree, Sweden, were scarcely touched by feudal ideas.25 In consequence of these changes, in Denmark and Norway "bondi" (the singular form of the word) soon became a term of contempt, used with reference to the common, low people, as op posed to the nobles and king; very much as "boor," in 23 Bugge, Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. II, 227-228. 2*Bugge, Alexander, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse paa Nordboernes og saerlig Nordmaendenes ydre Kultur, Livesaet, og Samfundforhold i Vikinae- tiden, 138. ,?5Lie, Mikael H., Lensprincipet i Norden, 55. CLASSES OF SOCIETY 49 England, derived from Anglo-Saxon gebur, took on an uncomplimentary meaning. In Sweden, the word seems to have retained its higher meaning much longer, for here the king had less power ; and certain provinces long remained practically autonomous. Dalecarlia was the best example of these, and here the peasants even now display a proverbial degree of self-esteem and independ ence of mind. In Iceland, a republic founded as a pro test against royal oppression, there was no lowering of the status of the agricultural freeholders; in the Ice landic sagas the word "bondi" is frequently used of the most prominent men — poets, priests, law-speakers, and warriors; and the same honorable sense is retained in the island to-day,' for the Icelandic bondi corresponds more closely to the American farmer than to the Euro pean peasant. The Scandinavians of the continent distinguished be tween different kinds of freehold, and, consequently, between the freeholders themselves. The owner of othal, or allodial, soil was most * ' boendr, honorable of all boendr, and longest retained or Hauldar his position. The othalmen, to distinguish them from the humbler freeholders, were known as hauldar (singular, hbldr) ; and corresponded closely to the higher yeomen of Northern England. In the vik ing time and later, othal land might be acquired in various ways : in payment of wergeld ; in return for fos tering the child of another; through a sort of feudal inheritance, called branderfS; 26 as a grant from the king, — generally in return for special services; by means of 2« The word literally means "burnt inheritance," and dates back to the heathen time when the bodies of the dead were still burned. It was a kind of clientela, by which a strong and wealthy man gave protection and support to a weaker one while he lived, in return for which he secured full right to inherit the latter's property. 50 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE unbroken possession of the land for thirty or more years ; or as a result of inheritance from one's forefathers.27 Most othal soil of the earliest historical period was prob ably of ancestral origin. The importance of ancestral territory is emphasized by all of tlie ancient laws of continental Scandinavia,28 but the term "othal" is pe culiar to Norway and to the Shetlands and Orkneys, — which were closely connected with Norway politically — and in these parts of the North genuine othal land was carefully distinguished from soil that was merely ancestral. The former must have been handed down in unbroken succession from father to son for a definite number of generations; Gulathing's Law, the oldest code for Norway, says that it must have belonged to the grandfather's grandfather — or have been handed down in regular order for five generations.29 The same re quirement applied to the Orkneys and Shetlands ; 30 but the Frostathing's code, of later date, prescribed only three generations,31 which appears to indicate that as time passed less importance was attached to ancestral tenure. Perhaps largely in consequence of the honor attached to the possession of it, family land — particularly othal soil — was the most highly prized possession of the North man. It was partially inalienable through the laws gov erning its sale, and was further guarded by the regula tions governing inheritance. As a rule women could not inherit it ; but in the absence of near male relatives, such territory might "come under the rule of the spindle" n Norges Gamle Love, I, 91, 249-250; Johnston, "Orkney and Shetland," in Saga Book, vol. VIII, pt. II, 211-264. 28 See pp. 26-27, 426-427. 29 Norges Gamle Love, I, 91, 237. »o Johnston, "Orkney and Shetland," in Saga Book, vol. VIII, pt. II, 211-264. 8i Norges Gamle Love, I, 237. CLASSES OF SOCIETY 51 — that is, fall to a woman.32 But, apparently in the hope of keeping it in the original kindred group, if possible, there were additional laws forbidding a man from sell ing his wife *s land unless he had children by her.33 The birth of a child definitely cut off all claim to the soil on the part of the wife's relatives, for the child inherited it from the mother, and the father was, in turn, the child's heir. It is impossible to say what proportion of the boendr of Norway were hauldar or othalsmen on the eve of Iceland's settlement; but they probably formed a strong minority, and perhaps held the larger part of the free hold soil. It was the attempt of King Harold Hairfair to impose taxes upon their othal land, — which had always been held tax-free, in absolute right, — that caused great numbers from the upper classes of Norwegian society to flee from what they looked upon as tyranny and op pression and to settle in Iceland. Contemporary records of Iceland, however, make no mention of othal, presum ably because it was fairly easy for all comers to secure land, and such soil was held in full title. Partly in con sequence of this fact, there was less definite stratification in the bondi class of Iceland than upon the continent; but among the wealthier and more influential freeholders of the island much the same pride of position and love of display was found as existed in the older parts of Scandinavia. This was true not only of the men who held their land by inheritance but also of the wealthier of those who had secured theirs by purchase. These owners of real estate rarely traveled about the country alone, for their importance was largely estimated by the size of their train of followers, made up of freemen, sz Norges Gamle Love, I, 92. s3 Valdemar den Andens Jydske Lov, 54, 56; Biarkoa Riitten, 2; Erics Sjellandske Lov, 30; Guta-Lagh, 59-62. 52 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE called huskarlar, and thralls ; hence, such a retinue was a regular establishment with many. Some of the Ice landers had a hundred or more such men about them Avhen they rode through the country.34 This was more generally true, however, of the godar, or priest-judges of Iceland, than of the other boendr. In the prehistoric early part of the viking period, there was in continental Scandinavia a class of men corresponding somewhat closely to the Ice- Lendirmmn landic gooar of later date. Since they be longed to the unrecorded past, it is rather difficult to say just what their positions were; but in view of the political character of the time, it seems un likely that they were vassals of the petty kings. More probably, they were virtually independent local chief tains, holding office by hereditary right or by election. Like the goSi of Iceland, they administered justice, cared for the temples, and superintended the religious sacri fices ; 35 but they were also the local military leaders, and headed the her, or host, when it went into battle. There seems to be some connection between these men, called hersar, and the herads, the small territorial divi sions early existing in Sweden and Norway ; and it is pre sumable that the chieftains had general administrative authority over these local units. In the ancient times the hersar evidently came from the higher ranks of the boendr. However, at the time of Harold Hairf air in Norway a change took place ; as the king extended his dominion, the hersar lost much of their independence and became royal liegemen, receiving their land and whatever authority they exercised di- »* Origines Islandicae, I, 90; II, 396; GlUma, 74, 76, 83. sb Phillpotts, Bertha S., "Temple Administration and Chieftainship in pre-Christian Norway and Iceland," in Saga Book, VIII, 264-285. CLASSES OF SOCIETY 53 rectly from the king, as opposed to the boendr whose land was freehold and remained so in spite of Harold's attempt to transform it into some sort of tributary hold ing. For a short time the old name was still used, but soon lendirmenn, or landed men, was substituted, as an indication of the change in the chieftains' rank and office. The "landed men" were nobles and were dis tinctly above the hauldar, but, at first, at least, their dignity was not hereditary. Since they received their Un, or fief, and their authority from the king, they were his right-hand men. Long before the provinces of continental Scandinavia were centralized into nations, a class of men called jarlar exercised influence. In some cases they were identical with the higher hersar, but, on the whole, they were more powerful. From their ranks Ruric, the founder of the Russian nation, and Hrolf, the first "duke" of Normandy seem to have come. At home, in many instances, they were sovereign chiefs, having the same power as the petty kings of the time who were their neighbors, and differing from the kings only in name. In the old poetry we find that the kings and jarls were addressed in the same manner ; and even as late as the national period, as the sagas prove, the kings treated some of the jarls as their peers. With the political centralization of the North, the jarls as well as the hersar were transformed into liegemen by the kings, and held lens, or fiefs, from them. But because of their greater original power they were classed, socially, above the lendirmenn, and, with the kings, were "high-born" men. Greater authority was theirs also, for they acted as special powerful agents or represen tatives of the kings. That the Scandinavian system of "landed men" was 54 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE copied from the feudal practices in force farther south is patent. Charlemagne's administrative Scan- system appears to have furnished the -model Feudalism for the Northern rulers, particularly for Harold Hairfair of Norway.36 But nowhere during the early Middle Ages did real feudalism exist in the North ; at most, it was a mild adaptation. Instead of being given new and greater authority, in consequence of becoming the king's "men," the landirmenn and jarls simply had the power which they already enjoyed ad justed to changed conditions. Harold's jarls had more of a general political, than a military, character; and their positions were not hereditary. The Northern chieftains, through receiving a "fief" from the kings, merely became their officers, or superintendents. In Denmark, it is true, because of German influence, the nobles were more independent; but in no part of the North at this period did a .highly developed system of personal service and protection have place, as in the remainder of Europe. The nobles had virtually no claims upon the boendr, at least in the Scandinavian peninsula, and were not a privileged class in the feudal sense of the term.37 Since the kings of the saga period had but recently emerged from the class of sovereign chieftains, they were, even in the early national era, in some m respects, merely high-born men, like the jarls; but in the exercise of political power they were in a class by themselves. Yet, the facts that in the pre- national time they were permitted to rule only during good behavior, and that for some time after political s« Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse, 122-127. m Ibid., Lie, Lensprinsdpet, 22-55. CLASSES OF SOCIETY 55 centralization, the royal office was elective, prevented the early Scandinavian kings from acquiring very erroneous ideas as to their own personal superiority over the upper classes within their realms. They were easily accessible to their own subjects, and also to visitors from neighboring lands. The humble man who felt himself wronged might present his griev ance in person; the adventurous warrior from Iceland or from his own dominions could offer his military serv ices in the same manner ; had a wandering skald or saga- man a poem to recite or a story to tell for the enter tainment of a Northern sovereign, he himself broached the matter to the royal personage ; and even the Scandi navian fellow with a polar bear from Greenland, to be offered as a "commercial gift" to the king, was permitted to enter the hall and personally tender his unique bid for royal favor. Partly for the purpose of keeping in close touch with their subjects, but also in order to over see the administration of their dominions, the Northern kings went on regular circuits through their kingdoms, taking each district in turn. While on such progresses, they were accompanied by a large number of retainers, and it was the duty of their subjects to provide hospi tality for the company. The kings' "landed men" had similar rights while upon circuits within the smaller po litical units which they helped administer. The places of entertainment, the length of stay at each, as well as other matters in this connection, were, however, care fully regulated by law.38 As a considerable part of the sovereigns' time was taken up in these progresses, much of the financial support of the royal establishment came directly from the subjects. The remainder was made up ss See "Veizla" in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary. 56 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE from the income from the kings' private estates, tribute paid by conquered chieftains, other direct taxes, monopo lies, court fines, and tolls levied upon foreign traders.39 3» See below, pp. 196, 223, 310-312. CHAPTER IV INFANCY, CHILDHOOD, AND YOUTH A son, though late born after his father's death, is better than none. Few road-stones stand by the wayside that were not raised by son for father. The Guest's Wisdom. Scandinavian parents of ancient times generally de sired and welcomed children; to be without offspring was looked upon as a real calamity, and child less couples prayed to the goddess Freyia. ExP°sure But in the early North, — like in ancient Greece and Rome and present-day China, — parents occa sionally voluntarily rid themselves of their children im mediately after birth. The baby was placed in an open grave in the woods, or by the roadside, to be devoured by wild beasts, to die from starvation or the effects of the weather, or to be rescued and adopted by a merciful passer-by. Various considerations moved fathers and mothers to such conduct, but poverty or unwillingness to trouble with the rearing of the infant were perhaps the most usual. Sometimes ill feeling between the husband and the wife was thus visited upon their offspring. Ille gitimate children, because of the stigma attached to the mother, were more frequently cast out than those born in wedlock. Occasionally a bad dream or some other superstitious influence resulted in the destruction of the child. In those uncertain times when there was such great need for a strong physique, weakly or deformed 57 58 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE babies were also seldom reared ; likewise, girls, since they could not perform military service as well as their brothers, were more frequently exposed than boys. The fact that among many barbarian peoples new-born in fants are not thought of as possessing a personality, also helps explain this practice among a people so advanced as the Scandinavians of the viking period.1 But that the custom had fallen into disrepute by the earliest his toric period in the North is evident from the saga state ment that though the law permitted parents to cast their children away, "it was thought an evil deed."2 The attitude of disapproval may have been caused to some extent by pre-historic Christian influence. But a tenderness of heart and an unwillingness wan tonly to destroy life was sometimes indicated in the man ner in which the child was exposed. If poverty was the motive forcing parents to cast out their child, they often supplied it with salt pork or other food to suck, wrapped it warmly, and placed it beside the highway in the hope that life might be preserved until it should be found by some one willing to rear it. Similarly, the mother at times saved the life of her child after the father had given instructions for its exposure, by bribing the ser vant or slave ordered to dispose of it to take the infant to people who would rear it. The fate of the new-born baby generally rested with the father, or, in his absence, with the male relative who acted as head of the family ; but in some cases The Nam- the aecision was left with the mother. The mg Cere- . mony matter was considered promptly after birth; and if it was decided to rear the child, the latter was washed, wrapped in swaddling clothes, and i Todd, Arthur James, The Primitive Family as an Educational Aqency, 127. 2 Origines Islandicae, II, 583. INFANCY, CHILDHOOD, AND YOUTH 59 given a name. The naming of an infant was looked upon as giving it a spiritual existence and membership in the family, and to expose it after this was counted as murder.3 The father, or some other male relative of rank, generally officiated at the naming ceremony. He sprinkled the child with water, signed it with "Thor's holy hammer," and pronounced the name by which it should be known.4 The resemblance of this heathen cere mony to the ordinance of child-christening in the Chris tian church is obvious, and there is reason to believe that some of the points possessed in common were due to conscious imitation on the part of the Scandinavians, resulting from early contact with the Christian ceremony in Southern Europe. It seems that originally the plac ing of the child at its mother's breast was the token that it was to be reared ; that after it had taken nourish ment it had full right of inheritance, and to kill it was murder. After the intention to rear the child had thus been signified, it was named, and the naming was accom panied with a religious ceremony, not connected with the use of water. Later, in imitation of the Christian prac tice — but long before the adoption of Christianity — the naming ceremony, in which water was used, was given additional significance, and only shadowy remnants of the importance attached to the child's taking its first nourishment were surviving in the earliest historical time.5 According to this view, the heathen child-naming cere- 3 Ibid., II, 52. * Maurer, Konrad, Ueber die Wasserweihe des germanischen Heiden- thumes, 1-11. 6 Ibid., 80, and passim. In his monograph Dr. Maurer presented these ideas as part of a fairly well supported theory rather than as established facts; before the hypothesis could be proved, he said, further investigation would have to be made of early child christening in various parts of Europe. 60 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE mony, which included sprinkling with water, marked the transition between the pre-historic, purely heathen, rite and the Christian. Be that as it may, this form was in general use in the pagan North in the viking time. And it is probable that the elements which it had in common with Christian baptism made it much easier to substi tute the latter, with the formal adoption of the new re ligion. Yet, some of the ideas peculiar to the heathen form were carried over into Christianity and long sur vived. According to some laws, only a christened child could inherit or receive the protection of the laws; but, for religious reasons, a person was more severely pun ished for killing an unchristened child than a christened one.6 There was an exception made, however, in the early Christian period, in Norway — perhaps in the other Scandinavian countries — in the case of children born so malformed as to be monstrosities. Such infants were not to be baptized but to be taken to the churchyard at once after birth, and left there to die. All other chil dren must be baptized promptly; and if a child was ill and likely not to live, in the absence of a priest, any man might perform the ceremony. If no man was present, a woman was permitted to christen the baby, in continental Scandinavia ; but the law of Iceland provided that a boy as young as seven years might officiate, in the absence of a grown man ; and even one who was younger, if he knew his Pater Noster and Credo. Only in the complete ab sence of any such "man person" could a woman perform 'the ceremony for her dying child, or for the child of an other.7 Relatives gave great attention to the selection of the « Maurer, Wassericeihe, 37, 71, 75-76. 7 Norges Gamle Love, I, 12, 131-132; Valdemar den Andens Jydske Lov, 10-12; Grdgds, IV, 213. INFANCY, CHILDHOOD, AND YOUTH 61 name for a child ; and under heathenism more importance was attached to the- name than later, though . many beliefs connected with it were carried of a Name over bodily into the Christian time ; and some of them still exist. Only one name was given, but this was very frequently compound, for the Northmen be lieved that such names would bring good luck and long life, especially if compounded with the name of a god. They also liked similarity of sound in names, and parents occasionally gave two or more of their children names with the same initial, or terminal, syllables, as Einar and Eyjolf, larngerd and Valgerd; sometimes real rhyming names, as Vit and Lit, were chosen; and even identical names were borne by children in the same family, dis tinction being made by means of some special character izing term. It was very common to give children the names of honored relatives, for the Northmen believed that children would partake of the virtues of the ones whose names they bore. Relatives recently dead, in par ticular, were thus remembered by their kindred, a cus tom resulting from a half belief that the spirit of the beloved dead lived again in the little child. Present- day Scandinavians still "call up" deceased members of their families in this manner. The names of the gods or words of religious signi ficance were always favorites ; dozens of compound names combined with the word "Thor" were in use; and to a lesser degree the other heathen deities were honored. In some instances devout parents gave four or five of their children "Thor" names. As, meaning "god," as well as collective words, like Begin, standing for the'gods in general, w>ere frequently employed, particularly in names for girls, such as Asgerda and Astrid, Reginleif and Ragnhild. Similarly, words having other religious 62 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE significance in the heathen cult found place in compound names, as Ve, meaning "holy," in Vebeorn and Vemund —names of boys— and Alf and Dis— words meaning guardian spirits, and generally found only in girls' names, such as Alfdis and Aldis. After the introduction of Christianity the words "gud" (god) and "Christ" were found in name combinations, and during the Roman Catholic period saints' names were numerous; but even this devotion to the new religion failed to obliterate en tirely the favorites originating with the old pagan faith ; and "Thor" names are still very popular. Like all peoples living close to nature, the Northmen also liked combinations including the names of natural objects and wild animals ; but such names — as Thorstein, Asbeorn, Ulf stan — were much more frequently given to boys than to girls. Slave children, as well as free, were sprinkled with water and named ; but their names do not appear to have differed from those of the free-born, except that Svart, black, — evidently an allusion to the generally darker com plexion of the slave class — was common.8 Upon the occasion of its naming, the child received gifts from friends and relatives, as was the case also m • r*t<. when it cut its first tooth. The former cus- Naming-Gifts . .... torn still survives throughout the North in the gifts presented by god-parents ; and, in Iceland, chil dren are still given teething tokens. The presents of fered the children of the wealthy at such times were frequently very valuable, occasionally being in the form of landed property; but jewels and playthings of the precious metals were perhaps more common. A fa vorite teething gift was a slave infant of the same age sEriksen, "Om Traeldom," in Nordisk Vnivers.-Tidskr. for 1861, III, 22, 50. INFANCY, CHILDHOOD, AND YOUTH 63 as the wealthy child, whom it was intended to serve as a playmate and attendant.9 Surnames were a less important matter than first names and were more subject to change. In general, until a child was grown and had developed characteristics of its own, it was simply des ignated as the son or daughter of a certain man, as Soti Olaf's son and Unna Mord's daughter;10 but if the mother outlived the father, the child — especially if quite young — was identified by the name of its mother; and surnames at times indicated other relationships. Such surnames were employed merely as a means of identifica tion, and — especially in the case of men — were often later supplanted by nicknames, which were unusually common among the ancient Northmen, and were as a rule quite apt and significant. They were often derived from occupation or place of residence, but at times also denoted accomplishments and physical and mental char acteristics, as the following samples show: Thorfinn Skull-splitter, Mord the Fiddler, Einar Oily-tongue, Thorkel Foul-mouth, Ulf the Squinter, Thore Long-chin, Leif the Lucky, Aud the Haughty, Helga the Fair. The last two are the names of women. Sometimes the old surname and the new were employed impartially, as in the case of Leif the Lucky, known also as Eric's son. If the surname or nickname was conferred in a formal manner, as sometimes happened if it came as the result of some special feat bringing honors with it, friends and relatives bestowed gifts upon the person thus newly dubbed, in imitation of the naming offerings of infancy. Adoption of children appears to have been practiced to a unique degree among the Scandinavians in olden *Lasdoela Saga, 52; Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 284. i» In Iceland the surnames of women are still formed thus. 64 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE times ; and it seems still to take place with unusual fre quency in the north of Europe. Frequently Adoption the children adopted were the offspring of and Foster- ^^ kindredj and tkej,r rearing by better- to do relatives was merely the recognition of blood ties, which, as has been shown, were unusually strong in the North ; but the children of those not related by blood were also adopted, the most frequent of such cases being the infants rescued from the death by ex posure to which they had been abandoned by their par ents. But fosterage was even more common in Scandi navia, and was more peculiar to the region, though by no means limited to it, for it was very general among the ancient Celts, particularly the Irish,11 and is to-day practiced in northern Japan, where the Japanese place their children in the care of the primitive Ainu. In the Scandinavian lands fosterage meant the rearing of chil dren by people not their parents, without the relinquish ment of parental rights of ownership and control. Chil dren of the better-to-do were more generally fostered than the offspring of the poor; in fact, poor people could hardly afford to have their children fostered. By fos tering the child of another, a man acknowledged his own inferiority to the child's father, but bound his family very closely to the kindred of his foster-child. And be cause of the value of this artificial tie, sometimes men of wealth who lacked influence, in order to secure pro tection for themselves and their property, offered child- fosterage to fathers having position and power. In this case, no money compensation was received. Since foster-fatherhood was a sort of homage, people some times desired it to wipe out the resentment of powerful men. But occasionally it was offered by an equal, purely 11 Maine, Henry Sumner, Early History of Institutions, 241. INFANCY, CHILDHOOD, AND YOUTH 65 for friendship's sake. Fosterage was, however, primar ily a matter of business between parents who could pay to have their children reared by others, and those who were willing to undertake the task and needed the money. In Iceland, where the law definitely provided for the compensation for such services, the payment was often made in advance, in a lump sum; but if the child failed to have proper care, the money must be returned.12 Though at times put in fosterage promptly after birth, children were perhaps more usually kept at home until weaned; and in some instances they were four or five years old before being sent away. In Iceland, they re mained in the care of their foster parents until sixteen years of age, unless they became ill, in which case, the law required that they be taken home at once.13 Two objects seem to have influenced parents to place the rearing of their children in the hands of others ; one was undoubtedly the desire to escape the bother of rear ing them themselves ; but the primary object, originally, at least, was a more worthy one — to secure the most desirable environment for the child. People among whom the institution of fosterage is found are moved by the belief that discipline, obedience, and respect for elders, as well as knowledge of handicraft and intellect ual lore, can best be taught away from home, the reason evidently being that parents are likely to spoil their own children by over-indulging them.14 In Scandinavia fos terage seems to have been, on the whole, successful; fos ter parents took careful interest in their charges, and, at times, after they were grown, did more for them than did their own parents. 12 Grdgds, IV, 21-22. wlbid.; Wis6n, Theodor, Om Qvinnan i Nordens Forntid, 10. i* Todd, The Primitive Family, 222-223. 66 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE If the children of the prosperous were to be reared at home, they were generally placed in vir- Cnildr n tU&lly fuU chal"§'e °f a trUsted servant or HomeCn a' slave, wtho also was called a foster-mother (fostra) or foster father (fostri). During their earlier years, children of both sexes were under the care of a woman, but when the boys became older they were given into the charge of a man. Between the child and his early nurse close and affectionate ties generally existed, which call to mind the position of the colored "mammy" in the southern United States before the Civil War.15 Law and custom varied as to the illegitimate child. If the mother was poor, humble, and helpless, the burden . . of supporting and rearing it generally rested Children with her and her parents; but at times the fathers of illegitimate children voluntarily provided for their offspring. This was quite regularly the case if the mother was a mistress, or was bound to the man by some form of irregular marriage. In some parts, as in the island of Gotland, the father, if his father hood was proven, could be forced by law to support the illegitimate child.16 The laws in Scandinavia made it possible for a father to legitimate natural children, whether slave born or free, but in some parts the consent of his legitimate chil dren must first be obtained, because of the matter of in heritance. The process of legitimatizing suggests the formalities connected with the freeing of a slave. In Norway in heathen times — and very probably through out the Scandinavian North — there was held a ceremonial banquet, for which, ale from a certain amount of malt/ / is Laxdoela, 60; GVdma, 36. is Guta-Lagh, 42-44. INFANCY, CHILDHOOD, AND YOUTH 67 must be made, and a three-year-old ox be slaughtered. A shoe made from the skin of the right foreleg of the animal, was placed beside the ale vat. At the banquet, the father, or other person who wished to legitimate the child, must place the ox-skin shoe upon his foot, after which, the natural child, the joint heirs, the joint owners of othal land, and other relatives concerned did the same. The guests at the banquet were witnesses, making the ceremony legal and binding.17 After the banquet had taken place, the new status of the child was probably an nounced at the next meeting of the local assembly, or $ing. In any case, after the introduction of Chris tianity, a man in Denmark who wished an illegitimate child to inherit could take the child before the thing meeting and there acknowledge his fatherhood. This recognition might be made without the consent of the legitimate heirs ; but in the island of Seeland the natural son could inherit only half as much land as the legitimate one, and the illegitimate daughter, only one fourth as much land and movable property as the legitimate son and one half as much as the daughter born in wedlock.18 Whether spent at home, in charge of parents or nurse, or at a distance, in regular fosterage, childhood was generally a comfortable, happy time — as com fortable and happy as the financial condition the Child and the intelligence of the parents would per mit; for, in the heathen time, it should be remembered, only children who were desired were reared; and, as a result of secret evasion of the laws, this was still the case for a considerable period after the christianization of the North. The cradle occupied a place in the early Scandinavian home, and in it the baby, after being duly i^ Norges Gamle Love, I, 29-31. i8 Valdemwr den Andens Jydske Lov, 44 ; Kong Eriks Sjellamdske Lov, 20. 68 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE named and washed and wound up snugly like a mummy in a swaddling cloth, was tucked away. When the child was a few months old, and able to move about to some extent, the primitive swaddling garments were discarded and it was clothed in garments somewhat closely re sembling those of its parents. Toys have been mentioned in connection with naming and teething gifts. The finest of the playthings were made by the skilled workers in metal and wood, and were perhaps very much like those enjoyed by children in the early part of the last century. There is incidental refer ence in the sagas to such playthings as gold rings and balls for the rich man's child; of small brass copies of animals ; and also of toy weapons, with which the little boys played at mimic warfare.19 Though no mention of dolls appears, there is no doubt but that, even in the most humble homes, the little girls played with these more or less close copies, in miniature, of themselves. No schools or institutions for formal instruction were in existence in Scandinavia during the early Middle Ages; . education was entirely a matter of the home. As a rule, the parents or the nurse were the teachers, but other members of the household, or chance visitors especially skilled in some line were also called upon to give instruction. The general education given the girls aimed primarily to train them in a knowledge of the household arts. Hence, they learned to spin, weave, and dye linen and wool; to sew, knit, and em broider ; to scrub and clean, and to wash and smooth the family clothes; to work in the dairy at making butter and cheese, and to prepare and preserve foods in various other ways ; to brew and to cook ; to supervise the house- is Origimes Islandicae, II, 479 ; K&lund, Kr., Familielivet pd Island i den forste Sagaperiode, 282. INFANCY, CHILDHOOD, AND YOUTH 69 hold and to play the hostess. But though this consti tuted the most important part of their training, the purely intellectual side was not completely neglected. Some of the girls acquired, by direct instruction and by imitation, a knowledge of runes — how to cut as well as how to read them; and they, as well as the men, could quote proverbs, sing songs, recite poetry, and tell sagas. They also had some knowledge of playing on musical instruments. Since boys in the warlike viking time had to play a much more important part in life than girls, propor tionally greater attention was bestowed upon their in struction. And the most important part of his training was that which made the boy a good fighter. Hence, in the interest of developing a strong, healthy body, great emphasis was laid upon out-door exercise, and the youths of each community contested with one another for the championship in all sorts of physical feats. They learned to run, jump, and wrestle ; to display skill in the use of skates, skees, and snowshoes ; to swim and row and ride horseback. At a very early age they were taught the use of offensive and defensive weapons, particularly to shoot straight, to thrust with the sword, and to swing the battle ax while defending themselves with the shield. Everything possible was done to make the future de fenders of home and family honor expert in these re gards.20 To a greater degree than his sister, the Scandinavian 2»01aus Magnus, writing in the sixteenth century, said of the military training given boys in his day in certain parts of Sweden : — ''they will not give their Children any bread unlesse they first hit the mark with an arrow. . . . Wherefore there are some boyes scarce above 12 years old, that are so cunning in shooting, that being commanded to hit the head, breast, or feet of the smallest birds that are very far from them, they will do it infallibly with a shaft." Compendius History of the Goths, Swedes, & Vandals, and other Northern Nations, 165. 70 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE boy was also instructed in intellectual and social accom plishments. In the case of sons of prominent families, this side of their education was given considerable stress. They not only committed to memory the most important heroic tales and poems handed down from past ages, but were taught the art of poetic composition as well, in order that they might properly sing the praises of contempo rary heroes. The art of reading and inscribing runes likewise became theirs, and many acquired a practical knowledge of the laws of the land. They learned how to entertain themselves and others by skill in in-door games and by playing upon various musical instruments. Those who expected to travel abroad, especially the sons of chieftains, learned to speak one or more lan guages in addition to their Northern speech ; the tongues most frequently acquired were probably Latin and Celtic.21 This linguistic accomplishment was perhaps most emphasized by the Icelanders, who realized their remoteness from the tide of European affairs and hence particularly stressed the desirability of gaining a knowl edge of other lands, and of learning how other people lived. In fact, if a man wished to be a person of dis tinction and respect in Iceland, one or more foreign voy ages were necessary. This foreign tour was looked upon as the completion of the youth's formal education. Young men frequently made visits to the different parts of Scandinavia and to England, often in the hope of securing service under the kings; and the more adven turous also undertook long trading and viking journeys which carried them to the remoter parts of the continent, and often resulted in their absence from home for three or more years at a time.22 2i Petersen, N. M., Haandbog i den gammel-nordisk Geografi, 106. 22 Keyser, R., Private Life of the Old Northmen, 12-13 ; K&lund, Familh- Uvet pi Island, 288-289; Gunnlaugs Saga Ormstungu. INFANCY, CHILDHOOD, AND YOUTH 71 In the olden time, Scandinavian children were con sidered grown up at an earlier age than is now the case. [in Iceland, boys scarcely out of babyhood . were given adult responsibilities in some re- A° spects — as, the right to baptize a dying in fant in the absence of an older "man person"; and at the age of twelve they could serve as witnesses in law suits; but they must be sixteen before they were con sidered mature enough to take charge of the prosecution for their father's murder, or before they might consent to the re-marriage of their mothers. In parts of Den mark, the father could not force his sons to remain at home after they had attained their fifteenth birthday, if they wished to take their inheritance from their mother and set up for themselves ; but the boys were not allowed to sell their land, if it was ancestral, before they were eighteen. In some provinces of Sweden, however, they were allowed to make sales of land when but fifteen. As a rule, girls must be distinctly older than their brothers before they were permitted to assume the same responsi bilities — if these were permitted to them at all ; but they entered marriage very young, fourteen years not being an unusual age at which to take this step. In general, it may be said that young people were considered of age at fifteen, but it should be borne in mind that, in conse quence of the conditions of the time in which they lived, and of the duties thrust upon them, they were more ma ture mentally and more capable of playing the part of men and women than would be young people of the same years in the present day.23 23 Grdgds, III, 37, 167; IV, 28; Valdemar den Andens Jydske Lov, 20; Biarkoa Ratten, 8. CHAPTER V DRESS AND ORNAMENT; PERSONAL REFINEMENT Hallgerda . . . had on a cloak of rich blue woof, and under it a scarlet kirtle, and a silver girdle round her waist. Her hair came down on both sides of her bosom, and she had turned the locks up under her girdle. Saga of Burnt Njal. Like the Elizabethan period in England, the Viking Age in the Scandinavian North was one of great pros perity and intense self-consciousness. This D?vej ° condition produced a love of pomp and pa in Dress rade, of color and display — a desire to ex hibit one's wealth to the public gaze for the sake of exciting admiration and envy among one's neigh bors. Such an object could be gained by means of dress and ornament; hence, we find that all who could afford to do so wore, during leisure and upon festive occasions, gorgeous and elaborately ornamented clothing, and deco rated their persons with a great amount and variety of jewelry. Olaf Hauskuld's son is the best example of this love for fine clothes. The sagas tell of his appear ance at the meeting of the Icelandic parliament gaily and elaborately clad, and equipped with such splendid weapons that those who beheld the gorgeous display seem, in wondering admiration and envy, to have nick named him "Peacock" {Pa), and "Olaf Peacock" he remained ever after.1 The materials used for clothing varied according to Whether they were intended for the use of the rich or the i Bugge, Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. II, 229. 72 DEESS AND ORNAMENT; PERSONAL REFINEMENT 73 poor; for every-day wear, or for special social gather ings. Skins and furs did much service, as well as textiles; undressed sheep-skins, in Materials particular, were often used, especially among . _ ot the humble. But the material most generally Native worn by the population as a whole was Products wadmal (vaSmdl), a coarse, home-woven woolen cloth. This was comparatively cheap, and easily obtained, for most families owned a sheep or two. As the spinning-wheel was not yet known, all thread was made by hand by means of the distaff and the spinning whorl of bone or pottery ; and from the thread thus pro duced the Scandinavian housewife and her servants made the cloth upon simple looms closely resembling those employed in recent times by the population of the Faroes. Most of the wadmal seems to have been worn in the natu ral colors of the original wool, plain white or brown, or the two colors combined in stripes. The plainer and cheaper the cloth, the plainer the color, seems to have been the rule ; but the coarsest of wadmal was also dyed. sometimes in bright shades. For the most part, vege table coloring was used; blue, yellow, black, brown, and green, especially, were easily obtained from certain weeds and flowers and from the barks of trees.2 The heavy threads from which the woolen goods were fash ioned were also sometimes dyed before being worked up, after which they were wrought into brightly striped or checked material, or into more elaborate patterns com posed of raised figures in different colors. The native weavers also made distinctly finer qualities of cloth from the best of the native wool; and in this brighter colors were displayed, and more attention given to fancy de- 'Origmes Islandicae, I, 151; Olassen and Povelsen, Reise durch Island, I, 87-88. 74 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE signs and patterns. Still another home-woven fabric was produced by simple under-and-over weaving, be tween the threads of which hair was worked, thus pro ducing a kind of plush.3 Cotton was not yet grown in Southern Europe to any appreciable degree, but the Scandinavians imported a little of it into their homeland from the Materials Orient. It was so expensive, however, that it could be worn only by the rich. The same was true of linen, which was spun and woven from do mestic flax, as well as purchased from abroad; but the price was three or four times as great' as that of wool, which, in the form of cloth of a finer and thinner quality than the native product, was imported for the use of the wealthy, as were also ready-made woolen garments. The foreign fabrics were usually of gayer color than the Northern weaves, bright reds, blues, and purples being favorite shades; for the colors worn by the men were as gay as those of the women. These imported stuffs sometimes displayed patterns Woven of silk, and designs worked into the wool in gold and silver thread. Native merchants also brought home some silk from the Orient, secured in trade ; but this fabric in the form of hangings and clerical robes, stolen by the vikings from the Chris tian monasteries and churches to the south, also found its way into Scandinavia, to be used by the pagan natives for their adornment. Silk was, however, to a greater degree than the best imported woolen goods, inaccessible to all except those having plenty of money; for it sold for about twice the price of the latter, which, in turn, was much more expensive than the domestic wool prod uct.4 3 Gudmundsson, Valtyr, "Kleiderstoffe," in Hoops, Reallexikon. *Ibid.; Bugge, Vesterlamdenes Indflydelse, 146; Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 160-161. DRESS AND ORNAMENT; PERSONAL REFINEMENT 75 Garment-making, as well as the ornamentation of the garments by means of embroidery and other decorative means, was entirely the work of the women. All women doubtless could sew to some ex- ^ar^ent" tent, and it is likely that every large house hold included at least one woman who was well skilled in the art of garment-making and could direct the work of the rest in providing clothing for all. The garment- maker employed a pair of primitive shears of bronze or iron, and probably cut free hand, without a pattern, after being sure of measurements, for garments were less com plex then than in modern times, and fitted less snugly; but it is quite possible that for the more difficult gar ments she used old worn articles of the same style for patterns, or made special ones of cheap or old cloth; for, obviously, no paper was to be had in Europe at the time. As steel needles did not come into use until many - centuries after the period in question, the seamstresses were dependent upon ones made from bone, bronze, iron or silver. Though used to some extent for fastening garments, as well as for ornamentation, buttons were not at the time so indispensable as later, for their place Avas supplied by strings, belts, brooches, and buckles. Naturally, the garments of .the poor were simpler in style than those worn by the rich or the better-to-do; and they were also more conservative, show ing less the influence of foreign fashions. theCp0°r The slave — his face shaven and his hair close cropped, as a badge of servitude — was clad in plain gar ments of coarse white wadmal, with perhaps a cap and coat of undressed sheep-skin. And the clothing of the humble cottier was almost as poor and simple — home spun, in white or sober colors. The undergarments of the common people, were, like 76 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE the outer ones, of woolen homespun ; but the rich of both sexes wore linen next to the person, though at times cotton, or even silk, took its place.5 In this period, there were no special night clothes; hence, upon retiring, only the outer garments were re moved, the under ones being retained and worn in bed.6 The outer dress of the women showed various styles, but perhaps the tunic or kirtle was the most usual gar ment, and was worn by rich and poor alike. Dress of ^ wag made ^n one pieCe; and cut narrow or wide, with high or low neck and long or short sleeves. If the garment was loose at the waist, because of its fullness, it was held in place by a belt or girdle, sometimes of the same material as the gown, often hand- embroidered, but occasionally wrought from links of sil ver or gold. From the belt the housewife suspended a bag for trinkets and her bunch of keys. Sometimes a separate bodice and somewhat full skirt took the place of the kirtle. If the dress was cut low at the neck, the women often wore a kerchief of fine wool, linen, or silk around their shoulders. While at work about the house, their heads were generally covered with woolen or linen caps or kerchiefs, of which there were various styles, plain or embroidered; and. when traveling the headgear was practically the same, except during cold weather, when the women substituted caps or hoods of fur or wool. Knit woolen stockings were the rule. The shoes worn by both men and women resembled moccasins, in that they were generally made from, one piece of leather ; but they were of higher cut, and came well above the ankle. Undressed sheep- or calf-skin or cow's hide were used for the more common footwear, but tanned and finely s Keyser, Private Life, 76. 6 Egils Saga, 192; Lawdoela Saga, 33. DRESS AND ORNAMENT; PERSONAL REFINEMENT 77 junk W90I fill *>¦'%' Pig. 1. Fragments of Embroidered Cloth. dressed skins were worked up into a more elegant variety. Such dress shoes were decorated in various ways, some times with embroidery, and the strings fastening them to the feet ended in tassels or metal ornaments. Gloves or mittens of wool or skin, often lined with fur for win ter wear, protected the hands. The usual wrap for women was a cape or sleeveless coat, held in place upon the breast by a large brooch or buckle. The favorite colors for this garment were red or blue, and woolen cloth was the most common material employed in its making; but lamb and sheep pelts served the poor for heavy winter wraps, and costly and beautiful furs were displayed by the rich. If the cape was of cloth, it was often richly ornamented. In fact, it seems to have been 78 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE a show garment, and was most elaborately decorated of all. The most usual form of ornamentation was em broidery in gay colors, sometimes stitched with gold and silver thread (Fig. 1), and studded with jewels. Fancy woven bands, edgings of fur, or fringes of wool or metal were also employed to embellish this wrap.7 Massiveness characterized the jewelry, some of which was imported, but many of the finest examples were of native manufacture, though showing foreign influence.8 Bronze, gilded or plain, gold, and silver, were the usual metals ; and silver was, during the viking period, much more general than gold, though in earlier centuries the latter appears to have been more commonly seen in jewelry. The ornaments included al most every known sort : earrings, arm-rings, ankle-rings, bracelets, stick pins, ornamental brooches and buckles, necklaces, finger rings, and diadems, or other hair orna ments, receive frequent mention in the contemporary lit erature, or have been found in the tombs. Earrings, however, do not seem to have been common, and were perhaps largely limited to Swedish Scandinavia. Such samples of this jewel as have been found are, for the most part, large and in the form of pendants. Judging from the unusual size of the ear-loop, these ornaments were worn by being hung over the ear, rather than sus pended by means of a perforation in the ear lobe.9 Ankle rings were found only in Swedish Russia, where Oriental influence was strong, and here perhaps only in the south ern part, along the Volga.10 The brooch was the most 'Keyser, Private Life, 100; Gustafson, Gabriel, Norges Oldtid, 116; Origmes Islandicae, II, 612. sMontelius, Oscar, The Civilization of Sweden im, Heathen Times, 167. » Arne, T. J., La, Suede et VOriewt, 209-211. io Ibn-Fadlan, 17. Fig. 2. Silk Cuff or Wristband with Pattern Woven in Gold Thread. (From Muller's Vor Oldtid) Fig. 3. Pendants in the Form of Thor's Hammers. (From DuChaillu's Viking Age. Copyright 1889. Published by Charles Scribner's Sons) DRESS AND ORNAMENT; PERSONAL REFINEMENT 79 common ornament, and was worn by both rich and poor. Two general styles prevailed, though many other pat terns appeared; the one was round and cup-shaped, the other, oval, and deep like the shell of a tortoise. Both were ornamented very richly with interesting and often grotesque designs, frequently inlaid with enamel, and occasionally set with semi-precious or precious stones. Finger rings, bracelets, and arm rings, often showed spiral patterns, and were fashioned from plaited or twisted wires as well as from flat bands, wrought orna mentally. The greatest variety was found in the neck orna ments. Some of these were in the shape of chains bearing pendants of Thor's hammers (Fig. 3), foreign coins, or bracteates modeled after these coins, combin ing on the same surface the faces of Roman emperors, original Northern designs, and runic inscriptions. Other decorations for the neck were in the form of broad col lars of one piece of metal, or of gold or silver links. Sometimes they were of heavy wire twisted into rope like bands. But the most common neck jewelry was a string of beads of colored glass, amber, stones — such as agate or carnelian — mosaic work, bronze, silver, or gold. For a time, strings of green beads were very much the fad among women in Swedish Russia, where un usual fondness for neck ornamentation prevailed, pre sumably in imitation of Oriental styles; and here also in the ninth century there was a fashion of indicating a man's wealth — and, hence to some extent his social standing — by the number of neck chains displayed by his wife. When he acquired a certain minimum amount of money, he bought her one chain; when this sum was doubled, she was given another; and so on. The wife 80 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE of the successful merchant was often quite loaded down by these tokens of her husband's prosperity.11 Girls and young women wore their hair flowing — per haps sometimes plaited. It was held back from the fore head by means of a bright ribbon, a comb, Hair-Dress- met;ai ornament, or string of beads. If the Women nair was l°n&> the ends were occasionally tucked into the belt in front. Matrons ap pear to have usually coiled their hair upon their heads, where it was concealed most of the time by an ornamental head-dress or cap; but when the head was bare, fancy hair pins and combs of metal or ivory were worn for decoration. The women of the Northland at times doubt less also changed the color of their tresses by artificial means. As blondeness characterized the dominant class, fair hair was the fashionable shade. Consequently, brunette locks were converted into blonde through the medium of bleaches, probably learned from the Celts, who used them for the same purpose. These bleaches were made from lye from wood-ashes, generally com bined with animal fat to form a very strong soft or hard soap. The color produced by this means was a rich red or a reddish gold.12 Among the wealthier classes, the clothes of the men seem to have been more varied in style than those of the women; and it is probable that the former Men were also dressier than the latter. On the upper part of the body, over the "sark," or undershirt, the men wore either a shirt of wool, linen, or silk, tucked into the trousers, or a tunic or kirtle — generally of heavier material than the shirt — which was worn outside the trousers and reached about to the knees. 11 Ibid., 5. 12 Pliny, Historia Naturalis, XXVIII, 51; Ibn-Fadlan, 5, 73. DRESS AND ORNAMENT; PERSONAL REFINEMENT 81 The lower limbs were, for more common occasions, clad in ordinary trousers of knee length, and long stockings, but for dressy wear there were close-fitting garments of wool or soft leather, resembling very long stockings, which reached as far as the loins. The dandies of the time had these cut quite tight, in order better to display their figures.13 To hold the tunic and trousers in posi tion belts of leather or wool were used, and if these were on the outside so that they could be seen, they were gen erally ornamented by embroidery or cut work. In some cases, the men, like the women, wore costly belts made from links of gold or silver. From the belt hung the sword, carried by every Northman of any standing, and a purse or pouch. Frequently the short knife, which was carried by chieftain and slave alike, and corresponded to the clasp- or pocket-knife of the present, was also sus pended from the belt ; but sometimes it was hung from the neck by a chain. The men's shoes were generally of stronger and tougher leather than those of the women, and for walk ing on slippery ground the soles were reinforced and spiked. The mon had a great variety of jackets, coats, and wraps of many kinds from which to choose. If a shirt was worn instead of a kirtle, a short jacket drawn over it supplied the necessary warmth, particularly in Den mark. Another style of wrap, common especially among the highest classes, was a long ornamental tunic, much decorated, which extended to the feet. This was occa sionally trimmed with gold, or jeweled, buttons from top to hem. The Mpa was an ordinary sort of great coat, — made quite long, with sleeves, and belted at the waist, —which was worn especially on journeys. The mate- is Origines Islamdicae, II, 130. 82 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE rials were heavy wool, leather, or fur — or combinations of these. There were other wraps of the nature of capes, and some like shawls. The feldr appears to have been of this latter type, and was used by travelers as a gar ment in the daytime and as a blanket at night. These wraps were at times lined with fur and made from fine wool, colored with costly dyes; but Iceland exported a gray feldr, evidently of coarse wool. The size of this determined the price, which was fixed by law, the stand ard dimensions being about three feet by six. Upon their heads the men wore hoods and caps, and also a variety of hats. These different types of head gear were of wool, felt, sheep-skin, leather, or fur ; some times, though rarely, of silk. It is very much to be doubted whether even the felt hats possessed brims, and hence it is a question whether they were hats in the present sense of the term. Perhaps the article of com merce from Denmark, called hottr, was merely a cowl or cap, resembling the hood attached to the kapa, or com mon overcoat; and it seems likely that the so-called Russian or Gerzkr hat imported into Norway was rather a gorgeous Oriental turban, probably of silk. The sepa rate cap of wool, leather, sheep-skin, or fur, was the usual head covering; but in winter travelers often substituted the cowl already referred to, as it provided better pro tection from the weather. In the summer, especially when they were on their way to the meeting of parliament accompanied by a retinue of followers, wealthy chieftains often wore hel mets of metal, gilded and otherwise decorated, instead of soft hats or caps, but this was done more for show than for protecting the head in a chance fight. On such occasions, men of importance usually carried a spear and shield as well as a sword. - W^ «»iMHIill»ipll«ll— ' as for showing forth the su- Worsaae's De Danskes perior development of the physical Kuitur i vikingetid- champion's biceps. Among the men en'> 1 1 4.\. also, as commonly as among the women, the large, strong brooch (Fig. 5) was employed for fast ening the tunic and for holding the cloak or wrap in place.14 Men above the slave class wore their hair long and took much pride in it. It was brushed back from the face and held in place by means of a silken band, or one of gold or silver; and, if very long, the ends, as in the case of the young women's hair, were tucked in the belt. The beard was usually permitted to grow, and was worn in different styles. Men, as well as women, used bleaches. According to Pliny,15 the men of the Germanic tribes bleached their hair more than did the women; and this was perhaps also true of the Scandinavian branch during the Viking Age. In any event, it is a fact that the North men by means of bleaches changed the color of their beards to a saffron yellow,16 and in all probability the hair of their heads was transformed to a corresponding tint. i*Keyser, Private Life, 76-80; Montelius, Civilisation of Sweden, 164; Ibn-Fadlan, 5. " Historia NaturaHs, XXVIII, 51. « Ibn-Fadlan, 5, 73. 84 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE The Northmen of the early Middle Ages were perhaps as careful in the matter of personal cleanliness as were the other inhabitants of Western Europe at ReTnement the time> though they were far below average present-day standards.17 All persons laying any claim to personal decency washed hands and face in the morning upon rising, and the more refined also used basin and towel before each meal. The better classes likewise combed their hair at least once a day, using for the purpose well-made combs of bone, horn, ivory, or metal (Fig. 7) ; but heads were perhaps washed Fig. 7. Comb of Bone. (From Gustafson's Norges Oldtid.) only occasionally.18 Among some, attention was paid to the nicer details of the toilet ; implements of silver for manicuring the nails were occasionally found among the possessions of the wealthy, and also silver ear-spoons.19 But in the matter of cleanliness in clothes, the ancients were especially far behind the people of the present; underwear as well as outer garments did long service before being washed, and the average Scandinavian, like the average person in the rest of Europe at the time, was infested with vermin. 17 Ibn-Fadlan described the Scandinavian merchants whom he observed on the Volga as the "dirtiest people that God had created" (Araber Berichte, p. 5) ; but he, as an Arab, represented a culture on the whole higher than that of Western Europe at the time; and, as a Mohammedan, to him cleanliness was a part of religion. is Ibn-Fadlan, 7, 21. mJohansen, K. F., "Solvskatten fra Terslev," in Aarbbger, 1912, II, 189-264. DRESS AND ORNAMENT; PERSONAL REFINEMENT 85 During the heathen period, however, perhaps more attention was paid to bathing, as well as to cleanliness in general, than was done for many centuries after the introduction of Christianity, be- a mg cause of the mistaken ascetic idea, which developed with the new religion, that godliness increased in proportion as the body was despised. In the summer time all peo ple bathed, for the sake of pleasure as well as cleanliness, in the natural sheets of water and in the running streams ; and they also made use of the bath-houses found upon every large farm. But perhaps the latter were more generally used in the winter time, when a hot bath would be more appreciated. In Iceland, the bath-houses were often supplied, by means of pipes or conduits, with hot water from the boiling springs, as well as with cold. In continental Scandinavia, where hot-springs were lack ing, the water was sometimes heated in kettles for bath ing purposes. Except in Iceland, where the water seems to have been collected in artificial pools, wooden vats seem to have been used for bath-tubs. In connection with bathing, as well as with the daily ablutions, the an cient Northmen doubtless made use of soap, with the cleansing properties of which they had become familiar through its use as a bleach.20 It is likely, however, that the Northmen took sweat or steam baths in the bath-houses rather than the com mon tub variety of modern times. The steam was pro duced by sprinkling water upon a stone hearth or upon a mass of stones heated for the purpose. High up, around the walls, ran a wide shelf to which the bathers climbed for the sake of the hotter air and the denser steam; and as they lay upon this, in order to make the ! 2001assen and Povelsen, Reise durch Island, I, 58-61; Henderson, Iceland, L 165; II, 142-145, 149. 86 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE flesh glow and to stimulate perspiration, they switched themselves and one another with bunches of fine twigs. This system of bathing was perhaps fairly general in Western Europe during the Middle Ages, for it was practiced as far south as Switzerland in the thirteenth or fourteenth century.21 In Scandinavia it survived until recent times,22 and is even now very general in Finland, where Scandinavian culture still dominates ; and also in Russia. In the last two countries mentioned, many persons — at least formerly — bathed at the same time, probably for the purpose of economizing upon fuel and for mutual aid in the cleansing process. And this was true in ancient Scandinavia, particularly where the bath-houses were large. Though, in general, the men used the bath-house at a different time from the women, modesty in this matter was wanting, for whole families often bathed together, without distinction of sex. The most common time for taking a bath appears to have been in the evening after supper, just before retiring. Another cleansing process which took place late in the evening was known as "baking." The members of the household — particularly the older ones — lay before the large open fires in the living-room letting the heat play upon parts of their bare bodies, while the children or servants rubbed them. This was evidently a perspira tion bath, and was also taken more often in the winter time than in the summer ; but that it was thought of defi nitely as a method of cleansing the body is shown by the fact that the steam- or water-bathing indulged in in the bath-house was also in the early time called "baking." 21 Sudhoff, Karl, "Badeofen," in Hoops, Reallexikon. 22 Gudmundsson, Valt^r, Privatboligen pd Island i Sagatiden samt delms i det ovrige Norden, 240-241. DRESS AND ORNAMENT; PERSONAL REFINEMENT 87 This baking by the fire was probably the oldest form of cleaning one's person by means of heat in the Scan dinavian North. Regular water baths in the places originally erected for steam-bathing probably did not come into use until near the close of the viking period ; 23 and it was also towards the decline of this age that many of the large hot-springs of Iceland were converted into public, or community, baths, and that in the rising towns of Den mark, Norway, and Sweden public bath-houses began to be established.24 2s See "EaS," "Baka,'' and "Laug,'' in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dic tionary. 24 Gudmundsson, Privatboligen pd Island i Sagatiden, 243. CHAPTER VI MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE Maidens admired in their wooers not so much good looks as nobly done. Saxo Grammaticus. Though there seems to have been no stigma attached to the unmarried state, in either women or men, the proportion of people who failed to marry, on mons ^ ^q Scandinavia of the heathen period, FavoringMatrimony was exceedingly small. Under the primitive conditions of the time, when there were no hotels or club houses where men could live in comfort, and, as yet, no monasteries to which the family-less man could retire, matrimony offered strong inducements ; and these were increased by the desire for children and the importance attached to the development of a kindred, as well as by the fact that a man could hardly stand out as a person of note in his community unless he was the head of a family and had a home of his own. In view of these considerations, perhaps virtually every Northman married, and sooner or later set up for himself in his own establishment. The proportion of women entering into full and legal matrimony was not so great as that of the men, but in many cases the surplus women, who failed to become regular wives, entered into "loose mar riage" with men already legally married and were at tached to their households as their concubines or their mistresses. 88 MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE 89 Marriages were made easier, as well as more success ful, by the fact that young people met and mingled freely. Young men, if of reputable character, were permitted by fathers to call upon their daugh ters privately; and at banquets men and women fre quently sat about the tables together. The girls were also spectators at the athletic contests and other sports ; and these gatherings as well as those produced by the meetings of the thing, or parliament, afforded ample opportunity for families to become acquainted. Hence, at such times courtship and match-making flourished exceedingly. The considerations determining the choice of a mate were usually practical ; neither romantic love nor physical beauty played much part. The standing of the family and the possession of wealth, or, at least, a satisfactory competence, were regarded as of importance by both sides; while high-mindedness and efficiency in the man agement of household affairs were carefully weighed by the man in search of a bride, and independent position, knowledge of the world, and renown in martial exploits on the part of the suitor were looked for by fathers and their eligible daughters. One further qualification which appears to have been emphasized was compatibility of temperament — the ability to ' ' get on well together, ' ' J which undoubtedly contributed much towards making successful an alliance from which affection was absent. Yet in some cases love did play a most important part in the Northland ; three charming early sagas are really love stories.2 Romantic affection was surely never com pletely lacking in the North, but towards the close of i Njdla, 4, 34, 35. 2 An English rendition of the three is to be found in Magnusson and Morris, Three Northern Love Stories and Other Tales. 90 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE the Viking Age — probably because of contact with South ern Europe — women came more to be loved for their own sakes, and love produced a greater impulse to matrimony. The oldest surviving love verses, of which the following, by Kormak the Skald, are a sample, also date from this time: "I set one eye of hers at three hundred in silver, And the head she is combing at five hundred, The whole body of the lady I would price At Iceland, Hordland, and Denmark, and Holmgard: She is worth the earth of England as well, And Sweden, and the land of the Irish ! Pleasanter it is to me to be talking many a word with Stangerd, Than to be running after the russet sheep over hill pastures. The more they begrudge our meetings, The more I love my lady. For all the streams shall run backward up the land Before I forsake thee, lady! I shall make a verse ere we go to the ship, And send it to my love in Swinedale. AU my words shall come to my lady's ears; I love her twice as well as myself." 3 Nevertheless, marriage was decidedly more a matter of business than of sentiment. And it was accompanied by some of the features connected with the Betrothal , „ .„ , n • l system ot wire-purchase, pure and simple, found among practically all peoples at some stage of their development. With the father, as head and guard ian of the family, the matter of the daughter's marriage rested, regardless of that daughter's age; legally, the daughter had no voice in the choice of her husband, and, as a rule, she wanted none ; for she was acquainted with no other system, and trusted her father to make an ar rangement fitting and satisfactory. Yet there were, in s Origines Islandicae, II, 326, 328, 340, 343 ; Corpus Poeticum Boreale, II, 64-69, passim. MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE 91 practice, many exceptions to this broad rule of paternal control. Fathers generally loved their daughters and were anxious to secure happiness for them as well as prosperity; consequently, they at times consulted them with reference to a specific suitor, and even gave them absolute freedom of choice. And, in more exceptional instances, the mother of the girl was given an oppor tunity to express her wishes. Daughters were, however, in some cases, no more docile in the matter than would be the average American girl, and sometimes gave trouble because their fathers failed to consult them regarding the disposal of their hands. This perhaps happened more often in Iceland, where women were, on the whole, freer than upon the continent. Hallgerda, for instance, in the saga of Njal, was angry because her views were not obtained in the selection of her first husband, and accused her father of throwing her away, matrimonially speaking.4 In consequence of the long journeys to foreign lands which many of them took, and of the necessity of prov ing themselves before they would be considered for hus bands, the men were older and more mature when they married than were the women. Partly for this reason, they were given a freer choice in the selection of their mates; but generally they sought the advice of their fa thers or guardians. Indeed, some sons were quite willing to leave the whole question of their marriage to their fathers; and the latter, on the other hand, occasionally took the matter into their own hands without consulting their sons. For example, one father of whom we read broke the news to his heir by the announcement: "I have wooed a wife for thee this morning. ' ' 5 * Njdla, 25. 6 Origines Islandicae, II, 386. 92 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE The father or guardian on either side sometimes made the first move towards betrothal arrangements, but most . often the suitor himself initiated negotia- Negodations tions- This ne did by informing his father or guardian, or some other near relative, or a friend, of his choice, and this person undertook to negotiate with the girl's family. For the young man to broach the matter himself to the young woman's father or guardian was not good form in most parts of Scan dinavia; but he went to the girl's home with the person who was to transact the business for him, and on such a trip, if he was from a prominent family, he was ac companied by a large following; for to go alone would be an insult to his desired bride's family. And when the marriage negotiations were transacted, he was as a rule present, though as but little more than a passive listener.6 If the suitor was personally acceptable, the financial side of the matter, which was of great importance, was taken up. In some parts of Scandinavia, as Iceland, the law provided for the punishment of persons who married without sufficient means for the support of chil dren — unless the woman was past the age of child-bear ing.7 This legal precaution reflects the careful manner in which the material interests of the contracting parties, particularly those of the bride, were guarded. As a rule, throughout the North, the suitor was required to show that he could support the woman whom he wished to marry as became her station ; and sometimes a guarantee of such provision was included in the betrothal contract.8 " Wisfin, Theodor, Om Qvimnam, i Nordens Forntid, 16; Njdla, 4-6, 24-25, 143. i-Grdgds, IV, 37. 8Keyser, Private Life, 45. MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE 93 The matter of support having been arranged, the amount of dower (heimanfylgja) to be settled upon the bride by her father was discussed and agreed upon. This dower was generally in the form of money, merchandise, slaves, livestock, houses, or lands, and it remained in the pos session of the bride in her new home ; the husband could have only the use of, or income from it while the two lived together. Next, the amount of money or property to be settled by the groom upon his bride was considered. Of this gift, called mundr, the wife had the profit during her married life. The mundr generally was only a frac tion of the value of the dower, perhaps a half or a third, but in southern Norway under Gulathing's law it was equal to the dower, except in the case of a widow, when it was only half as large. Sometimes, though infre quently, the contract stipulated that the husband was not to pay down this money until his wife had borne him a child.9 After the financial part had been definitely arranged in the presence of witnesses, the betrothal ceremony took place. The father or guardian of the bride, placing her hand in that of the groom, ceremony affianced her to him, after which, those pres ent declared that they had witnessed the betrothal.10 A set form of words was used by those plighting their troths, the following being the one sanctioned for the bridegroom by the ancient law of Iceland: "We declare ourselves witnesses that thou N. N. bindest me in lawful betrothal, and with taking hold of hands thou promisest me the dowry and engagest to fulfil and observe the whole of the compact between us, which has been notified in the hearing of witnesses with out duplicity or cunning, as a real and authorized compact." " s»Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 241-242; Norges Gamle Love, I, 69. 1(>Keyser, Private Life, 25. ii Ibid. 94 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Betrothal was not marriage, but it was of the utmost importance, for no marriage was considered legal unless preceded by a formally witnessed agreement Importance regarding the dower and mundr, in addition Betrothal to a plighting of troths. And, to be recog nized by law, the settlement made by the groom must not fall below a certain minimum, called the "poor man's mundr." This was eight .aurar (eight ounces of silver) in Iceland, and twelve in Norway.12 If the law was not complied with in the matter of be trothal, the woman was considered merely a mistress, and her children could not inherit from the father.13 But marriages without the proper affiancing arrange ments were quite common, and were generally contracted by well-to-do men with women who were their social in feriors. Such alliances come under the head of the "loose marriages" already referred to. The betrothal negotiations were commonly known in the Scandinavian North as brudkaup, meaning literally "bride-purchase," and the name was a relic of a time, perhaps not very far in the pre-historic past of Scandi navia, when the person of the wife was as literally bought as was a slave. But in the Viking Age the purchase was not personal, but legal; the groom, with his mundr, merely bought the guardianship over his bride, hitherto possessed by the father.14 The dower, it was, which made the difference between the old wife-purchase and the affiancing agreements of the early Middle Ages. This 12 Grdgds, IV, 34, and passim; Norges Gamle Love, I, 27, 54. 13 On the other hand, in Norway the early laws of the Christian period declared that a child born to a regularly betrothed pair before their mar riage must be recognized as legitimate and entitled to inherit, provided that marriage subsequently took place. Keyser, Private Life, 29. i*Weinhold, AItn.oriWsc7i.es Leben, 240; BSSth, A. U., Nordiskt Forntids- Uf, 104; Wis6n, Om Qvinnan, 17. MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE 95 sum helped the husband with the expenses of supporting the family, and as it was generally larger than the mundr —and always at least equal to it — the wife 's family was under no financial obligation to the groom. Hence, with the origin of the dower, the position of the wife greatly improved ; the husband had not his former absolute con trol over her, her family could interfere for her protec tion, and divorce was easily secured. This change in the status of the wife in the North corresponded closely to that taking place at an earlier time in the Roman Em pire.15 Since betrothal was a very serious arrangement, neither side could break off the engagement without in curring punishment and disgrace. If the suitor or the guardian of the girl violated the troth, the punishment fell upon them; but the girl was not held responsible unless she personally rebelled against the arrangement made for her, in which case she was liable to the usual punishment of outlawry and banishment. A widow, however, who had affianced herself against the advice of her kinsmen might become free from her obligation, providing she paid a fine of three marks to her betrothed. But if a man eloped with a woman engaged to another he was forced to pay a very heavy fine which must be divided between the girl's father and her suitor; and, in addition, he might be outlawed. The girl, if it could be proved that she consented to the elopement, might also suffer outlawry. Nevertheless, there were some circumstances under which the betrothal arrangements might be legally set aside by the suitor. If, for instance, after betrothal the girl was found to be suffering from poor health or from serious physical defects, the suitor was released from the contract, and the father or other i° Maine, Early History of Institutions, 312-317. 96 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE guardian who affianced her could be punished by lesser outlawry, unless he could prove that he had been igno rant of the inferiorities, or that the suitor was aware of them, at the time of the agreement.16 The interval between the betrothal and the wedding varied considerably; if there was nothing to prevent, however, the nuptials took place quite Marriage promptly, generally in the summer or early autumn; but very often young men engaged themselves before going abroad, in which case three years or even more might elapse before they claimed their brides. And some laws required that women wait for the return of their lovers the three years which Were generally neces sary for the completion of the long trading- or viking- journey to the East, before betrothing themselves to another. If the marriage was to take place shortly, it appears to have been considered bad form for the young man to call upon his betrothed in the interval. In the viking period the wedding was usually celebrated at the home of the bride, to which the groom, if he was a man of importance, rode in state, followed by his relatives, groomsmen and retainers. But it was not uncommon for the ceremony and marriage feast to be held at the groom's home, and at a somewhat later period this ap pears to have been the rule, particularly after the in troduction of Christianity. In the latter case, the bride was sometimes taken home by the groom himself, but more often she went on the bride's journey (brudferd) to her new home, accompanied by her maids, relatives, friends, and other followers ; and the groom, as the host, with his retinue met the party a quarter of a mile from his residence and welcomed them. At times, in Iceland, the wedding guests were entertained in booths or tents i6Keyser, Private Life, 29; Du Chaillu, Viking Age, II, 7-9. MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE 97 at this point until evening; but when darkness began to fall the whole gathering fell into a procession and rode to the groom's house, two by two. This was called the bridegroom's ride (brudgumareid) , and, though it perhaps dated from heathen times, it survived in Ice land until about a century and a half ago.17 For the ceremony, the bridal pair were clad in their best, but except for a long scarf, or veil, worn by the bride, there appears to have been nothing about the cos tumes peculiar to the occasion. This veil was of fine white linen among the wealthy, and was called Un; among the humbler, the material was cheaper, and the article was known as a ripti. The veil was wound about the head of the bride and apparently concealed her face. The two loose ends either hung down behind or were held by the bridesmaids, who appear to have numbered two or more. Perhaps for the first time in her career, a bunch of keys hung from the young woman's belt, in token of her new authority as head of a house.18 The guardian of the bride who officiated at the be trothal seems to have had full charge of the marriage rites also. Just what form the ceremony took in the heathen period is not clear, but it is probable that it consisted of a repetition in the presence of witnesses of pledges very similar to those made at betrothal, as was the case after the christianization of the North. This was the civil part ; but there was a religious ele ment also, for Thor's hammer was used to consecrate the bridal pair, and it is probable that the blessings of Var were invoked as well. In Denmark, at least, sacri fice was offered to the goddess Freyia, in the hope of if See "BrutSfero"' and "BrtitSgumi" in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dic tionary. is Corpus Poeticum Boreale, I, 178-179. 98 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE insuring offspring from the marriage.19 Though finger rings were exchanged at weddings in early times, no spe cial ceremonial significance appears to have been attached to them.20 Gifts were probably also presented by friends and relatives of the bridal pair ; and at a very early date the groom gave the bride, on the morning following the wedding, a present called the "morning gift." In the first centuries after the introduction of Christianity, such a gift was required by law, and in some cases the mini mum amount which it might cost was specified. Some of the laws also specified that the bride must give the groom a present of equal value.21 It is probable that these gifts in some parts supplanted the heimanfylgja and mundr of the heathen period, which, however, per sisted well into the Christian time, at least in Iceland. Following the ceremony came an elaborate feast. Among the rich, hundreds of guests might be present for the marriage and remain to the banquet, which some times continued for as long as a week. But very lengthy and extravagant wedding festivities led in the early Christian days to legislative regulation; in some cases their length was limited, and in others, the drinking.22 During the festivities — generally in the first part of them — the dower and mundr were paid down by the bride's father and the groom.23 After the celebration was con cluded sometimes the young people set off immediately for the new home prepared by the groom — unless the wlbid., I, 179; Keyser, Private Life, 31. 20 Lehmann, Karl, Verlobung und Hochzeit nach den nordgermanischen Itechten des friihen Mittelalters, 65-67. 2i "Dale Laghen," 26-28, in collection called Biarkoa Riitten; "Uplandz- laghen," 15-16, "Wastmannalaghen," 11, "Helsinglaghen," 8, in Swerikes Rikes Lagh-Bbker. 22K&lund, "Familielivet pa Island," in Aarboger, 1870, p. 310; Guta- Lagh, 50. wNjdla, 17; Lehmann, Verlobung und Hochzeit, 83-89. MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE 99 wedding had been solemnized there; but occasionally they spent some time at the home of the bride, if she had been married at home. Very often they took up resi dence with the groom's father, and remained a part of his household for many years, or even until his death. This last arrangement was more usual in Sweden and Denmark, where emphasis was placed upon family soli darity, than farther west, where there was more individ ualism.24 Though monogamy was the rule in Scandinavia, plural marriage on the part of the men was by no means un known. But the practice was more common „ . Polygyny in some parts of the North than in others, and also varied in different periods of the ancient and early medieval times. Centuries before the viking era, the Northmen, like the other Teutonic peoples and the ancient Celts and Slavs, practiced polygyny ; but the cus tom appears to have become less common by the dawn of the historic period in Scandinavia. In the sagas, for instance, there seems to be no record of full, legal marriages of a plural nature.25 The viking voyages, however, seem to have revived and increased the practice. Imitation of the Oriental harem appears to have made more common plural marriage in Swedish Russia, and in the West the warrior's and merchant's long absence from home resulted in legal recognition of their right to maintain wives in different places. Icelandic law, for example, permitted every man to have two wives, one in Iceland and one in Norway.26 But it is hardly likely that polygyny was found among any except the wealthier 2*K&lund, "Familielivet pa Island," in Aarbdger, 1870, p. 317. 20 Hildebrand, Lifvet pd Island under Sagotiden, passim to p. 298. 26 Steenstrup, Johannes C. H. R., Normwnnerne, I, 222-227; Bugge, Die Wikinger, 84-87. 100 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE classes; the humble cottagers and the poorer boendr were probably all monogamists. And after Christianity was well established in the North, plural marriage came under the ban of the law.27 Besides his one or more legal wives, a man might have — and in the old heathen days, in particular, frequently did have — other women with whom he maintained various sex relationships. Among these was the wife with whom he had made a "loose marriage" by entirely omitting betrothal formalities, or some of the other steps neces sary to making the alliance full and regular ; 28 but neither such wives nor their children ranked with the wife of a regular marriage or her children. It was very common also, especially among kings and other men of high rank, to support one or more mistresses. Such women were often slaves, but not always. Since the custom of main taining mistresses was well established in the early Mid dle Ages, no hint of disgrace attached to the man be cause of it, and little to the woman, even if she was free, though her status was distinctly an inferior one in the household. Sometimes the man maintained a separate establish ment for his mistress,, through preference, or in order to preserve peace with his legal wife.29 After the intro duction of Christianity, the laws of Denmark tried to improve the status of the mistress of an unmarried man and to discourage loose sex relationships by providing that if the woman went in public with the man, ate and drank with him, and was known for three years to be his mistress she became at the end of that time his legal 2' Boden, Friedrich, Mutterrecht und Ehe im altnordischen Recht, 122- 125. 28 Egils Saga, 22. 29 Saga Olafs Konungs ens Helga, 3; Adam of Bremen, 19; Laxdoela Saga, 29. MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE 101 wife.30 Moreover, some of the laws of other lands of the North tried to raise the dignity of the home by direct legislation for punishing men and women alike for sex immorality in general ; 31 but in Scandinavia, as in other parts of the world, sex irregularities are dying hard. In spite of the fact that they were, in a sense, sold into matrimony and were the wards of their husbands, the legal wives really held an honored posi- . . tion; and within flieir own homes they en- wives joyed much independence * of action. The bunch of keys at the matron's belt was a real symbol of her control of matters indoors. Though the husband succeeded the father as guardian, he, like the former, showed a certain consideration for his wife's wishes, and even consulted her with reference to matters of weight.32 As guardian of his wife, he was expected to avenge any wrong inflicted upon her, or to demand amends for the misdeed; and in case his wife was guilty of wronging another, he was also responsible. In view of the obli gation of the husband, the law prohibited the wife from making any bargain or purchase involving a sum be yond a certain maximum, determined by the rank of the husband; if the amount was exceeded, the latter might repudiate the bargain.33 His position as guardian also gave the man the right to inflict physical punishment upon his wife, though she could no more lift her hand against him than could a child against its parents. It was, however, considered unmanly in the North to strike a woman,34 but only in Iceland was the right of a man 30 Valdemar den Andens Jydske Lov, 44. . si Norges Gamle Love, I, 16, Kong Erics Sjellandske Lov, 64. '2 Origines Islandieae, II, 604 ; Fldamanna Saga, 37 ; Montelius, Civilisation of Sweden, 152. sa Norges Gamle Love, I, 29; Swerikes Rikes Lagh-Boker, 38. 3* Corpus Poeticum Boreale, I, 121; Keyser, Private Life, 41. | 102 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE to beat his wife seriously curbed or checked by law.35 Certain contrasts and anomalies as regards the posi tion of the wife should be considered in this connection. These were exceptional, but are of value as wives ef throwing light upon the time, and afford in terest, for most of them were found in Ice land where women had an unusually independent posi tion. For instance, in that island husbands occasionally gave away their wives to their friends — an act compli mentary to the friend and not at all derogatory to the donor.36 The wives do not appear to have been con sulted with reference to the transaction, but if very averse to it, they would probably have made their views known. The mercantile bent of the Scandinavian was also displayed in his attitude towards his wife ; for, when trading goods or lands with another, he was sometimes unable to resist the temptation to exchange wives as well, and did so regardless of the wishes of his wife. We read, however, of a determined Icelandic matron named Sigrid, disposed of by her husband in trade, who "hanged herself in the temple because she would not change husbands."37 Furthermore, the sale of wives outright was not an unusual practice, though it was per haps more peculiar to continental Scandinavia than to Iceland ; and as late as the eleventh century, when Chris tianity had secured considerable hold, the pope com plained of the barter and exchange of wives which was carried on in the North.38 Wives sometimes secured new husbands also as the result of a duel. If a man took a fancy to the wife of ss Bugge, Die Wikinger, 55. 3« Fldamanna, 29-30. 87 Origines Islamdicae, I, 43. 38 Bugge, Die Wikinger, 55. MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE 103 another, he might challenge the husband to a fight with swords, staking the woman upon the issue. Such meth ods were usually employed only by men of the ruffian type, generally professional fighters; but in those days it was not easy for a husband to ignore such a challenge, unreasonable though it was, for it was the outgrowth of the exaltation of warfare which characterized the pe riod.89 Because of its late settlement, Iceland seems never to have had the suttee practiced within it, but this cus tom was found in the remainder of the North during the Viking Age, as is very evident from the ancient writings. According to the Saga of Olaf the Holy, when Earl Valgant of Gotaland was about to depart on a visit to King Olaf, at the command of the latter, he gave his wife the necessary orders in case of his death, including the instruction to erect a fu neral pyre on which she must cremate all of his property, and then herself.40 The Saga of Olaf Tryggvasson states, furthermore, that it was customary for the wife to be buried with the husband, but it makes it plain that such sacrifice might at times be avoided, by narrating how Sigrid, a fore sighted, life-loving dame, divorced her husband, Erik, when he grew old, on the simple ground that she did not wish to be buried with him/1 Gunnhild, another shrewd woman, avoided all risk, according to the saga, by refusing to marry Haakon Jarl because he was old when he courted her, and she did not wish to die with him, as the law demanded.42 In spite of the allu- MOrigmes Islandicae, I, 196; Gisla, 2; Gull-Thoris Saga, 12. 40 Schetelig, Haakon, "Traces of the Custom of 'Suttee' in Norway during the Viking Age," in Saga Book, VI, 180-209; Seger, "Frauengraber," in Hoops, Realleasikon. « Ibid. 42 Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 417. 104 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE sions to the law, however, the suttee was certainly excep tional in the viking period, and even in the most con servative parts — quite unlike in India of the last cen tury — no stigma appears to have attached to the women who contrived to survive their husbands; while in Ice land, which was closely bound to the continental North, widows were in excellent standing, and often married more than once after the death of their first husbands.43 In fact, sometimes immediately after the death of their husbands, Icelandic women became the wives of relatives- in-law through inheritance; this came about, as a rule, through a man's falling heir to a deceased brother's widow along with his movable goods and his land.44 And even at the present day in Scandinavia it is very customary for a man to marry the wife or betrothed of his brother, in the event of the latter 's death. This cus tom, in common with the ancient one, originated from the fact that the brothers of the father stood closer to the children than those of the mother, and in the absence of grown sons of the widow, her late husband's brother became the guardian of both her and the children. By marrying the widow he could more easily perform the duties of his office; and, furthermore, he thus prevented the wife's property from going out of the husband's kindred group.45 The above-described cases of inconsistency and disre gard for the dignity and rights of the wife may be ac counted for by the fact that the Viking Age in Scandi navia, like the present age in Christendom, was one of transition — especially for the woman ; hence old customs were still tolerated while new ones were being introduced. *s See pp. 419^421 and note for further consideration of the suttee. « Gisla, 3, 43. « Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 249-250. MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE 105 Yet, in spite of these antiquated survivals, the position of the Northern wife was at this time perhaps more enviable than that of any other women of contemporary Europe. The station of comparative independence enjoyed by the Scandinavian women may largely be accounted for by the ease with which thev could secure a „. * Divorce divorce and yet retain their property. The financial settlement made by the man upon his bride at betrothal served as a sort of security for good conduct on the part of the husband. The threat of the wife to leave and take her property with her must have fre quently proved efficacious in securing what she wished. In the heathen time, though marriage was hard to enter, it was exceedingly easy to escape from; and a husband could not force his wife to return to him against her will. The rights of the Icelandic woman, in particular, were well guarded, though they were not equal to those of the men before the divorce courts; but throughout Scandinavia in this period women probably fared much better in the matter of grounds for securing separation from their husbands than they did after Christianity was firmly established. The greatest injustice shown to the women in this regard was in the matter of unfaithfulness on the part of the husband. If the wife proved unfaithful, the hus band could divorce her and retain both her mundr and her dower, while unfaithfulness on the part of the hus band was his special prerogative; the wife had no re dress against it except to desert him, and if she did so, she lost her dowry.46 That women did not always yield readily before the charge of unfaithfulness is shown, however, by the fact that when the Icelander, Thorkel, "Keyser, Private Life, 50. 106 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE accused his wife, Asgerda, of disloyalty, she promptly informed him that if he did not disregard the gossip which he had heard about her, she would immediately claim a divorce and make her father demand both her dower and her mundr.47 In many cases, divorces were secured upon very trifling grounds, and occasionally on virtually no grounds at all. There appears to have been some inconsistency in the law and custom governing such separations, as regards the division of property, but, in general, if the divorce was secured upon slight basis, and there was mutual agreement to the separation, the wife retained her dower and the husband kept the mundr; while the wife was awarded one third of the wealth acquired since marriage. But if either had been a grave offender, the one demand ing divorce retained both the dower and the mundr ; and if it was the husband who was securing the separation, the wife had no share in the gain in wealth since mar riage.48 In Iceland a woman could secure a divorce if her hus band struck her, and could take with her the property settled upon her by her husband at marriage, as well as the heimanfylgja. For a man to strike his wife in the presence of company was particularly inexcusable before the law, because especially humiliating to her. There are several instances on record of Icelandic women who secured divorce for this cause.49 Men also obtained sep aration because of mistreatment by their wives. Bardi, whose wife was Aud, is an example of this. One morn ing Aud woke before her husband and proceeded to rouse him by starting a pillow-fight ; but she kept up the game 47 Gisla, ch. 9. 48 Boden, Mutterrecht und Ehe, 113-114. 49 Laxdoela Saga, 98 ; Origines Islandicae, II, 96 ; Saga Library, II, 25. MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE 107 so long that her husband wearied of it and displayed his irritation by slapping her when he finally cast the pillow back. Whereupon, Aud, in turn, became angry and, finding a stone, threw it at Bardi, which so incensed him that upon that very day he divorced himself from her, declaring that he would "take masterful ways no more from her than from any one else. ' ' B0 But it is interesting to note that the playful spouse departed with her dower. Among miscellaneous reasons for divorce was the fail ure of the husband to treat his wife's relatives with what she regarded as due consideration.51 And in some parts the fact that husbands took their wives' property out of the country without the wives' permission, was cause for divorce.52 In Iceland, either could divorce the other for wearing clothes like those of the opposite sex — a matter upon which the population seems to have been strangely sensitive. For instance, a woman who wore trousers and a man who wore a shirt so low cut in front as to expose much of his breast were liable to divorce. Here, the women, who were the garment-makers, had a special advantage, of which they sometimes made use. One shrewd matron of whom the sagas tell, desiring a divorce, purposely cut her husband's new shirt too low in front, and after he had been so stupid as to put it on and wear it, demanded separation from him on the ground of his having done so.53 In the heathen time, the Scandinavian procedure in se curing a divorce was simple. In Iceland, and probably also throughout the whole North, if a woman was the bo Saga Library, II, 258. <*GUma, 59; Gisla, 98-99. « Grdgds, IV, 42. =3 Lascdoela, 99-101 ; Keyser, Private Life, 52-53. 108 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE plaintiff, she must, before witnesses, give reasons for her actions,— declare herself separated from her husband, at three different times and in three different places —first, before her husband's bed; next, before the prin cipal entrance to the house ; and, finally, before a public assembly.54 Presumably, the same formalities were ne cessary if a man was the plaintiff. This constituted a legal divorce, but probably many couples separated and contracted other marriages without any such formali ties,55 the termination of their wedlock being signalized merely by the departure of the one or the other and the division of property. If a peaceful private settlement regarding the property could not be effected, the division was made by the courts, or the matter became the cause of an interminable feud between the families concerned. In the ancient time there was no legal obstacle to either of the divorced parties immediately contracting for a fresh marriage; but after Christianity was established the matter of marriage and divorce came under the con trol of the church. Consequently, a great change took place, and legal separation was thenceforth impossible for either party, except for unfaithfulness or for mar riage within forbidden degrees of relationship, which were now carefully defined; and in the former case re marriage was prohibited.56 54 Njdla, 20-21 ; Keyser, Private Life, 53. es Boden, Mutterrecht und Ehe, 108-113. b« Keyser, Private Life, 54. CHAPTER VII POSITION OF WOMEN Thore, Enraade's brother, erected this stone in memory of his mother and sister, good women. The death of the mother is the greatest mis fortune for the son. From an ancient rune stone. The Scandinavian women of the early Middle Ages were the product of the time in which they lived; into their mental composition went much of the strength and freedom of the viking North. General For though they were legally under guard- women ianship to some male member of their family practically the whole of their lives, and though matri mony at the time involved unusual risks, they neverthe less enjoyed more independence than any other women of contemporary Europe. In the intense life of the pe riod they played a leading part, and their qualities made them worthy of the roles allotted to them. Like the god desses of their mythology, they were well developed, all- round women. Since there was but little difference in the mental training of the two sexes, each could find in tellectual companionship in the other. For they were not, during the heathen period, shut out from communion with the men, as were the women of the Athenian world, and locked into the kitchen and nursery — forcibly doomed to isolation in the "quiet world of home. " Instead, they lived in such close fellowship with their men folk that the aims and ideals of the latter largely colored their own lives. They, therefore, represented what is com- 109 110 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE monly known as the "masculine" type of womanhood, which is, after all, only a well-developed human type. Since it was customary for all women to take part in the various activities making up the life of their time, even the most energetic of them and the most "ad vanced" were honored and respected, if they were women of worthy character. In this regard, the North con trasted especially well with classical Greece, where a woman, in order to preserve the esteem of others, was forced to remain strictly at home, since those who mingled with the men and shared their interests — which were only human interests — were likely to be classed as "bad."1 But while possessing the strength and courage mak ing them worthy sisters, wives, and mothers of the war riors who terrorized Christendom during three centuries, they also displayed qualities generally classed as feminine — tenderness, self-sacrificing love, loyalty, and devotion. Many a Scandinavian mother saved her new-born child from the death to which its father had condemned it ; and there are repeated instances of wives and daughters who perished with the men of the family when their home was set afire by an enemy, preferring death with to life without them; and also of women who harbored and cared for their outlawed men folk, in defiance of the law, or chose voluntary exile with them. In view of the time, the women were deferred to and protected to a remarkable degree. Custom demanded that they be permitted to leave a house about to be burned, and they were the first to be removed from a sinking vessel.2 The honor, at least of the well-born iBajer, Fredrik, "Oldnordens Qvinde," in Nordisk Mdnedskrift for Folkelig og Kristelig Oplyswing, Mar., 1871, p. 181. 2 Origines Islandicae, II, 66 ; Gull-Thoris Saga, 34. POSITION OF WOMEN 111 girl, was jealously guarded by her male relatives; any wrong done her was promptly avenged; and in the early Christian days, if not before, there were laws in most of the provinces for inflicting punishment upon men insulting or otherwise wronging women. The legislation of the island of Gotland in this regard was particularly praiseworthy.3 In general, women were also the equals of men before the law, the chief exceptions being the discrimination shown against them in the matters of di vorce and inheritance ; but in the latter case the partiality shown their brothers was probably more apparent than real, for it seems likely that in many parts of the North the difference was made up by the amount which they received for their dowers. Because of the respect which the men had for their opinions, the women wielded great influence in warfare, whether on the foreign battle-field, or at home in following up a feud. Sometimes *nfluence of they exerted themselves in behalf of peace, in warfare but more frequently they urged the men on to fighting, for they seem to have been even more resentful than the latter of all violation of family honor ; and many a feud which doubtless would have died out of itself was kept burning through the efforts of the women. "The women at home shall never be told that I sought shelter from sword-strokes," sang Hjalmar in his death song, "nor shall the fair, wise-hearted lady in Sigtown ever hear that I flinched. ' ' 4 And, ' ' Never, ' ' cried the mother in the Volsunga, "shall the maidens mock these my sons at the games, and cry out at them that they fear death. " B With the opening of the Viking Age came an improve- s Guta-Lagh, 47-49 ; Kong Erics Sjellandske Lov, 8'5. * Corpus Poeticum Boreale, I, 161-162. b p. 11. 112 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE ment in the condition of the women and a general exalta tion of their status.' They now had a free- th/viking dom, never possessed before, to be themselves Age upon and to develop naturally. In consequence, the Status there was a new growth in individualism of Women ^^ ig reflected in the strong, clear-cut fe male personalities portrayed in the sagas. Whether working for evil or for good, these women were deter mined and fearless, shrewd and resourceful, and when the issue turned against them, they faced defeat with proud self -¦control. These forceful personalities were found throughout the North. The fragmentary records for continental Scandinavia afford glimpses of them here Representa- an(j ^ but ^ g of Iceland furnish. tiveWomen a whole gallery of portraits of interesting women, who, because of the frontier environ ment in which they lived, were, probably, on the whole, even more individual than their sisters farther east. Two particularly interesting personalities from the continent may be mentioned,--Gyda, the daughter of King Eric of Hordaland in the present Nor way, and Sigrid, mother of King Olaf of Sweden. Gyda is described as a "maiden"' exceeding fair, and withal somewhat highminded." The latter quality came out when King Harold Hairf air's repre sentative solicited her hand in matrimony for his mas ter. The young princess is reported to have replied scornfully that she would not consider Harold for a hus band until he had conquered the whole of Norway and brought it under his rule, as Eric had done in Sweden and Gorm in Denmark. The King's messenger wished to punish the girl for her independence, but Harold was much struck with her reply and wondered that he had POSITION OF WOMEN 113 not thought of undertaking the conquest before. He accordingly vowed that he would not have his hair combed or cut until he should have brought under his dominion the Land of Norway, and he promptly pro ceeded to make war upon his neighbors so effectively that he soon had the whole country united under his control, and was able to claim the highminded Gyda for his bride. But before these double aims were gained, the saga says, his hair had grown so long and thick as to win for him the nickname, Harold Hairf air.6 Queen Sigrid, "the wisest of women and foreseeing about many matters," was annoyed by the persistence of two unwelcome wooers — the one, a ruler to the west of her son's dominion, and the other, a sovereign in a small territory to the east — and deter mined to rid herself of them. Accordingly, in the night when the men, who had returned to plead their suits, were sleeping in the hall in her home, she had the build ing attacked with fire and sword, and all within were burned to death. "Said Sigrid hereat that she would weary these small kings of coming from other lands to woo her," which caused her thereafter to be known as Sigrid the Haughty.7 Among the Icelandic women, one of the most clearly portrayed and of the least pleasing is Hallgerda, who plays a prominent part in the Njal Saga. She is the most conspicuous example of the strong women of the saga time who misdirected their energies and misused their talents. Proud, resentful, bad-tempered, extravagant and grasping, with a dislike for housekeeping and a fondness for brewing trouble, she was the cause of the murder of the first two of her « Saga Mbrary, III, 93. ¦'Ibid., 286. 114 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE three husbands, and had a large part in creating the feud which resulted in the destruction of Njal and his sons. Signy, another wilful woman, but one less harmfully so, is amusing because so suggestive of many a latter- day matron, in her fondness for doing as she pleased. Desirous of making a visit to her kinsfolk, she. asked her husband's permission to do so, and he consented to her absence for half a month. But Signy ignored the limitation placed upon her stay and remained away the whole winter, letting her family get along as best it could without her while she made the most of her opportunity for enjoyment and "went to feasts at men's houses." 8 Aud, wife of Thorthr, was an unlovely character rep resentative of the somewhat "wild Western" mannish a a wf type ^a* ^e frontier settlements in Iceland of Thorthr occasionally produced. She insisted upon wearing man's trousers, for which cause her husband divorced her. But after being repudiated by Thorthr she determined upon revenge, donned the offend ing garments, and, arming herself with a sword, rode in the night time to where her former husband was stay ing, and, finding him in bed, wounded him with the weapon which she had brought.9 Another interesting woman of remarkable spirit was Thurithr, who showed herself unusually equal to a diffi- . cult emergency, caused by the fact that her husband deserted her and their child, leav ing them without means of support. When she found that he had cast her off and was planning to take ship from Iceland, she took the baby and followed him to the s Origines Islandicae, II, 51. »Laxdoela, 99-101. POSITION OF WOMEN 115 harbor, boarded his ship, and found him upon it, asleep in his hammock. Placing the child beside its father, she helped herself to the man's greatest treasure, his sword, which was believed to possess magical powers, and took her departure. The husband, wakened by the cries of the child, missed his sword and, suspecting the reason for its disappearance, rushed forward only to see his wife being rapidly rowed away in the boat in which she came. In spite of his commands and curses, the boat of Thurithr continued to make for the shore, and it later escaped the party sent in pursuit of it. The wronged wife presented the captured sword to a kinsman, and subsequently entered into a second marriage which proved more successful. What became of the unfor tunate infant the saga fails to report.10 Thorberga, who was married to Njal, is an example of the loyal wife. When Njal's enemies surrounded their home in preparation for burning it, she un- hesitatingly chose to die with him. The saga of Gisla presents an even more devoted wife in Auda, wife of the outlaw from whom the story takes its name. Long after her loyalty had first been tried, Eyjolf, an enemy of Gisla, handed Auda a bag of silver as a bribe to induce her to betray her husband. Another loyal relative, observing this, be came alarmed and told Gisla, who replied, "Be of good heart; that will never be. My brave Auda will never betray me." And Auda very promptly justified his faith in her by flinging the money into Eyjolf 's face, bidding him remember as long as he lived that a woman had beaten him. Later, when the pressure of his enemies forced Gisla to take refuge in a hiding place among the rocky cliffs, Auda still accompanied him; and when his i°Ibid., 84-87. 116 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE pursuers found him here, she seized a club and beat back Eyjolf, the leader, whereupon Gisla remarked: "Long ago I knew I was well wedded, though I never knew I was so well wedded as I am." Asgerda, daughter of Egil Skalagrimsson, is, on the other hand, typical of the devoted daughter. She was married and living at a distance, but when she learned that her father, heart-broken over the death of his much-beloved son, was determined to end his own life by starvation, she promptly returned to her paternal home, and through the display of shrewd tact and tender affection, she succeeded in rousing in the old man the desire to live on in order to commemorate his son in song.11 Aud, sometimes called the Deep-Wealthy, was the most famous and most powerful of all of the women mentioned in connection with the settlement Aud, the of iCeiand. She was the widow of Olaf the Wealthy White who had ruled Dublin. After her father had died and her son had met his death in an attempt to conquer Scotland, Aud determined to move to Iceland, where two of her brothers were already living. In spite of the vigilance of her enemies in Scot land, she had a ship secretly built in the woods, escaped in it with several members of her family and a number of her freedmen, and started on the voyage northward. But, pausing on her way at various islands off the Scotch coast, she arranged influential marriages for her grand daughters. Upon reaching Iceland, she established her title to a large tract of land, some of which she parcelled out to relatives and other supporters. The remainder she kept for herself, and administered it so well that she was from the first recognized as a person of importance uEgils Saga, 257-259. POSITION OF WOMEN 117 in the island. So noted was she for sound judgment and wise action that the men folk of her family quite willingly went to her for counsel. When she felt old age and the end close at hand, Aud made her youngest grandson, Olaf, her heir, and ar ranged a marriage for him. Under her direction an ela borate wedding feast was provided and great numbers of guests were bidden to it. Aud was a large, tall woman, of queenly appearance as well as of action, and when she greeted her guests they noticed that, in spite of the burden of her years, she carried herself with her former stateliness. After greeting all courteously and seeing that they were properly served, she left the banqueting hall with a firm, quick step and retired to her bed. Upon the following day she did not appear at the usual time, and her grandson went to her sleeping-room. And there was Aud, propped against her pillow, dead. When Olaf returned to the hall and reported, all of the guests mar veled greatly at the way in which their hostess had sus tained her queenly dignity up to the very end.12 Widows, and the very occasional women not possessed of near male relatives, were the most independent. The latter, at least after they reached years of maturity, appear to have been quite without XJfmen guardians; and the former were not under Guardians tutelege except in Iceland. With this one exception, throughout Scandinavia both classes could betroth themselves and care for their own property; and, hence, could carry on business transactions as freely as a man.13 But as regards the women legally under tutelage, it should be remembered that then, as now, the personal ^Origines Islamdicae, I, 76-85; Laxdoela, 7-13. uNjdla, 37-38, 74; Origines Islandicae, II, 605. 118 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE equation counted for much. Though the husband was the guardian of his wife, many men, while abroad, en trusted their wives with the administration of important financial matters, as well as with the supervision of large farms ; and occasionally wives dominated their guardian- husbands to such a degree that the latter were well quali fied for the modern "hen-pecked" class. The kinds of work done a thousand years ago by Scan dinavian women in connection with the home differed very little from their present-day occupa- Women's tions on Scandinavian farms. To them fell Work in ^Q ^g^er labor out of doors, such as helping with the with the hay -making, feeding and bedding the Home livestock, and milking the cows. If the fam ily was wealthy, this work was performed by women slaves or servants ; if poor, by the wife and daugh ters. Indoors, they had full charge of the house-work, cooking, mending, and sewing, as well as the care of the children ; and in addition they had to serve the men, who required a great deal of waiting upon, as they do still in the country districts of the Scandinavian North. The women had not only to be in attendance at meal time, and to keep the men's clothes clean and in order, but they also washed the men's heads, scrubbed them in the bath, and pulled their clothes off for them at night when they retired.14 And the women of Iceland still perform the last-named service.15 But other occupations were open to women besides those connected with household routine or farm work* and to these quite a large fraction gave a part or the whole of their time. A few of them had financial inter ests in ships engaged in foreign commerce; and they 14 Corpus Poeticum Boreale, II, 357; Origines Islandicae, II, 729. 15 Hendersen, Ebenezer, Iceland, I, 114-115. POSITION OF WOMEN 119 sometimes occupied themselves with direct trade at the local markets.16 Some women were sculp tors, or, at least, cutters of runes upon monu- Other Oc- mental stones.17 Occasionally a woman be- o^n"^8 came noted as a poet or skald, but it was quite Women unusual for them to take up poesy as a seri ous profession, as did the men.18 Once in a while they were priestesses, and, as such, they took care of the tem ples and offered sacrifice. But work of this last sort was hardly likely to come to women except in a few cases when the man who built the place of worship did not desire to perform the religious duties himself.19 In the early time — perhaps before the Viking Age — the mili tary profession also was open to women; they were trained to handle arms, and some of them performed service upon the battle-field. The valkyriur, or Valky ries, the "choosers of the slain" of Northern mythology, were probably deified reflections of real warriors. Such women had the word hildr, meaning warfare or warrior, attached to their names as a mark of their calling, as Brynhild, Ashild, Svanhild. Later, in the viking time, when women were discouraged, or prohibited, from at tempting to gain military glory, the professional signi ficance of the word was disregarded, and "hild" names were borne by women, regardless of profession.20 Women in the above-mentioned occupations were quite exceptional, but there were two professions outside the home of which they had almost the monopoly ; these were medicine and surgery, and witchcraft and prophecy. 18 Origmes Islandicae, II, 608. "Kermode, P. M. C, Mana; Grosses, 90. is Bugge, Die Wikinger, 74, 83. "Bugge, Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. II, 46; Kaiund, FamilieUvet p& Island, 338. 20 Bugge, Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. II, 218. 120 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Women skilled in healing had the word laelmir; physi cian, attached to their names; and those versed in the occult used the word vblva in the same manner. Repre sentatives of both of these callings probably traveled through the community, or even through large districts, stopping wherever their services were required ; but more often they were sought in their own homes, by, or in the interest of, the sick or wounded, or those seeking supernatural aid. Sometimes the "leech women" took the wounded away with them from the scene of battle and cared for them until well, thus turning their homes into private hospitals on a small scale.21 And in those mili tant days women were perhaps much more frequently called upon to dress and care for cuts and stabs than to exercise medical knowledge in the cure of diseases. Dabbling in magic was, in the heathen days, by no means frowned upon, unless used for evil purposes, for the gods themselves at times practiced sorcery; and the volva, because of her power, was probably more highly regarded than the woman who was a mere healer. It should be stated, however, that the two professions to some extent overlapped, for the laeknir often resorted to magical devices for effecting cures.22 It has been stated that the Viking Age elevated the status of the Scandinavian women. It is no less true that this period also eventually brought fec^ofthe ahout their degradation in some respects, Viking Age and a restriction of some of the liberties upon the which had been theirs. This change was to Women1 some extent due to tlie fact tnat tne women abused some of their new privileges, which their lack of experience prevented them from appreci- 2i Origines Islandicae, II, 552. 22 For further consideration of these subjects see pp. 357-358. POSITION OF WOMEN 121 ating. But the stronger transforming influence doubt less came through contact with southern lands, where two things inclined the Northern men to less respect for women in general, — their own with the rest. The one was the inferior character of the women of the Roman world, who suffered from the taint of Imperial decay; the other, and more powerful, was certain of the teachings of the Christian church — largely based upon the writings of Saint Paul — which changed the attitude of the men of Christendom towards women. And the heathen men from Scandinavia gradually followed the examples of the men in the south; thus the curse arising from the leading part played by Eve in the tragedy of the "fall of man" descended upon the women of the Northland even while they were still pagan.23 The poetic compositions of the later viking time re flect this decline of respect towards them ; they are repre sented, in a manner suggestive of Solomon's proverbs, as fickle and unstable: "On a whirling wheel are their hearts shapen,24 And fickleness laid down in their breast," is the cynical view of one of the poets of the period. And though the actual adoption of Christianity again brought some ameliorating changes — especially in pro tecting the wife against rival women — these were accom panied by various aggravating restrictions, particularly in Iceland, though here women had previously enjoyed unusual opportunities for self-expression and self-de velopment. Much of the earlier freedom was now lost; the women were bound more closely to house and home ; 23 Bugge, Die Wikinger, 88-89; Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 256. 24 Corpus Poeticum Boreale, I, 11. 122 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE and if any wished an independent unmarried career, she could secure it only in the service of the church. This perhaps accounts for the fact that in the Christian Middle Ages we do not find so many strong female personalities in Scandinavia as during the pagan time.25 25 Bugge, Die Wikinger, 84 ; Du Chaillu, Viking Age, II, 1 ; Grdgds, IV, 203; Origines Islandicae, II, 119. CHAPTER VIII HOMESTEADS AND HOUSES One's own home is best, though it be but a cottage. A man is a man in his own house. Though thou hast but two goats and a hut of wattles, yet that is better than begging. The Guest's Wisdom. Since most of the wild lands of continental Scandi navia passed into private hands in the remote pre-historic past, it is impossible to say just how individ ual title was established; but it seems fair Establish- to suppose that the methods employed in the ".*?* ° "land-taking" of Iceland in the ninth cen- Land tury were representative in a general man ner of those employed earlier, and were occasionally still in use on the continent. It was very customary for the first settlers of Iceland to secure divine aid in the choice of a homestead. This they did by carrying with them the wooden posts or pillars which had stood before the seat of honor in the old home and throwing them overboard when they approached land, thus leaving the selection to their favorite god, Thor, whose image was carved upon the pillars. Where the pillars drifted ashore the owners took up land; and later comers appear to have generally respected the decree of the thunder god.1 Other pioneers, less pious or more independent, made their own selection from soil not already appropriated, upon some fertile headland or in a sheltered valley. The settlers established their title to the territory i Origines Islandicae, 1, 21, 25, 67, 137, 148, 186, 188, 256; II, 143, 324. 123 124 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE selected by various interesting primitive devices, in ad dition to the appeal to the thunder god. In some cases they marked the trees growing upon the land — a pro cedure apparently identical with the establishment of "tomahawk claims" in the American colonial period; in others, they erected upon the soil which they wished for themselves tall poles, peeled of their bark, and prob ably bearing the names of the claimants.2 Another com mon method was to "hallow" the land to one's self by means of fire, used in different ways — a vestige of an earlier period when fire was held to be sacred. Some colonists built great fires at the mouths of two or more rivers or streams, thus claiming the land between them; others signified their title by shooting burning arrows across the rivers.3 Naturally, some of the first-comers resorted to land- grabbing to a selfish degree; many owned several farms in different parts of Iceland, and at least one settler, Blund Cetil by name, laid claim to thirty of them.4 This practice quite early resulted in quarrels over land owner ship, and, in consequence, Harold Hairfair of Norway, — to whom the immigrants appear to have recognized a loose allegiance — decreed that no man should lay claim to more territory than he and his shipmates could carry fire around in one day ; 5 and no woman might take in settlement a larger tract than a two-year old heifer could go around on a spring day from sunrise to sunset. Evi dently, it was not expected that the women would get quite so much land as the men; but there was perhaps very little difference in the results, for generally some 2 Ibid., I, 132, 135-36, 166. 3 Ibid., 138, 149. ilbid., I, 90; II, 8; Egils Saga, 86, 90. B Origines Islandicae, I, 200. HOMESTEADS AND HOUSES 125 man who was a good walker was secured to lead the heifer. The Landndmabok of Iceland tells, however, of an enterprising pioneer woman named Thorgerd who led her own heifer and yet secured an ample supply of land.6 In spite of the restrictions mentioned, most of the de sirable free land passed into private hands within a few years after the arrival of the first Scandinavian immi grant to Iceland ; and the subsequent comers who wished territory had to gain it through the bounty of relatives or friends already established, or were forced to buy, rent, or fight for it.7 The last-mentioned method of at tempting to secure land was by no means uncommon, and was often successful. When land came into new hands through gift or pur chase, the transfer of title was symbolized by a formal ceremony performed by the persons inter ested, in the presence of witnesses. In Nor- Ceremony way, in the case of a gift, the donor placed ferrjn„ a clod in the lap of the recipient of the land ; Land Title but when the transfer came through exchange of money the purchaser carried some mold from his newly-bought territory to the four corners of his hearth, to his high seat, — the seat of honor in his home, — to di vision points within the tract, and, apparently, also to the boundary marks.8 Under some laws, the formalities 8 Ibid., 191. 7 Ibid., 56, 70, 177, 197, 230. Sometimes the recipients of what was virtually gift land gave a small present in return, to bind the bargain and make their title more secure. Mention is made in one of the ancient records, for instance, that when Stanwen the Old, kinswoman of Ingwolf, came to Iceland, the latter desired to give her some land, "but she offered him an English cape of various colors, for she wished to call it a bargain and sale, for she thought there was less risk so of having the gift can celled." Origines Islandicae, I, 233. s Du Chaillu, Viking Age, I, 482. 126 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE connected with the transfer took place at the meeting of the local assembly, and all of the thingmen present took part in the ceremony. The land appears to have been laid out in rectangular tracts, square or oblong in shape, with a frontage on a river or lake, if possible, and at the corners were placed the boundary marks, which were protected by law against removal. The law also stipulated that when the boundary line was indicated by a stream, if the course of the current was changed, the line of the old mid stream remained the boundary.9 The corner mark was commonly a pile of stones, which, in Sweden, generally numbered five, though as few as three stones might con stitute a legal landmark, or lyritr. In Norway, there were four stones, one long one standing on end, with three others beside it.10 Besides the territory under private ownership, every community probably held some public land belonging to the inhabitants as a whole. These tracts Land corresponded quite closely to the village com mons of colonial New England. Such gen eral lands, or almenning, were of various classes. The summer pastures in the mountains of Iceland, Norway, and Sweden usually belonged to communities upon the lower lands; and most settlements possessed a forest area, in which the whole people had equal wood, water, hunting, fishing, and grazing rights. But by consent of the population, speaking through its local assembly, a part or the whole of such a common might be leased to a private individual.11 It is not likely, however, that s Norges Gamle Love, I, 41-42. io Norges Gamle Love, I, 44; "Lyritr," in Cleashy and Vigfusson's Dic tionary. n Conybeare, The Place of Iceland in the History of European Institu tions, 22. HOMESTEADS AND HOUSES 127 this was often done. All sea-fishing grounds were also public, beyond a certain distance from the shore, but in some parts the king could claim a fee or tax from all who profited from them.12 After establishing title to a tract of land, the North man built his home, giving it as desirable a location as possible, generally on high ground, in order to gain a good lookout for friend and foe, as well as for the sake of the drainage. When the situation permitted, the buildings were placed near a river, lake, or fiord. After satisfactory sites had once been chosen, it is not likely that they were often abandoned. There is no doubt that in Scandinavia, in innumerable instances, Christian homes and Christian churches now stand upon the very ground where, thousands of years ago, pagan dwellings and pagan temples were first erected ; and since the dawn of these early architectural beginnings there have been upon most of these choice sites continuous successions of buildings.13 Every Scandinavian homestead possessed a cluster of buildings, each structure forming, as a rule, but a single room. These buildings varied in shape, size, and number, according to the character of pfneral the country in which they stood, and to 0f Buildings whether the owner was rich or poor. The cottager might have but two or three small huts upon his tiny plot of ground, while upon the estate of the rich farmer were often as many as thirty or forty separate houses, some in the group being of great size, and giving the place the appearance of a village. Though the usual shape of all Northern buildings was quadrangular, oval or circular structures were not unknown. But the build- 12 Du Chaillu, Viking Age, I, 483-484. J?Gjerset, Knut, History of the Norwegian People, I, 5. 128 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE ings following curved lines were limited to the humblest classes, and seem to have been used only in continental Scandinavia; for the remains of houses found in Ice land, Greenland, and the other western islands are in variably rectangular in ground plan. It has been sug gested that these more primitive rounded structures originated with the brunette people who were conquered by the Teutonic invaders.14 Though this was probably true, it should be remembered that the huts of the modern Lapps are also circular in shape; and there is no good reason for supposing that the blonde Scandinavians never employed these early styles themselves.15 The arrangement of the group of buildings varied, too, in different parts of Scandinavia, and also changed with the passage of time. The few primi- Buildings ^ve houses upon the premises of the poor were perhaps always isolated, and were gen erally grouped in a haphazard manner. And in the very earliest part of the viking period the structures of the more prosperous also — dwelling houses as well as other buildings — were probably as a rule separate, the dwelling rooms standing in a row not far removed from each other, while the other buildings were grouped, in some manner determined by convenience, in the rear. Later, the rows of isolated rooms were joined into single units by means of passageways running between; but these connecting parts were always roofed separately from the buildings which they united. At this stage of de velopment, the "house" of the Northman was several times as long as it was wide. Somewhat subsequently, an additional room would now and then be attached at i* Hansen, Oldtidens Nordmaend, 104-107. is Montelius, Kulturgeschiehte Schwedens, 283 ; Stjerna, Knut, Lund och Birka, 223. HOMESTEADS AND HOUSES 129 the side of the row to open into one of the narrow halls, thus giving the group a more broken appearance. The two groupings described were in use from Greenland to Sweden during the Viking Age ; 16 but in the last part of the period, in Iceland and Greenland — probably likewise in the remainder of the North — a more complex arrange ment developed, which gave to the cluster of dwelling houses a more square appearance.17 An almost identical Fig. 8. Buildings in Modern Iceland Based on Ancient Models. (From Bruun's " Gammel Bygningsskik," in Aarsberetning, 1908.) grouping is still employed in Iceland ; but in Norway and Sweden, perhaps as a precaution against fires, the houses have become largely detached ; and in Denmark the more convenient quadrangle, built about an open court, has come into use. Many different kinds of materials were employed by the Scandinavian builders, the location determining which should predominate. Since the arts of brick- and artificial stone-making were un- Materials known in the heathen days, the raw materials found near at hand were simply shaped for use. Throughout the North the better dwellings were probably 16 Gudmundsson, Valtyr, Privafboligen pa Island i Sagatiden samt delvis i det ovrige Norden, 69-89; Nicolaysen, N., Om Dr. Gudmundsson' s Privafboligen paa Island, 15-17; Horsford, Cornelia, "Dwellings of the Saga-Time in Iceland, Greenland, and Vinland," in National Geo graphic Magazine, IX, 76. 17 Gudmundsson, Privatboligen pa Island, 78-79; Horsford, "Dwellings of the Saga-Time," in Nat. Geog. Mag., IX. 130 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE made of timber formed into boards; but many of the humbler homes were doubtless of squared or unhewn logs. The supply of wood from Iceland 's meager forests was eked out by timber imported from Norway, and by drift-wood— mostly from northern Siberia—which was strewn in abundance upon the north and west coasts ; 18 and there is no reason for doubting the saga statement that timber was imported to the Greenland settlements directly from Vinland upon the present North American coast. For the primitive rounded dwellings found upon the continent, the woven branches or twigs of trees in most cases formed the framework, which was plastered inside and out with clay or mud, or was covered with cloth or skins.19 But there were some conical or "bee hive" houses of sod or turf in which the roofs were a continuation of the walls and were formed by placing each tier of the material used a little nearer the center than the preceding.20 Stone was used to considerable extent in the northern part of the continent, to a greater degree in Iceland, and still more in Greenland ; but it was unhewn, and was frequently employed in combination with turf or mud. In the parts where lumber was scarce the builders resorted to using the bones of whales, which did service as rafters, and at times also took the place of wood in other parts of the buildings. In Greenland and Iceland the houses were occasionally 'partly under ground, and hence resembled modern de tached cellars.21 The excavations were made for the is Montelius, Civilization of Sweden, 149 ; Gull-Th6ris Saga, 1 ; Olassen und Povelsen, Reise durch Island, I, 271-273; II, 111; Henderson, Iceland, II, 13. ib Gudmundsson, Privatboligen pd Island, 110-116; Stjerna, Lund och Birka, 223. 2« Gudmundsson, Privatboligen pd Island, 107-110. 2i Adam of Bremen, 203 ; Horsford, "Dwellings of the Saga-Time," in Nat. Geog. Mag., IX, 76, 78. HOMESTEADS AND HOUSES 131 purpose of securing warmth, or because of dearth of building materials in certain districts; but such struc tures were exceptional. In this western part of Scandi navia the homes were as a rule placed upon the surface of the ground, and the walls were of stone — often lava — combined with earth or turf. In Iceland, walls of this , sort were generally made of three thicknesses, one on/ either side, of turf, and in the middle a thin layer of un-/ hewn stone, for the purpose of stiffening and giving "body" to the whole.22 Occasionally, earth, kneaded hard, took the place of the middle layer of stone, while stone was employed for the inner one, and the outer was made of alternate horizontal courses of turf and stone.23 The interstices of the inside walls were calked with moss, turf, or clay ; but the best houses in the North, regardless of the materials used for the walls, were lined with hand-wrought boards. Generally, the gable-ends of the Icelandic houses were also of boards, but sometimes these were built up with stone or turf. Turf or sod roofs were also seen throughout the Scandinavian lands, though the most common roofing material was wood, worked into thin boards, which were sometimes arranged like the scales of a fish, but perhaps most frequently placed lengthwise, in batten style. However, this roof might be completely covered with turf, as a special pre caution against fires ; for as a rule every freeman was re sponsible for the damage done by his own fire.24 Such roofs were often quite heavy, and partly on this account 22 Bruun, Daniel, "Gammel Bygningsskik paa de Islandske Gaarde," in Aarsberetning for 1907 Foreningen til Norske Fortidsmindesmaerkers Bevaring, page 4. 23 Horsford, "Dwellings of the Saga-Time," in Nat. Geog. Mag., IX, 76. 2* Norges Gamle Love, I, 46-47 ; Guta-Lagh, 86. But in Iceland there existed a system of public insurance against fire for the most important buildings making up the dwelling house, and also for food and clothing. Du Chaillu, Viking Age, II, 233. 132 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE the larger buildings of the North had two rows of pillars running lengthwise down the sides of the room for the purpose of bearing some of the weight. Though straw and reeds were not unknown as roofing materials, they appear to have been but little used, perhaps because of danger from fire. Doubtless, the best workmanship went into the wooden buildings, especially those found upon the continent, and . . for these the most tools were needed ; but the Tools carpenter of the time lacked but few of the implements accessible to his modern suc cessor, though their quality was inferior. The tools were as a rule made of iron, and consisted of hammers, hatchets, and adzes, saws, chisels, planes, braces and bits, and a few others of a more special nature. Long nails and spikes were commonly used for fastening the boards ; but pins and pegs of wood served for this purpose as well. The roofs of the better houses were of what is some times called "compass" style, with two V-shaped gable ends joined by a straight ridge pole ; but the SdSSS "Mp" roof was not unknown- The front Houses gables were often decorated in various ways by means of carving. A very common form of ornament was a carved figurehead— of a dragon or some other animal — painted or gilded, as for the decora tion of a ship; and sometimes the discarded figurehead from a ship itself was employed ; but the most usual deco ration for this part of the house was perhaps ornamental edge-boards, called vindskei&ar, the crossed ends of which were at the top often carved to represent twisted dragons' tails, while the lower ends projecting over the eaves were shaped like dragons' heads. More simple designs, however, like those found upon the Northern Fig. 9. Elaborately Carved Early Modern Door Frame, Resembling An cient Models. (From DuC'liaillu's Tiking Age. Copyright 1889. Pub lished by Charles Scribner's Sons) HOMESTEADS AND HOUSES 133 houses at the present time were probably most frequently seen.25 The outsides of wooden houses were commonly left to be darkened by the weather, but both roofs and walls were sometimes covered with tar, for the protection of the lumber ; 26 and it is possible that paint, particularly of a dark red color, such as could be secured from copper and iron ore, was used also at an early period. The sod and stone buildings with turf-covered roofs could not be thus artificially decorated, except at the gable ends, but the moist Northern climate soon produced a natural green covering of moss and grass which supplied the need; and many a humble sod roof bore a luxuriant growth of brightly colored wild flowers, which gave these homes a charming picturesqueness and a resemblance to a modern arbor, or garden house. There were no ceilings, and in the roofs of the rooms in which fires were built were openings for the exit of smoke, close beside the ridge-pole. Most of the better rooms also contained window-openings, for the entrance of light and air. These were perhaps at times placed on the roofs also, but more often they were made in the walls, especially in the gable-ends.27 Glass did not come into use in the North until Christian times; but other transparencies were employed for covering the window- openings, such as oiled cloth or the thin membrane sur rounding new-born calves. This material was stretched over a frame which fitted into the aperture and could be opened and closed. In many cases, however, the windows were merely covered with wooden shutters.28 In front of the reception room there was frequently a 25 Gudmundsson, Privatboligen pd Island i Sagatiden, 153-162. 2» Ibid., 162. "Ibid., 163, 167; cf. Nicolaysen, Om Dr. Gudmundsson's Privatboligen paa Island, 39. 28 Gudmundsson, Privatboligen pd Island i Sagatiden, 163. 134 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE small porch, supported by pillars often decorated with carving.29 And in some places every outside door (utidyrr) of the dwelling was thus protected from the weather; for the porches appear to have been usually of the nature of storm-porches, or vestibules, and sup plied with doors. Such doors were locked on the inside by means of bars; and, evidently as further insurance against being taken unawares by an enemy, in the upper part of the door was often placed a small wicket, through ' which a view could be secured without taking down the bars. In some cases, in the place of a wicket there was a shutter door, low enough for a man to look over, just inside the outer door.30 The dwellings upon the largest and most progressive farms included — in addition to the connecting passage ways — the following rooms or buildings: (1) Rooms or stofa or stufa, the most important room in Buildings ^e jj0tlse> an(j use(i as a living and eating a Dwelling room; (2) skali, the sleeping apartment; (3) eld-hus, or soS-hus the kitchen; (4) bur, or mat-bur, the pantry; (5) bad stofa, or laug, the bath house; (6) dyngja, a building especially for the women; (7) geymsluhus, the store-house; (8) gesta-hus, a build ing for the shelter and entertainment of travelers and other uninvited comers. People of wealth sometimes owned special banqueting halls and also additional sleep ing apartments.31 The stofa, which was often known simply as the "hall," was usually the largest room in the dwelling. Some of the stofas could accommodate hundreds of people at one time, and the special banqueting halls were generally 2» Origines Islandicae, I, 126. so md., II, 40, 325, 417. si Gudmundsson, Privatboligen pd Island i Sagatiden, 33 ff. HOMESTEADS AND HOUSES 135 even larger. One such building in Iceland was described as two hundred feet long and sixty wide; and upon the continent, where wood was ?!°fa' or . .Living- abundant, the feasting halls of many of the Room chieftains were doubtless of greater dimen sions. Down each side of the stofa ran a row of pil lars, or posts, dividing it into three sections lengthwise ; and in some cases there seems to have been a cross-parti tioning by similar means into three divisions.32 Down the middle of the room was one long fireplace, or several separate ones, framed in with flat stones placed on edge. As the principle of the chimney had not yet been in troduced into the North, the smoke simply made its way out, of itself, through the holes cut for the purpose in the roof. In the compartment on either side beyond the pillars and also at the end of the hall opposite the main entrance was a raised board floor, called a bekkr, or pallr; the side platforms were known as lang bekkir, or long benches, and the platform at the end was called the iver, or cross, bekkr. Sometimes the raised floor was placed across one or more corners, in which case it was called a krok, or corner, bekkr; but such an arrangement was exceptional. The bekkir, or "benches," described in the sagas appear to have been in most cases very broad, shallow steps descending towards the middle of the room where the fireplace was, though in some cases in the humbler houses the whole platform may have been on the same level. In general, there were probably but two steps, the lower of which was called the fota-bekkr, or foot-bench ; but in the great halls of chieftains and kings there were doubtless several of these terrace-like plat forms. The space behind or under the bekkir was some times filled with earth, but more frequently it was left wibid., 178; Origines Islandicae, I, 270. 136 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE open, and used for storing away articles of various sorts, — or resorted to as a place of hiding.33 The skali, used by the prosperous as a sleeping-apart ment, was the prototype of the many buildings making up the dwelling-place of the better classes Skali, or during the viking time; and a single room, Room^" sometimes having a sleeping loft, at this pe riod still constituted the whole dwelling of the humble cottier. Where the skali was used primarily for sleeping purposes, it possessed certain fairly definite characteristics, one of which was a paneling which ran around the room at a sufficient distance to leave a space which could be used for a passage-way, or for purposes of concealment, — an arrangement perhaps made largely in anticipation of possible night attacks from enemies. This room, like the stofa, had a row of pillars running along either side for the support of the roof. Between the pillars and the paneled wall was a board floor about six feet wide, called a set, which ran about two-thirds of the length of the room. Upon this low platform the members of the household slept ; and in dwellings having no stofa, the skali was also used as a living-room, and the people during the day sat upon this raised floor or upon the beds, as is the custom on the middle-class Ice landic farms to-day. Among the wealthier and more re fined, the end of the skali was often partitioned off into a number of small bedrooms, where the members of the family and guests slept, while persons of lower rank, such as the servants, reposed upon the set. As a rule these private sleeping apartments were supplied with swing-doors which locked on the inside by means of a hasp, or with sliding doors, fastened with a wooden but- sa Gudmundsson, Privatboligen pd Island i Sagatiden, 178-183. HOMESTEADS AND HOUSES 137 ton. This explains why the beds within were known as "lock-beds. " At times, however, privacy was secured by merely hanging curtains before the doorways; and in some cases the partitions themselves were made simply by hangings of cloth. The regular rooms were supplied with windows, evidently cut in the inner walls, and with an inner door opening into the secret passageway, which, in turn, often connected with an underground passage way, or tunnel, debouching at a considerable distance from the house, frequently in a wood. At the outer end of the sleeping-hall, near the door, was at times a sleep ing loft, reached generally by means of a ladder.34 In the eldhus — also called mateldhus (food-fire-house), to distinguish it from the stofa, where there were fires also — the food was prepared by the women _,..,, and then carried into the dining apartment, or Kitchen or stofa, which was near at hand. As in the case of the latter, and of the skali, the floor in the eldhus was raised between the rows of posts and the walls, but here it was generally done by filling with soil a space behind a low retaining wall of boards or stones. Upon this elevated part people sat in the daytime; and some times servants or other members of the household slept here at night. Additional sleeping quarters were some times provided by partitioning off the far end of the kitchen. The hearth, or fire-place, was in the middle of the room, and in the roof above was the exit for smoke.35 Though this special cooking-room was always found among the fairly prosperous, especially in Iceland and the continent, a single fire-room, which was a combina tion of kitchen and dining room, was also quite common ; 3* Ibid., 206-223, passim. sb Ibid., 200-204. 138 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE in such case, the cooking was done at the end of the room.36 The bur stood very close to the eldhus, and to it the kettles were brought for the purpose of dishing up victuals. This room was also the larder, or Pantry pantry, and in it food, such as bread, butter, cheese, and milk, was kept. Here, again, a portion of the floor along the walls was elevated, but in this case it served as a shelf on which to place articles, additional shelves being erected above it. The bur was kept carefully locked, to guard against thieves, and the family watch-dog was chained beside it at night.37 The bath-houses provided accommodations for either tub-, steam-, or sweat-baths, as has been stated in Chap ter V. Even when intended for the use of BaSstofa, only one household, these apartments were House " often quite large; and they probably re mained detached from the other buildings longer than others.38 The natural facilities for hot bathing found in Ice land early led to the establishment of public or com munity bath-houses in the country districts. It happens that several of these as well as some for private use have survived down to modern times, and have been carefully described by travelers. The buildings were circular or rectangular, with low walls, generally constructed from pieces of lava. One of them was large enough to hold thirty persons at a time; another, fifty. Some of the bath-houses were placed over crevices in the ground from which issued dense currents of steam, while others spanned streams of boiling water. Such were used 38 Horsford, "Dwellings of the Saga-Time," in Nat. Geog. Mag., IX, 76. sr Gudmundsson, Privatboligen pd Island i Sagatiden, 227-229. ss Ibid., 240-241. HOMESTEADS AND HOUSES 139 merely as vapor baths. In other cases, the building was at a little distance from a geyser, hot stream, or hot lake, and the water was conducted to where it was needed by means of a stone aqueduct. The containers for the water varied; some were square or circular basins hewn out of solid rock, others, merely much depressed parts of the floor of the room reached by means of a flight of stone steps. The shelf or bench upon which the bathers re clined in these Icelandic baths was also usually of stone, built up solidly from the floor.39 The dyngja, or bower, — another part of the dwelling which long remained isolated from the other buildings- was a small structure, which in Iceland was, for the sake of warmth, sometimes placed B0wer ' partly under ground. In this room the women sat at their needle-work; and here they often visited with their more intimate female friends. It seems probable also that the dyngja was synonymous with the "weaving house" mentioned in the sagas.40 In many places the geymsluhus, or store-house, prob ably remained a separate building throughout its history. In some instances, it was quite a roomy struc ture^ — especially if the homestead possessed Geymslu- only one such building; but many farms storehouse doubtless had two or more, some of them for special storage purposes, as for seed-grain, harness, goods for commerce, winter food supplies, and the like. In Sweden, the geymsluhus was of two stories, the top one being sometimes used for a sleeping apartment, the better to guard the goods stored below. And in some cases, as in present-day Sweden, there was a single story 38 Olassen and Povelsen, Reise durch Island, I, 58-61; Henderson, Iceland, I, 165; II, 142-145, 149. *0 Gudmundsson, Privatboligen pd Island i Sagatiden, 244-246. 140 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE raised several feet in the air by pillars, to protect food- supplies from rats and other small animals.41 The gesta-hus, or guest-house,— a building constructed for housing chance comers, like way-farers, peddlers, tramps, and beggars, — was generally a sepa- Gesta-hus, rate structure, simply furnished; for since Hous"** ^he occupants were strangers to their host there was no certainty that they were hon est.42 The out-buildings and farm-buildings connected with the homestead remain to be considered. These included the mylnuhus, in which the grain was ground ; Out-Build- the fuel-house, called torf-hus in Iceland, ings and where were stored the wood, turf, and other Farm ' ' Buildings materials employed for fuel; the smid)a, or smithy, found on every large farm ; the hlada, or barn, in which the feed for the livestock was kept; and the stables for various kinds of domestic animals. These last were quite numerous upon the farms of the more prosperous, for the buildings were comparatively small, and each kind of livestock commonly had a house to itself, usually divided into stalls. Closely connected with the barns and stables were pens and corrals in which the cattle were milked in good weather, and into which the horses were turned out for exercise. The materials and style employed in the construction of the farm- and out-buildings were on the whole the same as those seen in the dwellings; but rougher ma terials were used, and less attention paid to appearances. In Iceland and the other islands, the whole structure, walls as well as roof, was formed from stones and turf; *i Ibid., 247-250. *2 "Gesta" in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary. HOMESTEADS AND HOUSES 141 and this was also true in the unf orested parts of the con tinent ; while where wood was plentiful unhewn logs did service for the walls, and turf was the roof-covering. Stones and turf were doubtless the most usual fencing material throughout the North, but in the forested parts rails and pickets were used to some extent. If the homestead was near the coast, some other build ings were generally found upon it. These were the maust, or boat or ship house, the size of which varied greatly, according to the vessel to be Buildings sheltered ; and the hallr, or shed in which fish were dried. This latter structure was without walls, in order that the air might circulate freely and the drying process be accelerated. Sometimes clothes were dried in the fisk-hallr, or in a similar shed. Finally, in con nection with many homes — though often at some distance from them — were secret under-ground rooms, called "earth houses," in which fugitive members of the fam ily, or friends, were concealed. These places of refuge often had secret passageways — already referred to — uniting them with the other buildings on the farm, or making possible escape into the woods. Occasionally, men much given to warring built' small towers, which were used as strongholds to resist attacks from enemies; and as these were usually erected on high ground, they performed the additional service of observation posts. Each homestead was approached from the high road or water-way near which it stood by a straight road which was fenced in on either side — at least in Iceland — by a wall of stone or turf. Roads Sometimes this by-way was paved with flat stones or gravel, as protection in wet weather. In front 142 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE of the main door was a platform of the same material, or of hard-packed clay or boards.43 Such were the homesteads of the ancient Northmen, and in the possession of them as a whole the owner felt a pride, as well as in the ownership of the Names of freehold or ancestral land which wTas gen- steads" erally a part of them. This pride was prob ably much keener than at present, for in those days of rural life there was no substitute for one 's own home, to be purchased temporarily for money. The interest which every farmer took in his possessions is shown by the fact that every farmstead was named, fre quently by terms of religious significance. Thus, we find that many homes in Iceland were called after the favorite god Thor; and we read of the name "Christ- ness" being given to his farm, by a new convert to Chris tianity. Sometimes descriptive terms, like Broad Bow- ster, were used, but more frequently the places bore the names of their owners or the owner's wives, such as Erik's Stead, Brune Stead, Signy Stead, and Thordis Holt. 43 Gudmundsson, Privatboligen pd Island i Sagatiden, 250-256 ; Origines Islandicae, I, 97, 156, 158. CHAPTER IX HOTJSE-FUBNISHINGS AND POOD Two seeresses are come to the king's house, Fenia and Menia; these mighty maids are held in bondage at the palace of Frodi, the son of Fridleif. They are led to the bin, and set to turn the gritstones of the mill. . . . He bade them take neither rest nor pastime, he must always hear the song of the bondmaids. They sang and they whirled the spinning stones till Frodi's house hold all fell asleep. Then quoth Menia, as she stood at the mill, "Let us grind Frodi wealth, let us grind him fulfillment of joy, abundance of riches, on the bin of bliss. May he sit on riches; may he sleep on down ; may he waking be happy ! It were well ground then. No man shall harm his neighbor, devise any evil, or prepare any slaughter, nor smite with whetted sword, yea, not though he find his brother's slayer bound before him." The Milling Song. The fondness for decoration displayed by the ancient Scandinavians in their dress and in the abundance of their jewelry also found expression in the equipment of their homes. Every part of Love of the best dwelling rooms received beautifying Ornament touches, except the raftered ceiling, which, Shown in because of the lack of chimneys, soon became Fumish- smoke-begrimed in the stofa, the apartment ings in which the Norse households took most pride. No attention appears to have been paid to this part by the housewife, beyond removing stray cobwebs from it with her broom at cleaning time. But the posts or pillars upholding the roof were often handsomely carved, and the carvings were at times painted in bright colors and touched up with gold. Between the support ing columns of the hall, high enough up to be out of the way, there was sometimes a wooden frieze, which also 143 144 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE bore witness to the carver's skill. Frequently the de signs were conventional, with geometrical or floral mo tifs; but pictorial carvings were on display in the halls of the wealthy, generally representing the martial ex ploits of favorite heroes, or the adventures of the gods of the North; at times, however, these decorations were monuments to the desire of the owner of the house to "get a good report," and upon his walls he had depicted for the benefit of all comers the daring acts of his own career.1 For festive occasions, tapestries embroidered in colors by the women, in illustration of similar themes, were hung upon the walls. If the carvings were regarded as somewhat commonplace, they might be covered tem porarily by the hangings; otherwise, the latter were placed below the decorative woodwork. When guests were assembled for banquets, further embellishment was added by the warriors' weapons hung here and there upon the smooth wall or against the carved posts, con spicuous among them being the sword with its flashing blade and its ornate handle, and the brightly-painted shield with its polished metal boss. Though in the stofa the middle of the floor was only hard-packed clay, even this part was covered, especially when company was expected, to within a safe distance from the open hearths where the fires burned for most of the year. Generally, the covering was straw strewn evenly over the surface, or reedy grasses, or the fine twigs from fir or spruce trees; but for special gather ings the clay was sometimes carpeted in a richer manner, with heavy woolen cloths, or rugs made from the skins of wild animals. And for the bekkir, or raised platforms, these more decorative coverings were as a rule employed. i Origines Islandicae, II, 183. HOUSE-FURNISHINGS AND FOOD 145 Most of the seats in the old time were of the nature of benches or settees, capable of holding more than one person, but there were also individual chairs of various styles. Both types possessed arms and backs, and in the seats were often built lockers in which clothes and other things could be stored (Figs. 10, 11). Like most of the articles of wood used in the ancient North, the chairs were richly carved, usually with animal designs or with figures of favorite deities or heroes. One seat mentioned in the sagas had upon its back a representation of the god Thor, with his hammer in his hand. The most im portant seat in the stofa be longed to the master of the house, and was known as the "high seat." It seems to have always stood at the right of the person entering the hall, and was distin guished from the other fur niture by two "high-seat pillars" standing in front of it, on which was carved the image of some god, usually Thor. These pillars seem to have been entirely sep arate from the chair, and were of considerable height, sometimes extending to the roof. The seat of the mas ter was perhaps very little, if any, handsomer than others in the room ; it was the position it occupied in the room and the fact that it belonged to the head of the house that made the "high seat," the seat of honor.2 The seat 2 Baath, Nordiskt ForntidsUf, 136; Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, Fig. 10. Carved Chair, Back View. (From Du Chaillu's Vik ing Age. Copyright 1889. Pub lished by Charles Scribner's Sons.) 146 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Fig. 11. Side View of Chair Shown in Fig. 10. (From Du Chaillu'si Viking Age. Copyright 1889. Published by Charles Scribner's Sons.) just opposite the high seat on the other platform was usually occupied by the most honored guest ; and if there was a dais at the end of the room, the seat occupying the middle position upon it appears to have been third in rank in the room. The best seats in the grander halls were stuffed and 232 ; Falk, "Hochsitz," in Hoops, Reallexikon; Gudmundsson, Privatboligen pd Island i Sagatiden, 184-185; Origines Islandicae, II, 325. HOUSE-FURNISHINGS AND FOOD 147 upholstered in embroidered cloth or leather, or supplied with soft, loose cushions with decorated covers. Some times they were made more comfortable by being draped with skins of wolves or bears, or other animals of the chase. In front of them were foot-stools of wood, fre quently draped or upholstered to match. Besides the seats, the only other stationary piece of furniture in the dining-hall appears to have been a table like sideboard* at the far end of the room. Upon this the vat or bowl containing the drink for the meal stood, and from it the beakers and horns were filled.3 The tables proper were removable, were not set up until needed, and were taken away at the close of the meal. They consisted of wide boards, placed upon light horses, or trestles, of wood. When not in use, the table-tops were probably hung against the wall of the stofa or of some adjoining room by means of rings attached to the backs. In the more refined . households, when set for meals the boards were spread with cloths of white linen, sometimes embroidered, but it is probable that through out the North as a whole the dishes were placed upon the bare tables. When needed, the tables seem to have been placed in front of the seats upon the raised floor, the seats them selves not being disturbed. Sometimes, they were set up on top of the wooden platform, or floor, on which were the seats of honor; but often they stood on the shallow, broad step just below. If the guests at a ban quet were too numerous to be accommodated on the plat form, a row of seats was placed upon the earthen floor, on either side of the long fireplace, and tables were set between these seats and the other tables. As the 3 Gudmundsson, Privatboligen pd Island i Sagatiden, 189. 148 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE people sat on only one side of the board, this arrange ment had somewhat the effect of one wide table, for the guests upon the platform and those down below faced one another. It is likely that on most occasions the boards were placed so closely end to end as virtually to be one long table, but at times an individual board was set up for each person.4 The walls and floor of the skali, and of the women's bower, were probably finished and decorated similarly to the stofa, though not so expensively. The beds were of various descriptions. Often, among the humble, they consisted merely of sheepskins or other bedding spread out upon the platform, or set, at night, but kept rolled up against the wall in the day time. More commonly, perhaps, large boxes filled with straw, hay, moss, or other soft material were placed upon the platform, and bedding was spread in them. Sometimes the boxes were built upon legs, forming a bedstead (Fig. 12). But more elaborate bedsteads were Beds Fig. 12. Plain Wooden Bedstead. (From Gustaf son's Norges Oldtid.) found in the little "lock-rooms" partitioned off from the remainder of the skali. Some of these had high foot- and head-boards; others were characterized by four tall corner posts; while still others combined the features just mentioned. Such bedsteads were generally orna mented with carving, and occasionally with paint, the ilbid., 186-191. HOUSE-FURNISHINGS AND FOOD 149 figure of Thor being a favorite subject of the deco rator. Even the best beds were perhaps often without regular mattresses, the place of these being taken by having the closed bottom of the bed-frame filled with some soft, springy substance, which could be shaken up every day; but mattresses and bed ticks stuffed with sheeps' wool or feathers, or the cheaper materials used in the box- beds, were also employed. The pillows were filled with down or feathers. Only the better classes made use of sheets, which were of white wadmal or of linen. The bed-covers of the poor were often sheep skins, but they also had heavy woolen blankets or rugs; and the more prosperous kept warm by the latter means, and also by furs, and coverlets filled with down or the best feathers. In the finer homes the beds were covered with spreads of wool or silk, woven or embroidered in bright colors ; and about them were draped curtains or canopies to match. The movable beds were probably placed lengthwise of the wooden platform on which they stood, leaving a narrow aisle along the outer edge; but the box-beds, and the bed-steads, could be set crosswise, and doubtless were at times, even when the raised floor was but six feet wide, or less ; for in the Middle Ages the beds were shorter than now, as people slept in a half-sitting posi tion.5 Though it was usual everywhere to sit upon the beds, or upon the edge of the set, which was spread with cush ions or skins for the purpose, it is probable that the better skalis were furnished with chairs and benches of different sorts. These perhaps usually stood on the *Ibid., 215-222; Visted, Kristofer, Vor Gamle Bondekultur, 47; Gus tafson, Norges Oldtid, 114. 150 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Chests earthen floor, though sometimes a small stool, or chair, on which to put the outer garments, was set by the bed; but the clothes were doubtless more often hung on pegs near at hand. Another important class of furniture having a place in the sleeping-hall was the chests in which were kept the clothes, trinkets, jewelry, and money of the different members of the household, though the more valuable and least used clothes and or naments, were, with most of the money, often locked away in the store-house. These receptacles were usually made from hardwood, and Avere at times metal bound, and decorated with nail-heads (Fig. 14), or with scroll work of bronze or iron; but more frequently they were elaborately carved or painted with decorative designs. All chests were fitted with strong locks, often having decorative plates and keys (Fig. 13). The Scandinavian work day varied with the seasons, but it was generally long — especially in the summer, when the daylight was almost continu ous, and there was much out-door labor to be done before the winter set in. During this season, the household was perhaps well astir by six o'clock. Five meals were eaten during the day, but only two of these were hearty. Promptly upon rising there were light refreshments; then, after two or three hours of work the household gathered for The Scandinavian Work Day Fig. 13. Bronze Key Or namented with Animal De sign. (From Mtiller's Vor Oldtid.) Meal- Time Fig. 14. Iron-bound Oaken Chest Ornamented with Nails. (From Gus- tafson's Norges Oldtid) Fig. '15. Bucket with Ornamental Ears Decorated with Enamel. (From Bugge's Norges Historie) HOUSE-FURNISHINGS AND FOOD 151 dagverdr, the heartiest meal of the day. It came at dagmal, and corresponded, in time, quite closely with the English or American breakfast; but in its nature, it was more like dinner. At mid-day a luncheon was served, and another, in the middle of the afternoon. Ndttver&r, the last meal of the day, came, in summer, at ndttmal, or about nine o'clock in the evening. This was not so hearty as dagverSr, but was usually more elaborate and lengthy, for there was now more time for drinking and social converse. The household appears to have indulged in a short nap some time in the after noon during the summer; and all probably retired shortly after supper was finished.6 As a rule, the housewife supervised the in-door ser vants, but among the wealthy this was sometimes done by a head slave, or a hired house-keeper. Often the mistress of the house herself, with the aid of her daugh ters, did all of the domestic work, for there was no stigma attached to manual labor among the ancient Northmen. Though stone or clay stoves of rude fashion were early in use, most of the cooking was done over a small open fire, in some cases raised a little above the surface of the ground. Turf, peat, wood, and charcoal were the most common fuels, which were generally ignited by means of various primitive devices ; but the coals were carefully covered at night in order to save the labor of making new fire. The cook at times set the kettles and skillets directly upon the stones form ing the fireplace; but the former, if large, were more often suspended over the fire by means of a crane or by a hook upon a tripod (Fig. 16). In some instances, red-hot stones were employed, as among more primitive 'Keyser, Private Life, 107, 111; Schonfeld, Der islandische Bauernhof und sein Betreib zur Sagazeit, 65. 152 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE peoples, especially for the heating or cooking of foods, — such as milk, — which might be easily scorched ; 7 and they were probably in quite general use in the homes of poverty, for here the chief cooking vessels were of stone or baked clay, which did not stand exposure to direct heat very well. .In the North as a whole, however, metal cooking utensils were the rule. These were made of copper, bronze, or iron, at times ornamented, and in cluded pots and kettles of different sizes, and also skillets (Fig. 17) and gridirons. When not in use, utensils were hung from pegs in the eld-hus, or placed upon the shelves there.8 Though some of the baking and roasting was done before the open fires or in the ashes, the housewife also used ovens of a primitive character of clay or of unhewn stone built up with clay, in bee-hive shape, like those now found among the Indians of the southwestern United States. They were heated by a fire built in them, as in the Scandinavian brick ovens of the present time, after which the ashes were removed, the food placed inside, and the opening closed by means of a door of stone or metal. Such ovens may still be seen in some old country houses in the Scandinavian North.9 Great extremes were displayed in the dishes upon the tables of the very wealthy, and those which did serv- ice for the extremely poor ; the former some times ate from vessels of silver and gold, beautifully chased, while the latter had trenchers or little tubs of wood (Figs. 18-19). Vessels for the table were also made in a rather poor quality of pottery; and there 7 Ljdsvetninga Saga, 198. sMontelius, Civilization of Sweden im, Heathen Times, 153; Gustafson, Norges Oldtid, 114-117; Rygh, 0., Norske Oldsager, ordnede og forklarede, 23, 37. 9 Visted, Vor Gamle Bondekultur, 34-39. Iron Kettle with Tripod. (From Gustafson's Xorgts Oldtid) HOUSE-FURNISHINGS AND FOOD 153 1 were individual dishes of the baser metals as well. But in those days, even among the most refined, several people sometimes ate from the same dish. Because of their fondness for drinking, the Northmen appear to have given particular attention to the construction and ornamentation of the vessels in which their beverages were served. Ox horns, variously decorated, were quite common. Sometimes they were carved with designs in low relief, or with runic words of magic import ; usually the edge was bound with metal, and occasionally the vessel was supplied with metal feet, enabling it to stand alone on the table. Gold and silver were frequently employed for finish ing the horns, and such mountings were often further decorated with enamel, or settings of precious stones. Vessels shaped like horns were made from metals also, and if from gold or silver, they were often richly chased; but in addition to these there were cups, goblets, and beakers of pottery, metal, and glass — the latter generally imported.10 Fingers served as forks in those days, as they did for centuries after wards in Western Europe; but the knife had more varied use then than now as a table implement. The knives which did service at the table were short, with sharp points and wooden, schwedms.) i°Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 151-155; Keyser, Private Life, 112-114; Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indfyldelse, 172-173. mm Fig. 20. Carved Horn Spoon. From Monte- 154 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE bone, or horn handles, into which the blades sometimes folded. They were carried by the men upon their per sons, — in their wallets, fastened in their belts, or sus pended by chains about their necks. Spoons were usually of wood, horn, or bone, ornamented with carving; but some were made from brass, bronze, silver, or gold.11 Cupboards do not seem to have come into use before Christian times ; 12 previous to this, the dishes were probably kept upon shelves in the kitchen, though the- more showy ones may have been exhibited upon racks or shelves in the dining-hall. Women guests generally sat with the men at banquets, and the whole family commonly sat down to meals to gether in the homes of the rich; but in humbler circles the men usually ate alone while the women folk served them. In addition to keeping all supplied with food and drink, the duties of the women in refined households in cluded passing around basins and towels before and after meals, in order that the diners might wash their hands. Among the poor, the washing probably took place only before eating, if at all. This custom of thus washing at table obviously rose — in the absence of napkins and finger-bowls — from the fact that the fingers were much used in handling the food.13 In comparison with their general cultural status, the Foods and ancient Scandinavians enjoyed a large vari- their Prep- ety of foods, dishes, and beverages — a fact aration attributable to their inherent resourcefulness as well as to their commercial activities. The native 11 Keyser, Private Life, 112; Origines Islandicae, II, 612; Saga Library, II, 162, 217. 12 Visted, Vor Gamle Bondekultur, 52-54. isMontelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 157; Keyser, Private Life, 112, 115; Schonfeld, Der islandische Bauernhof, 65. Fig. 17. Skillet witb Very Long Handle. (From Gustafson's Norges Oldtid) Fig. 18. Decorated Pitcher of Heavy Earthenware. (From Jlontelins's Kulturgescliichte Schwedens) Fig. 19. Vessels of Chased Silver. (From Steenstrup's Danmarks Historie) HOUSE-FURNISHINGS AND FOOD 155 foods included meats of various sorts, — the flesh of the horse as well as of other domestic animals, — and also a great diversity of fish and game ; eggs from wild fowl in addition to those from the farm-poultry; milk and milk-products, from which many sorts of dishes were prepared; several kinds of cereals; a few varieties of fruits, nuts, and vegetables; and honey, from wild and domestic bees, which appears to have been the only sweet known to the majority of the population. Salt was not considered as indispensable as at present, perhaps because it could be secured only by laborious processes and was quite expensive. A fair amount was imported from abroad, but Den mark, particularly Jutland, and some other parts of the North had salt springs, from which the best quality of "white" salt was made. That most frequently used, however, especially in Iceland and Norway, was produced from sea- water, and was known as "black" salt. The sea-salt was obtained in various ways : by directly evapo rating the water by exposure to sunshine or by boiling; by throwing it upon hot rocks or burning wood ; and by burning sea-weed, which is always rich in salt — the last method being the common one in Iceland. Some people made their livings by the manufacture of salt after these primitive modes; but it was a very poor and humble calling, and the salt-burner was looked upon as a type of the person lowest in the social scale.14 Some kinds of meats, particularly fish, were eaten raw after being dried, smoked, or pickled. There were two methods of pickling — laying the pieces in brine, which was perhaps the least usual; and putting them in very sour whey, which did service i*Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 90-91; "Salt," in Cleasby and Vig- fusson's Dictionary. 156 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE for vinegar, and was cheap. Food thus treated would keep for a long time. Most of the flesh foods were, however, probably cooked before being eaten, perhaps most often by boiling, though they were also roasted, fried, and broiled. The usual sauce appears to have been butter, which was especially liked, with fish, but it is probable that gravies, thickened with flour or meal, were not unknown. Certain vegetables, as, leeks and angelica, were used as relishes with meat.15 Eggs were usually cooked and eaten soon after being gathered, but there were doubtless ways of keeping them for a long time raw ; and they were also pickled in whey, like meats, after having been hard-boiled and shelled.16 The milk of goats and sheep, as well as of cows, was used as food in ancient Scandinavia. While sweet, it was drunk, cold or hot, by young and old Milk and alike ; and when sour it was also used as a Products beverage. Buttermilk was also much liked, but the most common milk drink appears to have been whey, which was relished old and sour, as well as fresh, for a supply of it might be kept for years. When it became disagreeably tart, however, it was diluted, or blended, with water, from which it was called blanda. The Northmen were fond of clabbered milk raw, but it was perhaps more often eaten after being made into curds by the application of heat, very much like "cottage cheese" of the present day. In the latter form, it was mixed with sweet milk, cream, butter, or crushed berries. A great variety of cheeses were made from the three kinds of milk used and the dairy maid increased the diversity by the employment of vegetable flavorings, as ib Gudmundsson and Kalund,' "Skandinavische Verhaltnisse," in Paul, Grundriss der germanischen Philologie, III, 448 ; Schonfeld, Der islandische Bauernhof, 189. i6 Olassen and Povelsen, Reise durch Island, I, 258. HOUSE-FURNISHINGS AND FOOD 157 well as by different processes in the making. Butter was also made in abundance, and used very freely in the preparation of various dishes, as has just been indi cated; but it was also spread upon bread. It was, how ever, rarely, or never, salted; and though sometimes partaken of when fresh and sweet, it was more often per mitted to become sour and rancid before using, and the more sour it was, the better it was liked. After becom ing thus old and seasoned, it would keep for many years, and appears to have been especially prized as a sauce with fish and other foods.17 All of the common cereals were grown in Scandinavia, but climate permitted greater variety and abundance in some parts than in others; and to certain sections wheat, especially, had to be im- Foods ported. But in Iceland, where this grain could not be produced, Nature offered compensations, for here, along the coasts, grew a native grass some what like wild oats, the seeds of which could be used for food like the domesticated cereals; and it is prob able that the nutritive qualities of the lichen called "Iceland moss" which grows upon the highlands had already been discovered before the close of the viking time. The grains were ground in hand mills of which there were two or three styles. The ones used in the humbler households were quite small, and shaped of stone after the simple mortar and pestle principle, like those used by the American Indians ; but the larger farms had more complex structures, made from two heavy stones, the one placed upon the other, and the top one supplied with a wooden or metal handle. This latter style of mill was "Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 144; Olassen and Povelsen, Reise durch Island, I, 13; Pinkerton, Voyages and Travels, I, 656, 749. 158 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE usually worked by two persons, as a rule, women, who turned the stones to the accompaniment of special mill ing songs, as is customary in Iceland even to-day.18 From the ground cereals the women made various kinds of breads, some baked in thin, flat cakes, similar to the present Swedish flat-bread, before the open fire, and others kneaded into loaves and baked in the home made ovens already described. Whether yeast was used is not evident, but it probably was, since the fer mentation principle was well known in connection with brewing ale. But if the Scandinavian housewives had not learned thus to leaven their bread, they doubtless knew how to make it light by means of sour dough, which had fermented and "risen," used like yeast — a method quite familiar to many primitive peoples. They prob ably also prepared fancy breads from their leavened batter by the addition of butter, honey, fruits and nuts. Much of the home-milled meal was used for porridge, called grant, — a favorite dish of the Northmen, — for the cooking of which an unusually large kettle was provided. Barley, oats, rye, and wheat, were made into graut, and probably the wild grains and the starchy Iceland moss already mentioned were also used, for they are so em ployed in modern times. The meal was cooked in milk as well as in water, and was eaten with milk, cream, or whey, or with butter or berries spread over it. This porridge perhaps was the main supper dish in the North a thousand years ago, as it is now in many parts of Scandinavia.19 The only fruit in domestication throughout the Scan dinavian North was the apple, which could be stored away for winter use, and was eaten raw or cooked. But is Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 175. i» Sch8nfeld, Der islandische Bcmernhof, 25 ; Origines Islandicae, II, 612. HOUSE-FURNISHINGS AND FOOD 159 a diversity of edible berries grew wild in great abundance, even under the Arctic Circle ; these included several well-known varieties, as well as some ^rmts and Nuts kinds peculiar to the Far North. The ber ries, perhaps more than apples, were combined with other foods in preparation for the table, but there is no evidence that the people had learned how to pre serve them for winter use. The hazel shrub grew ex tensively in Scandinavia, and its nuts were appreciated as a food ; 20 the same was true of the nut of the beech tree, while the acorn was also eaten, at least among the very poor. There were a number of vegetables in domestication in the North even in the heathen days, and these were aug mented in the early Christian time. They Vegetables included some members of the cabbage fam ily, beans, peas, turnips, leeks and angelica. The last two were largely used as relishes, but angelica, which was grown at least in Iceland and Norway — probably in the remainder of Scandinavia as well — was also eaten raw as a sort of salad, and was likewise cooked. . The stalks, cut in small pieces crosswise, appear to have been the part of the plant chiefly used, and these were eaten with butter.21 Various wild plants were probably boiled in water and eaten as "greens"; and in Iceland at least one uncultivated plant, the sol, or samphire, was an important article of diet, and was stored away for win ter use. This plant grows on the coasts of the island, generally along the margin of the water, and was consid ered so valuable as a food, even in the olden time, that 2° Origines Islandicae, I, 276. 2i Norges Gamle Love, I, 205; Valdemar den Andens Jydske Lov, 274; Gudmundsson, "Gartenhau," in Hoops, Reallexikon; Olassen and Povel- sen, Reise durch Island, I, 84-85. 160 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE prohibitions are found in the most ancient law-code of Iceland against gathering either it or wild berries upon the land of another. The leaves, which are rich in sugar, are the edible part, and were eaten raw, when fresh, as a relish with fish, but were also dried and packed away in kegs or vats, for winter use. After this treatment the sol was cooked as a separate dish, as well as eaten with butter as a relish for other foods.22 As is still the case through almost the whole of Europe, water, unmixed with anything else, was rarely used as a beverage in the Scandinavia of the Viking Age. Milk and by-products of milk, espe cially whey — as already stated — constituted the com mon daily drinks of all except the wealthy; but in addi tion there were alcoholic beverages of various sorts, the most common of these being ale, for the making of which hop's early came to be cultivated in the North. The most important brewing time was just before the mid-winter feast. Mead, made from the honey of the bee, was much more rare than ale ; and wine, imported from the South — particularly from France — could be afforded only by the rich.23 Except upon special festive occasions and during the meals eaten when there was not sufficient daylight, the . only illumination of the stofa was provided Illumma- . ,, „ , *, tion by tne °Pen nre burning upon the long hearths. But occasionally other means of illumination were employed for this room, and for the other parts of the house. At best, however, the arti- 22Beeby, W. H, "Sol and Samphire," in Saga Book, VI, 209-211; "Sol," in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary; Schonfeld, Der isldndische Bauernhof, 38-40. 23Sch8nfeld, Der isldndische Bauernhof, 66; Steenstrup, N ormannerene, I, 185-186; Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 157; Horrebow, Niels, Natural History of Iceland, 53. HOUSE-FURNISHINGS AND FOOD 161 ficial light was poor, and therefore, very little fine work was attempted in the evenings. The simplest light of all was the torch made from a pine-knot, or from a piece of pitchy wood; this was used to carry about the dwell ing as well as for illumination of a certain part. Many of the poorest people living in the interior of the Scan dinavian lands knew no other light, and it was also very common in the homes of the wealthy, but in parts of the North, lamps — some of them following Boman models — were in use in the viking period. One style resembled that now seen among the Eskimo, who appear to have secured their ideas for it from the Scandinavians who settled in Greenland in the tenth century.24 The lamp in question was an open dish, without burner, and had a floating wick made from rushes or cloth — perhaps most often the former. Below the vessel containing the oil was another of the same shape, used for catching the drippings. The two receptacles were fastened together by an upright piece of metal. The materials used for the lamps were pottery, soapstone, brass, copper, bronze, or iron; and the oil burned in them was generally ob tained from fish, or from sea-mammals, such as the whale and the seal. Lamps of this general style were in com mon use in recent years in the Orkney Islands and in Northern Scotland.23 Two varieties are known to have been used by the ancient Northmen, the one had a hook or handle attached, by means of which it could be sus pended, and the other had a long projecting shaft at the side which could be thrust into crevices in the walls. 2*Tylor, "Old Scandinavian Civilization among the Modern Eskimo," in Jr. Anthrop, Inst, of Gt. Brit, and Ire., XIII, 252-253 ; Garson, "Lamps from the Orkney Mands," in Jr. Anthrop Inst, of Gt. Brit, and Ire., XIII, 275. 25 Ibid. These were known in Scotland as collie lamps, from the Old Norse name, kola. 162 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE A simpler type consisted of a single metal cup with a spikelike projection for holding it in place.26 Such lamps were easily transformed into lanterns by surrounding them writh a framework set with pieces of thin horn, or covered with translucent membrane from an animal, such as was used for windows. Lanterns of this sort, probably from English models, were used in Scandinavia in the late Viking Age.27 There is no certainty that candles came into use in the North before the last half of the eleventh century, though it is probable that the idea of making them from tallow and beeswax was introduced from the south of Europe much earlier than this. Yet, if so, they cannot have been extensively employed for illumination in the heathen time. But with the adoption of Christianity and the use of candles in the churches, they were soon introduced into private houses, at least among the pros perous. 28 Falk, "Beleuchtung," in Hoops, Reallexikon; Visted, Vor Gamle Bondekultur, 33-34; Gustafson, Norges Oldtid, 107, 113; Norges Gamle Love, III, 247. 2? Norges Gamle Love, II, 247. CHAPTER X AGRICULTURE AND THE ROUTINE OF FARM LIFE Fair is the Lithe; so fair that it has never seemed to me so fair; the grain fields are white to harvest, and the home mead is mown; and now I will ride back home, and not fare abroad at all. Saga of Burnt Njal. So much has been said of the ancient Scandinavians as piratical warriors and shrewd foreign traders that the fact that, after all, most of their energy was devoted to peaceful pursuits is likely to ImPortan«e be overlooked. The most important of the ture domestic occupations was agriculture, which included pasturage and tillage of the soil. But in the cultivation of his acres the primary object of the farmer was to secure feed for his livestock, upon which his sub sistence largely depended and his chances for acquiring wealth rested. In other words, animal husbandry was of more importance than grain-growing. The former industry especially dominated in Iceland, and in North ern Sweden and Norway, where cereals could be pro duced only with difiiculty. And even in Greenland there were sunny slopes and sheltered meadows in which hay could be successfully harvested, for in this bleak land also stock-raising flourished a thousand years ago.1 Yet the diversity of agriculture at this time, even in Iceland, is attested by the fact that here, as upon every fair-sized farm in continental Scandinavia, were found i Nansen, In Northern Mists, I, 272, 276. 163 164 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE tracts of pasture, hay-meadows, hay-fields, and fields for growing cereals ; and, in addition, a small portion of the land was generally set apart for fruit- and vegetable- growing. These different agricultural units of the farm stead were probably set off from one another by hedges of natural shrubbery, walls of stone or turf, or fences made from pickets or rails. But the existence of mountain pastures in Iceland and Norway, and to some extent in Sweden, indicates the emphasis placed upon raising livestock, particularly cattle. Here, in the highlands, were the community lands already mentioned in another connection ; but every farmer possessing a right to graze his livestock in these pastures appears to have been permitted to set apart a small tract on which to erect sheep folds and cattle pens, and buildings for dairy purposes and for tempo rary dwellings. Such structures were very rough as a rule, for they were not looked upon as homes, but as mere makeshifts, as are the farming camps in the west ern United States at the present time; they were gen erally built of stone and turf, like the sel and the saetr still found in the mountains of Iceland and Norway. Several kinds of crops were grown in the fields of the ancient Northland, including oats, barley, rye, and wheat. Even far up the bleak coast of Norway, in Grain and ^he region 0f the present Tromso, the in- Farming habitants produced some grain, for home consumption ; but this did not include wheat, which was largely restricted to Denmark and southern Sweden; and the bulk of the cereal output of Scandi navia came from these two regions as well. Vetches were grown for fodder, in Iceland, and probably else where; and here the straw from the wild strand-grass (meir) previously mentioned, was likewise used for stock AGRICULTURE AND THE ROUTINE OF FARM LIFE 165 feed. In other parts of Scandinavia were different kinds of undomesticated grasses which were cut for hay.2 Besides the cereals and the plants grown for fodder, some textile plants were cultivated in the Northland even centuries before the historical period, but _ . . Textile not in sufficient quantities to do away with piants the necessity for importation. These in cluded flax and hemp, and also a variety of burning nettje, from which a coarse cloth was made. The plants mentioned had, in general, the same care as the cereals.3 Only the best land was cultivated, and even this in the rock-bound Scandinavian peninsula, and to some degree in the remainder of the North, had usually to be cleared of stones before it could be Conditions plowed. In the Far North the farmer se- t*™l*nt* lected the most sheltered places in which ing to plant cereals which were expected to reach maturity ; and in Iceland, furthermore, the vicini ties of hot-springs and geysers were chosen for grain fields, whenever possible. Each field was divided into a number of strips separated by furrows, and in the best agricultural communities these were given three plowings, one in the autumn and two in the spring. Seeding time ranged from the last of April to the last of May, according to the location and the severity of the weather in a given year; rye, however, and probably wheat also, was occasionally sown in the autumn.4 The agricultural implements were simple and some what crude, but they satisfied the needs of the time. For the preparation of the soil, the husbandman used a hoe 2 Gudmundsson, "Akerbau," in Hoops, Reallexikon; Njdla, 292; "Meir," in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary. 3 Gudmundsson, "Akerbau," in Hoops, Reallexikon. *Ibid. 166 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE or spade, with blade of hard wood or iron, or a plow, of which in the saga time there were two kinds Agricul- jn use ijhe more primitive was called an ardr, and may be seen represented upon the ancient rock-carvings. The implement, like the name, was Scandinavian in origin, and was some what of the nature of the modern grubbing plow; but the share, or cutting edge, was as a rule of wood, though tural Imple ments Fig. 21. Two Types of Sickles, and a Plow Iron. Norges Oldtid.) (From Gustaf son's at times shod with iron (Fig. 21). In some cases the arSr was probably provided with wheels, and it was drawn by two animals, generally oxen, for the latter, much more than horses, were employed in agriculture. The other plow, known as plogr, was, as the name indi cates, of foreign origin or influence, and probably did not come into use in Scandinavia until after the opening of the viking period. Just what was its nature is not AGRICULTURE AND THE ROUTINE OF FARM LIFE 167 clear, but it was distinct from the earlier plow and was doubtless an improvement upon it. Its shape was prob ably not unlike that of the single plows used at the pres ent day.5 The seed was scattered by hand from a bas ket carried upon the arm, or by means of a small hand seeder, built upon the sieve principle; and it was cov ered by dragging a brushy tree or tree branch over the field, or by the use of a simple rake or harrow of wood. The grain and hay crops were cut with a short, curved sickle, similar to those now seen in Scandinavian harvest fields of the remoter parts (Fig. 21) ; and they were gath ered into heaps with rakes and pitchforks, sometimes of iron, but more frequently of wood. There was very little science in the agriculture of the time; but it seems likely that by casual observation and experimentation the Scandinavians had learned some thing of the advantage to be gained from the rotation of crops, and from permitting lands to lie fallow. The only fertilizer used, as far as is known, was manure from the stables. Generally, rain and snow supplied suffi cient moisture directly to the soil, but occasionally droughts came, and then, wherever possible, the farmers irrigated their fields by damming the streams.6 Haying time and harvest ranged from early in July to late in September. The crop in the infield or home- field near the house, which was usually ear- liest planted, was the first to be cut. If the meadows and grain fields lay at some distance from the house, to save time, the harvesters set up a temporary establishment near the scene of their labors and camped 'Ibid.; Bugge, Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. II, 240; "Argr" and "P16gr," in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary. 6 Gudmundsson, "Akerbau," in Hoops, Reallexikon; Origines Islandicae. I, 107. 168 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE out in tents. Most of the planting was done by the men, but so much depended upon getting the crops cut, dried, and under shelter while the weather was good that gen erally the whole family turned out to work in the har vest fields ; when circumstances demanded it, even wives and daughters from rich homes lent their aid. The men cut the grain, and women and children bound it into sheaves, raked and spread the hay, and helped with the pitching. As clear summer weather is very uncertain in Scandinavia, every effort was made to get the hay dry as soon as possible. If it lay upon the ground it was turned once or twice a day; but it seems probable that, as at the present time in the Northland, it was frequently placed upon racks or trays, or over clothes-line-like ar rangements, or bound into sheaves and then spitted upon sharp sticks stuck in the ground, in order that the air might circulate through it more freely, and the drying process be thus hastened.7 When dry, the hay was piled upon high ground, after which it was placed under shelter as soon as possible. If the fields were not far from home, the hay and grain were hauled there upon wagons or sleds generally drawn by oxen; but if they were at some distance, particularly in Iceland, it was tied upon the backs of horses, and thus transported. The grain was stored away in the barns until winter brought more leisure, when it was threshed with flails upon a special floor, sometimes by the aid of artificial light. After being freed from the chaff, the seed was deposited in bins or sacks in the granary. There were usually barns for the hay also, but when these were filled the surplus was stacked in a special yard sur- ^ Origines Islandicae, II, 38 ; Schonfeld, Der isldndische Bauernhof, 121 ; Henderson, Iceland, I, 364. AGRICULTURE AND THE ROUTINE OF FARM LIFE 169 rounded by high walls, and the tops covered with boards, turf, or skins.8 ' Shortage of hay through drought or from its being spoilt by rains after being cut was a very real calamity. If such a scarcity appeared and fodder could not be se cured for money, it was necessary to kill some of the) livestock, in order that there be sufficient feed for thei remainder. This last resort sometimes threatened the food-supply of the people themselves as well as reduced their incomes. Therefore, every effort was made to keep the animals alive, if possible; and, in consequence, they were taught to eat quite unusual foods. Dried fish was upon occasions the fare of both horses and cattle in Iceland, and cattle ate even fish-bones after they had been cooked soft, and drank the water in which fish had been boiled.0 Horticulture was much less advanced than grain-grow ing. Yet a beginning had been made. Close to the dwelling house of the Northman stood his or- . chard and his vegetable garden, which, ture though they contained but little variety, were of so much value to their owners as to be subjects of protective legislation.10 The common vegetables of the North — perhaps the only ones — were cabbage, beans, peas, turnips, leeks, and angelica, and the Far North probably did not have all of these.11 Obviously, the quality must have been in most cases inferior to that of the same vegetables at the present time. s Origines Islandicae, I, 65; II, 110, 117; Saga Library, II, 76; IV, 35; Schonfeld, E. Dagobert, Das Pferd im Dienste des Islanders zur Sagazeit, 28; Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 175. oHorrebow, Natural History of Iceland, 52; Nansen, In Northern Mists, I, 276. io Norges Gamle Love, I, 253; Valdemar den Andens Jydske Lov, 274. nibid.; Gudmundsson, Valtyr, "Gartenbau," in Hoops, Reallexikon. 170 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE As was stated in the last chapter, the apple was the only widely distributed domestic fruit, but plums were probably grown to some extent. However, such culti vated fruits as existed in the North were doubtless very mediocre, for we have no evidence that the growers had as yet learned to improve size and quality by means of careful selection of seeds or by grafting. Though there appear not to have been any domestic berries, it is rea sonable to suppose that occasionally wild berry plants were included in the gardens of people living at a dis tance from where they were found in their native state.12 Also near the house, and perhaps within the protection of the orchard wall, stood the hives where the bees in the summer time stored away the precious ^Cj" honey, which was the substitute for sugar as well as sirup. Bees were raised in southern Norway, Denmark, and Sweden, but more was made of the industry in the last-named country, for the province of Vermland was early famous for its bee culture. Ice land was forced to import her honey, as did Norway to some degree.13 The superior importance of animal husbandry in Scan dinavian agriculture has been mentioned. All of the common domestic animals were bred there, ^mnial but in some parts certain kinds were of more Live Stock consequence than in other sections. In the northern part of the Scandinavian peninsula the people of Norse blood, as well as their Lapp, or Finn, neighbors, raised large herds of reindeer; in southern Sweden and Denmark a value was attached to swine which was not recognized in other sections; while the ancient saying in Iceland, "a sheepless household starves," in- i2 Norges Gamle Love, I, 253. is Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 89. AGRICULTURE AND THE ROUTINE OF FARM LIFE 171 dicates the importance attached to the sheep in that place, where some farmers owned thousands of head. In Nor way sheep were also highly regarded, but perhaps cattle were the chief domestic animals in that country. And throughout the North, as a whole, cattle and sheep were bred in the largest numbers and had more significance, commercially, than any of the other kinds of livestock. Goats were less numerous than sheep, but were also less expensive, because of the inferiority of their fleece. They gave more milk than sheep, however, and were consequently a great boon to those in humble circum stances; he who could not afford even a goat was poor indeed. Horses were especially beloved, but were not thought of in terms of wealth to such a degree as some of the other animals ; neither were they so indispensable, and it is probable that the possession of them was largely restricted to the well-to-do. All of the domestic animals, with the exception of the horse, appear to have been of rather ordinary breeds, similar or inferior to the livestock found in the more backward districts of the Scandinavian lands in modern times. Some of the horses, however, were much larger and finer than the common ponies now used in Iceland and Norway. This was perhaps due to the fact that the Northmen took special pride in fine-appearing horses, and were also fond of horse-racing and horse-fighting; and hence, the animals were bred for points. Southern Sweden, in particular, was famous for the quality of its horses.14 Domestic fowls of the usual sorts were found in the North also, perhaps the most important being geese, of which some farmers had large flocks, cared for by herders, usually children. uibid., 47-; Nansen, In Northern Mists, I, 276. 172 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE The proportional distribution of the livestock was largely determined by the question of feed. The rein deer could largely shift for themselves, and subsisted upon the moss and the meager grass supply of the Arctic belt ; but the other animals required that more provision be made for them. However, at times, even in Iceland they were permitted to forage out of doors in the winter during the day, thus supplementing the store of fodder in the barns. This was especially true of the sheep, which in some years could almost support themselves upon the grass obtained by pawing aside the snow; but the ancient records also mention lost cows and pigs that lived out in the open for many years and throve and multiplied.15 Yet even when the snow was not too deep utterly to shut the wild grass away from the animals, the supply, in winter, was always quite inadequate for the needs of a community. Hence the importance of fill ing the barns with fodder against this time of need. But in the summer it was quite different, for then the horses and cattle were turned out to graze in the com mon or private pastures, or the stubble-fields; and the swine were permitted to roam in the forests in search of grasses and roots, and the more prized acorns and beech nuts. Sometimes a herder — usually a slave — with the aid of a dog, watched over the animals as they grazed in the community pasture, but often they were left to themselves during the entire summer. As soon as the grass was high enough in the moun tains, the cows, sheep, and goats — less often TheMoun- horses an(j swine — were taken up there to tures graze upon the community land. Generally they could not go before July ; but if hay had been made from some of the grass the preceding sum- is Origines Islandicae, I, 30, 92, 129, 149. AGRICULTURE AND THE ROUTINE OF FARM LIFE 173 mer and stored away in the mountain barns, the transfer took place as soon as the snow was melted. As a rule, only a part of the household moved to the summer camp, most often some of the servants under the supervision of a member of the family; but sometimes the whole family moved up, for the sake of the change of environ ment and climate as well as for the purpose of aiding with the work.16 Part of the livestock were permitted to roam freely in the mountain pastures the whole summer, but those which gave milk were supervised by herders and were brought into the inclosures at the sel, or mountain camp, every night to be milked by the women. The women also busied themselves with making and caring for the butter and cheese, while the men appear to have done most of the herding, and mended the farm buildings, and made hay. In September when the harvest was over and winter approached, the herdsmen gathered all of the animals from the mountain pastures into a common inclosure, and afterwards separated them into private herds with the aid of the identification marks upon them ; the women stowed away in baskets and skin bags the butter and cheese, curds and whey, which had been made from the summer milk ; these supplies were then loaded upon pack- animals ; the sel was closed for the winter, and the whole household returned to the more pretentious and comfort able homes in the lowlands.17 The removal of the much-prized wool from the sheep was an important part of the summer's work, and prob ably always took place before the flocks were removed m Schonfeld, Das Pferd, 26. "Schonfeld, Der isldndische Bauernhof, 8-10, 181-183, 205-206; Saga Library, III, 267. 174 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE to the mountains. Judging from the methods still in use in Iceland in the eighteenth century, the Kucking fleece was not cliPPed off> but was Plucked out by the handful, as soon as the animals began to shed their coats — a laborious method which gave much discomfort to the sheep.18 Many regulations concerning domestic animals are to be found' in the ancient law codes, and these show strong common sense and a strict regard for justice. Legisla- The owners were generally responsible for tion Con- damage done by their animals to persons mestic8Ani." an(i property; but if the injury was caused mals through some other person's failing to fasten the gate to the inclosure where the animals were, that person must, according to the Norwegian law,. pay the damages. Livestock were apparently marked all over Scandinavia, but special emphasis was placed upon identification marks in Iceland, perhaps because of the importance of the mountain pastures held and used in common. The oldest laws of the land made any person who had not marked his young cattle and sheep by the close of eight weeks of summer liable to the payment of a heavy fine. These animals must be marked on the ear, as must pigs ; and geese and ducks had the identification marks of the owner cut upon the webs of the feet.19 It was the duty of persons to whose farms stray live stock came to make every effort to find the owner. This was generally done by means of an announcement at the meeting of the thing or at the temple or church, and sometimes the law required that the finder take the ani mal to these gatherings in order that the owner might is Olassen and Povelsen, Reise durch Island, I, 107; Henderson, Iceland, II, 157. is Grdgds, IV, 153-159, 186-187. AGRICULTURE AND THE ROUTINE OF FARM LIFE 175 claim it. The code of the Island of Gotland was unusu ally specific. Small, unmarked animals must be taken to the church and thing meeting, and if the owner was found he must pay the costs; larger animals need not be taken to the church, but must be taken to two local political assemblies and one general one, and the person who brought it should receive pay from the owner, if found; if not found, the people of the parish assessed the value of the animals, sold them, paid the finder for his trouble, and divided the remainder of the money among themselves.20 The Gotland law also provided that purchasers be given a period of a few days in which to test the qualities of domestic animals which they bought, at the expiration of which time they must pay for or return them.21 There were many other occupations pursued upon the medieval Scandinavian farm than those thought of as specifically agricultural. But because of the climate these were seasonal — summer work 0ther , Summer and winter work. The former was such as work must be done out of doors ; the latter included virtually all other work. Because of the great length of the days, as well as the advantage of working in the daylight, servants in Iceland, though hired for the year, Were given twice as much pay for the six summer months as they were for the winter months.22 And it is prob able that the other countries recognized the industrial advantages of summer time after a similar fashion. The out-door tasks included washing the clothes ; pre paring and bringing home the year's supply of fuel; aug- 2<> Guta-Lagh, 78-81. 21 Ibid., 67-70. 22 Schonfeld, Der isldndische Bauernhof, 78, 176 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE menting the stores of food obtained from field and dairy by hunting and fishing and gathering edible wild plants ; making and mending fences and roads; erecting new buildings; and repairing the ravages caused by the storms of winter upon the old ones. Though some clothes-wTashing may have taken place in the middle of the winter, in preparation for the Yule fes tivities, the chief laundering time was the Work*7 summer, as is still true in the remoter parts of Scandinavia. With the coming of bright, dry weather and the disappearance of the ice, the soiled clothes which had been stored away until now, were taken out by the women and carried to the margins of streams and lakes, where they scrubbed them clean aided by soap and ash-lye. After being dried by spreading upon the grass or racks erected for the purpose, or upon lines in a drying shed, the garments and household linen were smoothed with implements of glass, wood, or whalebone, which, evidently in a very inadequate manner, did the work of the modern flat iron.23 In the heavily-forested parts of continental Scandi navia it was a comparatively easy matter to secure the year's supply of fuel, for practically every- Securing body owned forest land or a share in a forest. and Pre- g^ jn SCantily-wooded regions, like Iceland Fuei and the northern parts of Norway and Supply Sweden, to secure the means whereby the food might be cooked and the dwelling rooms kept warm was often a difficult task. In these parts, such shrubs and trees as were too small for building purposes, or were not desired for use in building, were cut for fire-wood direct, or converted into charcoal; and 23 Gustafson, Norges Oldtid, 107, .112; Rygh, Norske Oldsager, 23-24. AGRICULTURE AND THE ROUTINE OF FARM LIFE 177 in places where no wood could be obtained, various sub stitutes were employed. The most common of these were turf or peat, obtained from the bogs in the low lands. The former was cut into short strips, dried, and carried home, in Iceland, in baskets placed on either side of a pack-horse. Where both forest and bog were lacking, the people were forced to resort to the use of dried sea weed and other unsatisfactory materials.24 The special winter occupations included spinning and weaving and making clothes, threshing grain, tanning hides, making ropes from hemp or skin, carv ing wood, and working in metals. Many of these tasks were probably done by artificial Whiter light, but some of them could be worked at work by the mere glow from the fire. Fig. 22. Anvil, Casting Ladle, Hammers and Axes. Danmarks Historie.) (From Steenstrup's The different varieties of indoor work mentioned in the preceding paragraph which deserve fur- ^^ ^ ther consideration are given more detailed Metals treatment under other headings, except metal-smithing, which will be taken up here. A large 2*01assen and Povelsen, Reise durch Island, I, 233. 178 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE portion of the metal articles used in the North were home made, and showed a considerable degree of skill. Some of these were wrought from native red iron ore, or haema tite, but most of the metal used by native workers came from abroad, raw, or in the form of objects later melted and worked over.25 Upon every farm of fair size was a special smithy, adequately equipped with tongs, files, chisels, and shears, and hammers and anvils of different sizes. The larger anvils were shaped from stone, and the smaller, from iron. The bellows, constructed from skin and wood, were worked with two handles, like the small ones now used for blowing open-grate fires in dwelling houses (Figs. 22-24). 26 Fig. 23. Blacksmith's Tongs, Shears and other Tools. (From Steenstrup's Danmarks Historie.) Though the ancient smiths could shape iron only by forging it, they cast bronze and silver and other soft metals in molds of clay, stone, and iron, but the labor required for shaping the molds as well as the difficulty experienced in attempting to melt the metals, probably discouraged the use of casting to any large extent, for very few samples of cast work have been found. 2« Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 171. ztlbid., 168; Egils Saga, 93; Bygh, Norske Oldsager, fig. 388, and passim. CHAPTER XI HUNTING, I launched my boat in Largo Bay, And fishes caught I three; One for wad and one for hook, And one was left for me. From an old Scottish ballad showing Scan dinavian influence. A thousand years ago the Scandinavian waters teemed with fish to an even greater degree than at present, and an abundance of game was found in virtually every part of the land. Hence, many North- impor- men eked out their larders and added to their ^y" °*. wealth by taking toll from the wild life about mai Life them. And the humbler people in the more out-of-the-way parts lived, in many instances, entirely upon hunting; the wild land- and water-animals sup plied not only food and the means with which to secure other necessaries, but largely clothing, as well. The Skridfinns, or Lapps, were probably the greatest nimrods of all. They pursued the chase not only for the sake of securing a livelihood and commercial gain, but also in order to pay the tribute of skins and furs exacted from them by the Northern chieftains of Germanic blood who lived upon their frontiers. These nomadic hunters ap pear to have especially excelled in catching sea mammals, and to have given some of their skill to their blonde neighbors.1 i Nansen, In Northern Mists, I, 224-225. 179 180 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Among the more prosperous, hunting was primarily a summer occupation, and the special hunter whom many . people employed was, in winter, given some indoor work. But those to whom it was a means of livelihood hunted all the year round, pursuing their quarry by following, upon skees, their tracks in the snow, and taking advantage of the tameness to which hunger, caused by the heavy sheet of snow and ice, re duced the game. The animals usually sought were common deer, rein deer, elks, wild hogs, wolves, marten's, otters, sables, lynxes, wild cats, squirrels, hares, brown bears, polar bears, and various kinds of foxes. Most of these ani mals were found in continental Scandinavia, while only a few were native to Ieeland. The white bear, on the other hand, was limited to Greenland and Iceland. But it was only a temporary visitor to the latter place, to which it came as a passenger in the winter and springtime upon floating Greenland ice. And such visits caused consid erable uneasiness in the minds of the Iceland farmers, for if the animals once landed they were likely to work havoc in the sheep-folds. Consequently, the people liv ing along the north and west coasts kept a sharp look out when the icebergs began to arrive, and if a bear was known to have come with them, a hunt was immediately begun.2 The customary hunting weapons were the bow — gen erally made from the wood of the yew tree — and arrow, the club, and the spear; the last being employed only for large game. The hunter was, in addition, always equipped with a short, sharp hunting knife, which he used for attacking at short range, especially in self-de- 2 Olassen and Povelsen, Reise durch Island, I, 276 ; Henderson, Iceland, I, 355-356. HUNTING, FOWLING, AND FISHING 181 fense, and also for skinning and cutting up the animals when killed. The trained hunting dog was the invaluable companion of the Scandinavian hunter; he scared the game out of its hiding place, helped his master by chas ing and .worrying it, and brought the smaller animals to him after they had been shot. There was probably more than one kind of dog used for such purposes. In Dahlsland, Sweden, the hunting dog was especially large and powerful. It had long gray hair, with dark mark ings, and was probably related to the Saint Bernard. This animal was also highly prized in Norway, where it had been introduced from Sweden ; while in Denmark, the ancestors of the breed now known as Danish were probably the favorite hunters.3 Animals were brought down not only by means of the chase, but by use of traps of various sorts, as well; and the latter method, as the simpler and easier of the two, was perhaps the more common. rappmg Elks were caught in pits dug for the purpose; smaller and less clumsy game, such as wolves and deer, were often lured by the use of bait into high inclosures built of strong palings, after which the gate was closed and the animal slaughtered. , The Northmen constructed spring traps of one sort or another, especially for the fox and other small game; and fashioned nets and spread them on the forest trails frequented by the prey.4 In the legislation of the early Christian period there were laws for the regulation of hunting, many of which doubtless originated far back in the L "^*mg pagan time. It was dangerous to walk un guardedly in the forests, lest one fall victim to the de- 3Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 54-56; Muller, Vor Oldtid, 656; SchSnfeld, Der isldndische Bauernhof, 271. *Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 65. 182 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE vices laid for the capture of wild prey; but the likeli hood of injury was reduced to some extent by the fact that in many places those laying traps or snares in a careless manner were held responsible by the law for damages done. Other laws determined the ownership pf dead game. In some sections, the animals belonged to the persons killing or capturing them, regardless of who owned the soil; in others, persons were entitled only to game taken upon their own land, or upon the territory of another, if the pursuit of it was started upon one's own land and continued upon the property of another with the latter 's permission. Hunting in the community forests was free to the, whole population, except for the restrictions imposed by the legislation for the protection of the game, which seem to have been in force pretty well throughout the North, though the most numerous instances are found in the Swedish law codes. In most of the provinces of this land the squirrel and hare, both of which were useful for flesh and fur, had several months of grace each year. These generally came in the spring and summer, though the time varied somewhat in different parts. Punish ment for the violation of the protective laws was as a rule in the form of fines, sometimes as high as three marks — or twenty-four ounces of silver.5 The laws of Sweden were, however, just as insistent that all make war upon the wolf, man's greatest en emy in eastern Scandinavia. Every Westgothlander pos sessed of forest land was required to maintain both wolf snares and wolf traps. Others must at least own a wolf net, which the law demanded be shown to public officers who passed through the province four times per year $Ibid., 66-67; Guta-Lagh, 84-85. HUNTING, FOWLING, AND FISHING 183 for the purpose of inspecting them. East Gotland had similar laws regarding the possession of wolf nets.6 Animals caught in traps were generally killed upon being found; the skin, if of value, was saved, and the flesh, if edible, was preserved by being frozen, salted, or dried. When the hunter ,d Ani mills 3.s had a goodly supply of meat, furs, and skins pets on hand, he piled it upon a sledge or loaded it on the back of a pack horse and thus took it out to the settlements where he disposed of his load to private in dividuals or sold it at the markets generally held along the coasts. But sometimes the animals, if uninjured, were permitted to live in captivity, especially if they were young ; and were kept as pets, or were sold for the same purpose. This seems to have been particularly the case with bears, for which there was a fad. Polar bears, for instance, were regarded as a worthy gift for nobles or kings, for they were not known in Europe until the settlement of Iceland, and, hence, were quite a curiosity.7 But brown bears from the forests were also domesticated. The tame bears were known in Iceland as ' ' house bears, ' ' and were so common there that the law took cognizance of them. Brown bears were not native to the island; but some were imported and became such a nuisance that their further importation was absolutely prohibited. Owners of white or forest bears already in the island, like the' owners of dogs, were liable to punishment if 0 Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 65. 7 Origines Islandicae, I, 128. The droll and charming ancient little story of AuSun tells how AuSun, the happy-go-lucky hero of the tale, brought a polar bear from Greenland, and after one or two disappoint ments in an effort to bestow it as a gift to his own advantage, finally found favor in the eyes of the king of Denmark by giving it to him, and was enriched to such a degree by the king that he was able to establish himself in Iceland as a, man of importance. 184 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE their pets injured the persons or property of others.8 It seems likely also that the wild cat or marten cat, was often made a pet, for some of the passages in the ancient sources seem to apply to this animal, rather than to the small domestic cat. Indeed, there has been some question as to whether the common cat had been domesti cated in the North as early as the Viking Age, though it was a household animal by the twelfth century, even in Iceland.9 Bird life was very abundant in Scandinavia. Among the land birds which were hunted were partridges, wood- cocks, grouse, capercailzies, hawks, falcons, and eagles. Sea-fowl were particularly nu merous, especially along the coasts of Norway and Ice land and the smaller islands to the south. This class of game included tern, swans, geese, and ducks, all of them were sought by the fowler, particularly the eider duck, which was found upon the island coasts and also along western Norway. Birds of the forest were taken by means of nets and snares, and bows and arrows, as were the water fowl, but the fowlers sometimes climbed up the rugged cliffs, or lowered themselves from their tops, to the nests, and seized the birds with their hands. And the feathered prey, particularly land birds, were also caught with the aid of hawks and falcons, which were occasionally used in hunting small quadrupeds, such as hares, as well. Hawking was, however, rather the sport of the rich than the serious work of the fowler, who could better and more quickly secure his prey by other means. Birds which were fit for food were, if taken in large numbers, preserved by pickling like other meat, or a SchSnfeld, Der isldndische Bauernhof, 278-286. o "Kottr," in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary. HUNTING, FOWLING, AND FISHING 185 smoked or dried, after being salted. Then they were stored away for the fowler's own use or sold for local consumption. In Iceland, and the small islands to the south, probably more than in other parts of the Scandi navian North, birds were used for food, because larger game was not so plentiful here as upon the continent. Representatives of the hawk family were especially valuable commercially, because of the demand for them. in the countries to the south, where much was made of the sport of hawking. Norway, in impor- particular, was famous for its hawks and f al- Hawks and cons, large numbers of which were exported ; Falcons but some of the birds for foreign trade also came from Sweden, Iceland, and Greenland. The Nor wegian king had the monopoly of these birds within his dominions, and might hunt for them in all forests, regard less of private ownership. In some instances, owners of land were required to pay him tribute in hawks, and to offer for sale to him — over and above the tribute — any additional ones which he Avished. But in most parts of Scandinavia the hunting of all birds was unrestricted, and in Iceland where considerable attention was paid to catching the sparrow hawrk, the fowlers made large sums from the sale of these birds to Danish merchants.10 Many of the sea fowl were valuable for their eggs as well as for their flesh, feathers and down. People living along the coasts often had definitely limited "egg-fields," in the ownership and protec- s"p°wl tion of which they were defended by the law. In Iceland, for example, it was illegal to fire within bow shot of the bird-nesting places owned by another.11 The birds nesting in these egg-fields were not domesticated, i»Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 64-65. " Ibid., 66-67. 186 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE but the person claiming the land did everything possible to make conditions favorable for the birds, in order to induce them to come, and to stay. In addition to the eggs gathered by private individuals who owned the fields on which they were laid, great quantities were taken from the nests claimed by no one, along the steep cliffs and upon the rocky bird islands off the coasts of the larger islands. Often these could be secured only by hard climbing, but at times women could easily gather them from boats rowed along the coasts to the shelvy places where the nests had been built. In view of the importance attached to the possession of egg-fields, it is more than likely that the Northmen — especially those living on the islands — not only knew how to keep eggs for a long time by pickling after they were cooked, but that they also were familiar with methods of preserving them raw for winter use. In the eight eenth century the Icelanders packed away eggs, which had been found, by testing, to be fresh, in layers of cer tain kinds of ashes, and thus kept them for several months ; 12 and it is probable that the same procedure was followed many centuries before this time. Sea mammals also made a valuable contribution to the comfort and prosperity of the ancient Scandinavians. Common seals were numerous along the *:a , northern coasts, as were also dolphins and walruses. These animals were at times se cured by being clubbed to death in the rookeries, or caught in nets in the creeks and inlets along the shore, but perhaps more often they were hunted in boats with the harpoon.13 Whales, too, were hunted thus, but much 12 Olassen and Povelsen, Reise durch Island, I, 258. is Origines Islandicae, II, 267; Horrebow, Natural History of Iceland, 89. HUNTING, FOWLING, AND FISHING 187 more frequently the Northmen obtained them through sick or dead animals being washed ashore. These drift whales were the subject of specific legislation, which, however, varied in different countries. In Iceland the carcass went to the owner of the strand, unless it was a harpooned whale, in which case, the hunter received half ; 14 but sometimes the owner divided up with the one who found the drift whale. In monarchies like Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, the kings came in for the lion's share of stranded whales, if they were large, as well as of all flotsam. But the finders and the owners of the strand also were given a small portion. Small whales and other small sea mammals, and also fish, were divided up between the finder and the man to whom belonged the strand upon which they were washed.15 Because of the profit to be gained from drift-whales, drift-Wood, and flotsam, it often happened that persons whose homes were in the interior — especially in Iceland — owned rights to certain strands, while having no claim to the grass land beyond them. The sea animals which have been considered seem not to have been much used for food, unless the need was great, as in Greenland, but all were most valuable for the oil which they yielded; seals were highly prized for their fur ; the skins of the other animals were used for various purposes; the ivory of the walrus was in demand for making small, fine articles, like combs, dice, and chessmen; and in the western islands the bones of the whale came in handy for building purposes, as pre viously mentioned. Fishing was the most important industry connected nGrdgds, IV, 122-129. is Norges Gamle Love, I, 59 ; Guta-Lagh, 87 ; ValdCmar den Andens Jydske Lov, 276, 278; Kong Erics SjelUmdske Lov, 308-314. 188 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE with wild animal life in the Viking Age. At that time, though the population was much smaller than now, most varieties of fish were prob ably more abundant, and they formed an exceedingly im portant article of foreign commerce, as well as a standard article of diet at home. Hence, the yearly catch was very considerable. Salmon, trout, herring, cod, mack erel, sturgeon, perch, and pike were the kinds commonly sought by the fishermen. Salmon and trout were found in most of the rivers, and formed the staple food of the poor along many parts of the coasts ; herring were plenti ful in most of the surrounding waters, and were very important commercially; cod were taken in large num bers around the western islands, but the center of the cod industry was the Lofoten Islands, off the northwest coast of Norway, on which was Vaagen, the great fishing mar ket, visited annually not only by whole fleets of boats belonging to the population of northern Norway, but also by merchants and fishermen from much greater dis tances.1" Thousands of people dwelling along the coasts made their whole livelihood by fishing, and in some parts they were thus occupied throughout the year. But the far mers living near the seashore generally fished only in the summer time, and then merely for their own use. Peo ple whose homes were in the interior also often possessed fishing stations or camps along the coasts, to which they came in the summer. Sea-fishing at a certain distance from the strand was free to all, but in most countries river- and lake-fishing were perhaps governed by law. Persons owning the land 10 Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 68 ; Bugge, Alexander, "Die Nor- deuropSischen Verkehrswege im frUhen Mittelalter," in Vierteljahrschrift fiir Social und Wirtschafts Geschichte, vol. IV, pt. II, p. 230. HUNTING, FOWLING, AND FISHING 189 bordering upon these places had special fishing rights there.17 Boats having but one pair of oars were frequently employed for fresh-water fishing, and also along the coasts. For the former use, the vessels were The often short and somewhat blunt, in order pisher that they might the more easily be propelled man's upon winding streams. But the usual fish- ^JjJ*" ing-boat generally held two or three men. It was also propelled by oars; but large vessels fitted with sails were used for fishing upon a more extensive scale or at a greater distance from home. The Scandinavian fishermen while upon the water were dressed in skin clothes, put on over their other gar ments. These clothes somewhat resembled those worn by the modern Eskimos while in their boats, and were made in two pieces, a jacket, and trousers with which were combined socks. The skins used were generally from goats, sheep, or seals, and were made completely water-proof, as well as soft and pliable, by being well smeared with fish oil.18 For gathering his harvest of the sea, the fisherman used a simple equipment, including nets and lines of yarn or rawhide ; hooks of metal or bone ; sinkers of the same materials, or of stone ; spears and harpoons ; and a broad, heavy knife with which to kill the fish after drawing it in. If the fishing was done by hook and line, bait in the form of worms or small fish was carried along ; and also baskets in which to carry the catch home. The smaller fish were taken by hooks or nets, but large ones, like sal mon and sturgeon, were generally speared. Much of the fishing was done by individuals, working it Origines Islandicae, I, 129, 203. is Henderson, Iceland, I, 300. 190 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE for themselves, but the better-to-do farmers often em ployed men to fish for them, just as they employed hunts men. Many fishermen of means also hired others to work on their boats with them; and still other groups of men fished in partnership, dividing the catch in pro portion to the interests invested in the enterprise, the owner or owners of the boat receiving considerably more than those who contributed only labor. The fish were cured by being pickled or salted, and then smoked or dried. Some, — cod, for example, — were spread upon flat rocks along the coast to dry in the sun, while others were dried in the shade, in open sheds, or "wind houses," near at hand. The preserving process being completed, the fish were stored away, for private consumption in the winter, or until the fishing season had ended, after which they were marketed. The ancient fishermen of the North had an interesting method of counting their catch, in determining whether it paid them for their exertions. A paying catch, for instance, must yield one fish to pay for the boat, one for the hook, one for the line, and one for the angler himself. This quaint method of reckoning the count has been used in modern times by the fishermen in some parts of North ern Britain, where Scandinavian influence lingered; and the same idea is reflected in the stanza from an old Scot tish ballad placed at the head of this chapter. CHAPTER XII NAUTICAL SCIENCE He who trusts in his wallet is glad when the night sets in. Short are ship's berths. An autumn night is changeable. The weather often changes in five days, but oftener in a month. Song of Saws. The Viking Age in Scandinavia was characterized by a great amount of activity, not only externally, — dis played by commercial journeys and warring expeditions to foreign lands, — but also within Unusual the borders of the different countries of the Amoun* of Scandinavian North. Here, all who wrere th* viking freemen moved absolutely without any of the Age various restrictions which hampered them in the later Middle Ages. Most of the traveling was done in the summer, and at this time many varieties of people were seen going to and fro. There were skalds and for tune-tellers ; vagabonds — women as well as men ; 1 la borers looking for work ; law-makers and judges on their way to the thing; merchants and traders; people bound upon special business errands ; and others of more leisure, journeying to visit relatives and friends. The unusual mobihty of the population made the question of transpor tation facilities one of importance. Considerable attention was, consequently, paid to in ternal improvements along this line ; and, in view of the earliness of the period, a goodly amount of progress was evident in response to the various needs. The un- l-Wjdla, 98, 99; Origines Islandicae, II, 53. 191 192 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE even surface of the ground in Iceland, and the extensive tracts of swamp discouraged road-building Roads, nere on any large scale ; therefore, the routes and"68' °f travel were largely marked by bridle- Bridges paths, or trails. But upon the continent, where conditions were more favorable, the law in some instances required that wagon-roads of a certain width be constructed through every farm, and that they be so built as to be equally good in dry and in wet weather.2 Travelers often crossed streams in winter by riding or driving over the thick ice covering their surfaces, and in summer, by fording them at special places known to be safe ; but even in Iceland during heathen times many bridges and ferries were in existence. Throughout the North, these were usually owned and cared for by private individuals. At the ferries, passengers and goods were transported over the water in simple rowboats, by the owners of the boats, whose homes were placed near where the roadway met the margin of the water. For the services rendered, the ferryman charged a toll, or fee. - The word "bridge" (bru) among the ancient North men had two meanings, and included bridges in the pres ent day sense, and also causeways. Perhaps it was most frequently employed in the latter sense, for during the period considered the areas of undrained land were much greater than at present, and in many cases the only way in which transportation across them could be made pos sible was by means of high, artificial roadways made of layers of stone and gravel, edged by large heavy stones held in place by long ones standing on end, or by a sup- 2 Norges Gamle Love, I, 44. TRANSPORTATION 193 port of wood.3 But bridges in the present meaning of the term were also built. These were of wood, though at times upon stone foundations, and some of them spanned deep, wide streams.4 No charge appears to have been made for their use, but the law protected the owners against damage done to them.5 The coming of Christianity gave an impetus through out the North to road-making and the building of cause ways, bridges, and ferries; for wayfarers, like the sick and the poor, were regarded as fit objects for pity and Fig. 24. Engraving from Kune Stone from a Memorial Bridge. (From Steenstrup's Danmarks Historie.) assistance. Hence, pious men and women constructed free public aids to traveling for the good of their own souls, or for the benefit of the spirits of departed rela tives or friends. These were known as "soul-roads," "soul-ferries," and "soul-bridges"; and in Sweden, at least, they were marked by monumental stones bearing explanatory inscriptions. The famous Sigurd Fafnes- bane runestone (Fig. 24), which dates from the first half of the eleventh century, is such a memorial stone, and it was used to mark a bona fide bridge.6 iLindqvist, Sune, "Eamsundsbron vid Sigurdsristningen och en Stor- bondeslakt fran Missionstiden," in Fornvdnnen, 1914, p. 203. *Ibid., 204-205. 5 Norges Gamle Love, I, 106. s "Bru," in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary ; Lindqvist. "Ramsunds- bron vid Sigurdsristningen," in Fornvdnnen, 1914, 203-204. The inscrip- 194 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Since there were no towns in the Northland, where public places for the care of travelers could always be found, and since there were no roadside inns, Entertain- tlie entertainment of the wayfarer was also Travelers almost exclusively a private matter. Most persons who traveled in the more settled parts of the land, found a welcome at private houses, for the conditions of the time made hospitality one of the cardinal virtues. In Sweden there was no greater shame than to refuse shelter to a wayfarer,7 and in Ice land the well-to-do felt such pride in the fact that they kept open house that some made an enterprise of hos pitality. One instance of this altruistic zeal is a woman who built a house across the roadway and served re freshments to all who came.8 The guest-houses which at times formed a part of the homestead group have already been mentioned in another connection. They were intended definitely to take the place of public inns, and were for the temporary entertainment of travelers who wrere strangers to their host — especially those be neath him in social rank.9 Strangers who were persons of prominence, and all friends, even though uninvited, were entertained in the parts of the dwelling occupied by the members of the family. Frequently strangers spent the whole winter at a private house; but this was only by special invitation, or as a result of definite un derstanding; otherwise, it was regarded as impolite to stay more than three days ; 10 and persons possessing tion upon the Sigurd runestone is as follows: "Sirid, Alrik's mother and Orm's daughter, erected this bridge for Holmger's, Sigrod's father's and her husband's, soul." rAdam of Bremen, 191. s Origines Islandicae, I, 57, 70. aibid., II, 53. io Keyser, Private Life, 128. The same attitude is taken in Scotland still — probably a survival of Scandinavian influence there. TRANSPORTATION 195 proper pride were careful not to wear out their welcome by tarrying longer. As a rule, no money was taken by the well-to-do for the entertainment of strangers; and rarely were food and shelter refused by even the poorest, whether com pensation seemed forthcoming or not, for such a refusal might mean the death of the wayfarer from hunger or cold. To guard against such a tragedy as this, in some of the provinces of Sweden the laws required that the country people supply travelers who were in need of these things with food for themselves and fodder for their horses ; and to prevent the exaction of extortionate compensation, the prices of such accommodations were fixed by law.11 The laws of Iceland seem to have been equally strict, and until well down into the Middle Ages they required that the farmers provide shelter and en tertainment for two special classes of travelers — legis lators, on their way to the meeting of parliament, and bridal parties journeying to the home of the groom. In the case of the latter, every peasant must shelter at least six of the travelers, if the bride or groom was in the group. To refuse to do so made him liable to punishment by lesser outlawry.12 Persons journeying in an unsettled part of the land, however, or where the distances between houses were great, had largely to shift for themselves; but as such travelers were generally familiar goiters with the lay of the country, they were usually prepared to do this. If the weather was good, they camped out by the wayside, and cooked food which they brought along, or they subsisted upon wild food obtained from the forests and streams. Sometimes they spent " Swerikes Rikes Lagh-Boker, 29-30. 112 "BruSferd" in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary. 196 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE the night under the open sky wrapped in their heavy cloaks or in blankets, or tucked away in leather sleep ing bags ; but many travelers carried tents of skin, wad mal, or linen with them, and pitched them wherever they stopped for rest.13 Yet during cold or stormy weather such persons were likely to fare ill, and, in recognition of this fact,, philanthropic persons early erected public shelter houses in out-of-the-way places. This seems to have been done especially in Norway and Iceland, where the population was more sparse than in Denmark and Sweden. And later such shelters were built in Norway at public expense, by order of the king, and stood within at least a day's journey of one another. These struc tures appear to have been simply huts giving protection from the weather, and supplied with dry wood for fuel and straw for beds. They were open to all comers, but in the event of a shortage of room, any person who had been sheltered in such a wayside haven for three nights must depart. In some cases, the law required that lots be cast to decide who should go ; and if the person whose duty it was to make way for a later-comer failed to do so, he had to pay a thief's fine to the king; and if the traveler entitled to his space in the inn died from ex posure, the man whose selfishness caused his death was forced to pay full wergeld for the dead man.14 The Scandinavians traveled in various ways. Some went on foot, the simplest method, and virtually the only one left to the extremely poor. In the f % ° Sl summer time, the pedestrian carried his pro visions — if he possessed any — in a pack on his back, and helped himself along with a staff ; in win ter, when the ground was covered with snow, walking w Schonfeld, Der isldndische Bauernhof, 191. i* Norges Gamle Love, I, 47. Fig. 25. Bronze Finishing for Harness Fig. 26. Richly Decorated Spur of Gold. (From Gustaf son's" Norges Oldtid) TRANSPORTATION 197 was easier, for the Northman shod himself with skees or snow-shoes, and could readily carry a supply of pro visions or commodities upon a sledge or sled which he dragged behind him. The most common method of travel for any consider able distance was by horseback riding, which was espe cially favored in Iceland, because of the poor roads. Upon every large farm in the Scan- Ki^eback dinavian North were several saddle-horses, the pride of their owners. White was the favorite color in horses, but black and sorrel horses were also much liked. A close comradeship existed between the horse and his owner, and if the latter was a person of some social importance, the taste and expense displayed in the equipment and decoration of the animal were intended to reflect the master's wealth and position. While the poor man rode his horse bareback or with only a blanket of wadmal or a cushion of straw strapped to his back, and guided his steed by means of the most simple reins of rope or skin, the wealthy chieftain had a richly decorated saddle and bridle. The framework of the former appears to have been always of wood, which in the native saddles was carved and painted in bright colors, and often upholstered with embroidered cloth or with skins ; but saddles of fine carved leather, and much superior to native work, were also imported from Spain and Portugal.15 The saddles used by the women were quite different in style from those of the men, and were shaped like chairs, as is still true in Iceland. The mount ings and stirrups of the best saddles were of metal and some were handsomely wrought; gilded bronze and sil ver were not unusual for these parts. Under the saddle 15 Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse, 184. 198 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE were spread brightly-colored or gaily embroidered blankets. The spurs and parts of the bridle were fre quently also of precious metal (Fig. 26), particularly of silver; and this was sometimes inlaid with gold and enamel and set with precious stones.16 The comfort and individual appearance of the saddle horses as well as their equipment and trappings received the attention of their masters. Their coats were rubbed smooth and glossy and their manes and forelocks and tails were kept trimmed. Blankets of skins or wadmal were thrown over them for protection against the cold, and their feet were shielded when traveling over rough ground by iron shoes, not nailed to the horse's hoof, as now, but made with parts projecting over the sides of the hoof by which the shoes were strapped to the foot.17 People taking a journey of some distance or going upon a visit were usually accompanied by horses with pack saddles bearing chests of clothes and other Hacr supplies securely strapped, or tied, on. Mer chants and traders also carried their goods upon pack horses led in a string, sometimes of a dozen or more.18 The method of fastening the animals to gether was probably the same as that employed recently in Iceland, a rope being tied around the lower jaw of each horse and attached to the tail of the preceding one.19 By this means one man alone could manage a very long pack train. The Northmen also traveled in sledges, sleds, and wagons, even in Iceland. The sledges in the Far North, 10 Origines Islandicae, II, 94 ; Schonfeld, Das Pferd, 42 ; Corpus Poeticum Boreale, I, 45; Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 310. i? Schonfeld, Das Pferd, 41 ; Schonfeld, Der isldndische Bauernhof, 136. is Origines Islandicae, I, 147. i° Henderson, Iceland, I, 25. Fig. 27. Elaborately Carved Sledge. (From prospectus of book on the Oseberg discoveries, to be published by the Norwegian government) TRANSPORTATION 199 especially on the borders of regions occupied chiefly by Lapps and Finns, were made partially of raw- hide, drawn over wooden frames and fitted with runners of hard timber — in imitation of the ve hicles used by the more primitive part of the population. But vehicles of native construction as a whole were made almost entirely of wood ; often richly carved. A number of sledges have been found in ancient tombs (Fig. 27). All of these are small affairs of rather simple and clumsy lines, but carved in elaborate patterns. The wheeled vehicles were also of rather primitive style. Two or four wheels, made with a few heavy spokes, and with thick wooden rims, seldom, or never, protected by metal tires, were used upon the vehicles. The Northmen em ployed poles rather than shafts for drawing them, but at times a single animal drew the lighter carts or wagons (Fig. 28). The wheeled vehicles were evidently built after models seen in the Boman Empire or other lands to the south ; and some of these foreign wagons, which were quite superior to the ones of Scandinavian manufacture, were also taken into the North and used there. Reindeer, as a rule, drew the sledges of the Far North, while the other vehicles were drawn by oxen or horses, perhaps most commonly the latter. For the heavier draft animals the harness was of very simple construction made from ropes of hair or hemp or strings of rawhide; but for the more showy horse-drawn vehicles, the harness displayed considerable artistic skill. For this, leather was used instead of cheaper materials, and also considerable metal, which, as in the equipment of the saddle horses, was sometimes silver or gold, or baser metals silver-plated or gilded, 200 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE frequently wrought into handsome designs (Fig. 28 ).20 The fact that most of the Scandinavian settlements were upon small islands, or bordered rivers or lakes, or the coasts of the larger land areas, made the Scandi- waterways the most usual as well as the best taShTf1"11 an<^ cheapest highways. And as a conse- Building quence of the prevalence of water travel, the Northmen paid much attention to the con struction of water craft, and gained a skill in this line scarcely equalled by any other contemporary European peoples.21 Ship-building was an honorable calling which gave employment to many. The master ship-smith, in particular, was a person of importance. In the construc tion of a large ocean vessel many men worked under his supervision, each one doing a special type of labor.22 There were vessels of various styles, according to the use to which they were to be put. The row-boats used upon the internal water-ways have been considered briefly in connection with the subject of fishing; and their nature will be made clearer in connection with the fol lowing description of ocean-going vessels. The latter, as being more complex, require more detailed treatment. Scandinavian ships differed from those of other con temporary lands chiefly in that they were narrower and were pointed at both ends; also, bow and General stern rose much higher above the water than of Ocean- ^ ^e vessel amidships. Though varying going considerably with reference to size, all sea- Vessels going craft, whether intended primarily for 2° Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 194; Gud mundsson and Kalund, "Skandinavische Verhaltnisse," in Paul, Grundriss, III, 450. 2i Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 182; Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse, 199. 22 Saga Library, III, 322, 343. Fig. 28. Elaborately Carved Wagon. (From prospectus of book on the Oseberg discoveries, to be published by the Norwegian government) TRANSPORTATION 201 commerce or for war, were of much the same shape, even in the eleventh century.23 In fact, it was not until after the opening of the Viking Age that the war vessel, as a special type, was developed at all ; 24 and even after it appeared, vessels of commerce and of war were fre quently used interchangeably, as merchants took to piracy and warriors temporarily forsook martial enterprise for peaceful trade. Trading craft were higher than those built chiefly for fighting; and they were likewise heavier and broader, in order to give greater capacity for cargoes, for which reason they were also without Character- decks amidships. Built as they were for lstlcs of strictly practical use, less attention was and War_ given to their decoration. They differed Vessels from the war ships also in that they were largely propelled by sails, while the war vessels, though supplied with sails, were generally driven through the water by the use of oars. This last-mentioned distinc tion appears to have been also due to adjustment of the merchant vessel to better practical service ; for oars seem to have been placed only near the prow and near the stern, while there were none amidships where room was desired for the cargo.25 Oak was the wood most frequently used for ship con struction, and the "clinch" method was employed in plac ing the boards together ; that is, the slender, elastic strips of timber which were curved ^hip Construe- over the framework to form the body of the tion vessel were so arranged as slightly to over lap from the gunwale down. The edges were fastened 23 Gudmundsson, Valtyr, Nordboernes Skibe i Vikinge- og Sagatiden, 7. 24 Bugge, Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. II, 222. 2» Gudmundsson, Nordboernes Skibe, 7-9. 202 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE with rivets or bolts of bronze or iron ; and the seams were calked with pitch, sometimes mixed with cows' hair or sheeps' wool. Trading vessels were fitted with half decks in the stern and bow, and in the largest merchant ships there was a narrow deck or passageway on each side which united the two. The remainder of the ship was simply an open hold with floor boards laid upon the foundation timbers. Consequently, the cargo had to be covered with sail cloth or skins to keep out spray and rain.28 War vessels, on the other hand, had a deck over the whole length of the interior below the gunwale, and two platform-like ones above this, at either end of the ship. The short deck in the stern was called loftingen and that in the bow, forstavnsdaek.21 The main deck in the war craft was, however, so low amidships that it afforded no shelter. Therefore, a tent roofing was at times spread over this part of the vessel, for protection against the weather, the edges of the covering material being permitted to hang over the railing, to which they were fastened by means of small wooden pegs thrust in holes made for the purpose.28 One tier of oars on each side was the rule in Scan dinavian vessels, but biremes were not entirely unknown. When there were two rows of oars, the war Oars ship stood higher above the water.29 The oars were long, and in the case of the large war vessels, in particular, were thrust through holes along the gun wale when in operation. These oar-openings were fitted with little sliding shutters which covered them when the 28 Falk, Hjalmar, "Altnordisches Seewesen,'' in Kulturhistorisches Zeitschrift, IV, 48. 27 Gudmundsson, Nordboernes Skibe, 15. 2s Ibid. 2» Ibid., 21. TRANSPORTATION 203 oars were not being used. Smaller craft often had simple oar-locks, or rests, of rawhide, hardwood, or iron. In small vessels the rowers sat upon benches made merely of planks which extended completely from one side to another; but in the large sea-going craft there were in dividual benches, evidently of the nature of chests or lockers, in some instances, in which the seamen kept their belongings.30 In Scandinavia the words "boat" and "ship" were used rather loosely and gave little indication of the maxi mum or minimum size of the vessel to which they were applied. In Iceland, for example, y" °* a vessel having but eight oars was called a "ship" (skip), but in other parts the smallest "ships" were somewhat larger. Mention of the number of oars or pairs of oars possessed by a vessel was a much more definite way of indicating size, and was the one generally used, unless actual dimensions were given. The smallest seacraft, outside of Iceland, described by their number of oars in the ancient records were twenty-six oared, while the largest ancient ship of which there is mention had one hundred and twenty oars, or sixty pairs; but the last size referred to was perhaps quite unusual, for the example in question was the "long ship" of King Canute the Great.31 The average-sized ocean-going ships seem to have possessed from twenty to thirty pairs of oars.32 A vessel having twenty pairs was probably about ninety feet long ; one of thirty pairs, one hundred and sixty feet.33 The viking ship from Gokstad, Nor- ao Ibid., 19; Falk, "Altnordisches Seewesen," in Kulturhistonsches Zeitsohrift, IV, 71-73. si Gudmundsson, Nordboernes Skibe, 10. «2 Falk, "Altnordisches Seewesen," in Kulturhistorisches ZeiUchrift, IV, 98. as Ibid., 100. 204 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE way, which was discovered towards the close of the last century, was built for fifteen pairs of oars and was about sixty-six feet long. The width was a little mora than one fourth as great as the length ; and these proportions were perhaps representative of the average war vessel. The "long ships" or "dragon ships" of the latter part of the viking period were probably even more narrow as compared with their breadth. The Scandinavian ship — in the more distinctive sense of the word — was really a large row boat to which a mast had been added. The mast was generally made from the trunk of a fir or pine tree, and, in the case of the larger vessels, its foot was sunk in a wooden socket fastened to the foundation tim- Mast and Sail Plans of a Viking Ship. (From Gudmundsson's Nordboernes Skibe.) a. Breast-beam. c. Cross beam forming frame 6. Rower's bench. work of vessel. ddd. Supports for tent covering. bers in the middle of the ship. This receptacle, which, because its ends were shaped like the tail of a fish, was called the "mast-fish," — was so constructed that the mast TRANSPORTATION 205 could be lowered without first being raised out of the hole which received the foot (Fig. 29). 34 The mast sup ported a single, square sail of linen or woolen cloth, held in place by means of ropes, usually made of skins, par ticularly walrus hide.35 In some of the war vessels there was at the head of the mast a top-castle of small size in which two warriors stood in time of battle, to secure a different vantage point from which to attack the enemy, as well as for lookout purposes.36 The earliest type of anchor was merely a large stone, grooved or perforated in such a manner that a rope might be tied to it. Such weights were commonly used in the early Middle Ages for holding small boats. Another primitive form of anchor was com posed of a frame, generally of wood, containing several stones; but the two-armed iron anchor of conventional type was copied from the Bomans before historic times and was in common use in Scandinavia for large vessels in the Viking Age.37 All of the larger vessels carried a windlass which was employed for weighing the anchor and hoisting the sail, and probably also for raising the mast.38 The rudder resembled a short, broad oar, supplied with a handle or pin at the upper end, by which it was moved, and was fastened to the right side of . -ii ti n j.i Rudder the stern, whence this side is still called the ' ' starboard, " or " steerboard. ' ' 39 What their riding horses were to the Northmen on 3* Ibid., 55-61. 35 Gudmundsson, Nordboernes Skibe, 23. se Ihid. 37 Falk, "Altnordisches Seewesen," in Kulturhistorisches Zeitschrift, IV, 78-81. sslbid., 81-82. 39 Ibid., 73-78. 206 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE land, their ships were to them on the water — particu larly if war ships. They loved their ' ' steeds Ornamenta- 0f ^ billows," as the sea-craft were called Ships kv their poets,40 and took as much interest and pride in their decoration as they did in the equipment and trappings of their riding horses. Carved wooden figures, shaped like the heads of men or of animals, placed on the ends of the vessel and remov able at will, were a favorite form of adornment. The ancient records tell, for instance, of a ship called the Carl's Head, on the bow of which was a carved repre sentation of the Scandinavian king Carl ; 41 on the fore part of another vessel was displayed the figure of a steer's head; 42 while decorating a ship called the Vulture was a model of the bird of that name.43 But the favorite animal of the Scandinavian mariner in the embellishment of his ship was the dragon, which played such an impor tant role in the hero tales and the myths of the North. Sometimes a dragon's head appeared at both ends of the vessel, but more frequently, perhaps, when a head deco rated the prow, a twisted dragon's tail finished off the stern. This favorite design was so generally used upon the "long ships," or larger vessels of war, which appear to have come into use in the tenth century, as to cause them to be called habitually "dragons," regardless of the model of their figure heads.44 These decorative pieces were usually given as fierce an expression as possible by the carver, and were painted in colors, sometimes touched up with gilt ; or the whole was richly gilded.45 40 Corpus Poeticum Boreale, I, 167. « Saga Library, IV, 55. *2 Origines Islandicae, I, 219. MNjdla, 180. 44 Gudmundsson, Nordboernes Skibe, 9. 45 Falk, "Altnordisches Seewesen," in Kulturhistorisches Zeitschrift, 39-42. TRANSPORTATION 207 In many other ways the sea-craft were adorned. At times, elaborate borders were carved along the gunwales, as is shown by the vessel found at Oseberg, near Chris tiania, in 1903 (Fig. 30). The sides of the ship appear ing above the water's edge were generally kept black by coatings of tar, but were occasionally painted, in solid colors, or in stripes. For display purposes, as when a viking fleet was entering an enemy harbor, the vessel was decorated amidships by placing the brightly painted shields of the warriors in an overlapping row on either side, where they stood out' in gay contrast to the black backgrounds. Perhaps the most decorative feature on a handsome vessel was the sail, which was sometimes of linen, but was usually of heavy wool, and was always gaily colored. Occasionally solid colors were displayed, particularly blue, red, or green, but more often the canvas showed broad stripes of bright contrasting shades ; and on the sails of rich chieftains and kings there were at times facings of silk, or elaborate borders embroidered in silk and wool.48 There often flew from the mast head when the ship was in motion the war chieftain's pennant or banner, which, like the sail, was bright of color ; upon it was embroidered or painted the owner's personal em blem, frequently the figure of a raven or of some other animal.47 These Scandinavian ships, with their carved and gilded figure heads flashing and glittering in the sun, their richly colored outspread sails suggestive of the wings of the dragon, and the overlapping shields in resemblance of the scaly sides of the mythical monster, presented a splendid as well as terrifying spectacle when they ap- 48 Worsaae, De Danskes Kultur i Vikingetiden, 18. *7 Falk, "Altnordisches Seewesen," in Kulturhistorisches Zeitschrift, IV, 55-61. 208 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE peared in large numbers within an enemy harbor (Fig. 31). The regular crew of a merchant ship consisted of the captain, the steersman, or mate, and common sailors, the number of the latter usually varying with c p the number of oars used upon a given vessel. 'Some of the smaller merchantmen probably had no more than ten or twelve men. Before the eleventh century there was no special ship's cook, and each of the seamen — at least those below the officers — served as cook in regular order; or they decided their turns by lot.48 But unless the ship could land, no cooking was done, for it was impossible to build in the vessels the open fires of the period for the purpose of prepar- Cookmgand jng k0t f00(j for ^e creW- When practica- Seamen ^le, ^e steersman kept close to the coast, in order that landings might be made for this purpose, and also for obtaining fresh water. The sea men had two meals each day, very simple fare, even when it was possible to land and cook. Porridge, cooked in a large kettle carried along for the purpose, was, as a rule, the only hot dish. Besides the coarse meal used in the porridge, the common provisions found on a ship were butter, cheese, dried fish — generally cod — and, at times, bread. Ale was occasionally carried along, but the customary beverage of the mariner while on duty was water, the cask for which stood beside the mast.49 Some times instead of landing to renew the supply of fresh water — or when it was impossible to go ashore, — the cask was replenished by catching rain in the awnings or tent cloths of the vessel.50 48 Gudmundsson, Nordboernes Skibe, 25-26. *»Ibid., 26; Falk, "Altnordisches Seewesen," in Kulturhistorisches Zeitschrift, IV, 7. eo Origines Islandicae, I, 21. Fig. 30. The Oseberg Ship. (From photograph by Vaering, Christiania) Fig. 31. Drawing of a Dragon Ship. From Gudmundsson's Nord boernes Skibe) TRANSPORTATION 209 Frequently the shipmen spent the night on shore in tents pitched for the occasion; but, if it was impossible to land, they slept under tents stretched over the vessel as it rested in some sheltered place. Sleeping Ar- The tents used aboard ship or on shore were of"**11"511*8 often of black material, and were in shape seamen very much like present-day structures of the same sort. But the ridge pole from which they were suspended was supported at the ends by decorated boards, resembling the vindskei- dar found on the gable ends of contemporary Scandinavian houses (Fig. 32). 51 Though sleeping hammocks were not unknown, bags made of skins as a rule took the place of beds. Each seaman must come Supplied WT.th SUCh a sleeping Fig. 32. Vindskeidar from bag,— as well as with a chest in f^hlP's rTeilt- {FJT Tis" , . teds Gamle Bonde-Kultur.) which to keep his sea-clothes, which were also usually of skin, well oiled. The regular sleeping quarters. were under the decks, but goods were often stored here upon merchant vessels when space for the cargo was limited; consequently the men appear to have at times spent the night on the rowers' benches in their sleeping bags.52 There were, obviously, no special passenger ships in the Northland of the olden time. Hence, , , -,. , , t n ,1 Accommoda- people who did not possess vessels of their tionofpas. own, but wished to journey from one place sengerson to another took passage, when opportunity Ships ei Falk, "Altnordisches Seewesen," in Kulturhistorisches Zeitschrift, IV, 10-12. 52 Ibid., 9-12. 210 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE offered, on war- or merchant-ships — usually the latter. Women were always given quarters below decks, but they probably never traveled by ship unless in the com pany of a man. Passengers as a rule furnished their own bedding, and their own food, which they cooked themselves.53 Travelers generally paid directly for their accommodations upon the ship by means of goods or money, but occasionally men who wrere able to pay performed service as sailors in return for their passage, if they were anxious to reach a destination at a given time. And, in some cases, in order to secure passage aboard a crowded merchantman, they would hire them selves out as regular sailors with the intention of desert ing the ship when it reached the desired port. But in order to prevent captains from embarrassment and loss from such happenings, and also from desertion by bona fide seamen, the laws of some countries, as Norway, pro vided for the punishment of sailors who deserted the captain before their term of service had expired.54 Since the vessels of the Northmen were, after all, small and frail as compared with those of the present, the mat ter of making harbor was of great impor- Harbors tance. Consequently, marks for indicating Landings harbors were early in use throughout the North; and their erection was required in some of the countries of continental Scandinavia by or der of the kings. The first harbor marks were some times a stone pillar or cairn, sometimes a pillar of wood, plain, or carved in the figure of a man, but after the in troduction of Christianity, the customary beacon was a wooden cross. If the landing place was an inferior one, the vessel 53 Origines Islandicae, II, 120. 54 Norges Gamle Love, I, 98. TRANSPORTATION 211 was anchored out in the water and those aboard disem barked by means of small boats, one or two of which were carried in every sea-going vessel; but if the haven was good, they landed directly with the aid of one or two mov able bridges or piers which formed part of the ship's equipment. The pier, known as a bryggja, was of small size and resembled rather closely a gang-plank, or a rude ladder or stairway. As a rule, no wharves in the present sense existed and there were no harbor pillars standing out in the water to which vessels might be tied ; but upon the shore, close to the water 's edge, were generally posts to which vessels might be made fast with a cable, if it was possible to approach close to the strand.55 Generally speaking, the sailing season lasted for a half year, — from the beginning of April to the beginning of October. In the autumn when the annual period for voyaging was ended, the vessel La™ch - was stripped of its fittings, taken ashore on ing vessels rollers, tarred, and stored for the winter in a shed built for the purpose near the harbor.56 When a vessel was to be taken ashore or to be launched, the ship 's captain had the right to demand aid of the persons dwelling near. He called for assistance by blowing a horn, and those who failed to respond were subject to punishment.57 Though, for the -sake of comfort and convenience, the Northmen generally followed the coasts quite closely in their voyages about Europe, they were by no means afraid to sail boldly out to sea when an incentive to do 55 Falk, "Altnordisches Seewesen,'' in Kulturhistorisches Zeitschrift, IV, 21-26. ™Ibid., 19, 27-28; King's Mirror, 83-84. "Ibid., 28; Gudmundsson, Nordboernes Skibe, 27. 212 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE so offered. As is well known, they were the most daring as well as the ablest navigators of their time. Skill of the Their fearlessness may be explained by their a?Na™-en optimistic fatalism. If the Norns had al- gators ready and arbitrarily decreed when the Northman should meet his bane, why be cau tious ! And their superiority as navigators came rather as a result of their greater experience and their daring than because of any special excellence in nautical science. Though they early understood how to sail on the wind, which other Europeans did not,58 they were otherwise restricted to the primitive nautical devices of the time. If a vessel shipped the sea, the sailors were forced to bail out the water laboriously with buckets; for pumps were not introduced into the North until the early modern period. Also, since the compass was not known in Eu rope until the century of Columbus, the Scandinavian mariners had largely to sail by the sun and stars when far from land.59 If the heavens became obscured and the vessel was driven out of its course by storms, they were obliged to flounder about in unknown seas until the weather cleared again, for they could place very little trust in the direction of the wind. — But it was while thus storm-driven that the Northmen discovered new lands. Measurements of distance in traveling, whether by land or by sea, were somewhat indefinite throughout Scandinavia in those ancient days, and the distances ss Falk, "Altnordisches Seewesen,' in Kulturhistorisches Zeitschrift, IV, 19. so The Icelandic Landndmabdk states that before setting out for Iceland a Norwegian named Floki made a great sacrifice and "hallowed three ravens," which he let loose when out to sea. One of the three flew directly towards Iceland, thus guiding the voyager to the desired land. {Origines Islandicae, I, 17-18.) This was, however, certainly a very exceptional case, and there is no reason to conclude from it that any general use of this sort was made of birds. TRANSPORTATION 213 given seem to have been the result of estimates or guesses, rather than of accurate measure ments. There was also variation caused by Measure- the fact that the time necessary to coyer the ments of space between two points was taken into in Lande consideration. The rast, by way of exam- and Water pie, was the time unit employed in measur- Travel ing land travel, and this unit probably corre sponded roughly to the modern Scandinavian mile, or about seven English and American miles; but the rast differed in length according to whether the country traversed was mountainous or level, like the Swiss stunde of the present time. The rasts in land where progress was slow were, however, sometimes distin guished as short rasts, but not always. The rast was less commonly used, though, than the day's journey, in giving an idea of distance ; and this latter measure per haps corresponded roughly to five Scandinavian or thirty-five English miles.60 The unit of measure in water travel was the vika which is still commonly employed in Iceland. The an cient vika was perhaps somewhat longer than the land rast. But it was not the only measure of sea-travel for very frequently distances were indicated in terms of days' sailings, one day's sailing being something like twenty-four or twenty-five Scandinavian land miles.61 A day's rowing, which was less often mentioned, was, ob viously, considerably shorter, and perhaps varied from six to nine Scandinavian miles.62 Days' sailings and days' rowings, used as measures of distance, were based upon average speed, for, naturally, eo Petersen, Gammel-N ordiske Geografi, 132-133. eilbid.,^ 135; Falk, "Altnordisches Seewesen," in Kulturhistorisches Zeitschrift, IV, 17-18; Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 367. ea Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 367. 214 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE the progress made at sea varied greatly, because of de pendence of the mariner upon the winds, and Sea/Travei *ke &eneral influence of the weather. With conditions unusually favorable, the distance between Trondhjem, in Norway, and Iceland could be covered in four days; and that between Denmark and England, in three. The time by sea from Scania, south ern Sweden, to Birka and Sigtuna in the eastern part, with the best winds, was five days; while the journey between these points when made by land consumed a whole month.63 a Ibid., 133-134. CHAPTER XIII TBADE AND COMMERCE On returning to your lodgings examine your wares, lest they suffer damage after coming into your hands. If they are found to be injured and you are about to dispose of them, do not conceal the flaws from the purchaser.: show him what the defects are and make such a bargain as you can; then you cannot be called a deceiver. Also put a good price on your wares, though not too high, and yet near what you see can be obtained ; then you cannot be called a f oister. King's Mirror, The old Northmen were unusually shrewd and success ful traders. In their interest in mercantile affairs and in the part which they played in the distribu tion of commodities, they excelled all other Commercial contemporary peoples of Europe. And thg wherever they went they stimulated those dinavians with whom they came into contact to greater attention to trade. Commercially, they were to their time what the Phoenicians were to the Eurasian lands of a thousand years earlier. Within the units of the Scandinavian lands themselves the population to a considerable degree was occupied in a mercantile way. Traders and peddlers, very similar to those who still make their Trade rounds in the more remote parts of the United States, went about from place to place carrying wares of various sorts. Women as well as men occa sionally made a living in this manner.1 Perhaps the merchants of this class usually traveled on horseback, iNjdla, 110. 215 216 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE carrying their wares in saddlebags, or upon pack-horses ; but where the roads were good, some went about in wagons ; while others followed the streams and sea-coasts in boats; and a few went on foot carrying their goods in packs upon their backs, or drawing them upon hand- sleds or sledges. The character of the goods was determined by the needs of the district traversed and by the nature of the commodities obtainable at wholesale by the wandering tradesmen. Iceland is an example of this. The men of the interior, or those living along the more fertile parts of the coasts, supplied those of other sections with grain, — when they had a surplus, — with dairy products, wool, wadmal, and woolen articles; while the coast peo ple sent sol, fish, eggs, and salt to the population living farther inland. Other commodities of local Icelandic trade mentioned in the ancient writings are smith's work and other hardware, and poultry, a dealer in which, Hen Thore, is remembered through having his name attached to one of the sagas.2 Of more significance than the local trade which took place within the territorial units of Scandinavia was the commerce in home produce which was car- Trade Be- rie(j on briskly and peacefully between the dlnaviaiT"1" different Scandinavian lands. The Goths of Countries Sweden secured their herring, salt, and some of the other necessaries of life from Nor way ; 3 Iceland imported grain and timber, in particular, from the continent, and sent to the other Scandinavian countries raw wool, wadmal, coarse clothing, dried fish, and dairy produce; Denmark received sheep products from the Faroes; and she and southern Sweden drew "Njdla, 51-52; Origines Islandicae, II, 415. s Petersen, Gammel-N ordiske Geografi, 111. TRADE AND COMMERCE 217 upon Lapland and Greenland for ivory, furs, and other Arctic supplies.4 The foreign trade was, however, of more importance still ; and to it may be attributed to a considerable degree the remarkable prosperity which was en joyed by the North, not only during the ninth, Honor Con- tenth, and eleventh centuries, but for a long p6^.*- J" time previous and for many hundreds of Trade years afterwards.5 To this foreign com merce were attached special honor and glory, and in it chieftains and kings took part.6 Humbler persons, by the laws of King Canute, might be raised to the dignity of nobles if they could show that at their own expense they had made three voyages over the seas.7 The stimu lus to commercial ventures in foreign lands and the reputation resulting from having gone on long trading voyages was largely due to the high esteem in which the warrior was held; for the military aggressiveness which characterized the Viking Age and the piratical activity which gave the period its name were closely identified with the commercial development of the time. The mer: chant tradingin foreign lands occasionally descended to piracy — for from time immemorial the foreigner was con sidered legitimate prey, and the viking corsair now and then abandoned plunder for peaceful trade. But the Scandinavian was not merchant and pirate at one and the same time ; he alternated the two occupations, as will be made clear later. Through their mercantile and piratical activities, the Northmen were known to every people of Europe as 4 Schonfeld, Der isldndische BaMernhof, 118, 186-187. 5 Worsaae, Danskes Kultur, 80. 6 Falk, "Altnordisches Seewesen," in Kulturhistorisehes Zeitschrift, IV, 4; King's Mirror, 80-81. i Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 115. 218 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE well as to those of Western Asia.8 The expeditions to foreign lands generally took place twice a year — in the spring after the seed was sown, and in the autumn when the crops were all harvested.9 If the destination was a near-by land, the party would often return home for the winter, if it started early in the season ; but when the travelers ventured far afield — into the eastern Mediter ranean, for instance — they might spend several years abroad, buying and selling, plundering and fighting. But three years was perhaps the average time spent away from home on a single voyage.10 All parts of Scandinavia contributed to the army of merchant adventurers; and perhaps of those whose er rands were primarily mercantile, each unit TradeRoutes °^ ^e ^an(^ contributed about equally, in pro portion to population. But, as a rule, the routes taken by those from different sections of the North were distinct. The British Isles and the western part of the mainland of the continent to the south came more directly under the influence of the Danes, Norwe gians, and Icelanders; while the Swedes bent their ac tivities more definitely towards the East, their destina tions being the trade centers situated upon the internal waterways of the present Slavic lands, or the Eastern Empire — particularly its capital, called Micklegaard in the North. The traders always went well armed, and to a considerable extent they carried their food supplies with them. Those whose commercial interests were to wards the Orient were sometimes forced to travel by land, and when this was necessary, they usually went in groups, for mutual protection. But whenever pos- s Steenstrup, Normannerne, I, 1. • Keyser, Private Life, 105. loKilund, "Familielivet pa Island," in Aarbbger, 1870, p. 290. TRADE AND COMMERCE 219 sible they journeyed by water, where more rapid prog ress could be made, and where there was less danger from robbers.11 The routes leading to the East and South, where boats could be used much of the distance, were numerous. These followed quite closely the courses of the many long rivers rising in the central ^ou^s t0 part of the continent. But at several points and South the merchants were forced to drag their ves sels over land past rapids and waterfalls, or to dispose of them and to build, hire, or buy other boats, as the nature of the waterways changed.12 A favorite route in cluded the Gulf of Finland, the Eiver Neva, Lake Ladoga, the River Volkhof, Lake Ilmen, the Dnieper, and the Black Sea. But many going farther east preferred the more direct route furnished by the rivers flowing into the Caspian Sea.13 And sometimes a highway starting much farther to the west was chosen, especially by merchants from Western Scandinavia, in which case they took ad vantage of the long rivers of Germany, then continued by land to some Italian port, and went the remainder of the way through the Eastern Mediterranean. Still an other course traveled to the East — taken by those who wished to trade with many lands — was by water all the way, and ran along the Atlantic coast of Europe and through the length of the Mediterranean.14 Not uncom monly, one route was followed upon the outward journey and another on the return. The most important route opened up by the Norwe- 11 Petersen, Gammel-N ordiske Geografi, 118-119. i2 Ibid., 118; Bugge, Alexander, "Seafaring and Shipping during the Viking Age," in Saga-Book, vol. VI, pt. I, 19. ia Peterson, Gammel-N ordiske Geografi, 119-123; Bugge, "Seafaring and Shipping," in Saga-Book, vol. VI, pt. I, 18. i* Petersen, Gammel-N ordiske Geografi, 75. 220 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE gians was that to the White Sea region, reached by sail ing around the North Cape. Vessels plied North_ back and forth between this fur-producing Routes" section of the Arctic Circle and Sleswig in southeastern Jutland, via Oresund. Other highways uniting this part of the continent ran from Sleswig along the shore of the present northern Germany to the Gulf of Finland; from Norway through Oresund to Bornholm, and on to Esthonia ; from Denmark to the island of Gotland, and thence to the Gulf of Finland; and from Bibe in western Jutland along the shores of the present Holland, Belgium, and France, and across to England. Another route requiring bolder sailing, which was especially well known to Norwegians and Icelanders, led from the home ports to the Faroes and Ork- estern neys, thence along the coast of Scotland to Man, Wales, and Ireland.15 From the Brit ish Isles, and directly from Scandinavia itself, the North men also followed the west coast of Europe southward to Spain and Portugal, and then across to Northern Africa, where they conducted a flourishing trade with the Arabs. Generally speaking, the Scandinavian North supplied the remainder of Europe, and to some extent the Orient, with all of the raw materials produced which she did not require for herself, and from these foreign parts she received in turn manufactured necessaries and luxuries. Great quantities of furs were sent south, especially from northern Norway and Sweden, Iceland, and Greenland. Most of the furs used in England in the year 1000 probably came from Scan- 15 Ibid., 115-116. TRADE AND COMMERCE 221 dinavia.16 With the furs from the Far North came also the ivory and hides of walruses, and whale oil as well.17 From farther south were sent the hides of sheep, cattle, and horses, raw wool, wadmal, and coarse woolen gar ments, the larger part of the wool and wool products being products of the western part of Scandinavia. Norway and Iceland, in particular, also exported a large surplus of fish, especially dried cod, but fish was an im portant commodity in the export trade of the whole of Scandinavia.18 From continental Scandinavia went salt ; 19 and the whole Northland exported butter and cheese. Amber from the Baltic shores was an impor tant article of commerce, but not so important as it was some centuries before; and it played a lesser part than did the trade in furs.20 Sweden exported large numbers of her famous horses,21 and Norway and Iceland sup plied the Southern lands with hawks and falcons.22 Doubtless there was some foreign demand for feathers and down from the sea-birds of Norway and the western islands, but at this early time the products of the eider duck were by no means valued abroad as they have been in modern times, and eider-down was not then regarded in Iceland as an article of importance commercially.23 The Northmen were great slave traders. A goodly proportion of the human chattels in which they trafficked were bought or kidnapped abroad, or secured in foreign is Egils Saga, 43-45, 51-54; Fornmanna Sbgur, III, 135. 17 Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 110. 18 Schonfeld, Der isldndische Bauernhof, 118; Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 110. ib Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 91. 2<> Ibid., 99. 2i Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 192. 22 Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 112. 22 Ibid., 102; Schonfeld, Der isldndische Bauernhof, 118; Cf. "Dun" in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary. 222 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE lands as prisoners of war. Many of the slaves were, however, born in the North, and were probably made up largely of Lapps and Finns, though the Northmen ap pear to have occasionally sold their fellow Scandinavians into foreign bondage.24 From the south and east were imported manufactured goods and the raw materials which the Northland could not produce, or did not supply in sufficient quantities to satisfy home needs. From England came wheat, honey, and malt, — especially for use in Iceland and Norway, — and also linen ; from France and the Rhine lands, wine, and from the former, finely woven, brightly colored fabrics.25 Spain and Portugal also sent fine woolen goods, home-produced silk, and the high-grade leather saddles already mentioned, as well as various trinkets.28 "Russian" hats were well-known ar ticles of foreign headgear worn in Scandinavia, and were evidently purchased from the Slavs of eastern Europe.27 Foreign slaves, already referred to in more than one connection, were perhaps largely obtained from the Cel tic parts of the British Isles, particularly Ireland. Out of the remoter Orient were imported, — sometimes by the Northmen directly, but oftener through Eastern Euro peans acting as middlemen, — many commodities, such as damasked swords, superior to anything that could be obtained in Europe, jewels, silks and embroideries, richly colored rugs and hangings, and numberless other ar ticles of luxury.28 Very commonly merchants owned a share in the ships 2* Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 92 ; Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 102. 2° Egils Saga, 52, 59. 28 Petersen, Gammel-N ordiske Geografi, 184. w Gudmundar Saga, 117. 28 Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 192. TRADE AND COMMERCE 223 in which they carried their goods; if not, they engaged space in other merchant vessels, for which they paid a definite price. Their interests Regulations were carefully guarded by laws which early Regarding • i • i t -kt j> the Trans- Came into existence. In Norway, for exam- portation pie, if a trader had reserved in advance of Mer- space for his goods, and at the time of sail- chandise ing the cargo proved too heavy, the captain must leave his own merchandise behind, in order to make room for others. Next after the captain the person who last engaged space must give it up, but the laws required that the captain compensate him.29 In case of shipwreck, the law secured to each trader his wares, regardless of who owned the land upon which they might drift, if he could prove 'his ownership of them by means of wit nesses.30 In most Northern harbors also merchants had special rights which developed from the desire to stimulate com merce ; but trade, even for the native merchants, was not completely free, for persons owning the place of landing were permitted to lay toll upon merchant ships ; 31 and traders from abroad were, in addition, required to pay special fees to the king for commercial rights within the land.32 Throughout the Middle Ages, as well as during the long stretch of centuries preceding, war was, as we know, the rule in Europe, and peace, the exception. Consequently, in order to make trading pos- ^ ^er~ sible, a special merchants' truce was neces- Peace sary. And so important was foreign trade to all European countries, and in such high regard was 29 Norges Gamle Love, I, 58. so Ibid. si Fldamanna Saga, 58. s2 Schlick, Henrik, Birka, 25. 224 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE commerce held, that such a peace was as a rule readily established by Scandinavian merchants when they ap proached a foreign market-place where they desired to trade. The signal given to indicate that the mission of the newcomers was commercial and not military was generally the hoisting of the "white shield of peace." This "white" shield was perhaps merely the painted wooden shield of the warrior reversed so that the un- painted light-colored wood was in view. If the mer chant was on land and was alone, he signified his in tentions by holding his shield in his hand high above his head; but a group of merchants usually raised a single shield aloft on a pole; if on board ship, the token was fastened to the mast near its head, so as to be plainly visible from the shore.33 The special significance of this hoisting of the shield was that by thus exposing his per son to the attacks of the enemy the trader showed his good faith. When held aloft as a token of truce, how ever, the shield was not always reversed ; sometimes the brightly colored side was exposed to the enemy; but the fact of its being raised in such a manner as to leave the body unprotected was regarded as sufficient. Occa sionally, also, peaceful intent was indicated by other tokens. When the commercial transactions were completed, the shield of truce was lowered, or, — if fastened to the mast, — its bright side was turned outward, or some other sign was given that peace was at an end ; and the recent buyers and sellers often transformed themselves into fiercely battling wrarriors.34 In some cases, the merchants' peace was of a more 33 Lehmann, Karl, "Kauffriede und Friedensschild," in Germanistische Abhandlungen zum LXX. Geburtstag Konrad von Maurer s, 54, 60. 3* Ibid., 60. TRADE AND COMMERCE 225 comprehensive, stable, and lasting nature, — though, at best, the period of its duration was very brief ; for with the governments of some countries groups of Scandi navian merchants made a general truce or trading peace ; in return for commercial privileges they agreed not to levy warfare against the inhabitants of the land as a whole. The weights and measures employed in early medieval commerce varied at different times and in different Scan dinavian countries. It is therefore impossi ble to tell in even a comparative manner what w"Ehts some of the terms used in dividing commpdi- Measures ties signify. Most of them are, however, fairly clear. For determining weight two kinds of ap paratus — both borrowed from the Romans — were in com mon use. These were the small, symmetrical, double- armed balance, used for weighing precious metals and small objects (Fig. 33), and the long-armed steelyard, for heavier and more bulky wares/ The largest unit of weight appears to have been the lest, or ship's cargo, which evidently marked the. capacity of the average ocean-vessel. It was made up of twelve "ship-pounds," but the equivalent of the ship-pound (skip-pund) in mod ern terminology is not known. Another large unit of weight, common in Iceland, was the vaett, or weight, which was equal to eighty marks, or about forty pounds, modern English measure. Twenty marks' weight made a fjorSung. The pound (pund), probably introduced from England, was also used to some slight extent, espe cially in the late Middle Ages. In the ancient records one reads, however, much more of the weights used more especially for weighing money. These were very similar to the Roman, and were evi- 226 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE dently introduced into the North by traders who became familiar with them in the Eastern Empire. This Ro mano-Scandinavian system included the mark (mork), eyrir, or ounce, the ortog, and the penning r. The mark was generally one half of the modern sixteen-ounce pound in weight, and was made up of eight ounces, or aurar ; the eyrir generally included three oretogs, but the number of "pennies" in the oretog, varied greatly, thus causing confusion in the monetary system.35 For instance, thirty pence were counted to an ounce in Norway at one time, while in Iceland, sixty at one time, and ten at another. Measures of capacity as well as measures of length were in common use, and the former were employed for liquids as well as for solids. The said was a ofe^ure? large measure used for corn, ale, and other things, but its present day equivalent is not known. A graded system commonly employed in Nor way for liquids included the askr, the blotbolli, and the justa. Four justur made one "bowl," as a rule, and two bowls, one askr. This system, or one very similar, was doubtless in use throughout Scandinavia. Measures of length were chiefly needed for the sale of cloth and clothing. The finger, foot, and arm were the original standards of measure in Scandi- easures navia, as in most other places ; 36 and it is probable that the "foot," which was as long as the average man's foot was used to some degree in the Viking Age, as was also a measure corresponding to the modern inch, the standard for which was the first joint of the thumb, — whence the word tomme, meaning 35 Seebolm, Tribal Custom in Anglo-Saxon Law, 233 ; Weinhold, Altnor disches Leben, 118-119. so Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse, 306. TRADE AND COMMERCE 227 inch in modern Danish. But by far the most common measure of length known to commerce was the ell (alin), based upon the length of the forearm from the tip of the second finger to the elbow. The ell employed in Iceland before the thirteenth century was just eighteen inches long; and that used in other parts of the North was probably virtually the same ; but in the year 1200 by a new Icelandic law was introduced the stika, or double ell, the exact length of the modern yard. And to pre vent dishonesty and inaccuracy in measurement, a lawful stika, or yard, to be used as the standard, was marked upon the walls of the churches, especially the church at the meeting place of the general parliament or Althing.37 It is very probable that earlier, in the heathen days, the standard ell was exhibited in the temples or at the political assemblies in a similar manner. Most of the traffic carried on by the Northmen, espe cially that done on a small scale in the remoter parts, was of the nature of barter; but out and out buying and selling was quite usual, and urrency even in the case of commerce carried on by exchange of commodities, the goods which changed hands were quite regularly spoken of in terms of currency. For in the Scandinavian lands there were several well-recognized forms of currency, or media of exchange, the most usual being cattle, textile wares, and precious metals. In Ice land, and to some extent in Norway and the other North ern lands, the cow passed as a unit of value, the law of Iceland requiring that the standard animal be one with out blemish and between three and ten years old.38 The laws of various Northern lands also fixed the value of 37 "Alin," in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary; Grdgds, IV, 191. ss Grdgds, IV, 192. 228 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE other domestic animals and of many common commodi ties in terms of cow-value, or of money, making it easily possible for them to be used as currency.39 But the most general Northern product used in the Scandinavian lands as currency was wadmal, the plain, home-woven, woolen cloth; this was a standard of all value and payment in all parts of the North until metal coins came into use. Even at the present time, in some portions of Scandinavia the value of land is theoretically reckoned in terms of wadmal.40 The recognition as cur rency of a material as easily produced as wadmal was a great boon to the poor, and made for independence and thrift, for there was, so to speak, a mint on virtually every farm; the currency was coined on the hand-loom. The unit of measure in wadmal was a piece one ell long and two wide.41 Two qualities of cloth were commonly used, brown- or brown-striped and plain white, the for mer being more valuable than the latter.42 Later, linen, imported as well as home-woven, measured, like wadmal, by the ell, came in as a medium of exchange.43 Rugs, too, passed as currency to some extent, their value being fixed according to size and thickness of the nap.44 Precious metals, however, seem to have formed the most common commercial medium in Scandinavia as a whole during the early Middle Ages. Silver Metals S ' pl&yed a more important part than gold, and most payments were probably made in it. As has already been indicated, the metals were carefully weighed out in balances. In general, the gold mark had 3° Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 51-53. "Annandale, Nelson, The Faroes and Iceland, 136. « Schonfeld, Der isldndische Bauernhof, 223. Mlbid., 223-224. *3 Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 121. ** Origines Islandicae, II, 120, 395. TRADE AND COMMERCE 229 eight times the value of the same weight of silver. The silver in large amounts — and, to a lesser extent, the gold — was carried in the form of bars which had been cast in molds ; and for the purpose of making smaller change, it was drawn out in the shape of spirals, or long, thick wires, from which small parts could be cut or broken and weighed (Fig. 34). 45 Gold and silver in jewelry, like those metals in bullion, were weighed and passed out as money, careful note being made of the degree of purity of the metals used.46 Foreign coins of gold and silver, which were used in the North centuries before a native coinage came into existence, were likewise weighed. The original reason for this was that when first introduced their use was not clearly understood; hence, they were looked upon merely as bullion, as is made quite clear by the fact that in order to get exact weight the foreign coins were cut into pieces, just as were the unstamped metals regularly used in bulk.47 By the close of the Viking Age, great quantities of the pre cious metals in the form of foreign coins — especially those bearing the stamps of English, French, German, Byzantine, and Arabian mints — were in circulation in Scandinavia.48 But, because coin-clipping was common, the custom of reckoning by weight was continued long after the principle of coinage was entirely familiar. The introduction into Scandinavia of a real native coinage was a gradual process. The first step in this direction was taken in the last part of the Native ninth century when King Halfdan the Black Coinage had coins struck in England, largely after British *s Ibid., 156; Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 119. *° Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 117-118. « Ibid. *8 Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 192; Gustafson, Norges Oldtid, 126; Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 98. 230 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE models,49 for use in Norway. Next, mints were erected in the North, but with English workmen in charge. This transition took place in Denmark first, about the year 1000, and in Sweden perhaps a quarter of a century later.50 But the earliest coins struck in Scandinavia were almost exclusively modeled after foreign ones; as in the previous stage. English money was copied, but the "Carolus" coins minted in Dorestad, in Utrecht, in the time of Charles the Great were also favorite models.51 Finally, a genuine native coinage was developed: the coins were made in the Scandinavian kingdoms, from models originating with "native artists, and generally bore the name of the king in whose reign they were struck. Each of the Scandinavian coins contained as a rule a definite amount of metal, corresponding to the weights used for gold and silver, and they were generally known by the name of their weight, as mark, penny, and so on. But they did not pass entirely upon their assumed face value, for, because of the coin-clipping already mentioned as well as of other abuses, this was not always safe; hence, the scales were continued in use for the purpose of verifying the value of the coins ; as well as for weigh ing the bullion which also continued to pass as money. In the early days before a domestic coinage came into use, as well as after its establishment, dishonesty of various sorts, besides the paring away of a ounter- ^^ o^ ^ Q0^ existed in connection with the currency. The most common of these were counterfeiting of coins and passing as pure, metal in other shapes containing alloy. Consequently, the old laws which fix values carefully distinguish between pure 48 Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse, 273. oo Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 120; Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 189. si Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse, 265. TRADE AND COMMERCE 231 metal "which could stand to go into fire,"52 and that mixed with alloy; and when bargains were made, the sellers were also careful to make stipulations as to the purity of the metal which they were to receive in pay ment. The mixing of baser metals with gold and silver was not the only form of counterfeiting, and it was, seem ingly, not even the most usual one; for the more com mon device of the swindler appears to have been to cover with thin coatings of precious metal coins made entirely of cheap metal. In the same way, bars and wires made largely of copper were at times passed off as being en tirely of silver or gold.53 Consequently, it was custom ary to test coins and bullion for purity by cutting into them. Another form of cheating sometimes practiced was the filing away of part of the surface of the bronze or iron weights belonging to the balances in which the precious metals were weighed; but this was sometimes guarded against by coating the weights with a thin layer of an other metal.54 The great diversity in character of the currency doubt less caused considerable confusion, but most of the Scan dinavian countries, recognizing this, tried to prevent injustice in business transactions by Fl"j*" interpreting the value of one commodity in terms of another, and currency in a like manner, and by giving a definite price in weights of gold and silver for the most common commodities. For instance, the Ice landic law fixed the value of six standard ells of white wadmal as one eyrir, silver, while five ells of the coarse, striped wadmal, which was more expensive, had the same 52 Grdgds, IV, 192. 53 Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 192. s* Ibid.; Bygh, Norske Oldsager, 26. 232 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE value. Four hundred and twenty ells of plain wadmal were worth "one hundred in silver." The hundred meant was the long hundred, or one hundred and twenty aurar, or ounces, which was clearly understood; and the silver referred to was minted silver, which contained some alloy; hence, the larger proportional number of ounces than in the case of the price given for one yard.55 But the fluctuation of prices is shown by the fact that in the year 1000 in Iceland the hundred in silver was valued at eight marks of pure silver, or sixty-four ounces of the same.56 Linen was much more expensive than wadmal, a piece of the linen imported from England two ells long and of the same width being equal in value to two ounces of silver. In Icelandic law also the value of the cow was definitely fixed in terms of other currency.57 The law, in addition, gave in considerable detail the value of the standard cow in terms of other animals.58 A specific illustration of the manner in which the price of common articles of trade was at times fixed is supplied by the statement in the old Icelandic law that six fox skins were equal in value to an ounce of silver, as were also six lamb skins with the wool on, six wether skins without the wool, and three skins of a year-old cat.59 ' Similarly, but with less detail than in Iceland, so far as the records show, the just price of commodities was fixed by law in the other parts of the North.60 Business transactions were occasionally conducted on credit in the ancient days ; and during the heathen period and in the early Christian time, — until prohibited by the ss Grdgds, IV, 191-192. 56 Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 121. 57 Ibid., 51-52. 58 Grdgds, IV, 192-194. s» Ibid., 192. °o Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 51-53. TRADE AND COMMERCE 233 pope, — interest was apparently paid upon such debts. It was quite customary also in this period to lend money at interest,01 as well as to p"aCtiecSes charge rent for the use of goods or prop erty ; but in Iceland the law prohibited charging any rent in excess of ten per cent, of the value of that which was rented.62 There was no system of written numbers regularly in use in the heathen period ; consequently, merchants were not burdened with account books. The only record kept appears to have been the tally- or score-stick (skoru- kefii). Upon this a cut, or score, was made for every twenty units counted — whence the origin of the word ' ' score, ' ' meaning twenty — and the stick was split length wise, in such a manner as to leave a record on the two parts, one of which was retained by each party to the transaction. All important bargains were made in the presence of witnesses, and were solemnly sealed with the handshake (handsal) — still exchanged at the conclusion of bargains in Scandinavia — and as the breaker of faith was de spised, the terms of the contract were not often violated. But if such a breach of trust took place, the injured party could secure justice through the law courts, if he had sufficient evidence of his rights.63 All fraud or deception in business transactions was also liable to punishment, whether such consisted of verbal misrepresentation or the passing off of worthless goods for those having value. The laws of Norway are an example of this. And in their effort to make clear what should be regarded as fraud they throw interesting 01 Norges Gamle Love, I, 20 ff ; Origines Islandicae, II, 19-20. 62 Grdgds, IV, 138 ff. 83 Norges Gamle Love, I, 21, passim. 234 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE light upon the tricks of ancient trade — practices which sound strangely modern. "If one sells sand or shav ings for meal or butter, that is fraud," says the quaint old law.64 And for such dishonesty one might be re quired to pay a fine of three marks,65 which was a heavy punishment, in view of the purchasing power of the amount. «*Ibid., 24. «s Ilid. CHAPTER XIV MARKETS AND TOWNS Whenever you are in a market town, or wherever you are, be polite and agreeable; then you will secure the friendship of all good men.' ... If you are unacquainted with the traffic of the town, observe care fully how those who are reputed the best and most prominent mer chants conduct their business. King's Mirror. Though buying and selling took place whenever mer chants arrived in a community with commodities which were in demand, the bulk of the Scandinavian trade was carried on at special markets or YFet-8 fairs which were held quite regularly in fa vorable locations. The largest of these special commer cial gatherings usually came but once a year, — as a rule in the summer or autumn — and lasted for several weeks. The great markets were generally held along some highway, or at an important cross-road. Frequently, even in the eleventh century, by which time a few towns had risen in the land, they were often still found in the open country, far from the centers of settlement. The sites chosen were usually in the vicinity of noted temples, or of political assemblies ; at the mouths of rivers, or on other harbors; in the neighborhood of good fishing grounds ; or on the borders of the richest fur-producing regions.1 Whether held in town or country, the annual commer cial assemblies were very similar in character. Here i Bugge, "Handel," in Hoops, Reallexikon. 235 236 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE gathered people from all over Scandinavia, to buy and sell, and make other business arrangements, ofntheCAn to take in the sights and amusements fur- nua*! Fair"" nished as a rule at every large gathering, to meet old friends and make new ones. And here were also found people from many foreign lands, with strange manners and strange garb, on hand for the purpose of purchasing native products or of disposing of wares brought with them and largely un known to the North. Some of the more important visitors to the annual commercial gatherings perhaps had permanent buildings on the grounds, which they renovated and fitted up for occupancy every year, but as a rule the structures found at the markets and fairs were of a temporary nature, and were merely booths or tents of linen, coarse wool, or skins, subdivided by means of curtains. Within such shelters the people lived while the traffic lasted; and in the front part of them were exhibited in chests and bales and skins and baskets the wares which they had to offer. At a short distance from the aggregation of dwellings belonging to the traffickers was the common pasture land, where the beasts of burden which had carried most of the merchandise to market were permitted to graze after being tethered or hobbled, or placed in the care of herders. All who came to these Northern commercial centers enjoyed the special merchants' peace provided by law, without which little trafficking could take Peace " ' place- For the violation of the law unusu ally severe punishments were provided. In Denmark, any one wounding or murdering another in the market place must pay the regular fine, or wergeld, and forty marks in addition, for breaking the market MARKETS AND TOWNS 237 peace ; in Sweden and Norway any man striking a death blow upon the market place in the forenoon when trade was most active was required to pay a double wergeld.2 Iceland's foreign commerce was almost entirely indi rect, and was carried on largely through the ports of northern Norway; consequently most of the merchants who appeared upon the island ^^8° were Scandinavians. But there was no lack of buying and selling. Much of this took place on a small scale, however, at booths or tents erected upon the shore by merchants of single ships upon arriving in the harbor; or at markets held in connection with the local political assemblies or religious gatherings; but at the meeting of the Althing in the summer time much more extensive trafficking occurred. And there was at least one special market, sufficiently large to correspond to some extent to the great commercial gatherings in the older Scandinavian lands. The place for this market was called Gazar and was situated north of the present Akureyri.3 In several parts of Norway were important markets, the oldest known being Skiringssal, situated in the vi cinity of a great temple near the present Larvik. There were several much-fre- M°a™e^an quented markets farther north also, some in the Lapp country, where the traffic was largely in skins and furs, and others along the coasts, where the com modities dealt in were chiefly fish, and the skins and other 2 Lehmann, "Kauffriede und Friedensschild," in Germanistische Abhand- lungen, 49. The Bjarkeyjarrettr, or Birka laws of Sweden, were for the protection of the merchant while engaged in his peaceful calling. They seem to have had their origin in special regulations for the defense of some . Northern market upon an unknown birch-forested island — whence the name, meaning "birch island." Later these laws were improved in various ways and extended to other market places. Ibid., 53, 61, 62. 3 Bugge, "Handel," in Hoops, Reallexikon. 238 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE products of sea-mammals. The greatest commercial center of the Far North was in the vicinity of the Lofo- tens, near Kabelvaag, and was called Vagastefna. Dur ing the fishing season this was thronged with merchants from far and near.4 The largest markets of rural Denmark appear to have been situated upon the eastern and western coasts of Jutland, where the chief land highways M^kets crossed ; but some were on the desirable har bors of the adjoining islands. Here and there in continental Sweden, generally upon the lakes or rivers or harbors of the coast, large assem blages of merchants gathered and trafficked Markets *n ^e wares which they brought; the most important of these country markets was at Uppsala which was the site of a very famous heathen temple to which people gathered from all over Sweden for worship. But the island of Gotland off the Swedish coast attained to a greater commercial prosperity than any other part of Scandinavia during the Viking Age; and this trade was almost without. exception carried on in country markets; for Wisby, the earliest municipal center of the island, scarcely came into any prominence until the twelfth century. This unusual mercantile ac tivity was due to the fact that towards the close of the viking period the trade between East and West was car ried largely across Gotland, though routes of lesser im portance crossed the islands of Oland and Bornholm, farther to the south.5 On various parts of Gotland were held large markets or fairs, where the commodities of the different parts of Europe changed hands. The great volume of the trade carried on at these places is indicated Ubid., 424. 5 Ibid., 421 ; Worsaae, Industrial Arts of Denmark, 80. MARKETS AND TOWNS 239 by the fact that the total amount of ancient foreign coins found on the island up to a few years ago was sixty-seven thousand, exactly one half of the foreign mintage un earthed in the whole of Scandinavia.6 And how far-ex tending into the Orient were the commercial interests of the Gotlanders is suggested by the fact that a vessel with ornamentation of Buddhistic design has been found in the island.7 As a result of their extensive contact through trade with the peoples of many lands, the population of Got land during the early Middle Ages attained to a degree of artistic and material culture superior to that found in any other part of the Scandinavian North during this period.8 In spite of the persistence of country markets at a distance from municipal centers, commercial activity served as a powerful stimulus to the growth of towns, and many of them came into ex- influence istence during the viking period. Most of of Com" the early ones had the same names and the the Growth same sites as at the present time; and in of Towns more than one case heathen graves have been found outside of modern Scandinavian villages.9 Prac tically every one of the earliest towns grew up about one or another of the large Northern markets. The best example of these early commercial towns was perhaps Birka, situated in eastern Sweden upon the Island of Bjorko in Lake Malar. The site was shel- • These included one hundred and eighty pieces from the Eastern Em pire, fourteen thousand English coins, and twenty-three thousand bearing Arabian stamps, as well as a scattering from other places. Bugge, "Handel," in Hoops, Reallexikon. i Ibid.. s Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse, 402; Klintberg, M., Ndgra Anteck- ningar om Gotland i Verkligheten och Gotland i Skrift. » Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 145. 240 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE tered and possessed an excellent harbor connected by water with the Gulf of Bothnia. The North- Town"!111 men were wel1 versed in the science of build" ing redoubts and fortifications in the early part of the ninth century when the town seems to have been built ; consequently every effort was made to give it ample protection.10 The entrance to the haven was forti fied and the town was surrounded by a wall of stone and earth, and guarded by a tower. In spite of this, how ever, it was often plundered by robbers for the wealth which it was known to possess; u yet it continued to be during the ninth and the first half of the tenth century the leading commercial center of the Swedish mainland.12 But the enemies of the place succeeded in permanently destroying it by fire, presumably in the latter half of the tenth century.13 To take the place of Birka, Sigtuna soon rose a few miles to the northeast and became the commercial me tropolis of this part of the North.14 And at about the same period a number of other towns appeared in Sweden ; but most of them were less fortunately situated than Sigtuna, and, consequently, did not attain to as great prosperity as it for a considerable time enjoyed. The best known of these medieval Swedish towns were probably Linkoping, Skenninge, Falkoping, Enkoping, Strangnas, Nykoping, Norrkoping, Soderkoping, and Ostra Aros.15 The commercial origin of the majority 10 Schiick, Henry, Birka, 5. n Bugge, Alexander, "Die nordeuropaischen Verkehrswege im friihen Mittelalter," in Vierteljahrschrift fiir Social-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, vol. IV, pt. II, 235. i2 Bugge, "Handel," in Hoops, Reallexikon, II, 420. 13 Bugge, "Nordeuropaischen Verkehrswege," in Vierteljahrschrift fiir Social-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, vol. IV, pt. II, 235. i* Bugge, "Handel," in Hoops, Reallexikon, II, 420-421. is Stjerna, Lund och Birka, 206. MARKETS AND TOWNS 241 of these places is indicated by the termination "hoping," meaning ' ' market. ' ' The town of Uppsala early came into existence, but its origin was primarily due to the fact that the most famous temple of the whole of Scandinavia formed its nucleus. It was also the political capital of medieval Sweden. However, the annual fairs of a week's dura tion held in connection with the political and religious gatherings doubtless did much towards stimulating the growth of the place.16 In Denmark, as in Sweden, the first towns rose in the earliest years of the viking time. The most of them had their origin directly in trade, and those attaining to the greatest fame were situated Tam^ upon the main commercial thoroughfares connecting with the long river highways of the present northern Germany. The best known of these early trading centers was doubtless Hedeby, or Schleswig,17 upon Schleifjord, in southeastern Jutland. This town seems to have been founded by the king of Denmark in the year 808, and became the seat of one of the earliest Danish mints.18 Dating from about the same time was Ribe, on the west coast of Jutland, some distance north ward of Hedeby. Though of less importance, commer cially; than the latter, most of the Danish trade with the west passed through this wind-blown port.19 Of perhaps a little later date were Aarhuus and Viborg, i« Lehmann, "Kauffriede und Friedensschild," in Germanistische Abhand- lungen, 50. it In the Icelandic sagas it was called Hedeby, the "by," or town, upon the "heiSr," or heath; but the name Schleswig — probably German in origin — was also applied to it, and this survived while the Scandinavian name soon disappeared. Bugge, "Handel," in Hoops, Reallexikon. is Bugge, "Handel," in Hoops, Reallexikon; Stjerna, Lund och Birka, 217. i" Stjerna, Lund och Birka, 208. 242 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE farther north in Jutland and upon the eastern side.20 As its name indicates, Viborg was the seat of a temple in the heathen time. Roskilde, upon the island of See- land, probably came into existence late in the ninth cen tury, but it soon gained, and long held, a place of promi nence, through being the seat of one of the earliest Dan ish bishoprics, and of one of the first mints in the Scan dinavian North. It also preceded Copenhagen by some centuries as the capital of united Denmark.21 The southern portion of the Swedish peninsula was under Danish dominion during the Middle Ages, and here King Canute the Great founded the town of Lund in the first part of the eleventh century. In the time of its founder, Lund was the leading minting city of Denmark ; and it was also important commercially and as the seat of a Christian archbishop.22 Though Norway possessed several large and impor tant market-places at an early date, the first towns of that country did not appear until about a ^orwegian century after the earliest ones of Sweden and Denmark. Tunsberg, the oldest Nor wegian city, came into existence about the year 900 upon Christiania Fiord, taking the place of the old country .market of Skiringssal. Near it soon rose Westfold, upon the same body of water. These southern ports were thronged with merchants during winter as well as sum mer.23 Vigen was another important market town of southern Norway.24 In western Norway, about half way up the coast, was Nidaros, founded by King Olaf Tryggvasson in 997, very 20 Bugge, "Handel," in Hoops, Reallexikon. 2i Stjerna, Lund och Birka, 206. 22 Ibid., 203, 217. 23 Bugge, "Handel," in Hoops, Reallexikon. 2* Petersen, Gammel-N ordiske Geografi, 108. MARKETS AND TOWNS 243 close to the site of the present Trondhjem; but it owed its importance rather to the large amount of Icelandic trade which passed through it than to any domestic stimulus.25 Still farther north were two other early commercial towns; but with the rise into prominence of Oslo and Bergen in the southwestern part of the Nor wegian peninsula, under Olaf the Holy, these places, and Nidaros as well, lost much of their trade, for the prod ucts of Haalogaland, within the Polar Circle, were now sent to southern Norway to be disposed of instead of being sold in the markets of the Far North.26 Throughout the Middle Ages, towns existed in the Scandinavian lands only for the sake of the country dwellers. Therefore, town life was merely a modification of country life, and the ar- Character rangement of town buildings was largely oiEar}y an adaptation from rural dwellings. For the navjan sake of defense, particularly against sea- Towns robbers, most of the towns were probably walled and supplied with redoubts and watch towers ; 27 but as the populations of even the largest of the Scandi navian towns of the period perhaps did not exceed a few thousand, the inclosing ramparts were not extensive. In the commercial towns of the early Middle Ages there was usually only one street, which, if the place was on the coast, ran along the water's edge; and from it narrow alleys or "crossings" — called "almenning" in Norway — ran up to the houses, which stood as a rule with gable ends out.28 The most important public gath- 25 Bugge, Alexander, Nidaros's Handel og Skibsfart i Middelalder. 2« Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 109; Bugge, "Seafaring and Shipping during the Viking Age," in Saga-Book, vol. VI, 16. "SchUck, Birka, 5. 28 Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse, 203-205 ; Mathiesen, Henr., Det Gamle Throndhjem, 46. 244 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE ering places in the ancient cities were the heathen temples or Christian churches, and the markets. The latter, especially if the town was upon the coast, were generally along the main street on the water-front ; here the buyers and sellers set up temporary booths, or displayed their wares upon rude counters out in the open air. But in the interior of the land the street was generally a con tinuation of the main road leading to the town, and was, . consequently, generally in the middle of the town. If this was the case, the market place was usually a widening of the street into a square, called a torg, to which the traders brought their wares for sale. In the early Middle Ages no merchant gilds in the medieval sense were to be found in the towns of Scandi navia ; neither was there a burgher class, as distinguished from country dwellers. And it was not until the close of the eleventh century that any distinction was made between town law and country law.29 As a direct result of Scandinavian commercial activity, new markets and towns rose and old ones increased greatly in importance beyond the borders of Markets the strictly Scandinavian lands. This in- an owns fluence was seen in East and West alike. in Greater Scandinavia Ladoga — called by the Scandinavians Ald- eigenborg — Neva, and Wolchow, Novgorod, — known among the Northmen as Holmgaard — and Kiev, all in Scandinavian Russia and upon the internal water routes to Constantinople, were in existence primarily as a result of the mercantile zeal of the Northmen. Kiev, upon the lower Dnieper, was the most important of these commercial towns within the borders of Greater Scandi navia, and was possessed of eight different market 2» Lehmann, Karl, "Burger," in Hoops, Reallexikon. MARKETS AND TOWNS 245 places.30 At the annual fairs in the towns of Scandi navian Russia, and also in those held in country places along the main trade highways, a tremendous amount of traffic took place. Scandinavian merchants here ex changed the raw products of the North for the manu factured ones of southeastern Europe and Asia. Great fortunes in furs, in particular, were given in return for the luxuries of the Orient.31 Before the ninth century the Scandinavians had estab lished merchant colonies upon the south and east coasts of the Baltic.32 And in the last half of the "tenth, the Danes conquered the island of Wollin at the mouth of the Oder, and established upon it the strongly fortified city of Jomsborg, in the walls of which were twelve towers. It remained under Danish control for seventy years and became the stronghold of the Jomsborg vikings.33 Dur ing the eleventh century Jomsborg was the commercial center of the Baltic and was called by Adam of Bremen the greatest city of Europe.34 With Hamburg upon the Elbe and the Carolingian city of Dorestad upon the Rhine, the Scandinavians traded extensively and did much towards stimulating the growth and prosperity of these places; but their influence was felt far more, commercially and otherwise, in the British Isles, because of the Scandinavian settlements there. This was true on an especially large scale of the Dane law, in northeastern England, where were situated the strongly fortified "five boroughs" of Nottingham, Lin coln, Leicester, Stamford, and Derby. Some of these 30 Bugge, "Handel," in Hoops, Reallexikon. 3i Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 99. 32 Bugge, "Seafaring and Shipping during the Viking Age," in Saga- Book, vol. VI, pt.'I, 17. 33 Jdmsvikinga Saga, passim. 3i Bugge, "Handel," in Hoops, Reallexikon, II, 426, 246 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE towns undoubtedly existed before the Scandinavian con quest, but commercial stimulus from the North greatly increased their wealth and power ; others, however, were either founded by the Northmen, or came so strongly under their influence as to be given Scandinavian names.35 Other towns which were virtually founded by the Scan dinavians were Whitby, Grimsby and Swansea. Old cities, like London and Bristol, were undoubtedly much stimulated by the presence of Scandinavian merchants. And in Ireland the cities of Limerick, Waterford, and Cork were practically made by the trade of the North men settled there ; 36 while Dublin existed as a distinctly Norwegian city for about three hundred years.37 The cities of the British Isles under Scandinavian domination not only sent out much home produce, but also, like Kiev and Novgorod and the other Services commercial centers in Scandinavian Russia, Performed formed half -way trading and shipping sta- Scandina- tions between Scandinavia and the lands vian Cities more remote. The Northern merchants who had settled in the British Isles brought the exports of southwestern Europe and Moorish Africa to these cities, particularly to those of Ireland, and here they were frequently landed and re-shipped to Scandi navia. In a similar manner, the exports from the North intended for the western Mediterranean region or Africa were often passed through the British Isles.38 In some of the foreign cities in which they traded extensively, such as London, the Scandinavian seamen 35 The termination "by," found in many names of British towns, is the Scandinavian word for "town." 38 Bugge, "Handel," in Hoops, Reallexikon. s? Vogt, L. J., Dublin som Norsk By. 38 Bugge, "Handel," in Hoops, Reallexikon; Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse, 183-185. MARKETS AND TOWNS 247 and merchants appear to have lived in colonies by them selves in certain sections. And here, before the middle of the eleventh century, they had Scandina- their own churches and, presumably, their vian Mer- own halls where they met as gilds; for chant,Co1- though merchant gilds did not come into ex- Foreign istence in Scandinavia itself until a later Cities date, when abroad, the Northern merchants organized, in imitation of other traders. Even in Nov gorod, which possessed many Scandinavian characteris tics, the merchants from the island of Gotland had their special gild hall and their own church, which was dedi cated to the Norwegian saint-king, Olaf the Holy.39 so Bugge, "Die nordeuropaischen Verkehrswege," in Vierteljahrschrift fiir Social-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, vol. IV, pt. II, 251, 261. CHAPTER XV THE CAREER OF THE VIKING; WEAPONS AND WARFARE He only might with full truth be .called a sea-king that never slept under a sooty rafter, and never drank in the chimney corner. Tnglinga Saga. In order to understand the military phase of the vi king period, it is necessary to have the point of view of the Northman. To him, the ^alJj|ejSKas the^Vikin Q£ejaLactiviiy ; to perform deeds calling for physical strength and courage, mental alert ness, and skill in self-preservation was really a part of his religion. Warlikeness, for its own. sake, the North man believed to be a.virtua of such high degree as to bring him special recognition from the gods in the life beyond the grave. For, was there not prepared for the warrior in Asgard the great and splendid Valhalla, in connection with which were opportunities for exercising martial skill and satisfying love for fighting utterly un known to man on the mortal side of the tomb? There fore, to be "^word-dead," or even "sea-dead," was vastly more honorable than to be "sick-dead." 1 The lo.va for adventure and the deep desire to gain a "good report," which military achievement would guar antee, doubtless were powerful motives for the choice i The belief that persons dying a natural death — even though their careers had been military — would not be admitted to Valhalla, some times caused warriors upon their death-beds to perform a heathen rite calculated to gain for them the same reward as the man received who died fighting. This they did by marking themselves upon the breast with a spear's point so that the blood flowed, thus dedicating themselves to Odin, the god of war. "Geirr," in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary. 248 THE CAREER OP THE VIKING 249 of a military career ; but it should be borne in mind also that, in spite of the emphasis placed upon the owner ship of land, and the devotion to ancestral soil, the Scan dinavians of the early Middle Ages attached a dignity to the possession of movable property Avhich is not now generally recognized. Hence, the hope for rich booty also served as a powerful lure to the would-be viking. And that the desire to secure wealth for the sake of the honor and glory which the display of it would bring — rather than because of real need — was what led men to "go harrying over the seas" is clear from the abundant evidence we have that many or most of the leaders of the pirate expeditions were high-bo rjLJnen of substance. The fact that they acquired their additional riches through pillage and murder in the territory of their neighbors to the south proved no deterrent; for the ethical, code of the Europe of the period largely taught that the foreigner was legitimate prey, .particularly if he. worshipped- alien gods. And yet, the standards of right and wrong of the Northmen of the tenth century, as regards piracy, were but little different from those dis played by high-class Englishman six hundred years later ; the former attacked all foreign lands which failed to buy them off, while Sir Francis Drake and his school restricted their depredations to the commerce and the territory of Roman Catholic Spain in the Old World and the New. The earlier freebooters had all of the courage and daring of the later ones, and perhaps were no more cruel and lawless than they ; both classes were the prod ucts of the times in which they lived. As a rule, the Scandinavians took part in viking raids only in their younger years, beginning early by way of finishing off their educations. After they had gained wealth and fame, they retired to a more quiet and uni- 250 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE form life, to be succeeded by their sons, who begged them for war-ships and equipment, in order that they, in turn, might embark upon piratical voyages. Men from all sec tions of Scandinavia joined in the viking raids ; and every land in Europe, as well as some in western Asia and northern Africa repeatedly fell victims to them : German and Frenchman, Anglo-Saxon and Irish, Arab and Longobard, Finn and Slav, Bulgarian and Greek — all came, during the period of greatest viking activity, to know by bitter experience the Northern race.2 And in their helplessness before the dreaded foe, some of the peoples of western Europe introduced into their litany the fervent supplication: "Save us, 0 Lord, from the fury of the Northmen!" For long stretches of time some of the nearer-lying foreign lands were annually visited and ravaged by the professional pirates. The French and west- Routed ern German lands and the British Isles, in particular, were regular sufferers, for it was easily possible to make extensive raids upon them dur ing the summer time and to return home with the desired plunder before the arrival of winter storms. Piratical expeditions to these favorite western lands were com monly known as the "viking," or the "western viking" (vestr-viking) ; while, plundering raids to the East — which, if the warriors went far afield, usually took one or more years to complete — were referred to as "going in the eastern way" {fara i Austrveg). During the earlier part of the viking period each pi ratical party was generally made up of but few men, the idea being that the fewer the plunderers, the greater the share of spoils for each. But as time passed and the victim-nations learned to some extent to guard against 2 Steenstrup, Normarmerne, I, 1. THE CAREER OF THE VIKING 251 their raids, the Scandinavians came to appreciate the ad vantages of confederation, not only because of the greater protection against defensive Coopera- attacks but because a union of forces made j™tionr **n" possible more ambitious undertakings, such the Pirates as the siege of Paris. Now, great fleets co operated. At Paris there were seven hundred large-sized war ships with a proportional number of provision boats ; and the warriors taking part in the attack totalled forty thousand.3 Such vast fleets, — led by the showy dragon ships filled with men unknown to fear, and the equals of any in Europe as warriors, — might well strike terror to the hearts of those upon whose coasts they unexpectedly appeared. Another result of experience in piratical occupations was the rise of a small class of men whose sole business was warfare and piracy. Of these the best The joms- example is furnished by the Jomsborg vi- borg Vi kings who possessed a fleet of one hundred k"1^8 and eighty ships, and lived in strongly fortified quarters under a special set of regulations which they themselves drew up and agreed to. This viking law limited the membership to men of unusual strength, between the ages of eighteen and fifty. The confederates must live in harmony and show no fear; to flee before an enemy of equal power or like arms was forbidden. No man might bind up his wounds before they were twenty-four hours old. And each member of the organization must avenge the others as if they were his own brothers. The spoils of war secured by each must be taken to a certain place, where they would be divided fairly when the battle was ended; whoever violated this rule should be banished s Ibid., 352-353; Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 182. 252 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE from the league. Women might not be taken into the viking stronghold, and neither women nor children should be taken prisoners.4 Other Northmen who had had experience in fighting, usually on viking expeditions, became professional sol diers in the employ of foreign rulers. Be- he Varan- cauge 0f their fearlessness and their military gians . . , skill, they were in special demand as body guards. Some warriors found such personal service near home in Scotland and England, but more were drawn to Constantinople, where they formed the famous Varan gian guard of the Greek emperor, which numbered about three hundred men. These Scandinavian mercenaries were, naturally, hated by the jealous Greeks, who called them the emperor's "treasures," because he took such good care of them, and permitted them, in return for the payment of a special toll, to make piratical raids upon the coasts and islands of the eastern Mediterranean. But the Varangians, like the other vikings, as a rule, after having won wealth and fame, returned to Scandi navia to spend their declining years.5 Though for a long time almost invincible whether on sea or land, the water was the Northman's special ele ment, where as a warrior he excelled all other The Ship- soldiers of Europe. Hence, the Scandina- Levy and v^an jrjngg gave much attention to the build- Fleets inS and equipment of war vessels, a descrip tion of which has been presented in a pre vious chapter. The common means by which the royal fleet was kept up was the ship-levy, well known to Eng land during the period of the early Stuarts. In the time of Haakon the Good in Norway the coast lands "as far * Jdmsvikinga Saga, 15. o Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 106-107. THE CAREER OF THE VIKING 253 inland as the salmon swims" were divided into ship- raths, or districts, and the population in each district was required to supply a certain number of vessels for national warfare. By such a ship levy, and also by other methods, great fleets were placed at the disposal of the sovereign in time of war.6 Canute the Great sailed to England with one thousand vessels.7 Such fleets were capable of transporting large armies, for the average war ship perhaps carried considerably more than one hundred fighting men, and some carried several hundred. Olaf Tryggvasson's renowned vessel, the Long Serpent, the largest ship of its time in Norway, carried nearly one thousand men in all; but the capacity of this vessel greatly exceeded that of the average.8 Every fleet was manned with two classes — warriors, trained to fight, and mariners, whose business it was to equip and sail the vessels ; under both were usually thralls. A peculiar class of fighting serkers men, the berserkers,9 were often given posi tions of unusual importance upon the ships, because of their superior ability as warriors, and were also pre ferred by many Scandinavian kings and nobles as body guards, for the same reason. They were rough, wild warriors who fought with such utter abandon that while in battle they were at times seized with fits of frenzy, called berserksgangr. During the attack, the hair rose on their heads and they howled like wild animals and bit on their shields. And at such times they were twice as strong as normal, and were popularly believed to be a Saga Library, III, 173. 'Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 126. 8 Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 184. 9 The name was probably derived from bar, "bear," and sark, "shirt," due to the fact that in ancient times athletes and champions used to wear the skins of bears, wolves, and other animals. 254 gOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE proof against fire and steel; hence, they wrought great havoc amongst the enemy. But when the fit had passed, they were weak and exhausted.10 This peculiar transformation seems to have been to a great extent of nervous origin. Self -hypnotism and the failure to exercise self-control doubtless aided in bring ing it on. It perhaps corresponded very closely to the mental and physical condition among the Malays, which causes them to ' ' run amuck. ' ' n Various methods were used in the Scandinavian coun tries to call the warriors to active service. A general summons was occasionally given by lighting ur^nons bonfires upon the tops of the mountains. Those who saw the fires kindled others far ther on, thus spreading the message.12 But a more usual way of rallying the fighting men seems to have been to send throughout the country or district the "war arrow" which was ' ' sheared up " 13 by the king or military leader, and was passed on from one community to another by relays of bearers, like the Celtic "fiery cross" described in Scott's Lady of the Lake. All of the able-bodied men in the households to which the summons came must, on pain of punishment, equip themselves with arms and supplies and gather for battle.14 10 Egils Saga, 29-30, 84, 212. "Bugge, Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. II, 112-113. Under the subject of witchcraft, Olaus Magnus describes what appears to be the same phenomenon. King Holdanus of Sweden, he says, had seven sons "who were such cunning Witches, that they would suddenly in a force of fury rore horribly, bite bucklers, eat down burning Coles, go through any fires that were made; nor could this motion of madness be allayed but either by Bonds, or by shedding of man's blood." History of the Goths, Swedes, & Vandals, 47. i2 Saga Library, III, 173. is Originally, "shear up" appears to have meant literally to cut with a knife a piece of wood in the form of an arrow, to be used as a summons to war. More customarily, however, it merely meant to send out the arrow as a token, to assemble the warriors. Egils Saga, 9, note. uSaga Library,. Ill, 176, 309; Egils Saga, 9. According to Olaus THE CAREER OF THE VIKING 255 As regards both offensive and defensive weapons, the Scandinavians were, on the whole, better equipped than their neighbors to the south; and this, not withstanding the fact that many of the fin- Weapons of est and best weapons were imported.15 The gwords '' most common instrument of combat of the Northman was his sword, and it was also his favorite. The fact that the finest swords had suggestive individual names, such as Earth-House-Loom, Venom Switch, War- Flame, and Leg-Biter, shows how highly they were prized. Some of them, as Greysteel, were believed to be charmed and capable of biting anything.16 The magical power was produced by the aid of witches, or through words of enchantment carved upon the blade. Both one,edged and two-edged swords were used, but the latter were best known, and both kinds were commonly wielded with only one hand. The weapons with two edges possessed a deep groove down the middle of the blade, along which the blood ran. The average length of the swords employed during the viking period was per haps a little more than thirty inches, but some of the most famous ones were so long and heavy that it took a power ful man to wield them, when using both hands. Great variation is noticeable in the quality of metal used for the blades ; some of the swords bent like tin, while others were of the finest steel and sprang back after being bent double. The blades of best quality were at times damasked and engraved with the names of the smiths making them; and the handles were often of bronze, silver, or gold, Magnus, a similar method of calling the warriors to battle was employed in Sweden considerably later. A staff three hands long was carried by a speedy runner to the various towns with the command that within a. stipulated time every young man over fifteen years old should come with arms and food to battle. History of the Goths, Swedes, & Vandals, 95. 15 Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse, 208. i« Gisla Saga, 2. 256 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE richly chased, and occasionally set with gems. The scab bard was usually of wood covered with leather, and was suspended from the belt or from the shoulder by means of a strap.17 Perhaps the finest swords came from the Orient, but some excellent ones were brought from France and England also.18 Great numbers of these weapons were, however, manufactured in Scandinavia, and some of them, copied from foreign models, were of excellent workmanship.19 Though not as popular as the sword, the spear was in very common use, and was made in two general styles, for throwing and for stabbing. In both kinds the head wTas made of iron or steel, though bronze was at times used, and the shaft was gen erally of ash. Different varieties of heads appeared, some being long and bladelike, and others having sharp, backward-pointing prongs, like fishhooks, while still others displayed characteristics of a different nature. The casting spear was lighter than that used at close range; the head as well as the shaft was shorter. And often the former part was attached very lightly to the handle by means of a single nail, which could be re moved before the weapon was throwm, in order that the enemy could not so readily cast it back. As in the case of the sword, the spear head was often decorated with precious metals, and the wooden shaft was carved with runes having the power to charm and thus aid the physi cal efforts of the owner of the weapon in his struggle against the enemy.20 The warrior used both hands in wielding the stabbing spear, but the throwing spear seems to have been shot it Falk, Waffenkunde, 9-37; Gustafson, Norges Oldtid, 101-102. is Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse, 208. io Falk, Waffenkunde, 38-41; Gustftfson, Norges Oldtid, 102. 2o Falk, Waffenkunde, 66-89, r THE CAREER OF THE VIKING 257 with but one hand. The Northmen at times displayed great dexterity in the use of the latter weapon, some being able to throw two spears at once, by holding one in each hand. Mention is also made in the ancient rec ords of Scandinavians who caught the flying spears of the enemy and hurled them back at the senders.21 Bows and arrows were used, but seem to have been less general than swords and spears. They were prob ably more often the weapon of the huntsman than of the warrior, especially in the more A°™^,an remote parts of the North. Bent wood, usu ally yew, but also elm, formed the bow, the ends of which were often finished with decorative metal. The bow string was made from the hides or sinews of animals as a rule, but some were of wool, and less often, of flax. Metal composed the arrow heads, which were shaped in various fashions, like the spears, but smaller in size.22 The club was at times carried by the humbler classes, but it served more as a weapon of defense while the people were engaged in their daily pacific tasks than as an instrument of formal warfare. It was fashioned from a piece of hardwood, made still harder by being thrust into the fire, or having the thick end spiked or covered with a coating of metal.23 The most characteristic weapon of the Scandinavian North was the deadly battle-ax, which was but little known in the lands to the south until intro- _ , B3.ttlC-3.XCS duced there by the vikings. At an earlier time this ax was probably the chief weapon of the North ern warrior, but by the Viking Age it was to some extent supplanted by the sword. The pride of the warrior in his 21 Ibid., 90. wibid., 91-103. " Ibid., 120-123. 258 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE battle-ax, as in his sword, was shown by bestowing upon it an individual name and by the rich ornamentation of the blade, which was occasionally embellished with gold and silver wrought into beautiful patterns (Fig. 35). There were more than a half dozen different styles of these weapons, some of which showed foreign influence, bat the light "hand ax" of conventional shape was prob ably the favorite form. The "broad ax," the character of which was indicated by its name, was also a common type. Other well-known varieties were the "snag ax," Fig. 35. Danish Battle-Ax with Design in Silver. (From Mttller's Vor Oldtid.) a halberdlike implement having no hammer extension; the "bearded ax," possessing a broad blade with a long beardlike projection; and the "war demon," another lance-shaped weapon, with a pike on top.24 Carefully made instruments for defense in Defensive battle were empioye(j jn the North at a very ¦kquipment : , . . _, . , , J Helmets earl7 time- Even in the first part of the Iron Age warriors protected their heads by means of metal helmets, decorated upon the crests with "*lbid., 104-120; Origines Islandicae, II, 310. THE CAREER OF THE VIKING 259 figures of animals and supplied with nose-guards and shields for the sides of the face (Fig. 37). 25 But by the earlier part of the Middle Ages such elaborately con structed head-gear appears to have been rarely worn for purposes of protection ; its function was primarily deco rative, or to indicate social standing, as in the case of chieftains. Sometimes such helmets were gilded or gold plated. Towards the close of the Viking Age protec tive head coverings again became more common. Some of them resembled the earlier forms, with elaborately decorated crests and extensions for the face, but the more usual style was simpler, and resembled a metal hat or cap very similar to that worn by the American soldiers in the World War.26 The main part of the warrior's body was protected in prehistoric times with armor of leather, usually of ox hides; but chain armor was worn in Scandi navia as early as the fourth century after Christ; and in the early Middle Ages it was probably very common, though protective leathern shirts were also worn, ' and sometimes heavy linen garments. For the coat of mail, rings of iron were used, the metal links at times fashioned into as many as four thicknesses. These iron shirts were made with short, wide sleeves and reached to about the middle of the thighs. At the top was a small opening for the head, which was closed with a buckle or cord at the neck. In winter a large cloak was worn over this armor. Iron guards for the knees were in use, and the legs were covered with heavy leather 25 Hildebrand, Hans, "Hjelmar med Vildsvinsbild," in Maanadsblad, 1879, pp. 1-3; Stjerna, Knut, "Draktskatten i Beowulf," in Fornvdnnen, I 141. 28Falk, Waffenkunde, 155-167; Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 138. This readoption of armor was perhaps due to influ ence from the South. 260 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE or with woven iron links, while gloves of similar mate rial protected the hands.27 Shields were in very general use and were of two dif ferent styles, round and oblong, which differed in effec tiveness. The former was light, and not Shields always invulnerable to the sharpest and strongest weapons (Fig. 39). It measured about two feet in diameter and was made of wood, often linden, reinforced at the back with metal. The boss for the pro tection of the hand grasp ing the handle beneath it was also of metal ; and the edge of the circle was bound with leather or with iron or bronze. The long shield was large enough to cover the whole body of the warrior when he knelt behind it, and some extra- sized ones were also made which would protect sev eral men. These more ef fective shields were constructed of wood covered with ox hide, and, like the others, were strengthened by means of metal. The shields were decorated in various ways, though the smaller ones were probably the more orna mental of the two. The metal finishings were often gilded, and occasionally inlaid with gold or silver; and the wooden surface was painted, most frequently in bright red; but blue, black, and yellow, as well as other colors and combinations of colors, were displayed. Sometimes decorative borders were painted on the 2? Falk, Waffenkunde, 174-191; Worsaae, De Danskes Kultur i Vikinge- tiden, 24. Fig. 39. Small Wooden Shield with a Metal Boss. (From Monte lius' Kulturgischichte Schwedens.) THE CAREER OF THE VIKING 261 shields, and their surfaces embellished with emblematic figures, as dragons or ravens (Fig. 38). 28 The fights between the Scandinavian nations them selves took place as a rule upon the water, and the com batants were well matched, for all sections of the North were highly skilled in naval war- w*^ fare. The total fleet of one side was often composed of two or three smaller fleets. Consequently, the death of one commander did not result in serious disaster to the navy as a whole. It was customary to fasten the bows of the vessels forming a fleet together before battle opened, which action made it possible for the warriors to move with ease from one ship to an other.29 When fighting at long range, the warriors at times sought protection behind a breastwork of wood erected along the sides of the vessel ; and from here they hurled their darts and spears at the enemy; while the men sta tioned in the topcastle, found on some war vessels, fought in the same manner, or cast volleys of stones down upon their opponents.30 In order to get closer to a weaken ing foe, the Northmen, like the Romans, employed grappling hooks, by means of which they drew the vessels closer to their own, making it possible to board them. War ships were also usually supplied with iron beaks which were rammed into enemy vessels, thus scuttling and sinking them. Between the Scandinavians and their neighbors to the south land-warfare was the almost exclu- Land sive rule until near the close of the viking Warfare period, for the other peoples of western Europe were un- 2sFalk, Waffenkunde, 126-151; Saga Library, II, 22; III, 278. 2o Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 185. so Falk, Waffenkunde, 196-197. 262 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE trained in sea-fighting; and their failure to realize the necessity for meeting the Northern Pirates upon their own element was the primary reason for the prolonga tion of the viking period.31 As a result of great se crecy and swiftness in their movements, the Northmen could land in the country which they desired to at tack and take the enemy completely by surprise, thus having them entirely at their mercy. The rapidity of their advance after disembarking was due partly to good organization and concerted action; but the fact that they regularly helped themselves to horses in the districts traversed and used them for transportation pur poses made it much easier to take their victims unawares as well as to carry away great amounts of plunder.32 Sometimes they brought horses with them, particularly in the later part of the period considered, when they operated on an extensive scale. Now, — as still later, in connection with the Norman conquest, — horses were car ried across the Channel from the French coast for use in England.33 Inasmuch as the first aim of the vikings in the early period of their invasions was to enrich themselves with booty, they rarely failed to sack the churches .Plunder . and monasteries and to carry away the gold and silver vessels and all else of value on which they could lay their hands, for they early learned that in the buildings devoted to the services of the Christian re ligion rich treasures could be found. But in their search for plunder they also attacked private houses ; and they often stole recently-harvested grain, wine, live-stock, and si Steenstrup, Normannerne, I, 265. Mlbid., 358-359. 33 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 360. The Bayeux Tapestry shows horses in the ships of the Normans. THE CAREER OF THE VIKING 263 other food products. These they consumed while in the land of the enemy or carried off to the North.34 Yet, much as the Northmen sought booty, their love of fighting for its own sake led thejn always to welcome battle, unless — as was rarely the case — the odds were heavily against them. The men Military from a single ship appear to have usually tion formed the tactical unit, and were led by the captain under whom they served upon the water, the second in command being the second officer of the vessel. Such units were grouped into battalions and brigades under the banner of the chieftain or king who, as chief commander of the fleet, had filled somewhat the capacity of the modern admiral.35 Though they fought well in rectangular grouping, the Northmen's most effective or ganization for battle was the svin-fylking , or swine-array — a heavy wedge of men, the first line of which was com posed of two picked warriors. Such a formation could usually plow its way through the most formidable battle line.36 In preparation for the attack — if the enemy took the initiative — the man who bore the battle standard set it up promptly, on an eminence if one was near. This ensign was either the figure of an ani- -J^™^ mal of emblematic significance, set upon a pole, or a banner of cloth, commonly blood red, with the symbol of the confederates embroidered or painted upon it. The raven, as Odin's bird, was a favorite figure, and was used by the sons of the greatest of all vikings, Ragnar Ladbrok. About this standard the warriors ral- 3* Steenstrup, Normawnerne, I, 372-373. 35 Collingwood, W. G., Scandinavian Britain, 40-41. 38 The Highlanders of Scotland were massed in this deadly triangle at the battle of Preston Pans. Ibid., 86. 264 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE lied.37 The trumpeter blew a loud blast upon his lure ; the vikings uttered a wild, barbaric yell, calculated to strike terror in the hearts of the enemy, or gave the cus tomary war-cry; and the conflict had opened.38 Before and during the battle, Odin, the god of war, and other favorite divinities, as well, were invoked by the warriors for aid in the contest ; and sacrifices and vows were made to them in return for military success.39 Though well equipped with weapons, offensive and de fensive, the Northmen were generally victorious less be cause of this than in consequence of their skill in warlike operations themselves. Their effective wedge-formation which is an instance of this, has just been mentioned. They also displayed a remarkable degree of strategic cunning, and distinct su periority in the art of besieging. They were nothing if not resourceful. By means of spies and bribery they learned everything possible about the land which they proposed to invade, in order to use their strongest weapon — surprise. Another element of their strength in this regard was concealment and disguise. The camou flage resorted to by both sides in the World War was but a highly developed form of the deceptive devices used by the Northmen a thousand years before. In order to land in an enemy country without being detected, they sometimes covered their vessels with the branches of trees down to the water's edge in such a manner as to make them resemble wooded islands ; and while upon the march also they sometimes hid themselves behind these screens of branches.40 It seems probable that the trick 37 Steenstrup, Normanmerne, I, 359. as Ibid., 362-363 ; Egils Saga, 64. so Steenstrup, Normanmerne, I, 362-363. "Falk, Waffenkunde, 194-196; Saga Library, IV, 49. THE CAREER OF THE VIKING 265 by which McDuff made "Birnam Forest come to Dun- sinane" in Shakespeare's Macbeth was of Scandina vian origin. Sometimes the invaders covered their ap proach and protected themselves from attack by means of trenches. But, as a result of their rare gift of adapta bility, they also made use of every existing element of favor in a situation. Ridges, rocks, and woods became their ramparts at a moment's notice, and it is recorded that once, for want of something better, they built a redoubt of slaughtered animals and retreated behind this to their ships.41 By means of various other crafty devices they also deceived the enemy ; they dug and skillfully covered deep pits into which the foe walked; they pretended to be asleep, as in the fight between Rollo and the Franks, until the enemy was upon them, then jumped up and cut him down; they drew close together and knelt behind their shields, to appear few in numbers ; and when caught unawares they at times threw themselves flat upon the ground and covered themselves with their shields. When hardest pressed upon the field of battle, they quickly formed a "shield-fortress" which was almost always im pregnable. This "fortress" resembled the Roman testudo and was formed by the warriors pressing close together, some standing, others kneeling, in the form of a hollow cylinder, with their shields overlapping like the shells of a tortoise.42 But perhaps the most com mon trick employed by the Northern warriors, and the most successful, was pretended flight, by means of which they drew their opponents from the position of defense to one of pursuit; then abruptly turned upon them and renewed the attack. Largely as a result of this strategic *i Steenstrup, Normanmerne, I, 364. *2 Ibid., 360, 366. 266 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE device, victory went to the Normans in the battle of Hast ings.43 Especially adept were the Northmen in their ability to approach a city which they planned to capture, with out harm to themselves, and while their in- iegt tended victims gazed helplessly out upon them. For this purpose they often employed trenches, or advanced in the arrangement of the shield fortress; but they also had a device which was a defense during approach to the enemy walls and an instrument of attack when these were reached. This was a battering-ram made of a huge tree trunk mounted upon wheels, the platform upon which the tree was placed being strongly roofed, thus protecting the men when they drew or pushed the vehicle and when they operated the ram.44 Another machine used with great success in the cap ture of towns and castles was the catapult, operated on the principle of the sling-shot, the missiles being usually stones. This engine was presumably composed of a thrower, in the hollowed-out, spoon-shaped end of which the shot was laid, while the other end was fastened in the middle of a tightly-stretched, twisted rope or cord, securely attached to the foundation of the apparatus. The twisted rope gave spring and force to the thrower for hurling the missile.45 During the early period of their raids, the vikings Avere particularly disregardful of life, whether in plundering attacks or in open warfare. Neither sex Cruelty of . , ., the Vikings nor a§'e was sPared; old men, women and babies were put to death, often in the cruel- est manner.46 The monks appear to have been unusual Mlbid., 366. «Du Chaillu, Viking Age, I, 541. «Falk, Waffenkunde, 192-193. 48 An old account tells that the Northmen tossed the foreign children THE CAREER OF THE VIKING 267 sufferers, perhaps because they were representatives of a religion unfriendly to the divinities of the North as well as because they resisted the attacks of the heathen and tried to save their treasures. The enemy soldiers who fell into the hands of the vikings were usually put to death, sometimes by torture.47 There is no reason to conclude, however, that the Northmen were more cruel than the people of the foreign lands which they attacked. Furthermore, in the World War so many instances of hideous ferocity were displayed by Christian nations as to preclude any conclusion that the Northmen were unique. It should be remembered also that we have not the vikings' side of the story. For the details with ref erence to the viking raids we are almost wholly depend ent upon the accounts written by the Christian monks of the lands which the Northmen plundered. These writers hated and despised the invaders as heathen and barbarians just as they hated and despised the Moham medans and Jews. This attitude did not tend to make them unprejudiced historians.48 In the latter part of the viking period the Northern warriors killed fewer and carried away more . Prisoners prisoners. People of prominence and wealth o£ War were taken for the sake of the ransom which they might bring; many others, some, often men and in the air and caught them on their spears; but states that one of their number was so tender-hearted that he tried to stop the pastime, and thereby gained the nickname, Barna-Karl — "child-man," or "children's friend." Origines Islandicae, I, 225. 47 An especially cruel practice to which the Northmen at times resorted was to "cut a blood-eagle." Incisions were made over the ribs in the form of an eagle, and the lungs were pulled out through the opening while the victim was still alive. This form of torture, however, seems to have been practiced only upon the man who had killed one's father, if taken in war. Such an execution was a sacrifice to Odin, the god of war. "BloSSorn," in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary. *s Collingwood, Scandinavian Britain, 63-64. 268 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE women of high rank, were made to serve as slaves in the land of their captors, or were sold in the great markets where traffic in human beings took place ; frequently, also, women, especially beautiful ones, were taken to the North and became the wives or mistresses of their captors. With the prisoners were carried off trophies of victory — the banners of the enemy and the arms of their leaders, and also a rich collection of plunder. The bodies of their own dead, which must be left behind, the Scandi navians carefully buried upon the field of battle; but they displayed their scorn and contempt for the van quished enemy by leaving the dead comrades of the latter unburied where they fell.49 ia Steenstrup, Normannerne, I, 369-371. CHAPTER XVI GOVERNMENT With law shall our land be built up and settled; with lawlessness, wasted and spoilt. Saga of Burnt Njal. In very early times virtually every separate geo graphical unit of continental Scandinavia constituted an independent political entity; each river valley, coastal plain, peninsula, and island Admmistra- had a distinct governmental system. But tion with the passing of the centuries these in dividual units were gradually combined under one rule, sometimes through mutual agreement, but more fre quently as a result of the successful military campaigns of ambitious chieftains or aggressive kings. In con sequence of these centralizing activities, by the close of the ninth century Denmark, Sweden, and Norway had attained to approximately the territorial dimensions maintained during most of the Middle Ages; and each country was from now on usually under the dominion of a single sovereign. The Icelandic commonwealth was a by-product of the movement towards political consolidation in Norway, which took place under King Harold Hairfair. Begin ning about the year 874, large numbers of the best people in the land, unwilling to submit to the victorious king, fled to the bleak island far to the west, and here began life anew. For a few decades the exiles lived in scat tered groups of tiny, independent democracies, more or 269 270 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE less separated by natural barriers, but the need for a central organization which could settle inter-community disputes and consider matters of common interest led, in 930, to the formation of the Icelandic republic, which functioned through the Althing, or general parliament. The political evolution requiring more than a thousand years in continental Scandinavia, was thus, through aid of example, effected by Iceland in fifty. Yet, after centralization had been completed, the bound aries of the earlier political units were largely retained and were employed for purposes of local ad- Admmistra- ministration. These subdivisions were, how- visions ever, probably never identical even in con tinental Scandinavia, and as time passed they became more differentiated. The smaller units, most of which developed from the bygd, or original com munal settlement, were usually called herads (hera&r) throughout the North, but there were various exceptions which probably had their origin in changed administra tive conditions which seemed to call for a new termin ology. In Denmark, Iceland, and southern Sweden, for instance, the herad was commonly found ; but in the north of Sweden the corresponding division was known as a hundred (hundrad), while groups of the hundreds were in some cases called herads. The herad was very usual in Norway also, but the names fylki and fjordungr were applied to some of the small political units; and still other terms were employed in individual cases.1 In the larger political grouping there was even less uniformity. In some parts of Norway, the fylki, instead of being identical with the herad, was composed of a i Tunberg, Sven, Studier rbrande Skandinaviens aldsta politiska Indel- ning, passim; Hildebrand, Svenska Folket under Hedna Tiden, 216-220; Bugge, Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. II, 232 GOVERNMENT 271 number of the last-named units; in others, the larger divisions were known as "lands" or "rikes" — domin ions, — as Haalogaland and Raumarike. In Denmark and Sweden the name "land" was applied to some of the provinces, but not to others, though all of the provinces appear to have been made up of groups of herads, or their equivalents. Much obscurity, however, surrounds the subject of local administration in continental Scan dinavia, for there are many serious gaps in the existing evidence; and it seems impossible to form a clear con ception of the administrative machinery as a whole. Fortunately, this is not true with reference to Iceland, for which data are fairly adequate. And from our knowledge of local administration there it seems possible to gain a somewhat more satisfactory idea of the corre sponding governmental units on the continent; for it appears likely that Iceland followed the political machin ery of the mother land, except insofar as it interfered with the settlers' ideas of personal liberty and the needs of a commonwealth, as opposed to a kingdom. In Iceland, the most important local unit was the godord (godord), which was politico-religious in char acter. The settlers were grouped into a large number of such divisions, each a little republic in itself, until the Althing was established and the Commonwealth formed, when the godords were reduced to thirty-nine and the island divided into four quarters, each containing nine godords, except the North Quarter, which, because of conditions peculiar to the region, was given twelve. For certain purposes of administration, three godords were counted as a political unit. Such a group was called a thriding (iridjungr), and bore a close relationship to the "riding" of northern England.2 2 Conybeare, Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions, 46. 272 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE In early times, each of the many independent divisions of Scandinavia had at its head a chieftain who performed the triple function of priest, military com- Administra- mander) an(j political leader. Such men cials " were doubtless for a very long period the only public officials of the North. The hersar, mentioned in Chapter III, appear to have been of this class. The jarls and early "kings" probably did not originate until after the movement towards central ization had been well launched, and subordinate offices created. But we are wholly lacking in information with reference to some of these officials, and must simply as sume their existence; and our knowledge regarding others is quite inadequate. The same holds true of the administrative officials of the Viking Age. It is possible, however, to form a fairly definite idea of three of the most important ones of this later period — the godi (godi), the lawman, and the king. The name "godi," applied to the chieftain-priest at the head of the godord, appears to have been peculiar to Iceland. But the official was obviously the historical descendant of the early chieftains mentioned in the preceding paragraph; and there is no doubt that on the continent, contemporary with the godi, there were politico-religious officials whose functions were, as a whole, similar to those of the former. The chieftain-priests of the continent are, however, very shad owy figures, while, because of the more abundant data, the godi may be seen in detail. The latter must, there fore, be looked upon as representative, in a broad way, of the whole class of Scandinavian politico-religious officials.3 3 Philpotts, "Temple-Administration and Chieftainship in pre-Christian Norway and Iceland," in Saga ggok, VIII, 264-285. GOVERNMENT 273 At the time of the settlement of Iceland, all of the chieftains or leaders of note, imitating the system at home on the continent, built temples upon their own land, close beside their dwellings; and these religious edifices formed nuclei around which the future communi ties grew. Since he was the priest of the temple, the chieftain was called the "godi." But besides his re ligious functions, which will be considered in a later chapter, this Icelandic priest performed civil duties ex tending to every branch of the public service, from the care of the poor in his district to legislation for the whole commonwealth. In the capacity of port or customs offi cial, he it was who first went aboard the ships touching his district. He might fix the price of all wares brought by these vessels, and had the first right to purchase the imports. He might forbid people who were strangers to the land coming in touch with the inhabitants of his district, and was even authorized to prohibit their land ing at all. But he also performed some of the duties of the present-day consul in his relation to foreigners, for they were under his special protection and he was re sponsible for their welfare. It was his duty to arrange for their accommodation and entertainment at a reason able price, to be fixed by himself. Should a foreigner die in Iceland as a result of violence, the godi in whose district he met his death was expected to bring the mur derer to justice and to see that the dead man's property was distributed among his rightful heirs. As far as possible, also, he guarded the interests of Icelanders of his district in their foreign relations.4 As supreme magistrate of his district, the godi ' ' purged the land of all crime" and presided at the local assembly. < Ibid. ¦ Conybeare, Place of Iceland in the History of European Insti tutions, 31-32 274 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE To the men of his godord he owed protection in their lawsuits, and, in return for such services, he could sum mon them to accompany him on his journeys through his godord, and could demand that they entertain him during such official visits. At all times' he could require that at least one ninth of them attend him at the Althing.5 The chief source of income of this politico-religious official was the temple dues ; but he also received fines and fees of various sorts in connection with his civil func tions.6 His total remuneration was, however, probably small, and this fact may account to a considerable extent for a questionable practice which existed among the godis. At times, in an unfair manner, the godi induced freed men and other persons of low birth and little influ ence, who happened to possess property, to bequeath him all of their worldly wealth in return for support and protection — presumably of a special nature — in their lawsuits as long as they lived. Such a relation had some thing of the feudal bond and was humiliating to the "client." Obviously, it added to the power as well as to the wealth of the godi.7 Yet in spite of the great power exercised by this offi cial, there is little reason to believe that he was often guilty of oppression or extortion. His good behavior was virtually guaranteed by the fact that his jurisdic tion was personal — not territorial — and voluntary; it extended only over such persons as chose to place them selves under his protection. Though doubtless most men in the godi's community were his thingmen and his tem- plemen, there was absolutely nothing to prevent them 5 Conybeare, Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions, 81-32. "Ibid., 33. 7 This arrangement was known as "arfsal", Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary. GOVERNMENT 275 from attaching themselves to a neighboring chieftain- priest and worshipping at his temple. The fact of such right of choice would be established — if evidence were wanting — by the custom which existed at the Althing of requiring that each man state to which godord he be longed and be recognized by his own godi. In other words, the political organization of Iceland originated in the temple system, and not in land tenure or territorial jurisdiction; and, in view of the nature of the island's early settlement, it is likely that the religious side of the godi's relationship with his people played a more impor tant part here than upon the continent. It is probable also that his functions as keeper of the temple became of much greater comparative importance after the cen tralization of Iceland, for this event resulted in a gradual reduction of the local civil power of the godi, as well as of the number of godis having civil offices of any sort. There was compensation, however, for the ones who sur vived, in the fact that they became the leaders in the new commonwealth.8 Every province of ancient Scandinavia probably had its lawman 9 ( laghmann, logmadr logsoguma&r) , though the functions of this official varied somewhat in the different countries, and also changed L in connection with the general political evo lution. But everywhere the lawmen appear to have been the special guardians and repositories of the law, and usually the presidents of the legislative bodies and the law courts as well. On the continent, they exercised s Conybeare, Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions, 27, 31. 9 Maurer found no proof of the existence of this office in Denmark, but thought it not improbable that it existed there, as in the other Northern lands. "Das angebliche Vorkommen des Gesetzsprecheramtes in Denmark," in Sitzungsberichte der Konigl. Bayer. Akad. der Wissenschaften, 363-399. 276 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE more influence than in the western islands, for here they were also the first commoners within their provinces, and were the spokesmen of the people and the guardians of their rights against the kings and the courts at the popular assemblies and elsewhere where their aid was needed. In Sweden they played an unusually important part in the last-named capacities, for here they were elected for life by the peasants, though in some cases from families long holding the office. Before the time of Harold Hairfair, the lawmen of Norway probably se cured their offices in a similar manner, but after the land was centralized the king himself assumed the power of nomination, which action placed these law officers to a great degree under royal control. Broadly speaking, the lawmen of the continent were peers in their relation to the national government ; but the lawman of the prov ince of Upland, in Sweden, had a superior ranking and was a semi-national — as well as a provincial — official ; for it was his function to swear the new king into office at the meeting of the thing in his province at Mora.10 The lawman of Iceland was the only officer of the Ice landic commonwealth and was elected by the whole body of the Althing, for a term of three years, the election taking place upon the first Friday of the meeting, before the cases to be tried were taken up. But the vote must be unanimous. If it failed in this regard, the election must be made by a single quarter, lots being cast to de cide which quarter should make the choice.11 The chief qualification for the office was a thorough knowledge of the law. In compensation for his services, the lawman received an annual salary of two hundred ells of wadmal i° Schwerin, "Gesetzsprecher," in Hoops, Reallexikon; Conybeare, Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions, 35; Chadwick, "An cient Teutonic Priesthood," in Folklore, XI, 282. n Du Chaillu, Viking Age, I, 534. GOVERNMENT 277 and one-half of the fines imposed by the courts.12 He might also be godi at home, and perhaps often was, which was an additional source of revenue. But his duties at the Althing were such as to require that he have a repre sentative of his godiship to act for him here.13 During the heathen period the lawmen throughout the North were of special importance as repositories of the law, for it was preserved only in their memories, and transmitted orally from generation to generation. In order that the people might be familiar with the law, its guardians must repeat it aloud at the thing meetings. The Icelandic requirement was that the lawman recite aloud the laws of the land in the presence of the ma jority of those present at the Althing, going through the whole of it during the three years' term. Certain parts must be recited at every meeting of the general assembly, as, for example, those pertaining to the regu lation of the session.14 For the purpose of aiding the memory, some of the laws were expressed in rhyme. As presiding officer of the legislative committee of the Althing, the lawman was required also to answer every one who asked him what the law was in a given instance, but he was in no wise "bound to mix himself further in the cases of the litigants." 15 That is, he was only the living voice of the law; he rendered no judgments; neither had he authority to enforce decisions or punish offenders. He was permitted, however, — like the Ro man praetors — to promulgate special edicts; but these were binding only during the period of his incumbency. Yet, if a lawman was reelected repeatedly — as happened twice in Iceland — these edicts, by customary usage, be- i2 Origines Islandicae, I, 348. is Du Chaillu, Vikimg Age, I, 535. " Grdgds, III, 207-209. ib Origines Islandicae, I, 345, 278 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE came as binding as the regularly enacted laws, and were, consequently, recorded in the law books when the art of writing was introduced.16 Though "lawmen" of one sort or another existed in Scandinavia until the late Middle Ages, the officers of this name were far less important than Relation their predecessors of the Viking Age ; for the Between lawmen lost power in proportion as the kings Lawman gained it. This was true even in Sweden, and the where the lawmen were particularly strong. Present ^ And Iceland suffered as much as the conti- of'the1*" nent *n ®^s regard, through the fall of the House commonwealth and the extension of Norwe gian control over the island. Nevertheless, in many countries which have been influenced, directly or indirectly, by Scandinavian institutions, officers hav ing some of the functions of the ancient "sayers of the law" may be found. The most notable instances of these are the "speakers" of the House of Commons of Eng land and of the House of Representatives of the United States. Though after the ninth century the kings were the chief executive officers of continental Scandinavia, and though their power increased steadily at the expense of the lawmen, their positions were far different from those of Northern sovereigns of later times. The royal administrators of the Scandinavian lands were in many ways merely the first among equals — though in some parts they exercised more influence than in others — and were bound in most regards by the same laws as the humblest of their subjects.17 Though ie Conybeare, Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions, 43. it Adam of Bremen, J 92, No roan, the old Norwegian law stated, shall GOVERNMENT 279 respected, they \ere not reverenced ; not till centuries after the cltose of the Viking Age was their office tainted by the "dh/ine right" theory, which fostered autocracy and tyranny. In Norway, the sovereign usually held his position by right of inheritance, and, consequently, he was probably more powerful here than elsewhere in the North; but in the absence of suitable heirs, or — after the introduction of Christianity — if the king or his heirs lapsed into paganism, some properly qualified member of the royal family must be chosen as king by a select body of church men and laymen.18 In Denmark and Sweden during the Middle Ages, the sovereigns were usually elected. In the former land, the three leading towns of the time — Viborg, Ringsted, and Lund — appear to have taken the initiative in the election, and the remainder of the coun try perhaps did little more than acquiesce in their choice. Among the Swedes, however, where democratic control survived longest, the choice seems to have been much more directly representative of the nation. The popular assembly — called the Morathing — which met near the present Uppsala, in the province of Upland, took the ini tiative and made the choice. This parliament was prob ably representative of much of the Sweden of the period; but after being duly elected and proclaimed by the law man of the province to be the legal and rightful sover eign, the new king was required to travel throughout the provinces and submit himself to the consideration of each of the local assemblies. The order of the progress was fixed by law, and it was customary for the new ruler to be accompanied from one province to another by a train commit an assault on another, be he king or churl. Conybeare, Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions, 18. is Norges Gamle Love, I, 3. 280 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE of people from the last political unit visited. After each provincial thing had satisfied itself of the legality of the candidate's claim, the king was required to swear "to strengthen the laws and to preserve peace," after which the presiding lawman proclaimed him to be the rightful ruler, and the populace swore allegiance to him.19 Thus he was inaugurated into his royal office. Something has been said in other connections regard ing the relations between the Scandinavian kings of the Viking Age and their people.20 Therefore, it will suffice simply to add that, until some time after the introduc tion of Christianity, the sovereign was to the nation as a whole what the chieftain or early local king was to a small subdivision of the Jand — its chief priest, political administrator, and military leader. In the preceding pages frequent mention has been made of the thing, or political assembly; and this has been natural and inevitable, for this body played an exceedingly important part in the life of the Northmen. Even the sovereigns themselves were largely at the mercy of the provincial and national things. For, though, socially, the ancient Northland was aristocratic, it was, on the whole, politically democratic. ¦ The people governed themselves through the medium of jthe thing, an institution which their ancestors probably i brought into Scandinavia with them in the remote, pre- jhistoric past. At first, the only assemblies were those in which the small, primitive, independent communities gathered; but with the movement towards political cen tralization, things representing increasingly larger terri torial areas came into existence, without, however, elimi- 19 Schwerin, "Konigswahl," in Hoops, Reallexikon; Adam of Bremen, 192. 2« See pp. 54-56. GOVERNMENT 281 nating the smaller assembles of earlier origin, which survived as local administrative organizations.21 These political assemblies were always held in the open air, in a valley or plain having a knoll or hill upon its surface, on which the presiding officer could stand, and from which announcements and pf16 Thmg speeches could be made to the assembled people. This gathering place was called the thingvoll, or parliament-field ; and in many geographical names of the North the word "thing" still appears, not only in Scandinavia proper but also in the British Isles, particu larly in the northern part.22 In the Isle of Man, where Scandinavian influence was very strong in the early Mid dle Ages, the local parliament still gathers under the open sky in a little valley and proclaims the new laws of the island from Tynwald Hill. In Iceland the general as sembly of the republic was held at Thingvellir. During the last part of the Viking period there were in Norway two notable places where the parliaments gathered — Guloe, a tiny island belonging to the diocese of Bergen, and the peninsula of Frosta in the vicinity of Trondhjem. The former was the place of assembly for the law-makers 21 Iceland is an example of the multiplication of these popular assem blies. At the time the Althing was established the island was divided into quarters, which led to a reduction of the number of the godords, but the old local things were held in those that survived, as formerly; and, in addition, each quarter had its quarter meetings. The most im portant of these latter were evidently the spring assembly, called the Vdrifing, which lasted from four days to a week, and the autumn, or UausSing, which convened two weeks after the adjournment of the Althing and sat for two days, its main purpose being to notify the people of the quarter of the enactments of the national assembly. Conybeare, Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions, 45 ; Hildebrand, Lifvet pd Island under Sagatiden, 288. 22 In the Shetland Islands there is Tingwall; in east Scotland, Dingwall; near Dumfries, Tynwald; and in Yorkshire and Cheshire there are places called Thingwall. 282 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE of southern Norway, and the latter, for those residing farther north. The two parliaments were long contem poraneous, but the Guloething appears to have been in existence at least as early as the tenth century, and origi nated before the Frostathing. The two greatest law codes of ancient Norway bear the names of these legisla tive assemblies.23 In very early times the chief place for the thing meeting of Denmark was Isore, upon the coast of the island of S jaelland ; and Uppsala was the spe cial gathering place for the Swedes ; but with the passage of time other regions became more or less f ormidahle po litical rivals.24 The general political assemblies usually took place dur ing the summer, and lasted for two or more weeks. Re ligious festivals were often held in connec- Livmg ^on wj^h them; and here also unusual corn- Conditions . , . . , . , , . , , at the mercial opportunities presented themselves, Thingstead and chances for forming desirable marriage alliances ; friend could again meet friend ; and all could enjoy the intellectual and athletic exercises which pleasantly filled the time between sessions. There fore, this gathering was the great social event of the year, and people flocked to it in large numbers. Law and cus tom regulated living conditions at the thingstead. In the absence of inns, all comers were forced to bring their own food, as well as other supplies. In Norway the law required that men coming to the assembly at Guloe bring at least meal and butter, in the way of food; and also a little money, to contribute to a general fund for the purpose of buying other food upon the thingvoll.25 Sim- 23 Islandica, IV, 17; Maurer, Konrad, Entstehungszeit der dlteren Gulathingslog ; Maurer, Entstehungszeit der dlteren Frostuthingslbg. 2* Petersen, Gammel-N ordiske Geografi, 13-16. 25 Norges Gamle Love, I, 5. GOVERNMENT 283 ilar arrangements perhaps existed throughout most of the North. Feed for the horses had in some cases to be carried along also, upon pack animals in the remoter parts ; but for the general thing meeting this was not as a rule necessary, since the gathering did not take place until the grass was high enough for grazing, and in the selection of a site for the assembly, attention was always paid to the needs of the livestock. Meadows and streams, to be used in common, were found close beside the meeting place of every parliament. And Avhenever possible there was a wood which furnished fuel. For the purpose of shelter, various sorts of structures were erected, generally of a purely temporary nature, as tents of skin, wool, or linen; but upon the continent chieftains probably built large Residences halls, from timber near at hand, for hous- Thing ing themselves and their followers; and in Iceland and the other islands to the west they erected permanent structures, usually of stone or turf ; but these western thing dAvellings, called booths, appear to have stood open to the sky for the most of the year, and were covered only during the two weeks or so of occupancy, with a roofing of tent material.26 These temporary resi dences were often quite large and were fitted up like per manent dwelling houses, the larger ones being at times divided into two or more apartments and furnished with platforms and beds and seats of honor, such as were found in the banqueting halls at home. As there was considerable visiting and entertaining back and forth be tween booths, decorative hangings for the walls were carried along and displayed upon festive occasions. In addition to the booths of those who came primarily to attend the thing meeting, and their families, there ze Hildebrand, Lifvet pd Island under Sagatiden, 289. 284 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE were upon the thing-field the quarters of various other classes of people who, by one means or an- Merchants, other, took advantage of the large gather- ?land" ing for commercial gain. These included and Hang- merchants, often from foreign lands ; craf ts- ers-on men of various sorts ; sellers of ale and other drinks; people, such as musicians and jug glers, whose special business it was to afford amusement, and thus turn a penny ; and also witches and soothsayers who dabbled in the occult and lifted aside the veil hiding the future for the pleasure or profit of those who had the necessary fee. And, finally, hanging on as best they could, was the inevitable troop of beggars, who, in de fiance of the efforts in some parts of the North to elimi nate them by legislation from the thing meetings, were always in evidence.27 Though all freemen coming under the jurisdiction of a certain thing were, in general, privileged to attend its . meetings, the law as to who must attend Attendance varied with time and place as well as with the character of the thing. In Norway all boendr within a herad were required to attend the ordi nary herad thing on pain of fine, unless their farms were so small that they worked them alone, and, hence, could not easily -leave them. These humble farmers — called einvirki, or sole workers — were, however, required to be present at assemblies of special importance, such as the king's thing— a gathering called by the king, the court held in consequence of murder in the community, and the assemblies which took place for the purpose of equaliz ing taxes and of determining whether every man had the weapons prescribed by law.28 For the larger and more " "BiltS," in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary. 2s Norges Gamle Love, I, 55-56. GOVERNMENT 285 general meetings, such as Guloething, which met once a year, the regulations were somewhat different. A spe cific number of men must go from each fylcki or subdivi sion making up the thing-district, the number evidently varying with the population. But the law in force in southern Norway during one period also provided that a definite number of the king's laensmen, or vassals, re main behind to protect the homes of the boendr from thieves and robbers. Those who were to go to Gulbe for the political assembly were apparently selected at the fylki thing; and failure of any man to appear at the general assembly before proceedings began made him liable to a fine of three aurar. If all of the delegates of a fylki remained away, the political unit as a whole was liable for the payment of a fine of forty marks, which was divided between the thingmen who did their duty and the king.29 In Iceland, though all freemen had a right to take part in the Althing, only those possessing a certain amount of property were required to attend its meetings ; but in special cases by paying a fine such men could be released from this duty.30 The popular assemblies, local and general, were sum moned in various ways. Almost everywhere throughout the North any freeman who wished a ques tion settled or who had received an injury Summons for which he demanded redress might call Thing a meeting of the local thing. The method used for this private summons was similar to that em ployed by the king when gathering his hosts for battle. The token was an ax or an arrow which was carried by swift messengers throughout the thing district.31 After 20 Ibid., 4-6. so Hildebrand, Lifvet pd Island under Sagatiden, 287. si In some parts of Iceland in recent times a small wooden ax was still 286 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE the introduction of Christianity a cross was substituted in some cases. "Every man shall carry the summons and not drop it," says one of the old Norwegian laws. "If a man drops the summons, he is liable to a fine of three aurar. On reaching a house, the messenger must cut three notches upon the door post or the door and place the token above the lintel; and the owner of the house must in turn carry it on to the next neighbor. Usually, in the case of a local assembly, the meeting was held five days after the summons was issued.32 No special notice was sent out for the regular thing meetings, for they wrere held at definite times. In order to guard against private warfare, which wTas likely to arise in connection with an assemblage like the thing meeting, and cause a delav of the busi- p B ness of the session, the presiding officer at the first meeting solemnly consecrated the gathering and proclaimed the boundaries of the thing stead, within which even the outlaw was safe. And any man who broke the peace thus established was himself liable to outlawry. In recognition of the formal estab lishment of peace, every man present must lay down his weapons, and he might not arm himself again until after the assembly had dissolved.33 Also, in order further to guard against delay in the business of the session, in Ice land it was against the law for the thingmen to be "one night or longer" outside of the boundaries proclaimed for the thing.34 The time at which the day's session was to begin was sent from farm to farm to summon the people to one of the local thing meetings. "BoS," in Cleasiby and Vigfusson's Dictionary. 32 Norges Gamle Love, I, 55-56. 33 Conybeare, Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions, 52-53. 34 Origines Islandicae, I, 354. GOVERNMENT 287 determined by some natural means, perhaps generally stipulated by law. Grdgds, the Icelandic code, for instance, required that the men of ^Akhin the Althing should assemble not later than when the sun could first be seen from a position upon the Hill of Laws shining on a certain cleft in the hills at the west.35 The lawman, who was chief officer of the parliament, watched for this sign and gave the signal for the gathering by ringing a bell. Then all men entitled to have a part in the deliberations went to the place of session, the lawman leading, and after him the godis and other officials.36 In continental Scandinavia, the kings presided at the general thing meetings; in Iceland, though the lawman was the only national officer, the godi of the district in which the Althing was held served The Session as chairman of the assembly. Since we pos- Althing sess more information with reference to the session of the Althing than with reference to the govern mental machinery of any other part of the North, the work of the Althing will here be described in some detail, and may be regarded, in a broad sense, as typical of the large political assemblies of the whole of Scandinavia. Though its sessions were open to all freemen who chose to attend, the work of the Althing was largely in the hands of the thirty-nine local godis, who survived after the unification of the island, and men nominated by them. The matters with which they were primarily concerned were legislation of a general nature and the larger ju dicial questions, such as serious disputes, quarrels be tween individuals belonging to different godords, and cases appealed from local courts.37 as Ibid., vol. Ill, 44. w Ibid. st Bryce, "Primitive Iceland," in Studies in History an,^ Jmisprudence, I, 325. 288 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Lots were cast to determine the order in which busi ness was to be taken up by the assembly as a whole ; 38 but the bulk of the work was done, as to-day, by com mittees, and often in separate courts. Legislative mat ters were in the hands of the Logretta, which sat upon the Hill of Laws. The nucleus and most important part of this committee was the thirty-nine godis already men tioned, and nine other men nominated by them and en titled to work and vote with them. This inner committee of forty-eight met in a place called also the Logretta, on the Hill of Laws, and had seats on the middle bench of a group of three benches arranged concentrically around an open space. On each of the other benches sat forty-eight men also, who served as counselors for the middle bench, each godi or nominee consulting the two nearest, in front of and behind him. This assembly of one hundred and forty-four men was the legislature of Iceland ; it discussed all matters of general interest and made all changes in the law. But questions of minor importance could be decided even in the absence of the majority, including members from the middle bench; for the lawman, who presided over the Logretta, could take men from the outer or inner benches to fill va cancies caused by the absence of the godis or their nomi nees. For any sort of action, however, there must be forty-eight men present.39 When any measure had the support of a majority from the middle bench, the whole Logretta assented to it and the new law was proclaimed to the entire gathering of thingmen by the lawman from his position upon the Hill of Laws.40 38 Grdgds, III, 98. so Du Chaillu, Viking Age, I. 538. "Bryce, "Primitive Iceland," in Studies in History and Jurisprudence, I, 327. GOVERNMENT 289 The Althing was a judicial as well as a legislative assembly. The business done by its courts was per haps more important than the legislative en- actments of the Logretta. In the early days , . of the commonwealth, the judicial power of Althing the nation was vested in four courts, one for each quarter into which the land was divided; but there is some uncertainty regarding the number and exact personnel of these judicial bodies.41 It is clear, how ever, that, as in the case of the modern jury, the de cision must be unanimous.42 As time passed, another court, known as the Fifth Court, was instituted, for the purpose of bringing about a much-needed reform in the administration of justice. The evil that it was meant to remedy was due to the fact that the Icelanders had be come so reverent of legal forms and technicalities that they permitted these to . obscure the spirit of justice ; the slightest flaw was sufficient to quash the most impor tant case. This state of affairs is especially surprising in view of the fact that the laws were transmitted orally from mind to mind, and not preserved by means of writ ten records. The defeat of justice as a result of quib bling caused much dissatisfaction, and inclined men who failed to get justice in the courts to "seek their rights by point and edge."43 The Fifth Court was intended by Njal, its founder, to be a sort of court of equity and appeals, having special jurisdiction over all cases which could not be settled elsewhere. It was made up of men from each quarter, and, consequently, had a more na tional character than the quarter courts; and it also differed from these in that the judges composing it were a Ibid., 325. « Ibid. *3 Origines Islandicae, I, 366. 290 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE bound by a more stringent oath. The decision, how ever, rested with the majority.44 Yet, due to the fact that the government of the land was long in the hands of a powerful oligarchy, the Fifth Court was not so successful in harmonizing differences as Njal had hoped that it would be.45 When the cases had all been tried, the necessary legis lation passed, and the required parts of the old laws re cited by the lawman, the session of the Al- ^e thing ended for the year. Its termination was signalized by the vdpnatak — the resump tion by the thingmen of the weapons which they had laid aside at the opening of the assembly. They now shook these and declared affairs settled, thus dissolving courts and legislature.46 On its judicial and legislative sides the Icelandic com monwealth was perhaps a fairly close parallel to the Scandinavian kingdoms. But on the conti- Absence of nen^. ^ national laws were executed by the ExecutivePower in king and his subordinates, while Iceland was the ice- without a national executive. The Althing landic na(j no p0Wer to enforce the laws which it wealth passed, and the functions of the Icelandic lawman — the only national official — were limited to the session of this annual assembly.47 Except for the few weeks in the summer when the Althing was in session, the commonwealth might be said not to have existed ; during the remainder of the year the population was virtually divided, as in the days before the Althing, 44 Conybeare, Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions, 57. 45 Ibid. *e Du Chaillu, Viking Age, I, 534. 47 "Iceland is unique as the example of a community which had a great deal of law and no central executive, a great many Courts and no authority GOVERNMENT 291 into tiny, independent republics. But in spite of the lack of central power to enforce the law, it is very prob able that the decisons of the courts were usually enforced in one way or another. Public opinion was a very power ful factor in backing up the law. Furthermore, if the defendant resisted the decision, he became an outlaw, a fact which soon rid the community of an undesirable citizen or forced a tardy compliance with the demands of the court. to carry out their judgments." Bryce, "Primitive Iceland," in Studies in History and Jurisprudence, I, 334. CHAPTER XVII SYSTEM OF JUSTICE Perilous is the home-verdict, unless one gets a good one. Song of Victory. Though customary law varied somewhat in the dif ferent sections of Scandinavia, there was a remarkable uniformity in the judicial system of the General North as a whole, due to the common origin Character an(j consequent unity of character of the in- diciai Sys- habitants. A real spirit of justice charac- tem terized law and custom. In Iceland, for in stance, the law carefully distinguished be tween viljaverk, a deed committed with evil intent, and vadaverk, the accidental harming of others.1 Most legal systems also differentiated between the innocent abettor and the criminal himself.2 Young children were not an swerable for their misdeeds, but their fathers were re sponsible for them. The age at which children were themselves liable to punishment before the law varied in different parts of Scandinavia. Under the Frostathing's law, which for a long period was in force in northern Norway, they attained to responsibility in some regards at eight years; under the legal system of the Guloe thing, which applied farther south, they were not person ally answerable before twelve.3 Though the age limit was rather low, as compared with that in most Christian i Merker, Paul, Dos Strafrecht der Altisldndischen Grdgds, 13. 2 Brandt, Fr., "Nordmaendenes Gamle Strafferet," in Historisk Tids- skrift, I, 57. s Ibid., 43. 292 SYSTEM OF JUSTICE 293 lands of the present day, it should be remembered that in almost all ways children were then looked upon as adults at an earlier age than is now true; hence, they were better qualified for responsibility, and it was more just to hold them liable before the law than it would be to hold children of the same age now. Slaves also were not answerable; the burdens of their misdeeds were borne by their masters; but this was perhaps due rather to the fact that they occupied such an humble place in so ciety than to any feeling that it would be unjust to pun ish them for their voluntary crimes.4 In the classification of acts as crimes and misdemeanors and in the comparative degree of abhorrence displayed towards offenders of various kinds, the Scan dinavian clearly showed his racial charac- ?Jurder and ter and temperament. The distinction made siaugnter by the law between murder and manslaughter is an illustration. If a man killed another under cover of darkness, even for revenge, or killed him secretly and concealed his body, he was guilty of murder; but if he slayed him publicly, or if he promptly made known the fact of a secret murder, the act was only manslaughter.5 Furthermore, though a master was at liberty to put his slave to death, if he failed to make public his deed, he was liable to punishment for murder.6 Such a distinc tion was obviously based upon "that innate hatred of all dishonest, underhand, and lying proceedings, in that love of open, straightforward dealing, which was the most marked characteristic of the Scandinavian race. 'Even in the killing of a foe,' as Mr. Dasent well expresses it, 'there was an open, gentlemanlike way of doing it, to fail 4 Ibid., 47. 6 Merker, Das Strafrecht, 68. 6 Norges Gamle Love, I, 160. 294 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE in which was shocking to the free and outspoken spirit of the age.'"7 This same spirit is shown in the attitude towards the thief. The man who secretly took the possessions of another was more despised than the one who killed openly in a quarrel. According to the value of the property involved, theft was classified in some parts of the North into what would now correspond to petty and grand larceny. Stealing and j iceland, the lesser offense involved all Robbery ' property below the value of one half ounce of silver, or three ells of wadmal, and of at least the value of one pfennig. The greater offense involved goods exceeding the value of one half ounce of silver.8 Similarly, there were two classes of robbery, recognized at least in Western 'Scandinavia: "hand-robbery" (handrdn), snatching the property of another out of his hand or from his back; and "red-robbery" (rau&ardn), an aggravated kind of plundering or truthless robbery, as in the case when the owner did not actually have hold of his goods but was, nevertheless, well known to be the owner.9 Arson was another crime recognized by the law and liable to severe punishment. It is interesting to note that a man was likewise responsible before some of the old Northern laws for the dam age which a fire started by himself in all innocence might do.10 Especially is the Scandinavian temperament reflected in the large number of ancient laws for the punishment ' Conybeare, The Place of Iceland in the History of European Insti tutions, 79. s Merker, Das Strafrecht, 75. BTbid., 81. io Norges Gamle Love, I, 46-47. SYSTEM OP JUSTICE 295 of slander and libel, and all other words and acts which might wound the deep feeling of personal dignity characterizing the people of the Lfoei'etc North. And the degree of punishment was determined by the amount of indignity suffered by the person against whom the insult was directed. ThUs, a person who forcibly removed the hat of another was liable to a three-mark fine; but if the hat was fastened on by means of a strap or band, and, consequently, a struggle was necessary to remove it, the penalty might be banishment.11 Other offenses of a like nature which were liable to severe punishment included the cutting off of the tail of another 's horse, or frightening the horse so that his rider was unseated, knocking him down — even though he fell upon his knees, throwing water or food upon him, or seizing the beard, mustache, or hair of another "with hostile hand." 12 A variety of insult which quarrelsome Northmen de lighted to employ was in the form of calling names or making libellous verses or caricatures. Hence, we find in the old law codes lists of forbidden names. In Got land any one calling a man a thief, robber, murderer, or "murder-burner" was liable to punishment, if the ac cusation was false ; and, in the same way a woman might secure the punishment of any one calling her a thief, murderer, poisoner, adulterer, or "murder-burner."13 In Norway it was unlawful under heavy penalty to call a man a woman, a mare, or a bitch, for these epithets detracted from his manly dignity.14 Libellous verses composed against another were known as nid. Such verses, if recited aloud, were called tongue-nid (tungenid), "Merker, Das Strafrecht, 92. i2Merker, Dos Strafrecht, 91-92; Guta-Lagh, 14. is Guta-Lagh, 77. 14 Norges Gamle Love, I, 57. 296 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE and if cut in runes or Latin letters upon a staff or post and put in a public place, were known as woodnid (trenid). In Iceland, the truth of the slanderous state ments was no defense before the law ; 15 and even to make complimentary verses about another might be punished if their object so desired, if they exceeded four strophes in length.16 So sensitive were the Northmen and so keen their sense of personal and family dignity and honor that even the dead could not be slandered with impunity.17 Caricatures of an insulting nature, as the representation of a person in an undignified or shameful position also came under the nid class of slander.18 On the whole, as the above indicates, the things looked upon by the ancient Scandinavian laws as crimes and misdemeanors were very similar to those so regarded at present. The chief differences are perhaps to be found in the greater degree of severity shown an offender against the dignity or honor of another, and the failure during heathen times to place sex immorality very fully under the ban of the law.19 In the ancient North offenders rarely escaped some sort of punishment; for to permit an insult or a crime to pass unnoticed was looked upon as a vir- Means of tuai acknowledgment that the injured party Wrong was inferior to the one who had wronged him. Every Scandinavian who had suffered injury had three means of securing redress: blood-revenge, or following up the feud; direct private settlement for is Bryce, "Primitive Iceland," in Studies in History and Jurisprudence, I, 344. is Grdgds, IV, 182-184. This severity was largely due to the fact that at times men composed love verses of a very coarse character " Ibid. is Egils Saga Skallagrimssonar, 188-189; Origines Islandicae I 180- Grdgds, IV, 182-184. ... i» See above, pp. 21, 99-101. SYSTEM OF JUSTICE 297 money with the wrong-doer or with his family ; prosecu tion in the courts of law. The feud, which is really private warfare, was the oldest method of all; it is old as humanity itself, and, because of the weakness of the state as pro- tector of the individual and a keeper of or der, was still very strong in Scandinavia during the Vi king Age. During this time it was usually resorted to because the wrong-doer refused to make a money settle ment, or because the injured person refused to accept one. The latter was likely to happen in the case of a particularly outrageous or cowardly crime; and when once a feud had developed between two families, the honor of those involved would not permit of any other settlement than blood-revenge. Sometimes, however, money was accepted to square matters after a battle be tween feudists. The wounds of those on the two sides, for instance, were set off against one another, as well as the slayings, and the side suffering the greater loss received money payment, by mutual agreement, to make the balance even.20 Usually, the acts of revenge incident to the feud con sisted only of fighting in the open ; but the horrible prac tice of surrounding a house to prevent the inmates from escaping and then firing the Burning building was also quite common. The Ice lander, Njal, and his family met their deaths in this man ner.21 Sometimes terms were offered and received after the brand had been applied to the building ; 22 but it was usually considered more honorable for the owner to per ish in the flames than to compromise. Women and chil- 2o Origines Islandicae, II, 131. nNjdla, 299-309. 22 Origines Islandicae, I, 208 ; II, 23. 298 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE dren were, as a rule, given an opportunity to escape to safety before the fire was set, but it frequently happened that family loyalty led them to prefer to die in their home with the men folk.23 Njal's wife and little grand son thus decided to be burnt with the others.24 Money settlement by private agreement was often promptly resorted to to wipe out the memory of a wrong, if strong friendship existed between the two Money families concerned, or if the offense was but etyment slight, Gunnar, for instance, whose slave Agreement killed the slave of Njal, paid to the latter twelve ounces of silver by way of damages; and when a slave of Njal later killed one of Gunnar 's bondmen, Njal settled by paying the same amount. When a free working man of Njal's was killed by one of the members of Gunnar 's family, Gunnar, as the re sponsible head of the family, paid Njal one hundred in silver by way of indemnity; and when the tables were again turned, Njal did the same by his friend. In each case, the neighbor who Was wronged set his own price.25 This was called "self -doom," or " self -judgment, " and was an appeal to the sense of justice of an adversary. At times, also, quarrels were settled outside of court through the oaths of neighbors.26 This The Court method appears to have been rather peculiar of Neigh- to Iceland, however, for there, unlike in con- Home tinental Scandinavia, a private individual Court was not at liberty to summon a public court whenever he desired one. This made the budkvidr, — the court of neighbors or home court, — ex- 23 Ibid., II, 423. 24 Njdla, 299-309. Mlbid., 33. 20 Grdgds, IV, 188-191. SYSTEM OF JUSTICE 299 ceedingly important. In the early days of the Icelandic republic the public courts were largely subsidiary; and even after the latter became quite common, they were probably resorted to primarily for criminal cases, while civil ones were disposed of by means of the budkvidr. This court closely resembled the early form of the Eng lish jury, which has led some scholars to believe that the latter is of Northern origin. As a rule the neighbors must be householders and must be the nearest neighbors to the spot where the action took place. They were sum moned by the contending parties who also decided where the court was to meet. The neighbors were placed upon oath and decided the case on their own knowledge of the facts, and, hence, possessed the functions of witnesses in present-day jury trials as well as of jurors. The number of men composing the court varied from five to nine. In unimportant cases, such as those for compen sation for damages, the smaller number were called; but in more serious matters, where the punishment might be outlawry, more jurors were usually held to be neces sary. The decision was by majority vote, and if such a vote could not be obtained, the case might be taken to the public court when this met.27 Though in continental Scandinavia the troubles in a community were sometimes settled in an informal man ner by the oaths of kinsmen or neighbors, most difficulties which were eliminated with- £"fl8 in out resort to arms went through the public courts courts; for judicial bodies, as has been al ready stated, might be called at any time by persons be lieving themselves wronged. The law of Norway, for example, stated that if a man was wounded maliciously by 27 Conybeare, Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions, 73-77. 300 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE another, he must announce the fact to the first man he met and call a meeting of the local thing.28 It was, further more, the duty of the members of the family most vitally concerned to call a meeting of the court in case of serious crime. Thus, in Norway, if a man was killed, his widow — or, if he had had no wife, his heirs — must "shear up the war arrow" in the presence of witnesses and send it about the community to gather the thingmen. And it was the duty of the murderer to seek the thing meeting at the approach of the summoning arrow. If the guilty one was in hiding when the bearer arrived, his relatives must notify him of the summons. If he avoided the first summons, a second one must be sent him.29 Since there were no public officers in those days to perform the duty of sheriff, if the offender did not ap- pear, he might be declared an outlaw by the Cry court, and the matter thus be settled. If, however, a serious crime was committed in the presence of witnesses, in some parts it was the duty of those observing it to raise the hue and cry and pursue the wrong-doer, a custom which crystallized into law in England.30 Yet the fugitive offender was not unprotected from the violence of the mob; every thing meeting and temple provided a place of refuge in the heathen Asylum time> and with the coming of Christianity, churches and monasteries took the place of the pagan houses of worship. Also, whether the crim inal gave himself up or was apprehended through the hue and cry, he had safe conduct to the place where the thing met. To violate this right or the sanctity of the 28 Norges Gamle Love, I, 67. 2» Ibid. aoNjdla, 194-195. SYSTEM OF JUSTICE 301 places of asylum was always visited with very heavy punishment.31 Criminals' could, moreover, sometimes secure protection by means of a special very sacred oath of truce, of which one of the sagas gives an interesting illustration. An outlaw returned to his home community in disguise in order to watch the athletic contests and other sports. He was invited to take part in these, which led him first to exact an oath of truce from the men, after which he revealed his identity. Though many at the gathering were startled at the disclosure, no one broke the peace.32 The laws of some of the countries went even consid erably further in the effort to maintain order and to pre vent crime. In Norway, for instance, if a man was pres ent at a quarrel and did not part the contestants or help either of them, he was liable to pay an "indemnity of laziness" to the king.33 In Iceland, at least, quarrels were at times ended peace fully while pending in the courts by means of an interest ing system of transferring and balancing law suits. An example of this may be found in L*^g„|°sg the saga of Njal. Gunnar, Njal's friend, wounded Thorgier and Starkad in a fight, but Njal gave to Gunnar suits which he had against the wounded men, which helped nullify the cases that they had against Gunnar, and eliminated the lawsuits.34 The public trials held throughout Scandinavia had much in common ; great emphasis was every- The primi. where placed upon the evidence and verdict .tivejury of sworn men. The system as followed in Denmark and ai Origines Islandicae, I, 315; Du Chaillu, Viking Age, I, 584; Schwerin, "Asyl," in Hoops, Reallexikon. s2Du Chaillu, Viking Age, I, 555. sa Ibid., 549. uNjdla, 143-144. 302 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Sweden shows a close kinship with the early English jury.35 The number of jurors was regularly twelve, and the decision was by majority vote. Originally the function of this body of sworn men appears to have been merely to give evidence, but later the power of rendering a verdict was added. The jurors were not chosen by the plaintiff or defendant, but by an officer of the law, usually the godi.36 The system in Norway, on the other hand, was virtually identical with the Eng lish institution of compurgation found during the Anglo- Saxon period. Under the Norse law, a man was dis charged upon the joint oath of himself and a certain num ber of other men, who were called oath-helpers. In the more serious cases, the oaths of twelve were necessary; for disputes or offenses of minor importance, but six, three, or even only one oath was required.37 The jury of twelve in Iceland appears to have also been the usual number for public trials ; and it was, therefore, generally known as the tolftarkvidr, though the term godikvidr was also applied, for it consisted of the district godi and eleven men summoned by him. Here, the decision was by majority vote, as in Denmark and Sweden, and the godi seems to have voted only in case of a tie, caused by the absence of members, or by their refusal to vote.38 The clearest and most detailed information regarding court procedure in the ancient North is that descriptive of the laAvsuits at the general court of the th^Aith" a* Icelandic Althing; and this may serve to illustrate the Scandinavian trials, as a whole ; for the variations found in different parts of the North 35 Lehmann, K., "Geschworene," in Hoops, Reallexikon. 38 Ibid. 37 Ibid. 38 Conybeare, Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions, 75. SYSTEM OF JUSTICE 303 were, after all, concerned largely with details, and every where the lawsuit was based upon the evidence of the community, supported by oath. Successful pleading be fore the Icelandic bar of justice even at this time called for considerable legal knowledge as well as shrewdness and skill in pleading. The humbler part of the popula tion was, consequently, glad to secure the aid of the more influential and able men of the community possessed of a knowledge of the law; and these latter often conducted cases free of charge, because of the popularity and pres tige to be gained thereby. The attorney entered the first stage of the suit by sum moning a number of "near neighbors to the spot" to witness that the prosecutor placed the case in his hands. Before these witnesses, also, the cause for the suit had to be presented with great accuracy and detail. The neighbors then testified that the notice was lawfully made, after which they were summoned to ride to the Althing and sit upon the inquest. And this summons was in turn validated by solemn testimony to the fact that it had been issued. Here concluded the preliminary proceedings. The suit itself could now be opened. Every step in it was sealed and legalized, as in the pre liminaries, by the testimony of witnesses; and the fail ure to produce witnesses who could speak upon oath meant the loss of the suit.39 In the trial proper, the oath was administered by the godi presiding over the Althing. A heavy silver ring dipped in the blood of a sacrificial ox in the heathen days filled the place now occupied by the Bible in the administration of oaths. The person to be sworn placed his hand upon the ring and invoked various gods to witness the truth of his 39 Conybeare, Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions, 86-87. 304 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE statement. For the sake of convenience, the ring was worn upon the arm of the godi during the thing meeting, but at other times it lay upon the altar of the chief temple. Those present at the administration of oaths were ex pected to judge whether the oath was correctly given and to watch the statements of the person being sworn. Perjury was visited by severe punishment. The ac cused, however, sometimes worded his oath so craftily as to keep peace with the gods while deceiving the wit nesses. An example of this is Viga-Glum, who, in oaths taken in three different temples, so shrewdly chose his words as to appear to declare his innocence of a charge of murder, though he was actually confessing his guilt.40 After the witnesses to the inquest had taken their seats, the attorney, — or the plaintiff, if he handled the case himself — bade the defendant challenge their right to sit upon the case. If the ' ' near neighbors ' ' could be proved to be close kin to the plaintiff, the case was usually lost at this stage. When an unusually baffling situation rose upon one side or another, — due to such a challenge, or other cause, — the litigants consulted friends wise in the law who were present at the Althing. If the question was of a purely legal character, the lawman was appealed to. The jury of near neighbors rendered its verdict through its foreman, who stated definitely whether or not the group believed the accused guilty of the charges brought against him. An opportunity was then given to the other side to present its defense. If this was strong, the verdict of the jury might be discounted and complica tions arise, resulting in the delay of settlement ; if weak, the verdict of the neighbors held, and nothing remained but for the judges to pronounce the penalty, which they did through one member — sometimes selected by lot — jo Keyser, Nordmaendenes Religionsforfatning i Hedendommen, 113-114, SYSTEM OF JUSTICE 305 acting as spokesman. Though once in a while the vic torious plaintiff and his friends demanded that the judg ment of the court — such as the payment of a fine — be enforced on the spot, under the eyes of the court, more often the enforcement of the penalty was a matter rest ing entirely between the two litigants.41 When much was at stake in the case, bribery was occa sionally resorted to, and judges as well as witnesses were at times thus corrupted. Under such conditions, when feehng ran high, if precaution was not taken to declare a solemn peace over the assembly or to require an oath of truce of the litigants, these and their supporters were likely to go to court armed and wearing war tokens. As the trial proceeded, the side that appeared to be losing uttered war-cries as a threat to settle the case "by point and edge, ' ' if defeated in the courts. And in spite of the efforts of men of influence to prevent such a calamity, this bad feeling did at times culminate in a bloody battle on the thingstead. In addition to the use of witnesses and oaths, in an effort to prove his innocence, the accused might resort to the ordeal known as the judgment of the gods. This last form of test was, however, never employed so extensively or in such varied forms in Scandinavia as it was farther south; but when re sorted to it was regarded very seriously. No person who was convicted by the ordeal, or god's judgment, could — at least in the early Christian time — afterward clear himself through man's judgment, the oath. The ordeal was, on the other hand, always preceded by the oath. After the christianization of the North, two well- known forms of the ordeal were introduced: the boiling *iNjdla, passim. Cf. Haskins, Charles Homer, Norman Institutions, 196-238, for the origin of the jury system. 306 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE water test, for women; and the ordeal of red hot iron, for men.42 But there were at least two kinds of appeal to supernatural agencies in use in the North long before Christianity was adopted; and these heathen tests were retained for centuries after the ancient gods had been abjured.43 One of the ordeals appears to have been pe culiar to Scandinavia and shows kinship to the ceremony by which blood brotherhood was sealed. A strip of turf was cut in such a manner that the middle of it might be raised to form an arch while the ends were still attached to the ground; and through this "earth necklace," as the arch was called, the accused was required to pass. If no earth fell upon him while he was doing so, he was deemed innocent.44 But the wager of battle was the most common and most important form of ordeal, and might be resorted to at any time. Even after the witnesses had Wager of been selected for a regular court trial, one Einvf'i d antagonist might challenge the other to a Holmganga duel, by way of settlement, in which case this judgment of the gods superseded all other proceedings.45 There were two forms of single combat used in deciding cases, but in both the man who was vanquished was regarded as guilty and had to suffer the punishment which the law visited upon his crime; for it was firmly believed that the gods would be with the innocent and give him strength for the fight, thus enabling him to overcome his antagonist. The simpler and, probably, older variety of duel was known as 42 Lehmann, K., "Gottesurteile," in Hoops, Reallexikon. 43 Matthias, Ernst, "BeitrJlge zur ErklHrung der Germanischen Gottesur teile," in Jahresbericht des Koniglichen Viktoria-Gymnasiums zu Burg fiir das Schuljahr 1899-1900, pp. 3-23. 4* Origines Islandicae, I, 319. 45 Keyser, Nordmaendenes Religionsforfatnimg i Hedendommen, 246. SYSTEM OF JUSTICE 307 einvigi, or single combat. There appear to have been no very fixed rules governing it; any kind of weapons could be employed, and the combatants were their own shield-bearers ; but witnesses must be present if the con test was to settle the case. The other type of duel was much more formal and serious, and also more usual in viking times. After the exchange of challenges, a definite time and place were agreed upon for the battle. Apparently, whenever pos sible a small island was selected as the scene of the con test, to secure natural boundaries and freedom from dis turbance, whence, the name holmganga, meaning "island going." Wherever a thing was held a place was set apart for such dueling. That connected with the Ice landic Althing was on an island in the Oxara Eiver. In the absence of natural limits within which the combat ants could struggle, artificial boundaries were established. In parts of Iceland, a cloak or hide five ells long was laid upon the ground and pegged down at the corners. Around this, three concentric squares were drawn one foot apart, and at the corners of the outer square hazel poles were driven into the ground. This "hazeled field, ' ' as it was called, formed the extreme limits within which the holmgang duel might take place. Each combatant was permitted three shields, and the man who was chal lenged had the right to strike the first blow. But if this person was incapacitated by age or other cause, he might select another to fight for him. If either man set one of his feet outside of the boundaries, he was held to have surrendered ; if both feet, he was looked upon as having fled. When one of the duelists became wounded so that his blood fell upon the cloak or hide, he did not have to fight any more; but frequently the contest continued until both contestants were severely wounded, sometimes 308 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE mortally. According to the law, the one most severely wounded when the battle ended was required to suffer the penalty, which in the case of both kinds of trial by combat was fixed beforehand; while the winner cele brated his victory by sacrificing a steer or two to the gods as a thank-offering. Sometimes, however, both victor and vanquished made sacrifices.46 In spite of its popularity, trial by battle was outlawed in Scandinavia during the early part of the eleventh century. This was perhaps partly due to the fact that the Scandinavian countries, earlier than many more highly cultured lands, eliminated barbarous and supersti tious practices from their legal systems ; 47 but the de generation of the duel, and the fact that it became an excuse for highhanded and outrageous acts was more influential in causing its downfall. It developed into a so general arbiter in the settlement of disputes and law suits that it came to be regarded as conferring rights of ownership where none previously existed. Men pos sessed of little inherent sense of justice — particularly the professional bullies who formed part of the berserker class — came to challenge others to holmgang, naming the land, houses, and even the wives of the latter as the stakes of the contest. So firmly did public opinion hold the outcome of such duels to be the just decree of the gods that nothing remained for the person challenged to do except to fight, unless he could buy himself off with a large sum of money. And public opinion further de manded that a man losing his possessions as an outcome of such a fight acquiesce in the outcome — unless he were willing to risk another duel in the hope of regaining them. a Egils Saga Skallagrimssonar, 67 ff.; Kormaks Saga, chs. 9-10; Origines Islandicae, I, 320-321 ; Fldamanna Saga, 26-27. 47 Lea, Superstition and Force, 561-563. SYSTEM OF JUSTICE 309 In time, however, common sense prevailed over super stitious tradition, and the holmgang was abolished by law in Iceland about the year 1006, as a direct result of\ the feud resulting in a tragic duel between Gunnlaugi Snake-Tongue and the skald Hrafn.4S Norway took sim- \ ilar action about six years later.49 In spite of the popularity of the wager of battle as a prompt and infallible settlement of quarrels, the great majority of cases coming up for public settle ment probably reached their termination ti * Truce" through the slower and more involved trial by inquest in the law courts ; for though the ancient Scan dinavians loved warfare, many were even more devoted to litigation — an attachment partly explainable by their fondness for a contest, of whatever nature. In fact, in Norway, at least, the love for lawsuits interfered with or dinary peaceful pursuits to such a degree that, after the introduction of Christianity, a work-truce or peace, was provided for by law, during which no lawsuits could be conducted. This came in the late spring,50 presumably to enable the farmers to give their whole attention to the planting of crops. The nature of the punishment provided by law de pended upon the character of the offense, the rank of the offender, and the part of the land in which the wrong was committed. Usually, unish: the bodies of law which were growing up General in the different sections of the North spoke with clearness in respect to these matters; but it was impossible for the existing legislation to fit every case that came up ; consequently, judges not infrequently de- 4s Gunmlaugs Saga Ormstungu, ch. 11. 49 Grettis Saga Asmundarsonar, ch. 21. so Norges Gamle Love, III, 19, 93-95. 310 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE termined cases upon their individual merits. This judi cial independence appears to have been most common in Sweden.51 The payment of fines was the mildest and most general form of punishment. It was often visited not only upon those who were convicted of thievery and robbery but also upon those guilty of maim ing and killing. Its application to cases of injury against the person of another rose from an early recognition of the right of property possessed by members of a family in their kindred, as well as in houses and lands. Through the wounding or death of one of its members, the family as a unit was weakened.52 In fixing the punishment for wounding or maiming, most of the laws went into the greatest detail. The loca tion of the injury was carefully considered ; also its pain- fulness; whether bone, marrow, or intestines protruded as a result of it; and many other matters. A wound upon the back usually called for double the fine of one upon the breast; an injury leaving a scar that would make the victim "look more ugly" demanded heavier punishment than one, the traces of which could be covered with the person's hair or clothing.53 In Norway, and also in the Scanian law which was in force in what is now southern Sweden, the indemnity for destroying a person's eye, hand, or foot was one half of the amount due if he were killed; and full value, or manbot, was payable if both eyes, hands, or feet were destroyed.54 In addition to the damages due the victim, some of the laws eiVicary, J. Fulford, Saga Time, 125. 52 Conybeare, The Place of Iceland in the History of European Institu tions, 72. 53 Brandt, "Nordmaendenes Gamle Strafferet," in Historisk Tidsskrift, IV, 32. 54 Seebolm, Tribal Custom in Anglo-Saxon Law, 292. SYSTEM OF JUSTICE 311 required that the offender pay the fees of the physician caring for the wound, and his and his patient's living expenses while the wound was healing.55 Insults were also often wiped out by the payment of a fine; and in this regard there was the same sort of gradation as governed the damages liable for wounds. But, generally speaking, the amount was only one third as great as for the latter offense.56 In the ancient North each rank of society had its rett, or value, before the law, a sum which corresponded to wergeld in England, and must be paid to w ,. the family of the slain by the slayer or his family. The higher the slain person socially, the greater the value placed upon his life. The rett of each class varied to some extent in the different parts of Scandi navia, as did also the classification of society, but on the whole there was considerable agreement with ref erence to the comparative value of each rank. The wer geld laws long in force in southern Norway will serve as a general example of all. The fine or indemnity im posed by the court for the death of a leysing or freed man was six aurar (six ounces of silver) ; that for his son, eight; for a bondi, twelve; for either a hauldman or an othal-born man, twenty-four aurar; and for a lendirman, twice that sum.57 Though these were the usual amounts of damages if the crime was punished by the courts, in the case of private adjustment, occa sionally as much as two or three times the legal value of the slain was paid; particularly if the families in volved were friends, and it was especially desired that the friendship be preserved.58 A woman enjoyed the 56 Du Chaillu, Viking Age, I, 550. 58 Seebohm, Tribal Custom in Anglo-Saxon Law, 240. sr Ibid. MNjdla, 376-377. 312 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE same rett as her husband ; and a child under fifteen years was, in Norway, valued at half the sum of an adult in the same class.59 Such gradations, based upon social value, as have been indicated were recognized through out the whole of the North until the rise of towns, after which a special town law developed that made the rett of all town-dwellers equal to that of the hauld of the country at large.60 Originally, the wergeld was paid by the family of the murderer to the family of the slain, each member of the former making a payment to the corresponding member of the latter; and the total sum paid was the same, re gardless of the number to receive it, for it was the price of the man. The payers and payees were primarily the men-folk of the two groups; for the women-folk were concerned in only a secondary manner, — the nearest kins women on both sides paying and receiving a certain small amount, called kvenngjof — "women's gift." Except for this, a woman was never regarded as financially con cerned in such settlements, unless she were sole heir. This attitude towards the dues of the women was doubt less an outgrowth of the fact that, as compared with men, very few women met death at the hands of another. By the early part of the Viking Age, however, the fam ily solidarity had broken to such an extent in Norway and Iceland that the whole kindred was no longer concerned in the payment and receipt of wergeld, but only the direct heirs. In Denmark and Sweden, on the other hand, the old system of graded distribution long prevailed.61 Maiming and branding with red-hot irons were occa- BS Brandt, "Nordmaendenes Gamle Strafferet," in Historisk Tidsskrift I, 43. «o Du Chaillu, Viking Age, I, 547. si Ibid., 540, passim. See above, pp. 25-30, passim. SYSTEM OF JUSTICE 313 sionally resorted to by way of punishment. For in stance, according to one Norwegian code of laws, if one man bit another, his fore teeth were broken out at the thing meeting by the king's tax- ^iminB gatherer. If a female slave was convicted of Branding theft, her nose and both ears were lopped off. Hands and feet might also be chopped off as pun ishment for different crimes; and branding upon the cheek with red-hot iron was long a regular form of pun ishment.62 Deformity and mutilation were, however, never common as penalties in Scandinavia; and, except in the case of slaves — who were not looked upon as having the rights of other human beings — they appear to have been scarcely known in the heathen period, for the an cient Northman took a pride in his physical appearance Which prevented such atrocious devices from receiving general countenance. With the introduction of Christi anity and the gradual development of the conception that mortification of the flesh made for godliness, such pen alties became more common, but even in this later period they were never as generally resorted to in Scandinavia as they were farther south. Though not so common during the heathen period as later when Christianity was well established, capital pun ishment existed in all parts of the North dur- . ing the viking period. The death penalty punishment was inflicted in some instances for robbery, stealing, and murder;63 and sometimes, at least in Sweden, for adultery, but perhaps only against women offenders.64 The officers of the law dispatched the crim inal in various ways. Many were offered to the gods 82 Norges Gamle Love, II, 60, and passim. «3 Conybeare, Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions, 81. «4 Adam of Bremen, 191. 314 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE upon the temple altars, particularly in Iceland.65 But barbarous "lay" executions were sometimes employed, such as placing the doomed persons upon a rock out in the sea, to perish from starvation or to be drowned by the rising tide ; thrusting them into a pit or into a bog or fen, to die of hunger or suffocation ; shutting them up in a cave ; or throwing them from the top of a high cliff. Hanging was, however, perhaps the most common form of capital punishment in the Northern lands throughout the Middle Ages.68 Though with the passing of the centuries of the Middle Ages, forfeiture of life for the punishment of crime became very general, in the early period the more common penalty for serious crimes was outlawry. Free men were the offenders most commonly placed beyond the pale of the law, for the unfree could not usually be outlawed, and women might be in only a few cases.67 A sentence of outlawry generally meant banishment for a period, since for the offender to remain in his home community without the protection of the law was almost certain to end in his death sooner or later, at the hands of the persons whom he had wronged. Outlawry might be visited for a long list of offenses and crimes, such as slander, blasphemy, bribery for legal support, stealing, wounding, and murder. But there were two degrees of outlawry, determined by the nature of the wrong done, — partial, or lesser, and complete, or greater. The milder form applied only to a certain ter ritory and for a short period, usually three years. Dur ing this time the outlaw might pay, or have paid by his family, a fine or ransom for his life. The places where 85 Origines Islandicae, I, 322. 86 Ibid. 67 Schwerin, "Friedlosigkeit,'' in Hoops, Reallexikon, II, 98. SYSTEM OF JUSTICE 315 a lesser outlaw might live were indicated to him by the court, but relatives might not visit him more than once a month. If he kept within the stipulated area, the lesser outlaw was free from attack, but when his period of grace had expired if his ransom remained unpaid, he became a complete outlaw, unless he left the country. But if he decided to leave, he was given safe conduct to the port where he was to take ship; and no ship-owner might refuse him passage without making himself liable to a fine of three marks. After living in banishment in foreign lands for three years, the lesser outlaw might return to his home and resume his former privileges as a free man.68 Complete outlawry was a much more severe punish ment and was inflicted, during the Middle Ages, for only the most serious of crimes. The total outlaw lost his goods and land — even though it be othal land — through confiscation,69 and any one might take his life with im punity. No one might help him in any manner, — as by giving him food or shelter, — except his wife, who, in Nor way, was permitted to supply him with food for five days.70 Any house in which such a criminal was har bored might be torn down and burned.71 Consequently, as long as a man of this class remained in the land he generally hid in some out-of-the-way place, often inhab ited only by people who, like himself, were beyond the protection of the law.72 But in spite of the hardships of such a life many men hazarded it, for to go into banish- 8s Merker, Bos Strafrecht, 46. 6» Under some laws, the property went to the next heir ; but the prop erty of the outlaw's wife remained untouched. Brandt, "Nordmaendenes Gamle Straff eret," in Historisk Tidsskrift, I, 16. to Brandt. "Nordmaendenes Gamle Strafferet," in Historisk Tidsskrift, I, 11. 71 Merker, Das- Strafrecht, 39. 72 Origines Islandicae, II, 295. 316 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE ment abroad was looked upon by a proud-spirited man as a disgrace — a sign of cowardice.73 Complete out lawry usually placed the offender beyond legal protec tion for a long period of years, or for life ; 74 but there were methods by which the worst outlaw might buy him self back into public favor. For instance, in some parts he might do this by killing a number of other outlaws." In Norway, however, an outlaw could regain his old standing only after serving his country through bringing the king "true war news" — that is, warning of the ap proach of a hostile army.76 73 "Gluma," in Izlenzkar Fornsbgur, I, 1-88. 74 Origines Islandicae, I, 328. 75 Keyser, Private Life of the Old Northmen, 137. 7« Du Chaillu, Viking Age, I, 578. CHAPTER XVIII SOCIAL GATHERINGS; RECREATIONS AND AMUSEMENTS If thou hast a friend in whom thou trustest, and thou wishest to profit by him, mingle souls with him, and exchange gifts with him and go to see him oft. The Lesson of Loddfafni. The round of Scandinavian life furnished many occa sions for social interchange. There were not only nu merous meetings to celebrate important epochs in the life of the individual, such as Opportuni- wedding and funeral feasts, and banquets s"ia°r tendered to a person upon the eve of his de- Gatherings parture on a long or perilous journey and to celebrate his safe return, but there were also seasonal and religious holidays on which friends and relatives temporarily abandoned their usual humdrum duties and gathered under a common roof to pass the hours in a more pleasant or more exalted manner for an interval. The largest and most important of these were the sacri ficial assemblages which took place in spring, midsum mer, autumn, and midwinter. The last-named holiday was the most significant from a religious standpoint; and, probably because of the great crowds which gath ered to do honor to the gods, it seems also to have been the favorite occasion for social pastimes. Perhaps in this period when most of the hours in the twenty-four were shrouded in darkness and when there was the great est leisure the Northmen's social instincts were most keen and they most appreciated their fellow men and felt greater need for their companionship. At this season it 317 318 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA JN THE VIKING AGE was customary for the chieftains and other leading men of the community to gather their friends and followers about them for the purpose of worship and recreation; and if the host were a man of wealth, the banqueting and merry-making might last a whole fortnight.1 Many of the social gatherings of this period of the year were, however, purely social ; friend visited friend. Sometimes two or more good friends would give entertainments turn about in one another's honor.2 The prospective hosts gave invitations to the regular seasonal gatherings long beforehand — sometimes months in advance. If, as was often the case, the Invitations bidding was a general one, it was usually *° . , made at an entertainment ; but sometimes the Gatherings invitations were given individually. In ad dition to the date for the social event and the length of time it would last, the host occasionally made known the important fact that he would present gifts to his guests.3 Men of wealth and prominence sometimes assembled hundreds of people at such entertainments, and the pro vision made for them was often very elabo- Preparation rate, for here was an excellent opportunity Reception for securmg the much-desired "good re- of Guests port" among his fellow men. And for many weeks before the guests were expected, the mother and daughters of the household worked busily with the women servants in preparation for the event. They dressed and cared for the carcasses of the animals slaughtered for the feasting; brewed ale, baked large i Schonfeld, Der Isldndische Bauernhof und sein Betreib, 117-118; Keyser, Private Life of the Old Northmen, 146. 2Njdla, 78. 2 Keyser, Private Life of the Old Northmen, 138. SOCIAL GATHERINGS: RECREATIONS, AMUSEMENTS 319 supplies of bread, and prepared whatever other foods and drinks could be got in readiness beforehand; they arranged the necessary extra sleeping accommodations; polished the metal utensils and dishes to their brightest ; strewed the floor of the banqueting hall with fresh straw or rashes, or spread carpets or skins over it; placed cushions, skins, and bright woven stuffs upon the benches and chairs; and decorated the walls with tapestries and other ornamental hangings. The guests wore, or brought with them to don upon their arrival, their handsomest garments and ornaments ; and the host and his family received them in their gayest and richest attire. Unexpected comers usually made their presence known by shouting when at a short dis tance from the house, or by rapping upon the door; but invited guests as a rule found their entertainers already at the door waiting for them, unless, — as was often the case with close friends, — the host had gone out upon the road to meet them and escort them to his home. With bared heads the men of the party exchanged greetings; all shook hands ; and if the ties of friendship were strong among them there was kissing all around without dis tinction of age or sex.4 The common form of salutation was "Kom heill!" which conveyed a wish for good luck, prosperity, and health. Upon departing, the phrase em ployed was "Far heill!" which possessed a similar mean ing and closely corresponded to the English "Farewell."5 The seating of the visitors was a serious matter, for much attention was paid to precedence in the aristocratic ancient North. As a mark of particular honor, guests of special prominence were given the high seat of the host or hostess ; and the other members of the party were i Ibid., 127; Baring-Gould, Sabine, Iceland: its Scenes and Sagas, 318. 5 "Heilsa," in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary. 320 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE disposed of according to their social standing, those low est in rank being placed farthest from the high seats and nearest to the outer door. Towards the close of the vik ing period the women usually sat upon the dais or cross bench at the end of the hall, though they were by no means limited to these seats and often sat with the men at the sides of the room at meal time as well as upon less for mal occasions.6 But the hostess and her daughters, even in families of high rank, often assisted the domestics and slaves in serving, as a special compliment to the guests. And at times married women from among the guests also waited upon the others at table.7 As is still true in the Northland, much time was given to feasting; for eating and drinking together was a sign . of mutual esteem and good will. As the meal was really a ceremony of friendship, the refusal of a guest to partake of the food and drink offered to him was likely to cause serious offense to the family of the host.8 This attitude was applied par ticularly to the partaking of beverages, and partially accounts for the intemperance of the Northmen at their social gatherings, and for the consequent carousals. To guard against possible trouble, before the feasting be gan the host took the precaution to "pronounce peace over the meeting," an action which doubtless placed some restraint upon the banqueters, and contributed to wards the preservation of harmony; nevertheless, the gatherings were not infrequently characterized by drunken brawls, at times ending in bloodshed and loss of life.9 *Njdla, 20, 34; Origines Islandicae, II, 31; Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 459; Keyser, Private Life of the Old Northmen, 139. 7 K&lund, Familielivet pd Island, 312. sGronbech, Vilhelm, Vor Folkeaet i Oldtiden, III, 117-139. » Keyser, Private Life of the Old Northmen, 140-141. SOCIAL GATHERINGS: RECREATIONS, AMUSEMENTS 321 Though the women frequently drank with the men, less significance was attached to their drinking and less pains were taken to induce them to consume large quantities of the liquor than in the case of the latter; and, there fore, the women usually kept their wits about them, and when drunken quarrels arose they aided the host in his efforts to restore peace. A common device which they employed when the men became violent was to throw large cloths or pieces of clothing over the fighters, thus confusing them and preventing them from getting at each other with their weapons.10 But reconciliation gen erally came after a night's sleep — perhaps only to be followed by a new quarrel when drinking was continued the next day. Various devices were used to make the drinking more interesting and increase the consumption of beverages, presumably to strengthen and cement the ties of friend ship. The banqueters not only drank toasts, or skaals, to one another and to the chief deities of the North, but engaged in drinking contests as well. Two side or op posite neighbors might drink against each other; or one person might challenge another to drink what remained in the horn of the former. This last was one method of drinking in pairs, or "by twins." To compliment a guest especially, the host occasionally offered the drink ing challenge, or desired to drink by turns from a guest's horn. A form of entertainment connected with the ban quet was to attempt to punish those who neglected to drink heartily by imposing a fine upon them for their deficiency.11 Eeitstrenging, or the making of solemn vows, also took place, a part of the ceremony of which was the drinking of a toast to Bragi, the deity who pre sided over minstrelsy. On this occasion the drinker rose 10 Ibid., 141-144. " Ibid.; Origines Islandicae, II, 377. 322 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE and, placing his foot upon a stone or bench, uttered his solemn pledge, and drank off the liquor. The vows made at these times were generally concerned with some deed which the drinker swore to perform; 12 and the making of them was really a thinly veiled form of bragging— of securing the attention and admiration of one's fellows — and perhaps marked a certain stage of intoxication. Some of the vows uttered by the ancients remind strangely of modern election bets or vows, as, for ex ample, the one made by Harold Hairfair before his uni fication of Norway not to comb or cut his hair until the whole of the land should be united under his rule.13 Another form of amusement which took place when groups of men were gathered in the halls was called man-matching. In this, two or more mem- ^ndoor bers of the company chose men of prominence ments: whose reputations they wished to exalt and Man- defend against the champions selected by the Matching others. In some respects, this contest had Fi ing the character of a debate, but there was per haps no formal judging in deciding upon the victor.14 This variety of pastime was likely to result in quarrels, but the average Northman seems to have dearly loved a quarrel. And even more provocative of broils was the very common custom bf making satirical rhymes. Sometimes a person having a gift for rhyming would make personal attacks upon other members of the company ; but more frequently the rhyming took the form of a contest between two different people for mere pleas ure or a prize. Such an attack or contest was called "tongue-ply," or flyting, and those who took part in it i2 Nyrop, Kr., "En middelalderlig Skik," in Nordisk Tidskrift for Veten- skap, Konst och Industri, IV, 312-318. is Saga Library, III, 93-95. 14 Origines Islandicae, II, 117. SOCIAL GATHERINGS: RECREATIONS, AMUSEMENTS 323 lashed each other most abusively with their tongues, the one asking mocking questions to which the other re turned insulting replies.15 Saga-telling — the narration of events connected with the careers of prominent men, living or dead — formed a more dignified and pleasing form of enter tainment. This was a common pastime in T*^" Iceland and Norway, especially in the former, while farther east more emphasis, proportionally speak ing, seems to have been placed upon poetry. Few large groups of people were without a poet or two, and these recited or sang their compositions for the pleasure of the company. Often, if the host was a man of promi nence, a professional bard or minstrel was present for the occasion, and he might select for his theme the great deeds of his host, or those of some particularly hon ored guest of the assemblage.16 In the earlier part of the period under consideration, the bard seems to have sung unaccompanied, but later, after the harp had been introduced from the ,, . JMusic Celtic lands, in imitation of the minstrels of the south, they picked out the tune upon the harp strings as they sang.17 From the south also came the rebec, or fiddle, perhaps at about the same time as the harp. Previous to the introduction of these stringed in struments from abroad, the North seems to have pos sessed only very simple musical instruments, on the or der of the trumpet or lure, which is now used in the remoter parts for calling the cattle home. But these pipes were perhaps employed then, as now, only for is Ibid., 377; Njdla, 24-25. 16 Origines Islandicae, II, 184, 712; Saga Library, III, 37; Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 177. 17 Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse, 244. 324 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE practical purposes, as for summoning the forces to battle and for ordering an attack upon the enemy. But what the ancient Scandinavians lacked in instrumental music they probably made up by means of the voice, for they were very fond of singing. And at social gatherings not only did the soloist entertain the company by his singing, but the whole assemblage also united in singing compositions of the ballad or folk-song order, the theme of which wras often an event of mere local interest but one which had stirred the community. Similar songs in large numbers are composed and sung in present day Scandinavia, especially in the more out-of-the-way dis tricts. The part played by the dance during the early Middle Ages is not evident, though this form of recreation and amusement was probably always indulged in by the Scandinavians to some extent, for dancing is found among virtually all primitive peoples. It is clear, however, that later this exercise was very common and by about the end of the eleventh century it came to be opposed by the Christian clergy, on account of the alleged loose character of some of the dances. But there is no reason to believe that even the worst of these were actually any more objectionable than some of the fashionable dances of the present day. Most of the ancient dances were dramatic in form and were accom panied by spoken dialogues or by songs, usually the lat ter. Some were slow and stately, while others were vio lent and included much springing and jumping. Many of the peasant dances now found in Scandinavia are doubtless very similar in character to the ancient ones, and it is very probable also that some of the early dances, modified in form, still survive in the dramatic games of the children, a few of which, like "hunt the slipper," SOCIAL GATHERINGS: RECREATIONS, AMUSEMENTS 325 are also common in England and the United States.18 Besides the bards, rich hosts often supplied other spe cial entertainers for their guests, such as jesters and jugglers who amused the audience by their antics, tricks, and grotesque dances ; 19 and JusslmK and men and women who told the fortunes of Telling those present.20 Some believed, while others did not, but all were interested or amused by these "wise" ones. This latter class of entertainers was com mon in the North and long established,21 while the for mer was much less usual and was probably of recent introduction. For small gatherings and also for quiet family enter tainment a table game, played upon specially designed boards, with sculptured figures of Qa e painted wood, bone, ivory, or silver was very popular (Figs. 38, 40). This game was very old in the North, and in its original form prob ably resembled check ers, but during the Viking Age it was modified through the influence of the South and East and became more similar to chess.22 ,.. . ^ ., , rr. , ¦¦¦., . Fig. 40. Pieces of Boards for a Table Whether prizes Were Game. (From Bugge's Norges Historie.) 18 "Danz," in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary; Weinhold, Altnor disches Leben, 464-466; Hildebrand, Hans, Sveriges Medeltid, II, 497-501. 10 Keyser, Private Life of the Old Northmen, 163-164. 20 Origines Islandicae, II, 478, 612. 21 See above pp. 404-410. 22 Origines Islandicae, II, 557, 618; Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 138, 177-178; Bugge, Nordboernes Indflydelse, 242; Fiske, Willard, Chess in Iceland and Icelandic Literature. 326 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE awarded to the winners of this game is not apparent; but there is no doubt that dice-shaking, which was also com mon in the North, was played for definite stakes ; for the people of classical lands were notorious gamblers with dice, as were also the Germans of Tacitus' time, and it seems likely that the pastime reached Scandinavia at a very early date. Judging from the finds in the tombs of the North, the cubes used in the game were generally made of bone, though at times of ivory, and they were very similar in pattern to the modern dice. The bestowal of presents upon at least the most promi nent of the guests by the host or hostess was a very im portant part of every elaborate house-party The Pre- or banquet. In fact, the presentation of Gifts to"0 gifts was virtually obligatory in most cases, Guests if friendship was to be secured and pre served; for peace and good will lay in gifts. Moreover, the giver fully expected that in due time a gift of approximately equal value would be made by the recipient. "Gift always looks for return," says a very old Scandinavian proverb.23 And that the same frank commercialism still persists in connection with the be stowal of presents is apparent from the common saying in Sweden to-day that "Give and give back makes for long friendships." Not to make proper counter gifts was looked upon as degrading as well as dishonorable. The value of the present made by the host was deter mined by the rank of the guest and the closeness of the friendship existing between him and the host. Among persons of wealth the gifts were often very costly; we read frequently in the sagas of ships, costly sails, white bears, oxen, horses, jewelry, richly decorated weapons, expensive clothes, and currency in the shape of large 23 Corpus Poeticum Boreale, I, 12, 17. SOCIAL GATHERINGS: RECREATIONS, AMUSEMENTS 327 amounts of wadmal being given away at elaborate ban quets. Custom varied as to when the distribution of presents should be made. Sometimes it was done when the period of banqueting was half over,24 though this was probably exceptional. More often the bestowal of these material compliments took place when the guests were departing; and, as it was quite customary for the host to accom pany honored guests for a short distance upon their re turn journey before saying farewell, sometimes the pres entation of gifts — especially if the gifts were small in bulk — was delayed until this final leave-taking.25 The Northmen loved the great out-of-doors ; hence, the amusements and pastimes which they enjoyed under the open sky were numerous. In the winter there were skeeing and snow-shoeing, sled- Outdoor ding, and skating upon the ice, the skates m^jts.~ used probably being most frequently made, sports like those still used in the western islands, from the smooth shin bones of animals.26 The men also played games upon the ice. Among the rich, hunting and hawking were followed primarily for the sake of the sport connected with these activities, women as well as men taking part in them. The pursuit of the wild animals of the North for sport took place as a rule in the summer time, which was ob viously the season for out-door amusements; but the high-tide of summer pleasures and recreations came at the midsummer political meetings. When the weather was very bad, the folk remained within their booths and 24 Origines Islandicae, I, 84. 25 Keyser, Private Life of the Old Northmen, 147. 2« Annandale, Nelson, "The Survival of Primitive Implements, Materials, and Methods in the Faroes and South Iceland," in Journal Anthropological Institute, XXXIII, 251-252. 328 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE tents and occupied themselves very much as they did dur ing the winter festivals, but most of the leisure from the work of government was devoted to athletic and other contests under the open sky. The men only seem to have taken part in these, but the women and girls, dressed in their gayest and most becoming garments, formed an interested and substantial part of the on-lookers. To the most popular young woman often fell the task of awarding the prize to the champion. In the eleventh century the young men of Iceland de veloped a sort of burlesque upon the legislative and ju dicial procedure followed by their elders. Mock Thing r^^ese m0ck thing meetings were very popu lar and the youths of the district in which they were held flocked to them — to the embarrassment of their elders, whose dignity was outraged by them. Such mimic assemblies were probably most often held in connection with the regular thing gatherings. Because of the stern necessity for physical strength in the North of the viking time, competitive exercises for the sake of developing and displaying such Content strength or skill in self-defense were always popular. There were running-, jumping-, and swimming-contests, and matches in fencing, archery, and spear-throwing ; but perhaps the wrestling bouts and tugs-of-war attracted larger crowds. The ancient Scan dinavians showed remarkable skill in wrestling, an ex- pertness which the Icelanders, at least, have not yet lost. The wrestlers, stripped to the waist, used the legs in the struggle even more than the arms, and displayed a quickness and dexterity in attack and defense perhaps unequalled in any other part of Europe at the period. Two games largely dependent upon sheer strength were SOCIAL GATHERINGS: RECREATIONS, AMUSEMENTS 329 virtually the same as the modern tug-of-war. In one, the contestants used a long rawhide rope, and in the other, they fought over a fresh raw skin or hide. In the latter sport, which was called a "skin game," two persons, as a rule, played, one man seizing each side of the skin and trying to jerk or pull it from his opponent and thus throw him to the ground.27 Sometimes men of one district challenged those of another to such contests as have just been described; but no prizes seem to have been offered to the victors in such a case, the mere fame of championship evidently being considered ample re ward.28 By means of pieces of turf the men played a game which was perhaps not unlike the modern horseshoe or bean-bags ; 20 but they were more fond of ball games, of which there appear to have been several sorts, but one special variety seems to have been the favorite. This generally took place upon the ice or upon the smooth surface of the ground. The players used bats and balls of wood, and the main object was presumably to keep control of the ball; but the details of the sport cannot be clearly determined from the de scriptions given in the sagas.30 So popular was this game that it was not only played at the thing meetings, but in some parts the men from large districts of coun try also met after harvest for the express purpose of indulging their fondness for it. On these occasions the game was at times played in great halls built for the purpose, rather than out of doors — probably because of the uncertainty of the weather at this time of year— 27 Keyser, Private Life of the Old Northmen, 149-151. 2* Ibid., 152. 20 Origines Islandicae, II, 122. 30 Ibid., 314; Montelius, Civilization of Sweden, 177; Gisla, 34-37. 330 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE though it is possible that the ball game played in halls differed from the popular out-door sport with bat and ball. In Iceland the meetings for the purpose of playing this autumnal game often lasted for two weeks or more. Though the women folk probably at times went along to witness the games, such gatherings appear to have been on the whole distinctly men's affairs; and not only was the whole body of spectators made up of men, but the men also performed the culinary duties of the estab lishments.31 Probably the most characteristic as well as popular amusement occupying the leisure of the attendants upon the thing was horse-fighting, a pastime much Fi°htine preferred to horse-racing, though the latter sport was also engaged in. Horse-fighting seems to have been particularly common in Iceland, and was witnessed, like the other sports, by the women as well as the men. The contests generally began as the result of a challenge from some man owning a stallion, the fighting qualities of which he wished to test or dis play. The fight generally took place upon a plain near an elevation upon which the spectators could gather. The animals attacked with hoofs and front teeth, fre quently urged on by their owners by means of sharp sticks. Often several couples of stallions fought at the same time, each having its group of on-lookers (Fig. 41), and sometimes the struggle between the maddened ani mals was permitted to continue until one or both were dead. The contests were judged . by men selected for the purpose, and it is probable that during the course of the fight heavy betting was indulged in.32 31 Origines Islandicae, I, 326 ; II, 123. s2 Schonfeld, Das Pferd, 139-145; Keyser, Private Life of the Old North men, 153, 162-163. **s*. Fig. 41. A Horse Fight in Iceland. From an Ancient Drawing. (From Olrik's Aandsliv i Vikingetid) CHAPTER XIX LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE; THE RUNES Ulf Uggason was of the bidden guests, and he had made a poem on Olaf Huskoldson and of the legends that were painted round the hall, and he gave it forth at the feast. This poem is called the "House Song" and is well made. Olaf rewarded him well for the poem. Laxdaela Saga. The tongues spoken by the Scandinavian peoples at the present time all show an intimate connection with the great Teutonic family of languages ; but they display a still closer relationship with one j^Ton3 "" another — an affinity resulting from the fact that they all developed from the same branch of the Teu tonic linguistic tree. At some period far distant in the pre-historic past, the portion of the Germanic peoples from which the Northmen developed became isolated in the Scandinavian lands ; and through this isolation, and also as a result of their peculiar environment, their speech took on characteristics of its own, which made it — perhaps centuries before the Christian era— a distinct language. As the early rune stones prove, this ancient tongue was the same throughout Scandinavia; but as time passed and foreign contact increased, further changes took place, in consequence of which, by the year 800, at the beginning of the Viking Age, the tongue em ployed in the North not only showed great modification from the primitive Scandinavian, but also displayed dialectical differences tending to separate the speech of Denmark and Sweden from that of Norway. However, the sectional characteristics which had developed were, 331 332 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE as yet, probably no greater than those which distinguish the speech of the man of the Lower South of the United States from that of the New Englander; and they were probably much less marked than the differences in speech now existing between various parts of England. The Scandinavians still regarded their language as one and the same throughout the North and called it Donsk twnga, the "Danish tongue" x because of the dominance of Den mark at the time. During the viking period, however, particularly after the settlement of Iceland, near the close of the ninth century, rapid changes — perhaps largely caused by contact with the outer world in three different directions — took place. And by the time Chris tianity was introduced into the North, around the year 1000, there were distinguishable in that region four dif ferent dialects, which have since developed into the four literary languages of Scandinavia — Icelandic, Norwe gian, Swedish, and Danish. The possession of a common language by the North ern people made possible the development of a common literature; and that such a general literary General growth did take place there can be no reason- Scandi- able doubt. Though many of the writings navian Lit- wnicn have come down to the present time erary n e were doubtless composed entirely by Ice landers, and many others were at least given their final stamp or form by people from that western is land, it is well known that a good fraction of this litera ture is of Norwegian origin; and it is evident from the i It is stated in one of the sagas that till the Norman conquest the language spoken in England was the same as that of Denmark and Nor way (Gurmlaugs Saga Ormstungu, 11); but this was probably true only of the Danelaw and the other parts settled by the Northmen. The speech of the people of Anglo-Saxon descent, though possessing much in common with the Scandinavian tongue, was, nevertheless, a distinct language. LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE: THE RUNES 333 themes of some of the compositions that they had a broad Scandinavian, rather than a local Icelandic, derivation. Some evidence of this lies in the fact that in Sweden has been found a stone giving a detailed pictorial representa tion of the story of Siegfried — the only such picture so far found in the North. Moreover, the fact that great numbers of Danish and 'Swedish rune stones bearing brief verses have survived to the present,2 goes further to prove that the two older sections of Scandinavia had their bards, perhaps as skilled as the poets and skalds of the western part of the Northland whose compositions have been preserved through a thousand years. Practically the whole body of literature produced by Eastern Scandinavia during the heathen period has been lost ; and for the same reasons that very little pre-Christian Teutonic writing of any sort, Reason for except the Icelandic, has survived — indif- t!?e ^u T~ ference to its preservation and the actual iceiandic destructive intolerance of Christianity and Literature Christian sovereigns towards things pagan. Until the Christian period, the great bulk of Northern literature was preserved only in the minds of the poets and people. The sharp shifting of interest coming with Christianity would naturally cause indifference to the old pagan treasures, if not positive aversion to them; and, hence, a noble body of literature was lost to later ages. Iceland's literature was saved largely because that nation was so happy and so unique as to introduce the new religion peacefully, and by popular vote. At the time when Christian doctrines began to be influential in Iceland that land was a self-governing republic ; there was no despotic monarch to force his will upon the popu- 2 Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 177; Worsaae, J. J. A., The Pre-History of the North, 193. 334 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE lation. The Althing, it was, that voted the adoption of Christianity; but though the Christians were suffi ciently numerous to carry the measure, there yet re mained a strong, loyal heathen minority which had to be reckoned with. And this minority did perhaps more than all other influences towards cherishing the an cient literary compositions until the Christian priests, who were as a rule natives, — rather than foreigners, as was often the case in other lands, — with a patriotic in terest in the heathen past, could commit the literature to writing. Another factor which served to save the Icelandic literature for later generations was the pro longation of the Viking Age as a literary period. There was no cessation of the literary output in consequence of the christianization of Iceland; rather, a greater en thusiasm for literature than had before existed was created through the influence of these Christian Icelandic priests, whose adoption of the new faith did not blind them to the beauties of the songs and sagas of their heathen forbears. The literature produced and preserved by the Scandi navian North is a real national body of writing, un equalled by any other literary compositions General 0f the Middle Ages. In view particularly of of the0 ef ^he connrmed ecclesiastical spirit of most of Literature , Europe during the period, this Northern lit erary bloom is most unique; and, in conse quence, is a contribution which deserves the deep grati tude of subsequent generations. At a time when interest in things intellectual and literary scarcely extended be yond the monastic walls and when the literary output of the continent was in the form of dreary church chron icles of saints and martyrs, tiresomely told, these virile inhabitants of the Far North created a literature original LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE : THE RUNES 335 in form, narrating in prose the deeds of real, red-blooded men and women living in a natural secular world and meeting and giving battle to the problems which the Fates sent their way ; or singing in meter their own hopes and fears, joys and sorrows, or the praise of the valor and wisdom of the sturdy gods of Northern heathendom. The age of the earliest surviving Scandinavian poetry has been a subject of considerable discussion among scholars ; 3 but there seems to be no doubt that some of it antedates the viking period. A&e of And there is also good reason to believe that p !f , far back in the prehistoric times the North North had its bards and its songs. But this hypo thetical, pre-historic verse is shut away in the unvoiced past ; and that which has come down to us is the product of a literary revival resulting from Scandinavian con tact with the outside world during the early Middle Ages. It is probable that practically all of this surviving poetry was composed between the ninth and thirteenth cen turies.4 The whole body of Northern verse worthy of the name of poetry 5 may be divided broadly into two large classes : 3 Jonsson, Finnur, Den Islandske Litteraturs Historie, tilligemed den Old Norske, 34 ff. 4 Ibid.; Jonsson, Finnur, "Om Skjaldepoesien og de Aeldste Skjalde," in Arkiv for Nordisk Filologi, vol. VI, no. II, 122. 5 The verse of the North varied greatly in aim and method, and, hence, in quality. At least among the Western Scandinavians, poetic composi tions played an important part in daily converse. A thousand years ago, as at present in Iceland, it was very common for people, whether professional poets or not, to introduce meter and rhyme into conversation in the form of question and reply. (Gluma, passim; Saga Olafs Konungs ens Helga, passim. ) The rhyming games with which the Northmen amused themselves were mentioned in the preceding chapter. These two varieties of informal versification were entirely extemporaneous, and, considering this fact, some examples are remarkably good. Another inferior class of verse already mentioned, which was very common in ancient Scandi navia, was that of an insulting or libellous character directed against 336 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE the earlier, or eddaic poems and the later, or skaldic, compositions. The former class has been Poetr0 preserved in the collection long known as the Elder Edda, or the Edda of Saemund the Wise, though it is not at all likely that the Icelandic scholar Saemund had anything to do with even the preser vation of the poems. Who composed the eddaic poems in their original form will probably never be known; but it is quite certain that many people contributed to wards the creation of the verses which have come down to the present; and doubtless in many cases more than one mind helped give the existing form to individual poems. These ancient verses are mythic and heroic in subject; they treat of the deeds of the gods and heroes of the Northland. Those of mythic theme combine sim plicity with grandeur; by means of telling, vigorous strokes, they furnish majestic pictures of the virile, wholesome mythology of Scandinavian barbarism and heathenism. The heroic lays, though of less grandeur of subject, are yet a noble body of literature. They treat in some cases of the same traditions as the lays of the Nibelungs, but show less of Christian influence, and, hence, in all probability, resemble more closely the heathen Teutonic original. Though probably in most cases they assumed in West ern Scandinavia the form which they now possess,6 the surviving eddaic poems may properly be regarded as the gift of the whole Scandinavian North, rather than of any one special section; for they are "the true ex pression of the popular spirit of the North, which re- an enemy and called nid verse. But probably few, or none, of these com positions deserve to be classed as literature. • JOnsson, Den Islandske Litteraturs Historie, 37-41 ; Bugge, Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. II, 114; Bugge, Sophus, The Home of the Eddie Poems, with Special Reference to the Helgi-Lays. LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE: THE RUNES 337 vealed itself around the lakes of Sweden and on the flat fields of Denmark, in the same manner as among the mountains of Norway,"7 and along the fiord-indented, volcano-lit shores of Iceland. It must suffice to mention briefly a few of the most famous of these ancient poems. Voluspd, which exists only in fragmentary form, is one of the most valuable, and presents many of the prin cipal subjects of Scandinavian mythology, beginning wdth the creation of the world and terminating with its final destruction. Hdvamdl, the Lesson of the High One, or Odin, though very different from the preceding, is im portant, for it contains many proverbs and rules for con duct which throw much light upon the ethical standards and superstitious views of the ancients. Rigsmdl, or Rigsthula, a narrative poem, credits to the god Heimdall the origin of the three distinct classes of society found in the North and describes the occupations and accom plishments of each class. But the most finished and charming of the selections in this group is Thrymskvitha, or the Song of Thrym, which is of a distinctly humorous character, and describes in a vigorous, graphic manner how Thor, by borrowing some of the goddess Freyia's clothes and disguising as a bride, regained his famous hammer from the giant Thrym who had stolen it. The most famous of the heroic lays are the twenty dealing to a greater or less degree with the two great families of Volsungs and Nibelungs. These, however, must be looked upon as only broken fragments, perhaps much modified, of a great poetic saga long since lost to the world.8 7 Horn, Frederik Winkel, History of the Literature of the Scandinavian North, 28-29. s Copies of the poems of the Elder Edda may be found in various places. The complete original texts of many of them, accompanied by an English translation, are given in Vigfusson and Powell's collection, Corpus Poeticum 338 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE The skaldic poems, practically all of which are crea tions of the historic period, are, on the whole, inferior to the earlier heroic and mythic verse. The Poetry authors of these later poems are known in most cases, for, to the skald, poetry was a profession. These "verse-smiths" had much in com mon with the early troubadours of southern France ; both were lovers of variety and adventure who wandered about from one feasting hall to another singing of the mighty deeds of historical individuals, often their contempo raries and sometimes their hosts; or they established themselves permanently as a part of the household of an important chieftain or king, whose adventures they shared and praised in verse. The skalds wandered throughout Greater Scandinavia ; wherever the ' ' Danish tongue" was known they were welcomed and honored. Most of the poets whose names have survived were men of good family, and many of them were of partly Celtic ancestry. Among the greatest were Egil Skalagrimsson, of the earlier part of the Viking Age, whose verses, though somewhat crude, are true and noble; Kormak, also famed as a champion in battle; Eyvind, the skald of King Haakon; Sighvat, the most prolific composer of his time, who was the poet of Saint Olaf; Thormod, Coalbrow's skald, who died singing at the close of a great battle; and Einar Skuluson and Markus the Lawman, Icelanders of the twelfth century, whose ornate verses indicate that a period of literary decline and degeneracy was at hand. The ancient poetry displays various interesting char acteristics, the most noticeable being alliteration, which, however, is found in all ancient Teutonic poetry. Each Boreale. A much earlier and freer translation is that of Benjamin Thorpe, known as Edda Saemundar hinns Frotha. LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE: THE RUNES 339 stanza, or strophe, is generally made up of eight verses, four of these being so related that each half of the strophe contains an independent Rules thought. These two parts of the strophe are Northern81 in turn divided into units of two lines, each poetry pair closely related in thought and bound together by alliteration. This alliterative arrangement was governed by fairly well fixed laws. In the two lines belonging together three words are found which begin with the same letters.9 Two of the words must be in the first line, while the third usually came at the beginning of the second. The third, or last, of these letters was called the "chief letter," because it was looked upon as ruling over the two others, which were, therefore, called ' ' sub- letters." The verses were also divided metrically into accented and unaccented syllables, the principal meter being the fornyrddlag, which had two feet, or accents, in each of the eight lines.10 But other forms did exist, one of the most common being the Ijodahdttr, a strophe of six lines, in the third and sixth of which the allitera tion was independent, while the first two lines and the last two belonged together.11 In the period of the skalds a much greater variety of form developed, and the lines became longer, with three, four, or even more, feet. The most common stanza was 9 In the oldest poems there were often only two such words. 10 The following is an example of this form : Heidi nana h6tu Seid hon hvars hun kunni, Hvars til feusa kom Seid hon hugleikin, Volu uelspa M var hon angan Vitti hon ganda; Zllrar brudar. From Voluspa, quoted in Horn, Literature of the Scandinavian North, 34. u The following is an example of Ijddahdttr: Deyr f6 Ek veit einn Deyja /ramdr At aldri deyr Deyr sj&lf it sama. 06mr um daudan hvern. From Havamdl, quoted in Horn, Scandinavian Literature, 34. 340 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE that made up of eight three-foot lines and called the drottkvaedi. Alliteration was employed very much as before, but to it were now added syllable rhymes and half rhymes. A perfect rhyme demanded that two of the syllables in the same line correspond perfectly; and a half rhyme, that they have different vowels before the same consonant or combination of consonants.12 The masculine and feminine rhymes employed at the present time were also used to some extent, but were not very common. The most unique characteristic of the skaldic poetry, however, is the extreme to which the use of figurative language is carried. In the Elder Edda a certain amount of figurativeness of expression is found, but the early skalds increased the practice, and this tendency continued to be exaggerated by their successors, with the result that the late skaldic poetry furnishes the most extreme examples of poetic artificiality in existence. This liter ary degeneration did not appear, however, until the Vik ing Age was virtually ended, and the natural spontaneity and vigor of poetic expression had temporarily passed from the Northmen. So far-fetched were the figures that the poems could not possibly be interpreted without a key, but this was supplied by the Younger Edda, which is really a poet's hand-book, containing rules by which the maker of verses must be guided. Some of the figura tive language is very beautiful, but when it was employed by poets of mediocre ability, versification became a mere i2 The following is an example of drdttkvae&i: Biamani skein bruna. En sa geisli sj/slir Brims of lj6sum himni Sithwo. gullmens Fritha,T Hristax horvi glaesirar flvarma tungls oy hringa, ffattfcfrann a mik laitfca Himar othurft mina. From the Icelandic poet Gunnlaug Ormstunga, quoted in Horn, Scan dinavian Literature, 35. LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE: THE RUNES 341 play with words.13 In the most artificial compositions very few things are called by their proper, everyday names ; for the poets had a language of their own. Eain, for instance, was called "Freyia's tears"; the sword was the "fire of the shield"; the shield was the "war- roof"; while the warrior was the "wielder of the fire of the war- roof . ' ' 14 Unlike the poetry of the prehistoric North, the prose which has survived from the later viking period is, for the most part, local, rather than national, in character ; and to a great extent it is Ice landic in theme and setting; though some of the sagas, as those of the Kings of Norway, are exceptions, as well as some of the shorter tales. It is very probable that compositions of a nature similar to those of Norway also existed in ancient times in Denmark and Sweden; but it does not seem likely that any of the continental coun tries of the North produced sagas of such intimate, per sonal nature as those of Iceland, the character of which is due largely to the geography and history of the island itself. The Icelanders are descended from the proud, high-spirited men and women who fled from what would have been to them oppression, and, like the New England 13 Jonsson, Litteraturs Historie, 27-28. 14 The following literal translation of the quotation from Gunnlaug Ormstunga, given upon page 340, will convey an idea of the nature of the figurative language and the extent to which it was at times employed. The meaning of the figures is given in parentheses. "The moon of the eye-brows (the eye) of the white-clad goddess of the onion soup (the one who prepares the onion soup, a woman) shone beam ing on me as that of a falcon from the clear heaven of the eye-brows ( the forehead), but the beaming splendor from the moon of the eye-lids (the eye) of the goddess of the gold ring (the woman) causes since then the unhappiness of me and of the goddess of the ring (the woman)." In direct prose the meaning of the quotation is the following: "The eye of the white-clad woman shone beaming as that of a falcon on me from her forehead, but the beaming splendor of her eye causes mine and the woman's unhappiness." From Horn, Scandinavian Literature, 37. 342 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Pilgrims, sought homes in a remote wilderness where they could secure freedom for themselves and their chil dren. This being the case, the first few generations of their descendants, in particular, were certain to make much of their origin from these pioneers ; and the stories of the adventurous careers of prominent early settlers were handed down from generation to generation, through being told around the open fires during the long winter evenings. And thus the saga peculiar to West ern Scandinavia came into existence. In a similar man ner the inhabitants of the interior of Iceland even now originate sagas and transmit them to others. In length and in subject matter, these prose tales vary greatly; some are so long as to fill an average-sized printed volume, while others would cover but a few pages. These shorter stories are sometimes called thaettir. A part of the sagas are al most pure history; others are virtually wholly fiction; and the remainder are made up of varying proportions of fact and fancy. Generally speaking, the historical sagas — most of which are among the earliest of the prose com positions of the North — are the best ; but some fine sam ples of literature are to be found also among the stories which are purely imaginative. The saga at its best- that is, the real saga of the North — is a sort of prose epic formed carefully according to certain very definite rules of literary composition. It required much artistic skill in its formation, though it seems so very direct and artless. In it there appear certain set phrases and epithets, and a regular form of beginning and ending. Though the historical saga is generally a sketch of the career of an Icelander or Norseman of the warrior type, it usually contains a long introduction — perhaps form ing a third of the whole — which is devoted to the hero's LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE : THE RUNES 343 ancestors, going back, in the case of an Icelander, to the forefather who was among the first settlers in Ice land, or even further back and sketching briefly the lives of one or two generations of ancestors in Norway. Next, is probably presented a short narrative of the viking voyages which occupied his young manhood, or his career at the court of Norway, or of some other country of western Europe. Then will follow a more detailed ac count of the hero's life after he had settled down in Ice land, including his betrothal and marriage, his business ventures, his friendships and his enmities, his lawsuits, and the part played by him and his supporters in fol lowing up the virtually inevitable feud, and his death — most often a violent one — the whole concluding with a description of the revenge taken for him by his kindred and friends. The saga is presented in an earnest, frank, straight forward manner such as would be employed by one telling a story to a group of listeners. The sentences are short, simple, and vigorous. Here and there an explanatory phrase or sentence is thrown in, or a statement to make the narrative more easy to follow — as, the explanation, regarding a minor character, "He is now out of the story." There appear no descriptions of scenery, in which the people of the period took little interest; but these ancient tales abound in detailed accounts of the dress, weapons, and general equipment of the leading characters. And striking word pictures often appear of the principal characters themselves ; by means of a few terse, well-selected phrases, the sagaman presented a sat isfactory portrait before the mental eye of his listeners. These prose epics are almost wholly objective; there was no attempt on the part of the story-teller to un ravel the mental processes of his characters, though the 344 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE sagas show the narrator to be possessed of psychologi cal insight. Each character presents his inner self through the words and actions attributed to him by the sagaman, and the personalities thus portrayed are usu ally very clear cut and vivid. There are no duplicates, and each character is a real individual. Occasionally, however, brief, direct characterizations are given — gen erally in connection with the description of the physical appearance — to indicate the disposition of the person described. Very little dialogue is to be found, and what there is is crisp and laconic ; the people of the sagas do not waste words ; they are for action rather than for speech. But into the conversation are often introduced the wise saws of which the Scandinavians are still very fond, to add pith and significance to the dialogue. The humor usually appears only in the conversational parts and is quiet and dry, sometimes grim, and always very real. In the exhibition of pathos the Teutonic reserve is evident; a few brief words often reveal effectively a whole tragedy. If the hero is a poet, — as in the case of Egil Skalagrims- son, Gunnlaug Ormstunga, and others, — many of his ex temporaneous verses are woven into the narrative of his career, and thus the sagaman secures variety, and in creases the beauty of his composition. Interest is also often increased by adding the element of the supernat ural. And women, fickle and faithful, clever and stupid, petty, brave, and revengeful, but always interesting, are usually there also to vary the story. Nevertheless, a great monotony exists in the plots of the sagas, which is increased by the use of the conven tional terms and set phrases. A succession of the sagas makes, therefore, rather monotonous reading; and it is somewhat difficult to keep clearly in mind the careers LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE: THE RUNES 345 of the heroes of each of the prose tales; but as Vig- fusson has suggested, the monotony was probably not noticeable in the oral narration because of the interest produced by the facial expression, the inflection of voice, and the gestures employed by the sagaman.15 Before passing from the subject of the sagas, some of the greatest of these Northern epics should have special mention. Njdla, or Njalssaga, is generally conceded to be the masterpiece of ancient ^ome the Greatest Icelandic literature. It is one of the long- sagas est of the sagas and deals with events con nected with the last part of the tenth century. The hero is the noble lawman, Njal, who was burned to death in his own home by his enemies. The story throws much light upon early Icelandic history, and particularly upon the court system and the administration of justice. An other of the long tales is Grettissaga, which sketches the career of Gretti the Strong who spent much of his life in outlawry. Into this saga is interwoven considerable myth and superstition. The Laxdoelasaga is especially fine in its delineation of character ; it has also an unusu ally pleasing literary style, and displays an appreciation of nature almost completely lacking in the other prose compositions. One of the most interesting of the shorter sagas is the story of Hen-Thore, a mean-dispositioned peddler of poultry who lived in the southwestern part of Iceland. This saga is very old, but Kormakssaga, one of the very few love stories of the ancient North, seems to show greater antiquity. Gunnlaugssaga, already mentioned in another connection, is also a story of love. There is great sentimental charm in this tale and also deep tragedy. A work displaying an unusual amount of hu- is Vigfusson, Gudhrand, Prolegomena to Sturlunga Saga. 346 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE mor is Bandamannasaga, the story of the Banded Men. Other sagas of special interest because of their historical value as well as their literary quality are those throw ing light upon the discovery and settlement of Green land and the finding of Vinland, and those narrating the fives of the kings of Norway. Perhaps the most famous of this group is the saga of Eric the Bed. One of the most interesting of the very short sagas is that of Audun the Lucky, who acquired wealth and stand ing in his community through the shrewd bestowal of a Greenland polar bear upon the king of Denmark.16 A treatment of ancient Northern literature raises the question of whether the verse and prose which have been described were completely transmitted from generation to generation by word of mouth and preserved simply by means of the finely trained memories of the ancients, or whether some system of recording them was employed before the introduction of Latin script with Christianity. This brings up a con sideration of the runes, since they supplied the only possible means of record at the time when the best of the ancient literature was being produced, as well as for long afterwards. There are two runic futhorcs,17 or alpha bets: an earlier, composed of twenty-four characters, common to all Teutonic peoples ; and a later, made up of sixteen letters, peculiar only to the Scandinavians (Fig. 42). The later runes found in Norway and Sweden are slightly different from the contemporary ones of Den mark, those in the last-named showing closer resemblance is Most of the sagas have been translated into English. Many of the longer translations have been published separately, while the shorter ones may be found in various collections. i' The runic characters are called "futhorcs" for the same reason that the phonetic signs employed by the classical peoples are called "alphabet." The first six letters of the former are f, u, p (th), o, r, c. LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE : THE RUNES 347 to the general Teutonic characters ; but the variation is very slight.18 Like the classical alphabets, the original runes ran from left to right, but at a very early date the reverse order came also to be employed; and the two methods long continued side by side. The use of the r t\ > PK Middling wise should every man be, never over-wise. Those who know many things fairly lead the happiest life. The Guest's Wisdom. Though by the close of the eighth century the Scandi navians had scarcely reached the threshold of civiliza tion, in the sense in which the word is usually understood, they were by no means an igno- General rant people. It is true that they lacked a SaSlw knowledge of reading and writing, but they dinavians were not so handicapped as would seem at first glance; for this was not a bookish age in Europe, and the great bulk of the population in the more cultured South was dependent for its enlightenment less upon schools and books than upon life itself; they learned by living and observing. In this regard the Northmen were not backward. Indeed, it may well be questioned whether any people of western Europe possessed a higher aver age of intelligence than they, or a larger stock of accurate information; for no other European people traveled as extensively as did they. Furthermore, all Scandina vians, whether they journeyed abroad or remained at home, entertained an unusually lively curiosity regard ing what was going on in the world ; the usual question put to a visitor — as is still the case in out-of-the-way places — was, "What is the news?" Thus those who re mained at home learned from those who roamed. At the thing meetings and religious gatherings, at markets and fairs, at banquets and other social assemblies, the 351 352 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE recently-returned wanderer from foreign lands was al ways certain of a welcome and an audience to which he could narrate his adventures and tell of the strange and new things wliich he had observed.1 The Northmen of the early Middle Ages were undoubt edly better versed in geographical knowledge than any other people of contemporary Europe, and Geographi- their knowledge was acquired largely at first Knowledge hand, through viking- and merchant-voyages,. but also through expeditions planned for the definite purpose of exploration and discovery. The feats of the most daring of the explorers "give the outlines of a picture unmatched in the story of medieval geog raphy." 2 Here and there in the literary sources of the time are bits of descriptive geography, generally given in an incidental manner in a saga of adventure; but a more ambitious and comprehensive description of the whole of Europe is to be found at the opening of the chapter on mythology in the Heimskringla Saga.3 Much of the real geographic knowledge possessed by the North men was, it is true, distorted by misinformation and adulterated by accounts of mythical monsters and other superstitious elements; but this sort of thing character ized all learning of the time, and persisted for many centuries afterward. Regarding the history of foreign lands, the Northmen were completely ignorant, as was to be expected of a people who knew their own past only through oral tradition. And their historical sagas, like their geography, was more or less colored by the supernatural. i Petersen, Gammel-N ordiske Geografi, 52, passim. 2 Beazley, C. Raymond, The Dawn of Modern Geography, II, 3. 3 Ibid., 23-24. LEARNING IN GENERAL 353 In their practical knowledge of the sciences they were far behind their neighbors to the south; and their in sight into scientific theory was more limited still. But their mental equipment was sum- Scientific , „ . . -1 ir- Knowledge cient tor their needs at a given time ; and as these needs grew they drew upon the culture of the Ro man world to supply the lack. They were ignorant of the definite movements of even the most conspicuous stars and constellations, but they had names for them and made use of the lode star and the sun in their travels upon land — and sea; the compass was also unknown to them, as to the remainder of Europe, but they divided the circle of the horizon into eight different parts, for the purpose of indicating direction. Time, they determined at night in fair weather by the position of the Pleiades — called "the Star" — above the horizon, and during the day by the position of the sun and by the tides. They divided Determina- night into three parts — midnight, and the Time periods preceding and following. The tra ditional fractions into which the day was separated took the place of the hours of modern times and were eight in number. Ris-mdl (rising time), or midr-mdl (middle- morning), came at about six o'clock in the morning; dag-mdl (day-meal, because breakfast was eaten then), at eight or nine; hd-degi (high day), at about twelve; mid-mundi (the middle, so called because it was the period when the sun was midway between high-day and non), about half past one; non (nones, or evening), about three o'clock; midr-aptan (mid-eve), about six; ndtt-mdl (night meal), about nine in the evening. The Northman of the pre-Christian period reckoned 354 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE time by nights4 and by winters. Just what was the nature of the calendar before his contact with Calendar tiie South is not quite clear, but it seems fairly evident that at this early time the week consisted of five nights, and was, therefore, called a fimt.5 All of the months were of equal length, and consisted of six weeks, or thirty days. Twelve months made up the year originally; but in order to have the calendar- and solar-years more exactly coincide, four extra nights called auka-naettr (eke nights), were added to the third summer month. This system was in use during the first part of the Viking Age. After the middle of the tenth century, however, when the calendar year was far behind the solar year, a whole week was added to the end of the third summer month, and was known as sumarauki, or summer eke.8 After the introduction of Christianity the Icelandic calendar was made to harmonize with the Julian calendar, and the year was "eked" out by the addition of a week every sixth or seventh summer. The year consisted of two main divisions, winter and summer. Springtime (var) and autumn, or harvest (haust), were noted, but these were mere Seasons transition periods without definite limits, for there appears to have been no real under standing of the phenomena of the equinoxes. Winter, which began about October fourteenth, opened the year, and the six months of summer began about April four teenth. Summer and winter were divided into two parts, each ninety days long, except the second half of sum mer, the dividing points being Mid Winter (Midvetr), which came in heathen time about the middle of January, * A vestige of this old practice is seen in the English "fortnight." 6 Munch, P. A., Om vore Forfaedres aeldste Tidsregwmg, Primstaven og Maerkedagene, 17, 20. • Brate, Erik, Nordens aldre Tidsrakring, 18. LEARNING IN GENERAL 355 and Mid Summer (Midsumar), which came about the mid dle of July.7 The months in the old calendar were named as follows : winter months — Gormdnudr (so called for the winter slaughtering of beasts), beginning, as al ready stated, about the middle of October; Mo„ths Frer (frost) ; Jol (Yule), or Hrut (ram) ; Thorri (the month of ebbing winter) ; Goi; Einmdnudr (single month) ; summer months — Gaukmdnudr (cuckoo month) ; Skerpla, or Stekktid (thus known from stekkr, a fold in which the lambs were weaned at this time of year) ; Solmdnudr (sun month), or Selmdnudr (sel month, so called because at this time the milk cows were taken to the sel, or mountain dairy), which lasted thirty-four days, for it included the "eke nights"; Midsumar, or Eeyannir (hay-making time) ; Tvimanudr (double month) ; Haustmdnudr (harvest month).8 Some of these ancient names for the months are still employed in Ice land. In addition to the use of the months, the ancient Scan dinavians also frequently indicated time within the year by reference to the great holidays. Thus, an event was said to have taken place a certain number of weeks be fore or after Yule or Mid Summer. What were the names of the days of the fimt there is no way of determining. The fimt gave way, however, to the seven-day division at an early date; how early is not known, but the week was in use in the tenth century. And with it came the usual Teutonic names for the first six days — Sunnudagr, Mdna- dqgr, Tysdagr, Odinsdagr, Thorsdagr, Frjddagr; but the last day was known as Laugrdagr — bathing or scrubbing 1 1bid. s Ibid. 356 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE day — a name peculiar to the Scandinavian countries. In addition to the changes already mentioned, the adop tion of Christianity resulted in the placing of the 361 festival period of heathen times three weeks earlier, and transforming it into the modern Yule, or Christmas. Of mathematics the Scandinavians possessed but an elementary knowledge, such as their needs demanded. Like most early peoples, they had a practical Mat?ie" comprehension of certain simple principles of geometry, such as enabled them accurately to measure angles and divide circles in connection with their work in wood and metals. In arithmetic, because of commercial interests, they were further along; but their system was crude and clumsy to an interesting degree. As the Northmen were possessed of a fair numeral vocabulary, they could count up into the hundreds. It is very questionable, however, whether even long after their first contact with the South the word thousand (iusand), though in popular use, meant to them more than merely a large number. The decimal hundred was introduced into the North with Christianity, but for a long time its use was limited to ecclesiastics and scholars, for the hundred regularly employed in the ancient time was the duodecimal, or long hundred. Counting was done by using tens or this long hundred as factors, as, "ten hundreds," "two ten hundreds," "seven ten hundreds," "twelve ten hundreds." For counting smaller and more definite numbers a curious method was employed because of the absence from the Scandinavian vocabulary of indeclinable numeral adjectives from twenty to one hun dred ; and this method is still in use in some of the country districts of the North. Thirty-six was called "three tens and six"; forty-five, "half the fifth ten"; "one short of four tens," was one way of saying thirty-nine; "one LEARNING IN GENERAL 357 winter of the sixth ten" meant fifty-one years; and so on. That they made use of all of the fundamental arith metical processes and could handle fractions and reckon interest is quite evident from their business transactions. The systems of currency and weights and measures em ployed in connection with such enterprises have been described.9 The chemical knowledge of the Northmen was devel oped in connection with their practice of healing; but medical science was, as yet, in but a very ele- . mentary stage, and much of superstition was mixed with little scientific practice. People wore healing or "lucky" stones about their necks to prevent sickness, and had them placed in the hilts of their swords, for it was believed that rubbing wounds with them would re sult in rapid healing.10 Much trust was placed also in the effectiveness of special magical runes,11 formulae, and philtres. There were runes for various kinds of ill nesses, including bjarg runar for aiding women at child birth. Charms or spells wrought by witches or wizards were believed effective in both the cause and cure of sick ness and suffering. And in parts of Scandinavia those afflicted with boils, ringworm, and other similar surface maladies still resort to persons claiming to possess occult power. Though all of the physicians of the time perhaps relied to a greater or less degree upon the superstitious prac tices mentioned, they also employed many healing herbs for internal treatment as well as for the preparation of salves to be used upon the numberless wounds calling for attention in those battling days.12 And by various » See above, pp. 225-227, 233. io Origines Islandicae, II, 334. n Egils Saga Skalagrimssonar, 241-242. 12 Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 385-388. 358 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE methods they determined the depth of wounds. A clever device used for this purpose is mentioned in one of the sagas. The physician, uncertain whether a deep cut had penetrated the bowels Or not, sniffed at the mouth of the wound after requiring her patient to drink a strong broth made from leeks.13 Men as well as women were skilled in the care of wounds ; and it is probable that most of the surgical op erations were performed by men; but there is no reason to believe that there was a class of professional surgeons, as seems to have been true in the case of physicians.14 The equipment of the person who practiced surgery was most commonly a saw and a knife, a pair of tweezers, and a needle, threaded generally with the sinews of animals. Wounds were trimmed and sewed up, even reopened and the work repeated if the results were unsatisfactory; broken bones were set and splinted ; dislocated joints were put back into place ; and, when necessary, parts were amputated, and missing limbs were replaced by ones made of wood.15 Even as far back as the New Stone Age, the Scandi navians showed real artistic ability, as is proved by the graceful forms and fine symmetry of the im- Artistic plements and weapons surviving from that the'North- time ' and the vikmS period of thousands of men years later showed a no less 'keen love for the beautiful. The fact that the taste of this later age demanded that virtually everything be deco rated resulted in a greatly varied exhibition of artistic talent, many samples of which have fortunately been pre- is Origines Islandicae, II, 742. « Ibid., I, 185 ; II, 552, 721. is Ibid., II, 100, 130; Grettis Saga Asm/wndar sonar, 5; Gisla Saga Surs- sonar, 7. LEARNING IN GENERAL 359 served, particularly through objects buried with the dead. The most usual samples of the artistic talent of the old Northmen are in the form of metal work, carving in wood, stone, bone, and ivory, painting, and decorative weaving and embroidery. The Northern smiths ornamented not only the gold and silver parts of weapons and utensils with rich chasings, sometimes set with precious stones, but also took similar pains with objects made from Ch"acter bronze. In their jewelry — most of which tion was made from bronze and silver during this age — surfaces exposed to the eye were almost never left plain. As a rule, geometrical or animal and bird forms appeared in the designs; but the hammer of Thor and the cross of Frey were also favorite motifs. The spirit of Gothic art is reflected in the figures ; all of them show strength and solidity, and all have a peculiar barbaric extravagance and charm. The decorations on wood, metal, and stone are in moderately high relief; and the motifs chosen are often adapted to the space to be filled by means of twisting and looping or some other variety of distortion. This is true not only of animal and bird forms, but also of human beings ; and the result is usually an assemblage of grotesque and fantastic figures pos sessing, however, a strong fascination. The idea of em ploying animal figures for decoration was, in all prob ability, borrowed by the Scandinavians, perhaps from the Irish Celts; but it is likely that some Oriental in fluence also played upon these designs.18 Yet it was not a slavish borrowing, for the artists of the North worked over and enriched the designs by placing upon them the stamp of their Scandinavian individuality. io Bugge, Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. I, 250; Ame, T. J., "Sveriges For- bindelser med Osten under Vikingatiden," in Kunglig Vitterhets Historie, VI, 66; Muller, Vor Oldtid, 614-628. 360 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Ideas for decoration also came directly from the Orient, particularly by means of coins from the Byzantine Em pire and beyond. These were used primarily for the designs in jewelry. Though a fair sort of native pottery was made from clay, so far as is known, no art work in this material worthy of consideration existed. Wood- ^ . carving took its place. Even members of the royalty engaged in this art, and women were skilled in it as well as men. Much carving in the round was done in wood, but very little of it has sur vived. Judging, however, from the carvings in relief which have come down to us, this "wooden sculpture" was of high quality. Perhaps the most common use for the round carving was for figure heads for ships, and similar figures for the decoration of houses. This was also probably the coarsest work of the kind. Many ob jects served as models, including human beings. The best work was doubtless found in the temples, in the shape of idols ; for the carvers wrought under the inspira tion of religion; and the images were not only carved with the best skill of the worker, but often the surfaces were covered with platings of precious metals and set with decorative stones. A few examples of fancy weaving and embroidery have survived from ancient times, which show real beauty of color and design. The sagas indicate also Weaving that the women of the North paid much at- Embroidery tenti°n to the decoration of textile materials by means of embroidery, using it not only on clothing, but also on banners, sails, and hangings for beds and walls. Perhaps the Bayeux Tapestry, though wrought in Normandy, may be taken as an example of Scandinavian skill in this line. Fig. 43. Elaborate Carving on a Sledge Shaft. (From prospectus of book on the Oseberg discoveries to be published by the Norwegian government) Fig. 44. Pictorial Stone from the Island of Gotland. (From Bugge's Norges Historie) LEARNING IN GENERAL 361 The ancient North developed a real pictorial art, in quality not far behind that displayed by the remainder of contemporary Western Europe. This was shown in the embroidered hangings al- Art ready mentioned, which brightened the homes of the rich, and the wall paintings which took their place in those of the humbler classes — forms of decorations which are still used in peasant homes to-day. Such hang ings were less frequently covered with geometrical figures or grotesque animal forms than with serious pictures illustrating scenes from the stories of the gods or ancient heroes, or the adventures and exploits of the master of the house himself. Sometimes these pictures were of wood carved in relief. A more unique class of pictorial work was stone carv ing, which was especially well developed in the island of Gotland. Such stones were very similar to some of the more elaborate rune stones gtones used as grave marks and monuments, which frequently — especially in Gotland — also show decorative designs.17 The former bear elaborate pictures carved in outline or flat relief representing scenes from the hero tales and myths, sometimes accompanied by explanatory runes and many of them display much beauty of con ception (Fig. 44). The wooden carvings in bas-relief were at times painted in bright colors; and the stone artist's work was also toudied up with paint. In the case of the latter, the color, often red, was generally spread upon the back ground only, for the purpose of making the raised figures stand out.18 How much attempt at human portraiture was made by " See below, pp. 424-425. 18 Pipping, Om Rumnskrifterna pd de Nyfunna Ardre-Stenerna. 362 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE the art of the time is very difficult to say, but that there was some is evidenced by the sagas. Per- Portrahure haps some of the instances mentioned in these records were mere caricatures, labeled by means of runes, or made recognizable through the ex aggeration, pictorially, of some well known physical char acteristic; for in some cases they were done for the ex press purpose of rousing resentment in the original.19 But other human representations were made with the aim of having the likenesses of loved ones always at hand; and careful effort was made to have these delineations as true to life as the skill of the artist would permit. An Icelander, for instance, delineated the likeness of his be loved Astrid upon his bedroom wall.20 Such portraits were probably in the form of carved bas-reliefs, charcoal drawings, and oil paintings. Whether portrait statues and busts carved from wood were often attempted is not evident ; but they were perhaps occasionally made, in view of the abundant practice which the artists had in repre senting human features through carving the figures of their gods, whom they made in their own images. 10 Egils Saga Skalagrimssonar, 188; Origines Islandicae, I, 180. 20 Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 427. CHAPTER XXI RELIGION: OBJECTS OF WORSHIP Thorwolf . . . was a great sacriflcer, and he put his trust in Thor. He came to Iceland by reason of the oppression of King Harold, and sailed to the south of the country. But when he came west of Broad- frith, he A cast his porch pillars overboard, whereon Thor was carven, saying as he did so that Thor would go ashore where he wished Thorwolf to settle, and promising to hallow to Thor all his settlement and call it after him. Book of Settlements. Like all peoples at an early stage of development, the Northmen of prehistoric times were primarily nature- worshippers ; they feared, tried to propitiate, and to win over to their side, the natural worsi,iD forces about them which their untutored minds could not comprehend. And so firmly established and dominating did this religion become in the North before the dawn of history there that long after certain phases of it had developed into the belief in general and more anthropomorphic deities, there persisted, — contem poraneous with the worship of the latter, but now playing a minor part, — a nature cult in its most primitive aspects. This was the state of affairs in the Viking Age, par ticularly during the early part of it. Bodies of water, hills, stones, and groves were then objects of devotion. Thorstan, an Icelander mentioned in the ancient records, held a waterfall in special reverence, and appears to have sacrificed to it all food left from the table.1 Another Ice lander made offerings to a grove. In Sweden close be side the great temple at Uppsala there stood an exceed- i Origines Islandicae, I, 212. 363 364 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE ingly famous sacred grove to which extensive sacrifices were also made. Thorwolf of Iceland held a certain hill in "such reverence that no man might pray towards it unwashed, and there might be no destruction of man or beast on this hill. He believed that when he and his kinsmen died they should go into the hill."2 There is no doubt, furthermore, that in early times the Scandi navians worshipped the sun, for numerous traces of a once-powerful • sun-cult have survived in the North in peasant customs down to the present, just as has evidence of former worship of trees and stones. Montelius even believes that the greatest deities of the viking period were all originally sun-gods.3 But they had lost prac tically all evidence of such origin by the beginning of the Middle Ages, and only here and there in the more remote parts of the land were there lingering vestiges of direct sun-worship.4 Animal- worship was an important element in the re ligion of Scandinavia during early times, and, though rare in the Viking Age, it was not entirely iifimt" extinct even then, for individual animals — Worship ' such as horses, cows, and pigs — were objects of worship by certain Northmen.5 Such a cult was bound quite closely with the worship of Frey; and the promi nence given to the boar's head at the Yule feasts even in modern times in various lands which have felt Scandi navian influence is merely a harking back through the worship of the boar as an attribute of the god of fruit- fulness to the independent worship of the animal itself.8 2 Ibid., 24. s Montelius, Oscar, "Midvinterns Solfest," in Svenska Fornminnesfbren- ingens Tidskrift, vol. 9, no. 25, pp, 68-77. * Origines Islandicae, I, 24. s Keyser, E., Nordmaendenes Religionsforfatning i Hedendommen, 109- 110. • Rosin, "Freykult och Dyrkult," in Fornvdnnen, 1913, pp. 213-245. RELIGION: OBJECTS OF WORSHIP 365 There is ample evidence that during the period under study human beings were occasionally worshipped after death. In Iceland, we are told, sacrifices were offered to Grim after he died "because Worship of of the love men bore him."7 Grim was ingsafter merely a leader of his community. Kings Death and great military chieftains were perhaps more frequently and more generally deified. There are two examples of this king-cult to be found in the ancient records. A special temple was consecrated to a certain King Eric of Sweden after death, with priests to offer sacrifice to him ; 8 and King Olaf Gudrodsson of Vest- fold, Norway, was worshipped upon his burial mound by his subjects, who called him " Geirstadaalfi " 9 for the place in which he Hved.10 Sacrifice to mounds was, in fact, so common and so persistent that after the intro duction of Christianity laws were passed in some parts prohibiting it.11 Probably in all cases the worship con nected with artificial mounds, as opposed to natural hills, was originally in honor of deified human beings buried within ; but with the passage of time the original motive was in many cases lost and the pagan Scandinavians re garded the mound itself as sacred and offered sacrifice to it, or to its spirit. Ancestor-worship was doubtless more common than deification of men of prominence by a community or a province ; for the cult of ancestors was deeply imbedded in the religion of the Northern Ancest0r° people. Some of the gods who received homage from all Scandinavians during the Viking Age 7 Origines Islandicae, I, 30. s Adam of Bremen, 195. o "Alf" appears to have been here used in the sense of "spirit." io Keyser, Nordmaendenes Religions f or fatning i Hedendommen, 108-109. n Ibid., 110. 366 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE perhaps began their divine careers as "dead ancestors" reverenced by but a small group of kindred ; 12 more fre quently, however, when the passage of time caused the blood ties with a given family to be forgotten, the ances tors remained the guardian spirits or angels of the fam ily, watching over its members and sharing their hopes and fears. But in those ancient days of keen memories the dead were doubtless much longer kept in mind as distinct personalities than now, and, later, when deified, they continued for many generations to shape the careers of the living. The wishes of the dead and their ideals, in general, helped maintain the family standards.13 While their personalities were still remembered by kin dred, they were worshipped individually, but when for gotten, collective worship was substituted, and their spirits were known by the general names of disir,1* or dlfar.15 The two words seem to have been almost inter changeable, except. that the disir were regarded as female guardian angels, which forces the conclusion that in their worship the tie of family was largely forgotten. This was perhaps also often true in the worship of alfar, or elves. There seems some basis for the belief that the worship of the spirits of more or less forgotten ancestors under the name of ' ' elves ' ' had a stronger hold in Sweden than elsewhere. Frey, a favorite god of the Swedes, was 12 Sephton, J., Thor and his Sway, 10. is Ibid., 1. i* It is interesting to note that one meaning of the word "dis" is "sister." 15 One phase of ancestor-worship, bordering upon reincarnation, of which Gronbech makes considerable (Vor Folkaet i Oldtiden, II, 124-125) is the ancient Scandinavian system of naming children for dead relatives which still persists in the more remote parts of Scandinavia. The dead — to use a present-day phrase — were "called up" by having their names given to new-born children; and it was — and, in some parts, still is — believed that the child would partake of the qualities of the one for whom he was named; that the spirit of the dead would in some way live in the child. RELIGION: OBJECTS OF WORSHIP 367 believed to be the god of the elves, who, however, were thought to dwell in Alfheimar, the fairyland of the North men.16 Thus, Frey must have been the patron of an cestral spirits transformed by the passage of time into good fairies. The most usual time for sacrificial feasts and other religious ceremonies in honor of the dead was midwinter, when the nights were longest, for it was believed that such spirits preferred darkness, and during the period of long nights they were thought to incline more to come forth and associate with mankind.17 Probably related to the good elves, who watched over individuals and aided them, were the land spirits, but whether or not these beings were actually worshipped is not clear, though it is certain gaP. that the Icelanders took great care not to offend them. What is perhaps the most remarkable Scandinavian law surviving from the heathen period has this end in view. It stands at the very beginning of the ancient Icelandic collection called Grdgds, and is a pro hibition against the use of figure-heads on ships; or, if these figures are used, the law adds, they must be re moved before the vessel comes within sight of land, lest the land spirits be frightened by them. The land spirits were believed — at least in Iceland — to have in their charge the welfare of whole regions, but they were quite capable of showing a preference for certain inhabitants. Those whom they selected for their special favor they appear to have followed about and aided, to the tem porary exclusion of other inhabitants of the territory over which they watched. These spirits were not usually i« There even now exists among the Scandinavian peasants, as Selma Lagerlof has pointed out in her writings, a belief in elves, especially in evil ones. " Feilberg, H. F., Jul, 96. 368 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE visible to ordinary mortals, but persons gifted with sec ond sight were able to follow their movements. For in stance, an Icelandic woman possessed of clairvoyant power reported that she saw all of the land spirits follow Buck-Beorn when he went to the meeting of the thing; and when his brothers, Thorstan and Thord, went hunt ing and fishing they were accompanied by the same in visible companions.18 It is, however, in the qualities of the great anthro pomorphic gods and the attitude of the Northmen to- wards these deities that the most character istic features of the ancient religion of Scan dinavia are revealed. During the long centuries of struggle with a bleak climate and an unfriendly environ ment, the inhabitants of the North became differentiated from the remainder of the far-extended Teutonic family — to some degree in appearance, but more in mental out look ; and thus the gods whom they had once worshipped in common with the other members of their racial group underwent a transformation ; for the Northmen modified their deities to meet the needs and reflect the ideals which developed from life in the Far North. Like the men who created them, the divinities were crude in a primitive way, and even grotesque; but they were also wholesome, virile, and moral. Since divine, they were mightier than their creators, but these gods of a cou rageous and independent-spirited people were no ty rants; they were friends whose aid might be secured when human resources failed, if they were shown proper honor, and suitable sacrifices were offered them. And if one god unjustly failed him, the worshipper was quite capable of turning to another, and, perhaps, rival, deity for help. ;s Origines Islandicae, I, 195. RELIGION: OBJECTS OF WORSHIP 369 The ancient Scandinavian writings mention twelve chief gods, but it is questionable whether the number of gods recognized as particularly powerful was ever so definitely fixed, and whether it was absolutely uniform all over the North.19 Thor, Odin, Frey, Njord, Tyr, and Bragi, however, seem to have been deities of power in all parts of Scandinavia at one time or another; while Loki, Balder, Heimdall, Hoene, and Uller were probably of late origin or underwent transformation early in the historic period and were perhaps never regarded as of general moment, for it is primarily through Scandinavian mythology — and not through the records of the actual religious life of the Scandinavians — that we learn of them. Likewise, the two most oft-named goddesses, Frigg and Freyia, seem to have played but little part in the actual lives of the people, and are heard of usually only in connection with their myths. As already stated, some of these deities, particularly the greatest and most revered, were originally nature gods, but with the pas sage of time their original characteristics were obscured, or utterly lost, and others were assumed. Thor, popularly known as "the Thunderer," appears to have been in his earliest functions the weather god; and, as such, he was of special importance to the sea-faring Northmen. One trace of this origin the deity never lost ; by means of his mighty ham mer he waged tireless warfare against the ice and frost giants, without which friendly service, gods as well as mankind would have perished from the earth. More than any other of the gods whose personalities stand out clearly, Thor was representative of the early Scandina vian type. He won his way by physical strength. He was sparing with words but ready with blows, hot tem- i» Craigie, W. A., The Religion of Ancient Scandinavia, 32. 370 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE pered and fearless. Well-meaning, blunt, and honest, he was likely to be deceived because of his lack of sophisti cation. Throughout the early part of the Viking Age, Thor seems to have been the most popular god of the whole North. Later, Odin displaced him to some extent in Den mark and Sweden, but even here the Thunderer remained the favorite deity of the common man; and in Norway and Iceland he continued to be the one to whom all most generally looked for aid. Thoroughly democratic, Thor was the staunch friend and ready helper of low and high alike. Towards him people felt more of comradeship than towards any other of the deities, and depended more upon him. This is made very clear in the sagas. One instance is Thoralf of Norway, who, we are told, was a "great friend" of Thor. After this chieftain quarreled with King Harold he consulted his favorite deity to learn whether it were best to make terms with the ambitious sovereign or to leave the country. The oracle advised him to depart to Iceland, and this Thoralf decided to do, taking with him most of the timber from the temple of Thor as well as some of the earth from beneath the ped estal on which the image of the deity had stood. Upon approaching Iceland, he threw overboard the wooden pil lars on which was carved the image of his "loving friend," in order that his patron might direct him to a favorable landing place.20 Men also showed their attachment to this god by nam ing their children for him and dedicating them to his service. Among the eight hundred men and three hun dred women constituting the early settlers of Iceland mentioned in the Landndmabok are to be found thirty different men's names and twenty-one different women's 20 ibid., 7. RELIGION: OBJECTS OF WORSHIP 371 names containing the name Thor.21 This far exceeds any similar record for any other god. Still another manner of showing allegiance to Thor, which perhaps rose towards the end of the viking era as a result of Christian influence, was the use of inscrip tions in runes upon the tomb stones commending the departed to the care of the Thunder god. But more in teresting and more general was the role of the hammer, Thor's symbol. This was used upon tomb stones, and, as has been elsewhere stated, as a decorative motif in jewelry, worn most frequently perhaps in the form of pendants or charms. The sign of the hammer, or the hammer itself, was employed for consecrating the Scan dinavian bride, and also probably in connection with the final rites for the dead.22 This striking parallel between the use of the Christian cross and the heathen hammer is probably a result of the fact that the Northmen, after coming in contact with Christianity in the South, came to think of Thor as corresponding to Christ; both were helpers arid friends to whom man turned in time of need, regardless of the character of the need.23 Odin was a much younger deity than Thor, or was an ancient god modified and brought up to date ; for he re flected well the most obvious characteristics of the viking heroes. Primarily a war god, he came into prominence in consequence of the great emphasis placed upon military activities. And yet he did not have the monopoly of matters connected with warfare, for to Thor many men continued to turn for aid in fighting, as for other things. A true representa tive of the aristocratic Viking Age, Odin was the friend 2i Petersen, Henry, Om Nordboernes Gudedyrkelse og Gudetro i Hedenold, 41. " Ibid., 58. 2s Craigie, Religion of Ancient Scandinavia, 11-12. 372 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE of warriors and kings, and, like them, he used the modern spear in battle, in contrast to Thor's primitive hammer. While the frank and democratic Thor gained his ends by dint of pure physical strength, Odin succeeded by exercising the craft and cunning which characterized the viking warrior. Thor drank home-brewed ale, but Odin, like the rich sea-kings, partook of imported wine.24 Whereas Thor was beheved by some to care for only the souls of the humble thralls, Odin had special supervision over the proud warriors. "To some he gave victory, and some he invited to himself, and either lot was thought good; " 25 for those who fell in battle went to live with the warrior god in Valhalla, where they enjoyed unlimited opportunity for glorious mihtary achievement. In addition to his functions as war god, Odin was, appropriately, the one who presided over wisdom and cunning, and over runes and poetry; for the two latter were popularly believed to be closely associated with supernatural power. His love for the deep, mysterious, and unfathomable things of creation had induced this deity to sacrifice one eye to Mimir's fountain of wisdom and knowledge, in exchange for the secrets of the uni verse. In the mythology of the late heathen age Odin is repre sented as the hero-ancestor of the Scandinavian people, who led them into their present home-land. The stories of the gods also make him the supreme deity, or All Father ; and represent Thor as his son. Such an exalta tion of the one-eyed god was doubtless due to the influ ence of the Christian South. However, in spite of the_ predominant position given to the Father God in North ern mythology, and in spite of the rapid growth of the 2ilbid., 22. 26 Ibid., 14, 15. RELIGION: OBJECTS OF WORSHIP 373 Odin cult in Denmark and Sweden during the Viking Age, he never really held more than second place in the worship of the North. Even in Denmark and Sweden, the runestones much more frequently bear the name of Thor, the friend, than of Odin, the All Father; and in Denmark, in particular, the Thunderer is given distinctly more prominence in place-names than Odin, which indi cates the long-, well-established position of the former. And there is no clear evidence in the historical sources of a general worship of this god in either Norway or Iceland. Most of the references to him from this west ern part of Scandinavia are by the skalds, and these furnish no indication of his popular support, since he was the favorite god of the poets.26 Furthermore, in no saga is there mention of any temple, image, or special priest of Odin in any part of Iceland.27 And not one person mentioned in Landndmabok is named in honor of the Father God of Northern mythology.28 Frey was also much revered in the North. Though he 'occupies a far humbler place in Scandinavian myth ology than Odin, it is not improbable that he was more generally worshipped than the lat ter. While reputed a special favorite in Sweden,29 he was really quite popular throughout Scandinavia. In Iceland there were priests of Frey,30 and among the first settlers of the island were men and women named for him.31 As lord of wealth and fruitfulness, he ruled over the rain and sunshine and brought good crops; and at the great religious festivals it was customary to drink 2»Ibid., 18-19. "Ibid., 19. 28 Petersen, Gudedyrkelse og Gudetro, 41. 2»Feilberg, Jul, 89. so Craigie, Religion of Ancient Scandinavia, 25. si Petersen, Gudedyrkelse og Gudetro, 41, 374 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE to him for peace and plenty. By some, he was even more beloved than Thor, and towards him men felt the affec tion and intimacy commonly displayed towards the Thun derer. At times, his worshippers divided up their pos sessions with him. Horses made a particularly accept able gift, but, as god of fertility, Frey was fond of all kinds of animals.32 The other great gods of the North are more shadowy figures, perhaps partly because they were less commonly „... . worshipped, but also probably, in some cases, merely as a result of the fact that the sources of our information do not happen to bestow much atten tion on them. This latter reason seems to apply par ticularly to Njord, closely identified in worship with Frey, his son. To Njord,. as to Frey, the Northmen drank the banqueting horn for peace and plenty. And in the old heathen form of oath taken by suitors and others at the popular assemblies the deities invoked were com monly "Frey and Njord and the Almighty God" — prob ably Thor. Though the first two were both gods of prosperity, Frey was more especially the one who brought plenty through abundant harvests, while Njord ruled over traffic and brought wealth thereby. Hence, the latter was apparently the special patron of the mer chant, and upon him the voyager called to still the waves or swell the sails, to suit the needs of the trader. As ruler of the sea, Njord came also to be the deity to whom the fisherman prayed. He was, moreover, the god of wealth in general, the Croesus of Scandinavian myth ology. "Eich as Njord" was a common simile in Ice land, for this deity was believed to possess vast amounts of land and treasure, which he might be induced to be- 32 Craigie, Religion of Ancient Scandinavia, 26 ; Ros6n, Helge, "Freykult och Dyrkult," in Fornvdnnen, 1913, pp. 213-245. RELIGION: OBJECTS OF WORSHIP 375 stow upon others if they were so fortunate as to win his special favor.33 The worship of Tyr, the god of battle, was evidently, even in the early part of the viking period, distinctly in a state of decline in Scandinavia, though, centuries before, Tacitus had likened him to the mighty Mars of the Eomans. In eastern Scandina via he had been largely supplanted by Odin, while it seems likely that in the western part the place assumed by Thor as a general god caused Tyr to be thrust into obscurity. He, however, received some attention, and it was good for men of valor to call upon him ; for, though possessed of but one arm, he was the "bravest and stout est-hearted of the gods" and had a great share in decid ing the victory in battle.34 Bragi, the son of Odin and god of wisdom, poetry, and eloquence, appears to have been a distinctly Scandinavian deity, for there is no evidence that he was known to the other Teutonic peoples. To what extent he was actually worshipped is not clear, but it is probable that as god of poetry he was more regarded in Norway and Iceland while his father received more recognition in Denmark and Sweden. In any case, the Northmen commonly drank to Bragi at sacrificial feasts and made vows to perform some great deed worthy to be immortalized in verse. Loki was a being of mixed origin, half giant and half god, and was the mischief-maker among the Northern deities, with whom he was regularly asso- Lofe. ciated. Like Bragi, Loki appears to have been peculiar to the Scandinavian religion, but there is no doubt that his characteristics were largely developed ss Craigie, ReUgion of Ancient Scandinavia, 28-29. 34 /bid., 30. 376 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE through the transforming influence of the Satan of Chris tian behef.35 It is even possible that this giant-god was wholly the creation of the late Viking Age and originated as the incarnation of evil — an Oriental idea adapted by the Scandinavian mind. Equally peculiar to the Northern religion was Balder, the son of Odin and the noblest of all of the gods; but he perhaps shows most markedly the in fluence of Christianity upon the pagan re hgion of the Northland; for, as the incarnation of good, he clearly reflects the virtues of the "White Christ." He was the peace-maker and was the most beautiful and most lovable of all of the gods. Heimdal, too, was known only in the North and was probably the product of Christianity working upon a H . heathen background. He was the watchful keeper of the gates of heaven and of the rain bow bridge called Bifrost. The most effective vigilance characterized him, for nothing escaped his notice. He slept less than a bird, but could see in his sleep as well as in the dark, and could hear the grass grow and even the wool grow on the sheep's back. Part of his equip ment was Gjallar, the magic horn with which he would summon the gods upon the day of judgment. Two of the shadowy deities about whom little is known are Hoene, the long-legged god who was associated with the crane, and presided over oozy, swampy UUer* a" districts, and Uller, the god of winter who strode over snow-clad hill and dale upon skees. The very brief mention made in Northern litera ture of these two was probably due to the fact that their worship had virtually died out before the dawn of Scan dinavian history, though it is not impossible that they 35 Bugge, Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. I, 188. RELIGION: OBJECTS OF WORSHIP 377 were of recent origin and that their development was arrested by the introduction of Christian ideas. It is evident, however, that special gods like these, of a re gional or seasonal nature, could never attain to the prominence of the god of war, or of Thor, the special friend of man. Of the various goddesses of whom the ancient writ ings make mention, Frigg, Freyia, and Idun were per haps the most prominent. Frigg, wife of Fngg, Odin, is represented in Northern mythology Freyia, as the first among the goddesses. She was a and Idun fitting mate for the one-eyed god, since she was pos sessed of great wisdom and was familiar with the fates of all human beings; but she was too discreet and too kind to reveal the future to them. Primarily, she was representative of steady, enduring maternal love, such as she displayed in her devotion to her son, Balder, killed by the mischievous Loki. Freyia, daughter of Njord, was, on the other hand, pa tron of stormy, emotional, romantic affection, and to her all lovers prayed. Her great beauty caused poets to coin figurative expressions making allusion to her. The butterfly, for instance, was known as " Freyia 's hen," and gold was called " Freyia 's tears," in memory of the tears of pure gold which she shed as she wandered over the world in search of her husband, Oder, whose fond ness for travel caused him to leave her. Two of Freyia 's most prized possessions were her famous necklace, Brisingamen, and a disguise of falcon feathers which she donned when she went forth on perilous journeys. She shared with her brother, Frey, some of his power as god of abundance ; and Odin divided evenly with her the slain on the field of battle. But in spite of the prestige gained from these connections, Freyia ranged below Frigg. 378 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Idun, wife of Bragi, was possessed of great power and was absolutely essential to the happiness and welfare of the whole group of divinities ; for she was guardian of the casket containing the magical apples which all of the gods must taste at intervals to prevent youth from passing from them. Failure to do so caused them to shrivel and weaken. Idun is, therefore, looked upon as symbolical of gladness and ever-returning spring.36 s»Mortensen, Karl, Nordisk Mytologi; Anderson, Norse Mythology. CHAPTEE XXII EBLIGION: PLACES AND METHODS OF WORSHIP Men also would drink a toast to their kinsmen that had been laid in their barrows, and that was called the "memory toast." Haakon Saga. As no priest class existed in the North, worship had a personal, informal phase, as well as a more conventional community aspect: in matters in which only himself was concerned, the Northman met his gods alone; in affairs of general interest he wor shipped at stated times in fellowship with others, under the leadership of the chieftain-priest. Because of this more formal, public manifestation of the religion of the North, special places of worship early came into use. The most primitive of these was doubtless the horg (hdrgr), which consisted merely of a stone altar or cairn standing under the open sky. On it the sacrificial offer ing was placed. Though largely supplanted by the more pretentious temple by the beginning of the Middle Ages, this crude place of worship was still in use in some parts of Scandinavia at the close of the heathen period.1 An other simple device, used at least in Sweden, was a port able booth or tabernacle of small dimensions, containing an image of a god, which was carried about from place to place for purposes of worship.2 Virtually every community, however, had its local temple during the late heathen period; and in certain i Keyser, Nordmaendenes Religionsforfatning i Hedendommen, 89. 2"Horgr," in Cleasby and Vigfusson's Dictionary. 379 380 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE parts were found great temples for provincial or national religious assemblies. The most famous of these centers for worship was at Uppsala, in Sweden; Denmark's most famous temple was perhaps the one at Leire, though the temples at Lund (which was then a Danish possession), Eingsted, Viborg, and Odense were also noted.3 Some of the buildings, particularly those of private origin, were quite small and frail, and could, therefore, be taken down easily and moved; but others were large, pretentious structures as substantial as any of the dwelling houses. As in the case of the latter, the materials used varied according to the coun try; in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden timber was most commonly employed; in Iceland, turf, or turf and un hewn stone was the rule. When the two materials were combined in the Icelandic temples, a thin layer of turf was alternated with a thick one of stone ; often, however, both materials were employed only for the lower part of the walls, turf alone being used for the upper portion.4 In these temples, turf was most frequently used for the roof also, though wooden roofs were not unknown.5 It is not improbable that in the viking period there were round or oval religious buildings in Scandinavia, since there were houses of the same shape; and it has been suggested that the peculiar rotunda churches, still to be found in different parts of the North, were modeled after round or oval temples of heathen days.6 But these rounded structures, if they existed, were a survival from a still earlier age, and were not the common form. Most temples were rectangular — though in Iceland, where the 3 Petersen, Gudedyrkelse og Gudetro, 7. * Thummel, Albert, Der Germanische Tempel, 30-33. slbid., 70. 8 Petersen, Gudedyrkelse og Gudetro, 22-23. RELIGION: PLACES AND METHODS OF WORSHIP 381 materials were turf or stone, the corners of the buildings naturally were not sharp — and were built to some extent after the style of the stofa, the living room in the North man's dwelling house. Frequently they were of large size. Mention is to be found of temples considerably over one hundred feet in length and more than sixty in width. The investigations of Thummel show that the public temples of Iceland had an average length of nearly one hundred feet, while the private ones were about half < 10.4m ' ¦ X 8,4m > Fig. 45. Ground Plan of an Icelandic Temple. (From Thummel's Germanische Tempel.) as long. The breadth was from one fourth to one half of the length.7 It seems likely that in continental Scan dinavia where building materials were more easily ob tained the temples were frequently larger ; but since they were of perishable wood, there is no evidence left to prove this. The rectangular temples in Iceland — and doubtless in the remaining parts of the North — were divided by a doorless partition into two rooms of unequal size (Fig. 45). The apartments thus formed corresponded roughly to the choir and the nave of the Christian church. The larger room formed the place of assembly in which the worshippers met for their ceremonial feasts, and appears to have been furnished with benches and high seat very r Der Germanische Tempel, 44-49, 71. 382 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE much like the stofa of the dwelling. The afhus, or smaller room was the one in which sacrifices were offered. Here stood the images of the gods upon pedestals, in a half circle ; and before them, in the center of the arc, was the stone altar where stood, when not in use, the bowl in which the sacrificial blood was caught, and where lay the holy ring used in the administration of oaths.8 Upon the altar there burned a fire which was never permitted to go out.9 The number and character of the images found in the temples differed according to the country and the nature of the place of worship itself. In the chief rh^cTd0 temples were probably representations of all of the deities of the region or country. These were in the shape of human beings appropriately dressed and equipped, presumably in the fashion of the period, and richly decorated with silver and gold. In the great temple at Uppsala not only were the images thus ornamented, but in the embellishment of the building it self much gold was used.10 Here, at Uppsala, we are told by Adam of Bremen, were the warrior Odin dressed in a full suit of armor, and the Thunderer bearing his hammer in his hand.11 Thor was also at times repre sented as in his chariot. There was such an image in Trondhjem. Here the favorite god, adorned with silver and gold, was seated in a chariot to which were hitched two carved wooden goats mounted on wheels. Silver cords used as reins were attached to the goat's homs.12 Yet another image of Thor, of unusual size, was described as standing upon a special pedestal or platform built to s Thiimmel, Der Germanische Tempel, 82-88, passim. » Origines Islandicae, I, 310. i° Adam of Bremen, 194. ii Ibid. 12 Craigie, Religion of Ancient Scandinavia, 48-49. RELIGION: PLACES AND METHODS OF WORSHIP 383 be carried out of the image room into the open air where the favorite god would be more accessible to the crowds.13 That goddesses as well as gods were represented by images is shown by the statement in a saga that a figure of Thorgerda, an obscure goddess of Iceland, had a great gold ring upon its arm and a wimple, or veil, about its head.14 There seems to be no ground for doubting that the representations of the gods carved upon the furniture of dwelling houses and upon the high seat and porch pillars were objects of worship as well as the images found in the temples. They were a sort of household god. The pillar carvings were perhaps not unlike totem poles in general appearance, though of smaller size. Indeed, Professor Alexander Bugge inclines to the view that the images in the temples were also of the nature of these primitive "god posts"; and he questions whether the people — as, Adam of Bremen's informants — who de scribed the heathen images as dressed in clothes had really ever seen these images; and suggests that they may have been describing the statues seen in Christian churches.15 The evidence of the sagas seems however, quite against the view of Bugge on this point. In addition to the large images for use in the temple and the home, small figures of the gods made from wood, silver, or ivory, such as could be carried in the wallet or pocket, were used. Their owners probably consulted them for advice as well as carried them for luck.16 Though there was no priest class in Scandinavia, each community had its religious leader — called "godi" in ^Ibid.. 49. « Njdla, 193. 15 Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. I, 209. ie Origines Islandicae, I, 126. 384 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Iceland — who was also its political head, as has already been explained. During early days in Ice- as'priest1 land' tlle man wll° built &nd owned tte temPle became its priest ; but after the republic was formed a number of chief, or public, temples were created, and men noted for intelligence and just dealing were selected by the Althing to have charge of them. Some such system probably had prevailed in the re mainder of Scandinavia for the public temples from a very early time.17 Throughout the North there were also private temples the builders and owners of which were as a rule their godis; and in many cases these priests probably paid the whole expense of maintenance; but it was perhaps more usual for the attendants at a temple to pay a toll or tax for its support. This was always true in the case of public places of worship.18 Gifts of land and personal property from pious persons also con tributed to the support of the religious establishments.19 The temple at Uppsala, for example, was particularly well endowed. Though a person of influence because of his dual office, the godi was never possessed of dangerous power; for there was nothing to prevent any one with sufficient means from erecting a place of worship of his own and exercising the influence of religious leader over all who chose to worship at his temple. There was no compul sion about the matter, and no individual was required even to confine himself to the god-houses of his own coun try. This is evident from the fact that some early settlers in Iceland made a point of returning to Norway ". Chadwick, H. Munro, "The Ancient Teutonic Priesthood," in Folklore, XI, 280-283; Craigie, Religion of Ancient Scandinavia, 44. 18 Keyser, Nordmaendenes ReligionsforfatrUng i Hedendommen, 96. i» Origines Islandicae, I, 207. RELIGION: PLACES AND METHODS OF WORSHIP 385 at intervals to sacrifice at the temples of their kindred there, or at the shrines of their youth.20 After all, the power of the godi was largely dependent upon his influ ence as a man — his wealth, bodily strength, fighting quali ties, and personal character. Temple owners and others holding rights of godiship sometimes voluntarily delegated their religious functions to others. Slaves and servants, as representatives of their masters, were occasionally put in charge of these duties; and women, who were probably in most cases relatives of the godi, also sometimes collected the temple taxes, performed sacrifices, and acted the parts of priests in other capacities. Obviously, menials did not exercise the political functions belonging to the godi; and it does not seem likely that the priestesses were given such power.21 It was one of the functions of the priest to keep the images of the gods supplied with food and with other offerings. Gifts might also be made to the gods in the temple by private individuals. Great religious gather ings were, in addition, held at special seasons or on occa sions of local or national crisis when more extensive re ligious ceremonies took place in behalf of the group or the nation. Three annual festivals seem to have been held through out Scandinavia: Vetrnott, Winter Night, about the middle of October, "to greet the winter"; J61, or Hokunott, held originally about the ^n"u.al n. i ii. i Religious middle of January, but afterwards altered Festivals to correspond with Christmas ; and a spring celebration coming about the middle of April, held "to 20 Ibid., 218. 21 Ibid., 43, 131; Philpotts, "Temple Administration and Chieftainship in Pre-Christian Norway and Iceland," in Saga Book, VIII, 274. 386 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE greet the summer. ' ' 22 Since the year began with Winter Night, the festival held at this time seems to have been largely devoted to Frey to whom sacrifices were offered for a good year.23 The celebration of J61 was, however, the most important festival period, and at times lasted as long as two weeks. At this gathering sacrifices were offered not only to the great gods, and beakers drunk to them, but particular attention was also paid to the humbler powers who influenced the destinies of mankind. The Northmen took pains to win over the disir, or guard ian spirits already mentioned, as well as various other beings who were supposed to interest themselves in the affairs of mortals at this time of year.24 But special attention was paid to the spirits of the more recently dead, since it was believed that during the long winter nights ghosts were more likely to wander forth from their burial mounds and visit the living. Hence, it was neces sary to gain their good will.25 Very little may be learned of the spring celebration, but there is no reason to believe that this differed greatly from the others, except for the seasonal interest. These three annual festivals were generally held in every temple. Besides these, there were national fes tivals which took place at the centers of re- National hgion. Every nine years such a gathering Festivals occurred at the great temple at Uppsala, and all Swedes were required to attend. Its ob ject was to sacrifice to the gods for peace, and, in case of war, for victory for the king. In Denmark a similar festival was held at Leire, near Eoskilde, in January of 22 Craigie, The Religion of Ancient Scandinavia, 62. 23Tille, Alexander, Yule and Christmas, 195, 199; Gisla Saga Surssonar 36-37. 2* Feilberg, Jul, 96. 26 Ibid., 96-98. RELIGION: PLACES AND METHODS OF WORSHIP 387 every ninth year.20 It is probable that religious gath erings of the same nature took place in Norway. At all times of special gatherings in honor of the gods, a definite peace was proclaimed throughout the region.27 Furthermore, no weapon might be taken in side the temple, and murder within its pre- pe^0"8 cincts was punishable by outlawry.28 When the temple was in private hands, it was custom ary for the godi to supply the food and drink for the sacrificial feasts; in other cases, each wor shipper was expected to bring offerings. Feasts"3 Under the supervision of the godi, the ani mals were slaughtered before the images of the gods and their blood caught in the bowls made for the purpose. By means of bundles of twigs, the altar, the walls of the temple, and the people were sprinkled with this sac rificial blood, and thus the worshippers were united with their gods.29 This was followed by the ceremonial ban quet held in the nave of the temple, which was usually draped with tapestries, and otherwise decorated for the occasion. The flesh from the sacrificial animals was cooked in kettles over fires built down through the middle of the room ; and over the fires the ceremonial horns filled with wine or ale were passed — probably as an act of purification. The banquet, like the sacrifices, was under the direction of the godi; and he, as lord of the feast, "signed the cups and all the meat" — probably with the hammer of Thor.30 Minni-drinking, or memorial toasts, formed the most 2« Craigie, The Religion of Ancient Scandinavia, 56-57. 2i Gronbech, Vor Folkeaet i Oldtiden, IV, 14. 28 Craigie, The ReUgion of Ancient Scandinavia, 46. 29Feilberg, Jul, 86. so Keyser, Nordmaendenes Religionsforfatning i Hedendommen, 99. 388 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE important part of the ceremonial banquet, and corre sponded to the libations poured out to the Dririri £°ds in the classical world- The first h0m nn mg ^^ usually quaffed to Odin for victory in battle and the dominion of the land by the king ; then came the toasts to Njord and Frey for abundant harvests and peace. Thor and Bragi were also remembered at this time. And the cup of memory was drunk in loving thought of dead kindred. After the adoption of Christianity the custom of minni- drinking was continued ; but now the worshippers drank to Christ and Mary, the saints of the North, the archangel Michael, and even to the Holy Ghost. These toasts were most frequently offered at Christmas time and Easter.31 And in some parts, toasts, at least to Christ and Mary, were required by law; in Norway, for instance, all per sons who owned a certain minimum of property must hold a feast in their honor for prosperity and peace. Failure to comply was punishable by fine ; and continued disobedience for three years might result in confiscation of property and banishment.32 The custom of religious drinking lasted in Iceland until after the opening of the seventeenth century,33 and a vestige of this old Teutonic ceremony still survives in many lands in the practice of drinking to the health of the living. Thus the pagan prayer and offering to the gods has been transformed into a friendly toast to one's fellow men.3* The Northmen sacrificed various kinds of animals to Sacrificial win the favor of the gods, the one used being Animals determined by the part of the country as well as by the deity to be honored. The humbler people in si Visted, Vor Gamle Bondekultur, 189. 32 Norges Gamle Love, I, 6. 33 Craigie, The Religion of Ancient Scandinavia, 61. 3* Gronbech, Vor Folkeaet i Oldtiden, IV, 46. RELIGION: PLACES AND METHODS OF WORSHIP 389 western Scandinavia appear to have most frequently offered the goat, but the sheep was the more customary sacrificial animal. Cattle, horses, dogs, swine, and cocks were slaughtered for the gods in great numbers on some occasions; and even men gave up their lives for the sake of gaining or retaining the favor of the divinities. At the national festival held at Uppsala every nine years men, horses, and dogs were sacrificed and their bodies hung in the famous sacred grove ad joining the temple; and at the corresponding festival at Leire, Denmark, ninety-nine men as well as the same number of horses, dogs, and cocks gave up their lives on pagan altars.35 Cattle were commonly offered to Frey, but the horse was considered the noblest of the usual sac rificial animals and was a favorite of the god of plenty. Such a costly sacrifice could, however, be afforded only by the wealthy.36 The boar also played an interest ing part in a ceremony connected with Frey in Norway. At J61 time the largest boar that could be found was offered at a pubhc sacrificial feast by the king, but before being killed the animal was led into the hall in front of the monarch to afford those present an opportunity to pass their hands over his bristles and utter vows; "and they considered him so holy that over his bristles they would swear in all their great cases." 37 The sacrifice of human beings during the viking era appears to have been largely limited to special Human crises and the great national festivals; and Sa"™fice the persons then put to death were usually criminals or slaves. In Iceland and, presumably, in sb Craigie. The Religion of Ancient Scandinavia, 56-57. 38 Unwerth Wolf von, Untersuchungen iiber Totenkult und Odinnvereh- rung bei Nordgermanen, 70; Keyser, Nordmaendenes Religionsforfatning i Bedendommen, 67. st Origines Islandicae, I, 309. 390 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Scandinavia as a whole, the doom-ring and the sacrificial stone stood near the temple. Within the one, men were condemned to be offered to the gods, and upon the other, their bodies were broken.38 The remains of such sacri fices were probably buried promptly. Besides the human sacrifice already mentioned, which took place at the spe cial religious gatherings, other evidence of such offerings by an assembled people and by individuals may be found in the sagas. It is stated, for instance, that in early Sweden during a period of severe famine the people sacrificed their king, named Olaf, by burning him in his own house, in the hope of gaining the pity of the gods. This offering was probably made to Frey; and the object in choosing the king for it, seems to have been the hope that he, as chief priest of the land, would be especially acceptable to the gods. Moreover, this particular king was suspected of having neglected to make proper sacri fices to Frey, and, thus, to have invited famine.39 Men's lives were also given to Odin. King Aun of Uppsala is said to have sacrificed his nine sons to this deity in the effort to prolong his own life ; and Hakon Jarl, to have offered his seven-year-old son to the war god as a token of gratitude for victory.40 The Northman probably rarely offered prayer to the deities except in connection with gifts of one sort or an other ; usually a memory toast was drunk with appropri ate words, or food or other gifts were placed before the as Ibid., 69, 264. 39 Keyser, Nordmaendenes Religionsforfatning i Hedendommen, 102 ; Craigie, Religion of Ancient Scandinavia, 58. Even after Christianity was well established, in 1350, at the time of the Black Death in Sweden, the West Gothlanders met and determined upon human sacrifice as a means of getting rid of the plague; and, in conse quence, two beggar children were put to death. Mogk, E., "Die Men- schenopfer bei den Germanen," in AbhandVungen, etc., XXVII, 625. *o Keyser, Nordmaendenes Religionsforfatning i Hedendommen, 102. RELIGION: PLACES AND METHODS OF WORSHIP 391 image of the god and the wish directly expressed to it. And the god was expected to respond. It was also quite common to make a compact Prayer: the with a favorite god, as intimated in the pre- ^"^t in ceding paragraph. Perhaps the mercantile Worship experience of the viking period taught that this was the safest and most economical plan. A wor shipper would vow, for example, to make certain offerings if the deity would show him favor ; and often a small gift was presented at the time of the prayer, perhaps to rouse the interest and anticipation of the god. Thus, before the opening of battle warriors promised sacrifices if the gods would give them victory. Members of the enemy army taken prisoners were dedicated to such use.41 But it was also very usual to make the offering ahead of time, in this way taking for granted fair play on the part of the deity. The Swedes, for instance, would place a sac rificial animal in front of their own battle line when the enemy appeared.42 Similarly, before a voyage the Northmen would offer sacrifice for good weather.43 And as soon as the merchant ship stopped at a port for the purpose of trading, the Northern merchants offered food and drink to the gods. Along the Volga in Swedish Eus- sia, according to the Arab Ibn-Fadlan, the merchants sacrificed to wooden images erected there in order to secure success in trading. If commerce went slowly or badly, the merchants would return two or three times with more gifts. And if the gods showed favor, grati tude was manifested in the form of sacrificial feasts.44 *iMogk, E., "Die Menschenopfer bei den Germanen," in Abhandlungen, XXVII, 603-616. 42 Gronbech, Vor Folkeaet i Oldtiden, IV, 80. 43 Mogk, "Die Menschenopfer bei den Germanen," in Abhandlungen der Philologisch-Historischen Klasse, XXVII, 616-622. 44 Ibn-Fadlan, 7-9. 392 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE In order that they might know the will of the gods and secure their advice, the Scandinavians resorted to the use of oracles; but these were much Oracles simpler than those used by the Greeks and and Sooth- „ „ , , . . , . . sayers Eomans for obtaining divine communica tions. In most cases they appear to have been directly connected with the sacrifices, which were at times offered for purely oracular reasons. The view of the deity was believed to be expressed through acci dental happenings. Thorkell, an Icelander, for example, led an old ox to the temple of Frey as a gift to secure that god's help in avenging himself against an enemy. When the ox, immediately after the prayer had been uttered, bellowed loudly and fell to the ground dead, Thorkell interpreted the happening as a favorable reply from the god.45 More frequently, perhaps, the divine will was ascertained in connection with the sprinkling of blood about the temple as a part of the sacrificial ceremonies; but in this case the priest read the signs and offered the interpretation. By casting lots of one sort or another the Northmen also obtained divine messages. The methods employed seem all to have been mere modifications of those in use, according to Tacitus, among the early Germans. Among them, consecrated chips from a fruit tree were carefully marked and thrown upon a white cloth, after which the priest, or the father of the household — if the oracle was being consulted in private — interpreted the oracle by means of the position of the pieces of wood and the mark ings upon them. This system appears to have been transmitted from the ancient Teutons to the Lapps by means of the Scandinavians.46 In Denmark and Sweden, 45 "Gluma," in Islenzkar Fornsogur, I, 29-30. 46 Bugge, Norges Historie, vol. I, pt. I, 205. RELIGION: PLACES AND METHODS OF WORSHIP 393 wooden sticks or pegs or weights such as were employed in scales were made use of in a like manner.47 Though any one might consult the gods in the ways mentioned, there seems no doubt that in connection with some of the pagan places of worship there were persons believed to be possessed of special skill in securing divine communications. In the ancient writings is mentioned a temple of Frey in charge of a woman one of whose functions was to consult the will of the deity. But the greatest oracle of the North was connected with the temple at Uppsala, which was well known beyond the boundaries of Sweden and was consulted by foreign rulers.48 That the Scandinavians of the ancient time believed firmly in a life beyond the grave is shown not only by the verbal testimony of the sagas but also by the elaborate equipment buried with the ^mortality dead ; and this equipment indicates that they expected to live in the hereafter very much as they did during their career in the flesh. But, — as in the case of people of virtually all religions, Christianity included, — there was mental confusion and inconsistency with ref erence to just where the soul abode after death. The belief that after a long journey it dwelt with the gods in celestial regions existed side by side with worship on the grave mounds and the conviction that the soul lived within the mound. Also, change as well as confusion is discernible in connection with the belief in a special dwell ing place for the spirits of the dead; in earlier times, Helbeim was spoken of as the abode of all departed souls ; later, during the Viking Age, when the warrior was especially exalted, Valhalla, the heaven of battle-slain " Petersen, Nordboernes Gudedyrkelse og Gudetro, 31-32. 48 Chadwick, "The Ancient Teutonic Priesthood," in Folklore, XI, 300. 394 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Norsemen, assumed a prominent place in the religious views of the North. And yet, there was uncertainty as to who should go to Valhalla after all, for some believed that those who met death otherwise than while fighting should abide there as well as the warriors.49 Christianity also made its influence felt, towards the close of the heathen period, in the Scandinavian attitude towards the after hfe. Since the purely heathen religion did not take cognizance of sin in the Christian sense, dur ing early times there seems to have been no separation of souls after death by classification into good and bad, righteous and wicked, though there was a conviction that the person who in the flesh had violated the ethical code of the time would be despised in the after life. But, later, a shadowy idea of a final doomsday was incorporated with the earlier belief, and, with it, a somewhat nebulous view that the virtuous as well as the merely brave would go to Valhalla, while blasphemy and baseness would close this place to even those displaying the greatest physical courage.50 Besides the instances already mentioned, the Christian religion influenced the people of the North in other ways before the new faith was actually adopted. The Transi- rp^g Scan• "Gluma," in Islenzkar Fornsbgur, I, 36; Volsunga Saga, 9, 52. 37 Origines Islandicae, II, 98. In the remoter parts of Scandinavia the peasants to-day consult "wise" men and women for the same purpose. 38 Du Chaillu, Viking Age, I, 394, 396, 401. s9 This description may be found in English translation between pages 410 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE It is not improbable that such clairvoyants at times filled the office of soothsayers in the temples, but there is no proof that this was the case. 20 and 23 of Olson, Julius E., (ed.), "The Voyages of the Northmen," in Original Narratives of Early American History, vol. I. CHAPTER XXIV DEATH AND BUBIAL . . . though thou hast lost thy brother, it is manly to bear it well, for man must live after man. Egils Saga. The humanitarian spirit of the present time which reflects itself in the tender care of the sick is a thing of recent growth ; even in the late Middle Ages such sympathy was rare in Christian lands, ^sick and it was less common still during the heathen period in Scandinavia. Except at the hands of friends and relatives, the sick received scant attention,. unless it was paid for. Though most people felt a cer tain sense of social obligation towards the helpless, the aid which they gave was usually a very meager minimum; if no friend was about, poor folk and slaves could expect little else than that food and water be placed beside them, after which they were left to die or recover, just as the Fates decreed.1 But whether alone or surrounded by loved ones, when the end approached, the Northman met it manfully. He did not welcome death, but neither did he Nibjargir fear it ; he merely faced it with the dauntless spirit displayed towards the earlier and lesser adventures of his career. To do so was only in harmony with the fatalistic philosophy which more or less shaped his life. However, when his mortal experiences had terminated and he had drawn his last breath, it was well for the i Ibn-Fadlan, 11. 411 412 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE living if some friend was near at hand to perform ndbjargir for him — to press down the eyelids and to close the nostrils as well as the mouth. Otherwise, misfor tune might be expected to visit other members of the household ; for it was believed that evil would befall any one who passed in front of the corpse before this final friendly act was done.2 In preparation for its burial, servants or friends washed the body and clad it as for a feast in the finest clothing and ornaments that circumstances Prepara- would permit. The most important part of uon of the ^ apparei wag £he hei shoes, which would Burial enable the deceased to walk safely to the realm of departed spirits ; but the records do not make clear just what was the nature of these shoes.3 All preparation for the final putting away of the corpse was made as soon as possible, and in the interval the body lay upon boards in a spare apartment of the dwell ing house or in an outbuilding and was watched over by members of the household.4 When everything was ready for the removal of the dead one, friends and relatives gathered around and whispered into the cold ears loving words of farewell, and repeated wishes for a safe and pleasant journey to the land of the shades.5 It is prob able that the farewells and friendly wishes were again uttered in songs and spoken words while the remains were being carried out, as was customary in early Chris tian times throughout the North and is still done in parts of Iceland. If death had come from natural causes, the body was taken through the main door of the dwelling; 2 Origines Islandicae, II, 114. 3 Ibid., I, 563 ; Gisla Saga Surssonar, 32. * Origines Islandicae, II, 604. 5 Corpus Poeticum Boreale, I, 43 ; Saga Library, III, 188. DEATH AND BURIAL 413 but if the end had been due to violence, a hole was broken in the wall back of the head of the corpse as it lay in readiness and the body was borne through this opening; or a passage was occasionally dug under the house-wall for the same purpose. The motive behind this extra trouble was to confuse the spirit of the departed so it could not find its way back and haunt the house ; for those coming to their deaths through violence were likely to be more restless than others. In early Christian days it was customary to carry the body around the house outside three times. The practice was doubtless heathen in source and had originally the object just mentioned.6 Though the bodies of slaves were occasionally left to the birds and beasts of prey, and thieves and robbers were permitted to remain where they were hanged,— by way of warning to evil-doers,7 Disposal —public opinion, often backed by law, usu- ° ^* ally demanded that corpses be put out of of the sight in some manner. In Iceland, any one Dead finding a dead body and failing to cover it was liable to punishment.8 The remains of the friend less who died by the wayside, and those of persons put to death in punishment for crime, were usually buried without ceremony under a cairn of stones or a heap of earth. But persons having any sort of standing in a community were shown much more consideration. In very early times their remains were regularly burnt ; for the practice of cremation was so old in the North that its origin was attributed to Odin, who was said to have established it by law. And throughout the Bronze and early Iron Ages this was virtually the only method of dis- «Visted, Vor Gamle Bondekultur, 247. 7 Ibn-Fadlan, 11. s Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 474. 414 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE posing of the dead ; 9 but with the Eoman period, probably as a result of the influence of Christianity, corpses began to be inhumed unburnt ; 10 and by the Viking Age, though both systems were practiced in the North, simple burial was perhaps, on the whole, the more common of the two. However, cremation still predominated in certain sec tions. In Swedish Eussia — perhaps because of Oriental influence — it was unusually prolonged, and appears to have been the almost invariable rule even as late as the tenth century ; X1 and in northern Scandinavia, due to the remoteness of the region, it was the more common cus tom.12 In Iceland, on the other hand, there appears to be no trace of cremation ; 13 all graves so far examined in that place have been filled with inhumed remains. This fact is explainable partly by the late settlement of the island — after burial had become well known in Nor way, — but the scarcity of fuel, and the proximity to the British Isles, where burial was the rule, were doubtless influential also. The remains were generally cremated upon a funeral pyre, or in a boat or ship, on the land belonging to the family of the deceased; for no public ceme teries were found in the North until after the introduction of Christianity, when they grew up around the churches. The torch was applied to the pyre, pre sumably by the nearest relative to the dead, and the ashes remaining after the fires had died out were gathered and buried in an urn of clay, wood, soapstone, or iron, or — » Saga Library, III, 20. 10 Schetelig, Haakon, "Traces of the Custom of 'Suttee' in Norway during the Viking Age," in Saga Book, VI, 182-183. n Ibn-Fadlan, 11, 21. i2 Steenstrup, Danmarks Historie, I, 358 ; Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 205. is K&lund, Kr., "Islands Fortidslaevninger," in Aarboger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, 1882, p. 77. DEATH AND BURIAL 415 as was perhaps most often the case — a mound of earth was erected over them where they lay.14 Chieftains and other people of high rank were occasionally cremated in a more spectacular manner. The dead one, supplied with an elaborate equipment, was placed in his ship on the strand and the vessel was fired and set adrift. When it had burned to the water's edge, the ship generally sank; but usually not until long after it had passed far from the ken of kindred and friends of the lone passenger.15 There were various methods of inhuming the body unburnt. In some cases it was placed in a coffin of wood or stone and buried beneath the surface of the ground, very much as at present. This was done far back in the Stone Age of Scandinavia, but later was virtually supplanted by cremation, and seems to have been reintroduced into the North in the Viking Age largely in imitation of the Christian nations to the south. In this later period, however, it was probably an exceptional method of burial.16 More often the maritime Northmen appear to have used a small row-boat in place of the box-like coffin. The boat-coffins were buried under ground, or mounds of earth were thrown up over them. Great numbers of such boat-graves have been found in modern times. A rarer practice, sometimes followed in the case of warriors slain in battle, was to drive the war- chariot containing the corpse into the mound prepared for its reception, after which the horses drawing the chariot were killed and entombed with their master. In this instance, the chariot served- for a coffin.17 More often, among the well-to-do, the body was placed n Ibn-Fadlan, 11, 19, 21; Keyser, Private Life of the Old Northmen, 174. is Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 484. i« Steenstrup, Danmarks Riges Historie, I, 358 ; KAlund, "Familielivet pa Island," in Aarboger, 1870, pp. 372-373. n Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 205. 416 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE in some sort of sepulchral chamber, resembling the dwell ings of the living. Over this was thrown a Cumbers1 mound of earth, sometimes before, some times after, the dead had been laid within. Occasionally this mausoleum was constructed directly upon the bare earth, but probably more often it was erected upon a large boat or ship. In the former case Fig. 46. Grave Chamber of Queen Thyra of Denmark. (From Steenstrup's Danmarks Historie.) it was modeled after the room of a dwelling house, but on a smaller scale (Fig. 46) ; 18 in the latter, it was shaped like the tents pitched on ship board by mariners, or erected on the shore when they landed to pass the night, but the material commonly used for the ship-burial cham- is The most elaborate tomb of this sort so far discovered is that of Queen Thyra of Denmark, a Christian, whose husband was King Gorm the Old, a pagan. The room was about twenty-one feet long, nine broad, and five high, and was constructed — floor, walls, and ceiling — of closely fitted oaken planks three or four inches thick. Montelius, Oscar, "Boning, Grav, och Tempel," in Antikvarisk Tidskrift for Sverige, etc., vol. XXI, pt. I, p. 65. DEATH AND BURIAL 417 bers Was probably wood instead of tent cloth.19 The apartment in which the dead was to repose was fitted out as if to be occupied by the living, with hangings on the walls, and beds, chairs, tables, and other things making for comfort. The most elaborate piece of furniture was usually that intended to hold the corpse. Sometimes this was a chair, in which the body was placed in an up right posture ; but more often the remains were laid upon a couch or bed decked with bright coverlets and supplied with cushions filled with down.20 A goodly supply of food was also placed in the chamber by thoughtful rela tives and friends, with the utensils and other things neces sary to cook and serve it.21 The dead were also given a special, personal equip ment. Dogs were very commonly buried with both men and women, and were intended to guide and guard the spirit of the deceased on its journey Eq^L™ent to Asgard, and to be its pet and companion after arrival there. Other pets, as falcons, and even im ported peacocks, were also entombed with the dead.22 A goodly supply of wearing apparel for all occasions was included, and each man was also equipped with his weap ons — or, at least, his favorite sword — and the ordinary tools which he might need; and each woman, with the household utensils and implements to which she was ac customed. The Oseberg ship,23 which was the burial 19 The largest burial ships as yet found are the two from Gokstad and Oseberg, near Christiania. These specimens may be seen in the National Museum in Christiania. A detailed description of the Gokstad vessel is given in N. Nicolaysen's The Viking-Ship Discovered at Gokstad in Norway, Christiania, 1882. The Norwegian Government is preparing to publish a great work on The Oseberg Discoveries. The editors of this are A. W. Brogger, H. J. Falk, and Haakon Schetelig. 20 Muller, Vor Oldtid, 655. 21 Ibn-Fadlan, 15. 22 The remains of a peacock were found in the Gokstad ship. 2s See note 19 of this chapter. 418 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE place of a Norse woman of high degree, contained the most elaborate equipment so far discovered. This in cluded needles, balls of thread and wax, spinning and weaving appliances, tubs, pails, kettles, and other kitchen utensils, and even a hand-mill for grinding grains. Con siderable gold and silver — to be used for commercial transactions in the spirit land — was also buried with people of wealth, but more often with men than with women, for the former, in consequence of their activity as pirates and traders, were more likely to possess riches of that sort.24 So common was it to bury precious metals with the dead that the conventional method used for se curing treasure by adventurers whose careers are de scribed in the sagas was digging in a grave mound. If the deceased was a person of wealth, care was taken to supply him with adequate facilities for transporta tion to the land of shades. Often when a Transporta- warrior was buried in his chariot, a saddle, tion acih- an(j SOmetimes an additional horse, was ties Pro- ^ . vided for added, in order that the traveler might have the Dead his choice between riding and driving.25 Even the humbler people, buried in small boats, used for coffins, as already described, appear to have been quite generally provided with at least one horse,26 which was presumably meant to be ridden. Lavishly equipped tombs, such as those uncovered at Gokstad and Oseberg, contained a dozen or more horses, and sometimes oxen and other cattle. And graves like these were often supplied with a variety of vehicles as well. In the Oseberg burial mound, for instance, were 24 Origines Islandicae, II, 283. 25 Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 205. 28 Brunn, Daniel, and Finnur JSnsson, "Dalvik-Fundet : en Gravplads fra Hedenskabets Tid pa Island," in Aarboger, XXV, 70-94. DEATH AND BURIAL 419 found a four-wheeled wagon and four sleds, or sledges, of various sizes. It is, furthermore, obvious that the boats or ships, of whatever size, in which the Northmen were buried were intended to be used for the journey to the land of spirits. For this reason, they were always so placed within the tumulus or mound that their prows were pointed towards the edge of any stream or body of water near at hand. Nothing was overlooked by friends and relatives that would aid the spirit-voyager on his way. But the Scandinavians of the Viking Age did not stop with sacrificing the lower animals in providing for the comfort and well-being of the departed. The followers of a chief tain or king were executed and buried with him, particularly in the more conserva tive eastern part of Scandinavia,27 in order that he might not lack a proper retinue in the other world. Ser vants and slaves were by the same method condemned to labor after death for those whom they had served in life. The Oseberg ship contained the remains of such a serving woman. Mistresses were also entombed with their lovers ; and wives, with their husbands. This cus tom of suttee has characterized practically all Indo-Euro pean peoples at some stage of their development, and rose from the conception of the wife as the property of her husband ; hence, she, like his other possessions, must accompany him to the other world. Archaeological in vestigation seems to prove, however, that the suttee was not very old in the North at the opening of the Viking Age; in no men's graves antedating the fourth century after Christ have the remains of women been found.28 Its late origin seems to point to introduction of the 27 Ibn-Fadlan, 21 2s Seger, "Frauengraber," in Hoops, Reallexikon. 420 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE suttee from the Orient as a result of Eastern trading voyages. The custom probably never became very gen eral in Scandinavia, and, because of the influence of the Christian lands to the south, was on the decline by the beginning of the ninth century. It lingered longest in Swedish Eussia and Sweden, where paganism longest survived, but it was not unknown in Denmark and Nor way during the Viking Age. On the other hand, no evi dence exists that the women of Iceland were ever re quired to surrender their lives at the death of their husbands. It seems likely, therefore, that by the close of the ninth century when the island was settled the custom of suttee had become virtually extinct in Nor way, and the unusual degree of independence enjoyed by the pioneer women of Iceland prevented any intro duction of the dying practice from the motherland.29 29 Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 477. The Arab Ibn-Fadlan gives the most detailed account that we possess of human immolation among the Scandinavians. His observations were made along the Volga River in Swedish Russia in the first part of the tenth century, while he was on an errand in the region. At this time, he witnessed the whole proceed ings connected with the disposal of the remains of a Scandinavian chief tain. When such a person of note died among the Scandinavians, he states, it was customary to ask the youths and maidens of the household for a volunteer to accompany the master in death. Whoever offered himself was bound to keep his word. In the instance described, a young girl agreed to give up her life, and as soon as she did so two other girls were appointed guards over her and were required to accompany her wherever she went, lest she change her mind and try to escape. During the days of preparation for the funeral, this girl sang and conducted herself in a gay and care-free manner, which the etiquette of the situation evidently demanded. An old woman, called by the others the "angel of death," or "agent of death" was a sort of general undertaker, or manager, of the funeral arrangements. Under her direction the ship belonging to the deceased was drawn up on the shore and in it was erected a sepulchral tent containing a richly decked couch, on which the body of the dead man was placed with his weapons beside him. Food and drink were also set conveniently near. This being done, several animals were killed and put in the ship, including a dog, a rooster and a hen, two oxen, and two horses. Attention was next centered upon the voluntary victim. After taking part in a brief ceremony which appears to have possessed symbolic signi- DEATH AND BURIAL 421 Some sort of religious ceremony was at times held at the grave before the remains were burned or buried. Ibn-Fadlan (in the account referred to in note 29 of this chapter) mentions the wooden Celelonles images of the gods which surrounded the connected sepulchral ship as it stood on the shore with ready to receive the remains; and to these DisP°sal idols the chieftain's friends prayed during Dead' the days of preparation for the funeral.30 Sometimes a ceremony was held after the deceased had been fully equipped for his journey to the land of the shades, and the door of his sepulchral chamber had been closed for the last time. In the parts of the North where Thor was held in especially high esteem, this final cere mony seems to have been characterized by the consecra tion of the funeral pyre with the hammer symbolic of this deity.31 To a people like the Northmen who made much of friendship and ties of blood, the death of a loved one brought genuine regret and often deep grief. But their characteristic reserve and training in self-control aided them to bear such losses with quiet courage. Only occasionally did grief become uncon trollable, as in the case of Egil Skalagrimsson, the poet, ficance, the young girl gave the jewelry which she wore to the two who had been her guardians. Then she was given two beakers of liquor to drink — evidently to brace her for the approaching ordeal; and, after ad dressing each of these in song, she emptied it. But she showed a tendency to linger over the drinking, and sang long over the second glass; and even after this was drained, she hesitated to enter the tent. The mistress of ceremonies, therefore, led her in, followed by six men who aided her in dispatching the victim. While the girl was being put to death some of the men in the crowd beat upon their shields to drown any cries that she might utter, lest the other girls become frightened and later show an unwillingness to die in a similar manner with their lords. Ibn- Fadlan, 15-20. so Ibn-Fadlan, 13. 81 Peterson, Om Norgyboernes Gudedyrkelse og Gudetro i Hedenold, 58. 422 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE who tried to end his life by self -neglect after his son died. There appears, however, to have been very little, if any, formal or perfunctory mourning during the heathen pe riod. The custom for a bereaved family to drape the halls of their dwelling with black and gray hangings probably did not antedate the introduction of Christian practices.32 The remains of the dead, however disposed of, were usually covered by a tumulus or mound of earth. Some such mounds were very large, and even at Mrav* the end of a thousand years of settling and wearing away of the soil, many are still hillocks in size (Fig. 47). These heaps of earth were intended not only to cover thoroughly the dead and all his belongings but also to serve as a monument to his memory ; consequently, people of wealth and importance were especially honored by great howes, while humbler folk had often but a low mound thrown over them, which quickly settled to the level of the surrounding ground. The shapes of the mounds varied, but they were usually circular, oval, triangular, or rectangular; the first-men tioned form was, however, the most common. Some graves were characterized by low tumuli pointed at each end, in resemblance of the deck plan of a ship, the out line being made of upright stones placed close together, those at the ends being unusually tall. Such graves ex isted in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, and the remains of some of them may still be seen (Fig. 48 ).33 At a very early time — probably as early as the Old Stone Age — the Northmen began to erect St"**" special memorial stones over the graves of their dead, usually placing them on top of 32 Du Chaillu, Vikimg Age, I, 421. 83 Steenstrup, Danmarks Riges Historie, I, 358. Fig. 47. Modern View of Circular Burial Ground. (From Gustafson'! Norges Oldtid) es Fig. 48. Burial Place with Monumental Stones in Outline of a Ship. (From Gustaf son's Norges Oldtid) DEATH AND BURIAL 423 the mound. These stones were rough-hewn and varied greatly in size and shape; some were twelve to fifteen feet high ; others were very low and did not appear more than one or two feet above ground. At times, they were in the form of an obelisk, but more frequently the sides were roughly vertical, with a height two or three times the thickness (Fig. 49 ).34 Such stones were raised over the dead whether the remains were burned or buried; and often similar ones were erected to the memory of people lost at sea, or who died in foreign lands. Occa sionally, they were even set up in honor of the living. These monuments of various sorts were especially nu merous along the wayside, where the dead were fre quently buried. In Sweden, in particular, as in ancient Eome, the roads were in places lined with them; and thus they served as way- marks as well as memori als.35 Previous to the ninth century the bauta-stones appear rarely to have borne inscriptions; but with the opening 3* Nicolaissen, O., "Bautastene i det Hoie Norden," in Aarboger, 1897, pp. 57-66. 35 Friesen, Otto von, Upplands Runstenar: en Allmdnfattlig Ofversikt, 15-16. Fig. 49. Rough Hewn Monu mental Stone with Thor's Ham mers. (From Petersen's Om Nord boernes Gudedyrkelse og Gudetro i Hedenold. ) 424 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE of the viking period it soon became very customary to _ . , engrave upon them epitaphs and other in- Epitaphs ° ,. *. . , T „ m,. scriptions m runic characters.38 This prac tice was doubtless in imitation of Christian lands, for it was much more common in southern Scandinavia where the contact with Christian Europe was closest. In the far northern part of the land no runic inscriptions of any sort are found upon the bauta-stones of this period. The epitaph gave the name and the position of the dead person and usually also told who erected the monument and who engraved the runes. If the deceased had jour neyed in foreign lands, this fact was generally mentioned, for it added to his prestige. Often words of apprecia tion or praise of the dead were added. At times there were also warnings to the passer-by not to harm the memorial; or even a threat to "have the law on" any one who should remove or deface it.37 On the later stones it was also not uncommon to cut an invocation to Thor, accompanied by the figure of his hammer ; or the symbol of some other god. In the late Viking Age elaborately carved stones came into use, particularly in the island of Gotland. These stones showed genuine skill in workmanship. The tops were commonly semi-circular or horseshoe shaped, and the surfaces, smooth.38 Such stones occasionally had s»Ibid., 7. 37 Wimmer, Ludv. F. A., Die Runenschrift, 335-382. The following are typical runic inscriptions: "Ragnhild erected this stone for Ale Salvegode, the highly honorable temple priest. Ale's sons raised this mound in memory of their father, and his wife for her hus band; but Sote cut the runes for his master. May Thor consecrate these runes ! " "Whoever removes this stone to raise it over another or injures it will be required to make good the damage." Wimmer, 369. "Rolf raised this stone in memory of Gudmund, his brother's son, and his men, who were drowned at sea. Aweir cut the runes." Ibid., 346. 38 Pipping, Hugo, Om Runimskrifterna pd de Nyfunna Ardre-Stenama. .7 f'-W'^- *5/ a:-"M ';.' .Fig. 50. Pictorial Monumental Eune Stone. (From Pipping's Ardre- Stenarna ) DEATH AND BURIAL 425 runes on both sides. A common motif was the figure of a dragon or snake, arranged along the edge for a border ; and between the parallel lines forming this animal the runes were cut. In the inclosed space were often elabo rate twisted animal designs, figures of the gods in relief, or illustrations of scenes from Northern mythology. The later, more finely-engraved samples of stone work at times had the background filled in with color, par ticularly red, in order that the bas-relief design might stand out more distinctly ; 39 and occasionally the runic inscriptions themselves were painted red with a similar aim (Fig. 50 ).40 Not infrequently, runic stones were placed within the grave itself ; but these were smaller than the ones erected upon the mound, and bore only the name of the deceased, with perhaps a magical sen- Rune- tence. In the last part of the heathen period Stones these small stones appear to have been more within the commonly used than the larger monumental Grave ones.41 Their aim was perhaps merely per sonal to the one with whom they were buried ; they were intended to aid him on his journey to the land of the shades and to be of service after his arrival. Wood at times took the place of stone as grave-markers in regions where stone was scarce, or when those having charge of the disposal of the dead were in a hurry. In the latter case, a pillar of wood — usually made from the trunk of a tree — was set up ; and upon it was cut a short inscription, often only the name of the person buried beneath.42 3» Klintberg, M., Ndgra Anteckningar om Gotland i Verkligheten och Gotland i Skrift, 108. «> Pipping, Om Runinskrifterna. « Wimmer, Die Runenschrift, 306-309, 312. 42 Ibn-Fadlan, 21. 426 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE The property left by the dead was disposed of in vari ous ways. If it was entirely in the form of movables, as was often true of the possessions of the the>Dead ° merchants who traveled and trafficked with foreign peoples, it was divided into three parts, one to go to surviving relatives, another to be buried with the corpse, and a third to be devoted to the expense of the memorial feast which followed the fu neral.43 The three divisions were of varying propor tions, for the fraction of the property used for the two last-named purposes was determined by the piety and devotion of the surviving relatives and friends, their regard for public opinion, and the thoroughness with which they believed that the spirit of the departed, if wronged, would return to secure revenge. The division of the part remaining after honor had been shown to the dead was made according to custom and law, which, how ever, varied in different sections. Much attention was paid by the laws, however, to landed property. In Denmark if a married man died his wife could inherit the whole of his land only if the two had had children. The woman became the heir of her husband through her children; but eventually the property descended to the children. If the pair was childless, half of the land went to the parents of the deceased. The law applied in the same way if the wife died leaving land.44 In general, however, if there were grown sons, landed property went quite directly into their control when the father died. In Western Scandi navia, if there was only one piece of land, this appears to have gone to the eldest son ; but if there were several tracts, one or more went to each male heir.45 However, 43 Ibid., 11. 4* Kong Eriks Sjellandske Lov, 2-3. 45 Steenstrup, Danmarks Historie, I, 253-255. DEATH AND BURIAL 427 in Iceland two sons were at times made joint heirs of a single farm. In the early part of the viking period the daughter was probably shut out from any claim upon her father's land even in the absence of sons; but in Iceland during the last part of the tenth century a daughter under these circumstances became her father's heir.46 However, it was not until two hundred years later that the inheri tance laws of the North began to place daughters on an equality with sons.47 Before this, they appear to have generally received one third of the father's possessions, while their brothers received the remaining two thirds.48 Yet, the injustice to the daughters was perhaps usually more apparent than real; for most women of ancient Scandinavia married, and the dowries settled upon them by their fathers were as a rule considerably larger than the amount given to the sons to enable them to fulfill their contracts as grooms. This fact tended to produce equal ization of values in property distribution. Furthermore, often when the othal land went to the son, the daughter inherited a larger share of movable goods.49 Throughout Scandinavia it was customary for the sur viving friends or kindred to hold a grave-ale or funeral feast in honor of the deceased shortly after the remains had been put out of the way. TheArval, This banquet to the dead is one of the most 0*™*nerai characteristic features of funerals among peast primitive peoples, and in the famous "wake" it exists at the present time among the Irish. In some parts the feast could not lawfully be held until after the seventh day following the death; and it was often post- 46 Njdla, 45. 47 Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse, 53. 48 Valdemar den Andens Jydske Lov, 14. 4»Wisdn, Theodor, Om Qvinman i Nordens Forntid, 14. 428 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE poned until the thirtieth. If the deceased was father of the family, the preparations were likely to be particularly elaborate. Occasionally, memorial feasts for several persons were held at the same time and place ; B0 and in such cases large gatherings of friends and relatives were present. But great crowds once in a while assembled to do honor to a single individual, as in the case of Shelty, the Icelander, to whose grave-ale his sons invited more than fourteen hundred guests. This number was unusu ally large, however, for the saga account states that this was "the noblest arval ever held in Iceland."151 The grave-ale often lasted for several days, and was usually characterized by much drinking, particularly to the mem ory of the dead, whom the guests were duty-bound thus to honor.62 Presumably, however, none of the friends or relatives ever regarded such an obligation as very arduous. The character and accomplishments of the de parted were also extolled by members of the gathering; one gifted in saga-telling recited in prose his great deeds, or a skald composed and sang songs in his praise.53 The grave-ale was not only a memorial to the dead but also a ceremonial, installing the living into the rights of heirship. Such an installation always took ofSHdrsWp Place if the heir was a grown son. At the opening of the banquet, the "high seat" of the late master of the household stood vacant, and thus it remained while the guests did him honor in the ways just mentioned. But as soon as the son had finished drinking the horn of memory to his father, he stepped forward and placed himself in the seat, by this act as suming formal possession of the property left by the ^o Saga Library, III, 271. si Origines Islandicae, I, 141. 52 Ibn-Fadlan, 11; Saga Library, III, 271. 53 Origines Islandicae, I, 141, 205. DEATH AND BURIAL 429 deceased and inaugurating himself into the headship of the household.54 Thus was signalized in the ancient Northland the passing of the old generation from the stage and the entrance of the new upon it. 54 Keyser, Private Life of the Old Northmen, 175-177. BIBLIOGRAPHY The comments following the titles below listed are intended to apply to the writings only from the standpoint of the present study. Catalogues and Bibliographies Cornell University Library: Catalogue of the Icelandic Collection bequeathed by Willard Fiske. Compiled by Halld6r Hermannsson. Ithaca, New York, 1914. The Catalogue indexes one of the most valuable collections in its field in the world, and is made especially valuable to the student of social history through a subject- as well as an author-classi fication of the most important titles. Islandica: an Annual relating to Iceland and the Fiske Icelandic Collection in the Cornell University. Ithaca, New York. Edited by William Harris, Librarian. The following numbers have been especially valuable: I. Bibliography of the Icelandic Sagas. By Halldor Her mannsson, 1908. III. Bibliography of the Sagas of the Kings of Norway, and related Sagas and Tales. By Halldor Hermannsson, 1910. IV. The Ancient Laws of Norway and Iceland. By Halldor Hermannsson, 1911. V. Bibliography of the Mythical-Heroic Sagas. By Halldor Hermannsson, 1912. Contemporary Works Adam af Bremen om Meningheden i Norden under Erkesaedet i Bremen og Hamburg (788-1072), Tillegemed sammes Beskrivelse af de nordiske Lande. Oversat af P. W. Christensen. Kjoben- havn, 1862. Alfred's (King) Orosius. Trans, by B. Thorpe. In Thorpe's trans lation of Pauli's Life of Alfred the Great. London, 1878. Valuable for the account of Othere, the Norseman, interpolated by Alfred. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. See Bede's Ecclesiastical History. AuSun. In Sweet, Henry, An Icelandic Primer. Oxford, 1886. Bede's Ecclesiastical History of England; also the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Edited by J. A. Giles. London, 1903. Beowulf. Translated out of the Old English by Chauncey Brewster Tinker. New York, 1908. . . Biorkoa Batten: thet dr then aldasta Stadz Lag t Sweriges Rike. Forst brukat i Biorkoo manga Hundrade Ahr sedan, btockholm, 1687 ff. 432 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE With this work are bound Gothlands Laghen, Dahle Laghen, and other provincial laws of Sweden. Brennu-N jalsaga (Njdla) . Herausgegeben von Finnur Jonsson. Halle, 1908. Corpus Poeticum Boreale; the Poetry of the Old Northern Tongue, from the Earliest Times to the Thirteenth Century. Edited, classified, and translated with Introduction, Excursus, and Notes, by Gudbrand Vigfusson and P. York Powell. 2 vols. Oxford, 1883. Edda Saemundar Hinns Frotha: the Edda of Saemund the Learned. Translated by Benjamin Thorpe from the Old Norse, or Ice landic. 2 vols. London, 1866. Egils Saga Skallagrimssonar nebst den grosseren Gedichten Egils. Herausgegeben von Finnur Jonsson. Halle, 1894. Flocmanna Saga. 1?orleifr Jonsson gaf ut. Reykjavik, 1884. Gisla Saga Surssonar. Herausgegeben von Finnur Jonsson. Halle, 1903. Gluma. In Islenzkar Fomsogur, vol. I. Kaupmannahofn, 1880. Grdgds: Islaendernes Lovbog i Fristatens Tid. Udgivet efter det Kongelige Bibliotheks flaandskrift og oversat af Vilhjalmar Finsen. 4 vols. Kjobenhavn, 1870. Grettis Saga Asmundarsonar. Herausgegeben von R. C. Boer. Halle, 1900. Gull-^oris Saga, "torleifr Jonsson gaf ut. Reykjavik, 1878. Gunnlaugs Saga Ormstungu. Mit Einleitung und Glossar herausgege ben von E. Mogk. Zweite verbesserte Auflage. Halle, 1908. Guta-Lagh; das ist der Insel Gotland altes Bechtsbuch. In der Ur- sprache und einer wiederaufgefundenen Uebersetzung herausgege ben; mit einer neudeutchsen Uebersetzung nebst Anmerkungen versehen von Dr. Karl Schildener. Greifswald, 1818. Ibn-Fadlan (Ahmad), Ibn Fozlans und anderer Ardber Berichte iiber die Bussen alterer Zeit. Text und iibersetzung mit Kritisch- Philologischen Anmerkungen ; nebst drei Beilagen iiber sogenannte Russen-Stamme und Kiew, die Warenger, und das Warenger-Meer, und das Land Wisu, ebenfalls nach Arabischen Schriftstellern von C. M. Frahn. St. Petersburg, 1823. Frahn in his introduction states that Ibn-Fadlan was an Arab of Bagdad, who, in 921, a. d., went to the Volga region upon an errand for his caliph. Here he observed the customs of the Scandinavian merchants who followed this trade route, and left a careful account of them, which was transmitted to modern times through the Work of an Arab, named Jacut, who lived in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The account is exceedingly valu able, for it gives the most complete contemporary picture in ex istence of the Scandinavians of Russia during the Viking period. JSmsvikinga Saga. Utgifven af Gustaf Cederschiold. Lund, 1875. Jhe King's Mirror (Speculum Begale — Konungs Skuggsjd). Trans. BIBLIOGRAPHY 433 from Old Norwegian by Laurence Marcellus Larson. New York, 1917. Laxdoela Saga. Herausgegeben von Kr. Kalund. Halle, 1896. Lex Siellandica Erici Begis. Kong Eriks Sjellandske Lov med Ind- ledning, Oversaettelse og Anmerkninger, udgivet af J. L. A. Kolderup-Rosenvinge. Kjobenhavn, 1821. Norges Gamle Love indtil 1387. Ifolge offentlig Foranstaeltning og tillege med Understottelse af det Kongelige Norske Videnskabers Selskab udgivne ved R. Keyser og P. A. Munch, Gustav Storm og Ebbe Hertzberg. 5 vols. Christiania, 1846-1895. Origines Islandicae; a Collection of the More Important Sagas and other Native Writings relating to the Settlement and Early His tory of Iceland. 2 vols. Edited and trans, by Gudbrand Vig- fusson and F. York Powell. Oxford, 1905. The Saga Library. 6 vols. Trans, and ed. by William Morris and Eirikr Magnusson. London, 1891-1905. This contains a large number of sagas not included in Origines Islandicae. Saxo Grammaticus, Danish History. Trans, by Oliver Elton, with commentary by Frederick York Powell. London, 1894. Sturlunga Saga, including the Islendinga Saga of Lawman Sturla Thordsson and other Works. Edited with Prolegomena, Appen dices, Tables, Indices, and Maps by' Gudbrand Vigfusson. 2 vols. Oxford, 1878. Swerikes Bikes Lagh-Boker som tire Landz Lagh, Uplandz Lagh, Ostgotha Lagh, Wastmanna Lagh, Stadz Lagh, Wastgotha Lagh, Soderman Lagh, Helsing Lagh. Stockholm, 1666. Tacitus, Cornelius, The Agricola and Germania of Tacitus. With a revised text, English notes, and maps, by Alfred J. Church and W. J. Brodribb. New ed. London, 1885. Valdemar den Andens Jydske Lov. Udgivne ved P. G. Thorsen. Kjobenhavn, 1853. Voyages of the Northmen, trans, and ed. by Julius E. Olson. In Original Narratives of Early American History, vol. I, ed. by J. F. Jameson, New York, 1906. Contains sagas, annals, and papal letters referring to Green land and Vinland. The Younger Edda: also called Snorri' s Edda, or the Prose Edda. Trans, and ed. by Rasmus B. Anderson, Chicago, 1880. Secondary Works Abercromby, John, The Pre- and Proto-Historic Finns, both Eastern and Western, with the Magic Songs of the West Finns. 2 vols. London, 1898. Almgren, Oscar, "De pagaende Undersokningarna om Sveriges forsta Bebyggelse," in Fornvdnnen meddelanden from K. Vitterhets His torie och Antikvitets Akademien, Stockholm, 1914, pp. 1-17. ; «En egendomlig Batgraf vid Ulltuna," in Kungl. Vitterhets His torie och Antikvitets Akadamiens Mdnadsblad, Stockholm, 1901- 1902, pp. 147-162. 434 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Annandale, Nelson, "The Survival of Primitive Implements, Materials, and Methods, in the Faroes and South Iceland," in Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Lon don, (1903), XXXIII, pp. 246-258. , The Faroes and Iceland: Studies in Island Life. Oxford, 1905. Arne, T. J., La Suede et I'Orient: etudes archeologiques sur les relations de la Suede et de I'Orient pendant I'age des vikings. Uppsala, 1914. Baath, A. U., Nordiskt Forntidslif. Stockholm,, [n. d.]. Popular but accurate. Gives many illustrations from the sagas. , Nordmanna-Mystik; Bilder from Nordens Forntid. Stockholm, (1898). A valuable work. Bajer, Fredrik, "Oldnordens Kvinde," in Nordisk Manedsknft for folkelig og kristelig Oplysning, Kristiania, 1871, pp. 176-216. Baring-Gould, Sabine, Iceland: its Scenes and Sagas. London, 1863. Valuable, as snowing the past reflected in the present. Beazley, Charles Raymond, The Dawn of Modern Geography. 3 vols. London, 1897-1906. Best work on the contribution of the Northmen to geographical knowledge. Beddoe, John. See Moore, A. W. Beeby, W. H., "Sol and Samphire," in Saga Book of the Viking Club, London, (1909-1910), VI, pp. 209-211. Bjorkman, C. G., Svensk-Engelsk Ordbog. Stockholm, [1889]. The best Swedish-English dictionary. Blum, Ida, Die Schutzgeister in der altnordischen Literatur. Zabern, 1912. The author does not appear to have made the most of her subject. Boden, Friedrich, Mutterrecht und Ehe im altnordischen Becht. Ber lin, (1904). Boyesen, Hjalmar H., The Story of Norway. New York, 1889. Brandt, Fr., "Nordmaendenes gamle Strafferet," in Historisk Tids skrift udgivet af den Norske Historiske Forening. Kristiania, 1876, 1882. An illuminating study. Brate, Erik, Nordens dldre Tidsrakrong. Stockholm, 1908. , "Runverser," in Antiqvarisk Tidskrift for Sverige, [1887-1891], X. Bremer, Otto, "Ethnographie der germanisehen Stamme," in Paul, Hermann, Grundriss der germanisehen Philologie, Strassburg, [1900], III, 735-950. Bruun, Daniel, "Gammel Bygningsskik paa de islandske Gaarde: ark- aeologiske. Undersogelser," in Aarsberetning for 1907 Foreningen til Norske Fortidsmindesmaerkers Bevaring. Kristiania, 1907. Good. , and Finnur J6nsson, "Dalvik-Fundet : en Gravplads fra heden- skabets Tid pa Island," in Aarbbger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed BIBLIOGRAPHY 435 og Historie udgivne af det Konglige Nordiske Oldskrift Selskab, Kristiania, (1910), XXV, 62-101. Bryce, James, "Primitive Iceland," in Studies in History and Juris prudence, Oxford, 1901, vol. I. Valuable for analysis. Bugge, Alexander, "Handel" (Nordiseher), in Hoops, Johannes, Reallexikon der germanisehen Altertumskunde. Strassburg, 1911- , Nidaros's Handel og Skibsfart i Middelalderen. (Saeraftryck af det Kgl. Norske Videnskabers Selskabs Festskrift ved Trondhjems 900 Aars Jubilaeum, 1897). Trondhjem, 1897. , "Die nordeuropaischen Verkehrswege im friihlen Mittelalter und die Bedeutung der Wikinger fiir die Entwicklung des europaischen Handels und der europaischen Schiffahrt," in Vierteljahrschrift fur Social- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Berlin, (1906), IV. , "Seafaring and Shipping during the Viking Ages," in Saga Book, (1909-1910), VI, 13-28. All of the above-mentioned writings of Bugge are exceedingly valuable for the light thrown upon the commercial activities of the Northmen. , Vesterlandenes Indflydelse paa Nordboernes og saerlig Nord maendenes ydre Kultur, Levesaet, og Samfundsforhold i Vikinge- tiden. Kristiania, 1905. , Die Wikinger: Bilder aus der nordischen Vergangenheit. Autori- sierte Ubertragung aus der Norwegischen von Dr. Phil. Heinz Hungerland. Halle, 1906. , (and others), Norges Historie. 6 vols. Kristiania, 1910- The best general history of Norway. Bugge, Sophus, The Home of the Eddie Poems with especial Befer- ence to the Helgi-Lays. Rev. ed. Trans, from the Norwegian by Wm. Henry Sehofield. London, 1899. Burton, Richard T., Ultima Thule; or a Summer in Iceland. 2 vols. London, 1875. Chadwick, H. Munro, "The Ancient Teutonic Priesthood," in Folklore, (1900), XI, pp. 268-301. Cleasby, Richard, and Gudbrand Vigfusson, An Icelandic-English Dic tionary. Based on the MS. Collections of the late Richard Cleasby, enlarged and completed by Gudbrand Vigfusson. Oxford, 1874. The best Icelandic-English dictionary. Collingwood, W. G., Scandinavian Britain. With Chapters introduc tory to the subject by the late F. York Powell. London, 1908. Conybeare, C. A. Vansittart, The Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions. Oxford, 1877. A valuable treatise. Craigie, W. A., The Icelandic Sagas. Cambridge, 1913. A helpful work. , "Oldest Icelandic Folklore," in Folklore, (1893) IV, 219-233.. , The Beligion of Ancient Scandinavia. London, 1906. A cleax general account. 436 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Dasent, George Webbe, Introduction to volume one of The Story .of Burnt Njal. From the Icelandic of the Njals Saga. Edinburgh, 1861. Du Chaillu, Paul B., The Land of the Midnight Sun. 2 vols. London, 1881. , The Viking Age: the early History, Manners and Customs of the Ancestors of the English-Speaking Nations. 2 vols. New York, 1889. Valuable for its many excellent pictures and its extracts from the ancient Scandinavian literature. The work as a whole shows superficiality. Enander, Joh. A., Vara Fdders sinnelag fornordiska Karaktersdrag tecknede efter den isldndska Sagolitteraturen. Stockholm, (1894). Eriksen, A. E., "Om Traeldom hos Skandinaverne," in Nordisk Uni- versitets-Tidskrift. Kjobenhavn, 1861. A scholarly work of much value. Erlingsson, Thorstein, Buins of the Saga Time: being an Account of Travels and Explorations in Iceland in the Summer of 1895. London, 1899. Fabricius, A., "Nordmannertogerne til den Spanske Halvo," in Aarboger, 1897, pp. 74-161. Falk, Hjalmar, Altnordische Waffenkunde. Kristiania, 1914. A scholarly work; decidedly the most eomplete and reliable on the subject. , "Altnordisches Seewesen," in Worter und Sachen Kulturhistor- ische Zeitschrift fiir Spraeh- und Sachforschung, Heidelburg, (1912), IV, 1-122. The best on the subject. Feilburg, Henning Frederik, Jul. 2 vols. Kobenhavn, 1904. Fiske, (Daniel) Willard, Chess in Iceland and Icelandic Literature. Florence, 1895. Forbes, Charles S., Iceland; its Volcanoes, Geysers, and Glaciers. London, 1860. Fors, Andrew Peter, The Ethical World-Conception of the Norse People, Chicago, 1904. Rather over complimentary to the Scandinavians. Friesen, Otto von, "Historiska Runinskrifter," in Fornvdnnen, (1909), pp. 57-86, [1911], pp. 105-126. , "Om Runkskriftens Harkomst," in Sprakvetenskapliga Sallskapets i Uppsala Forhandlinger, II, 1894-1906. Uppsala, 1906. , Upplands Bunstenar: en allmanfattlig Ofversikt. Uppsala, [1913]. Friesen is one of the leading authorities upon the runic in scriptions. Garson, J. G., "Exhibition of Lamps from the Orkney Islands," in Jr. Anthrop. Inst. Gt. Brit, and Ire., [1884], XIII, p. 275. Gjerset, Knut, History of fhe Norwegian People. 2 vols. New York, 1915. BIBLIOGRAPHY 437 The best history of Norway in English. Especially valuable for part played by Norway in viking activities. Gjessing, A., "Traeldom i Norge," in Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, (Kristiania), 1862. Gosse, Edmund, The Ethical Condition of the early Scandinavian Peoples. London, 1875. Over-complimentary to the Scandinavians. Gronbech, Vilhelm, Vor Folkeaet i Oldtiden. 4 vols. Kjobenhavn, 1909-1912. Conclusions are largely far-fetched, but the work is stimulat ing. Gronland, Chr., Islands Flora. Kjobenhavn, 1881. Gudmundsson, Valtyr, "Akerbau (Norden)," in Hoops, Reallexikon. , Nordboernes Skibe i Vikinge- og Sagatiden. Kjobenhavn, 1900. , Privatboligen paa Island i Sagatiden samt delvis i det ovrige Norden. Kjobenhavn, 1889. An exceedingly valuable work ; but N. Nicolaysen's critical review of it may be read with profit. , and Kr. Kalund, "Skandinavische Verhaltnisse," in Paul, Grundriss, III. Giintert, Hermann, Uber altislandische Berserker-Geschichten. Heidel berg, 1912. Gustafson, Gabriel, Norges Oldtid; Mindesmaerker og Oldsager. Kris tiania, 1906. The best on the subject; very fully illustrated. , "Notes on a decorated Bucket from the Oseberg Find," in Saga Book, (1906-1908), V, 297-308. Hallendorff, C, Vdrt Folks Historia. Stockholm, 1902. Hansen, Andr, M., Oldtidens Nordmaend; Ophav og Bosaetning. Kristiania, 1907. One of the few detailed ethnological treatises on Scandinavia; but should be read with caution, for some of the author's con clusions seem quite unjustifiable. Haskins, Charles Homer, The Normans in European History. Boston, 1915. , Norman Institutions. Cambridge (Harvard University Press), 1918. Henderson, Ebenezer, Iceland; or the Journal of a Residence in that Island during the Tears 1814 and 1815. 2 vols. Edinburgh, 1818. Henderson, George, The Norse Influence on Celtic Scotland. Glasgow, 1910. Hildebrand, Hans, "Fran Jernaldern," in Mdnadsblad, 1880. , "Hjelmar med Vildsvinsbild," in Mdnadsblad, 1879. , Lifvet pa Island under Sagotiden. Stockholm, (1883). , Svenska Folket under Hedna Tiden. Stockholm, (1872). Hodgetts, J. Frederick, Older England, illustrated by the Anglo-Saxon Antiquities in the British Museum. London, 1884. 438 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Holmberg, Axel Em., Nordbon under Hednatiden: popular Framstall ning of vara Forfdders dldsta Kultur. Stockholm, 1852. Horn, Frederick Winkel, History of the Literature of the Scandi navian North from the most ancient Times to the Present. Trans. by Rasmus B. Anderson. Chicago, 1895. The only work on the subject in English. Horrebow, Niels, The Natural History of Iceland. Trans, from the original Danish of N. Horrebow. London, 1758. Horsford, Cornelia, "Dwellings of the Saga-Time in Iceland, Green land, and Vineland," in Nat. Geog. Mag., Washington, [1898], IX. Hovgaard, William, Voyages of the Norsemen to America. New York, 1914. One of the best works on the subject. Johansen, K. Friis, "Solvskatten fra Terslev," in Aarboger, 1912. Johnson, A. H, The Normans in Europe. New York, 1914. A good general treatment. Johnston, A. W., "Orkney and Shetland historical Notes," in Saga Book, VIII, 211-264. Especially useful for institutions. Jonsson, Finnur, "Das Harfenspiel des Nordens in Alterzeit," in Sammelbande der Internationalen Musikgesellschaft, Leipzig, IX, 530-537. , Den islandske Litteraturs Historie, tillegemed den Old Norske. Kobenhavn, 1907. Based on the author's larger work, which is decidedly the best on the subject. , "Om Skjaeldepoesien og de aeldste Skjaelde," in Arkiv for Nor disk Filologi, [1890], VI, 121-155. Kalund, Kr., Dei islandske Lovbjaerg. Kobenhavn, 1899. , "Islands Fortidslaevninger," in Aarboger for Nordisk Oldkyn- dighed Historie, 1882, pp. 57-124. , "Familielivet pa, Island i den forste Sagaperiode (indtil 1030) saledes som det fremtraeder i de historiske Sagaer," in Aarboger, 1870, pp. 269-382. A valuable account. Keane, A. H, "The Lapps : their Origin, ethnical Affinities, physical and mental Characteristics, Usages, present Status, and future Prospects," in Jr. Anthrop. Inst. Gt. Brit, and Ire., (1886), XV, 213-235. , Man : Past and Present. Cambridge University Press, 1900. Keary, C. F., The Vikings in Western Christendom, a. d., 789, to A. d., 888. London, 1891. Kermode, P. M. C, Manx Crosses; or the inscribed and sculptured Monuments of the Isle of Man from about the End of the fifth to the beginning of the thirteenth Century. London, 1907. Keyser, R., Private Life of the Old Northmen. Trans, by M. R. Barnard. London, 1868. A valuable work, but of too early date to profit much from archaeological research. BIBLIOGRAPHY 439 Keyser, R., Nordmaendenes Beligionsforfatning i Hedendommen. Kristiania, 1847. This is still the best general work on the religion of the ancient North. Kluchevsky, V. 0., A History of Russia. 3 vols. Trans, by C. H. Hogarth. London, 1911. Klintberg, M., Ndgra Anteckningar om Gotland i Verkligheden och Gotland i Skrift. Stockholm, 1909. Larsen, A., Dansk-Norsk-Engelsk Ordbog. Third ed. Kobenhavn, 1897. Larson, Laurence Marcellus, Canute the Great. New York, 1912. Lea, Henry Charles, Superstition and Force: Essays on the Wager of Law. Fourth ed. rev. Philadelphia, 1892. Lehmann, Karl, "Kauffriede und Friedensschild," in Germantische Abhandlungen zum LXX Geburstag Konrad von Maurers. Got tingen, 1893. A contribution to commercial history. , Verlobung und Hochzeit nach den Nord Germanisehen Bechten des fruhern Mittelalters. Miinchen, 1882. Lie, Mikael H., Lensprinscipet i Norden, Kristiania, 1907. Lindqvist, Sune, "Ramsundsbron vid Sigurdsristningen och en Stor- bondesslakt fran Missionstiden," in Fornvdnnen, 1914, pp. 203-230. A contribution to the history of transportation. Lonberg, Sven Erik, Adam af Bremen och hans Skildring af Nord Europas Lander och Folk. Uppsala, 1897. A helpful analysis. Maine, Henry Sumner, Lectures on the Early History of Institutions. New York, 1875. Maitland, Frederic William, Domesdatj Book and Beyond. Cambridge, 1897. Mathiesen, Henr., Det Gamle Throndhjem; By ens Historie fra dens Anlaeg til Erkestolens Oprettelse, 997 til 1152. Kristiania, 1897. Matthias, Ernst, "Beitrage zur Erklarung der Germanisehen Gottesur- teile," in Jahresbericht des Koniglichen Viktoria-Gymnasiums zu Burg fiir das Schuljahr 1899-1900. Maurer, Konrad von, Die Entstehungszeit der dlteren Frostuthingslog , Miinchen, 1875. , Die Entstehungszeit der dlteren Gulathingslog. Miinchen, 1873. , Island von seiner ersten Entdeckung bis zum Untergange des Freistaats. Miinchen, 1874. A valuable study by a great scholar. , Ueber die Wasserweihe des Germanisehen Heidenthumes. Miinchen, 1880. Mawer, Allen, The Vikings. Cambridge, University Press, 1913. The most comprehensive treatment in English of the Viking activities. Merker, Paul, Das Strafrecht der altisldndischen Grdgds. Altenburg, 1907. „ ,. . Metcalfe Frederick, The Englishman and the Scandinavian; or a Com- 440 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE parison of Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse Literature. Boston, [1880]. Mogk, E., "Die Menschenopfer bei den Germanen," in Abhandlungen der Philologisch-Historischen Klasse der Koniglieh sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, XXVII, Leipzig, 1909. Montelius, Oscar, "Boning, Grav, och Tempel," in Antikvarisk Tid skrift for Sverige, utgifven af Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akadamien, Vol. XXI, pt. I. , The Civilization of Sweden in heathen times. London, 1888. Trans. The best work on the subject. -, "Handeln i forna Dagar med sarskildt Afseende pa, Skandi- navien och Tiden fore Kristi Fodelse," in Nordisk Tidskrift for Vetenskap, Kunst, och Industri, 1908, pp. 295-328, 383-115. , "Midvinterns Solfest," in Svenska Fornminnesforeningens Tidskrift, XXV, pp. 68-77. A valuable study. , Om vara Forfdders Invandring til Norden. Stockholm, 1884. , "Svenska Runstenar pa farder Ostrut: ett Bidrag til Vikinga- tidens Historia," in Fornvdnnen, 1914. Moore, A. W., and John Beddoe, "Physical Anthropology of the Isle of Man," in Jr. Anthrop. Inst. Gt. Brit, and Ire., (1898), XXVII, 104-130. Mortensen, Karl, Nordisk Mytologi i kortfattet populaer Fremstilling. Anden gennemsete udgave. Kobenhavn, 1906. A good popular presentation of Scandinavian mythology. Muller, Sophus, "Dyreornamentiken i Norden, dens Oprindelse, Udvik- ling, og Forhold til samtidige Stilarter; en archaeologisk Under- sogelse," in Aarboger, 1880, pp. 185-403. , "En Stobeform til Thorshamre," in Aarboger, 1900, p. 189. , Vor Oldtid: Danmarks Forhistoriske Archaeologi almenfattelig fremstillet. Kjobenhavn, 1897. The best archaeological history of Denmark covering the period of the early Middle Ages. Munch, Peter Andreas, Det Norske Folks Historie. 4 vols. Chris tiania, 1852-1863. This was long the standard history of Norway, but has recently been displaced by the larger work by Alexander Bugge and others. , "Om vore Forfaedres aeldste Tidsregning, Primstaven, og Maer- kedagene," in Norsk Folke-Kalender for 1847. Christiania. Nansen, Fridtjof, In Northern Mists; Arctic Exploration in Early Times. Trans, by Arthur G. Chater. 2 vols. New York, 1911, A scholarly investigation, suggestive and stimulating. Neerpraard, Carl, "Meddelelser fra Nationalmuseets danske Samling: Jernalderen," in Aarboger, 1892. Nieolaissen, O., Bautastenene i det hoie Norden," in Aarboger 1897, pp. 57-75. Nieolaysen, N., Om Dr. Gudmundssons "Privatboligen paa Island." Christiania, 1890. A critical review of Gudmundsson's book. BIBLIOGRAPHY 441 Nieolaysen, N., The Viking Ship discovered at Gokstad in Norway. Christiania, 1882. A detailed description of one of the two most important burial ships discovered in modern times. Niedner, Felix, Islands Kultur zur Wikingerzeit. Jena, 1913. Popular and of but slight value. O'Donnell, Elliott, Werwolves. Boston, (n. d.). Olassen, Eggert, and Biarne Povelsen, Beise durch Island. Veran- staltet von der konigliehen Societat der Wissenschaften in Kopen- hagen und beschrieben von bemeldetern Eggert Olassen. Aus dem Danischen ubersetzt. 2 vols. Kopenhagen und Leipzig, 1774- 1775. Olassen and Povelsen spent the years 1752-1757 traveling in Iceland. Their report is the most valuable modern work on that country. Olrik, Axel, Nordisk Aandsliv i Vikingetid og tidlig Middelalder. Ko benhavn, 1907. Petersen, N. M., Haandbog i den gammel-nordiske Geografi; eller systematisk Fremstilling af de gamle Nordboers geografiske Kund- skab i Almindelighed, samt de den bekjente Lande og historisk maerkelige Stader i Saerdeleshed, uarbejdet isaer efter islandske Kilder. Kjobenhavn, 1834. The most comprehensive treatise on the subject. Pfeiffer, Ida, A Journey to Iceland, and Travels in Sweden and Nor way. Trans, from the German by Charlotte Fenimore Cooper. New York, 1852. Philpotts, Bertha, Kindred and Clan in the Middle Ages and after: a Study in the Sociology of the Teutonic Races. Cambridge, 1913. An illuminating study. , "Temple- Administration and Chieftainship in pre-Christian Nor way and Iceland," in Saga Book, VIII, pp. 264-285. Pipping, Hugo, Om Buninskrifterna pd de nyfunna Ardre-Stenarna. Uppsala, [1901]. A description of some of the most important recently-discovered inscriptions. Ploss, Heinrich, und Max Bartels, Das Weib in der Natur- und Volker- kunde. 9th ed. Leipzig, 1908. Betzius, Gustaf, "The so-called North-European Race of Mankind; a Review of, and Views on, the Development of some anthro pological Questions," in Jr. Anthrop. Inst. Gt. Brit, and Ire., [19091, XXXIX, pp. 277-313. Ripley, William Z., The Races of Europe: a sociological Study. New York, 1899. Roos, William, "The Swedish Part in the Viking Expeditions," in English Historical Review, [1892], VII, 209-223. Rosen, Helge, "Freykult och Djurkult," in Fornvdnnen, 1913, pp. 213- 245. An important contribution to the religious history of heathen times. 442 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Rygh, 0., Norske Oldsager, ordnede og forklarede. Christiania, 1885. The chief value of this work lies in the fact that it is very well and profusely illustrated. The accompanying text is merely de scriptive of the pictures. Schetelig, Haakon, "Traces of the Custom of 'Suttee' in Norway dur ing the Viking Age," in Saga Book, VI, 180-199. A brief but helpful study. Schonfeld, E. Dagobert, "Der islandisehe Bauernhof und sein Betreib zur Sagazeit, nach der Quellen dargestellt," in Quellen und For- schungen zur Sprach- und Kulturgeschichte der germanisehen Volker, XCI. Strassburg, 1902. Scholarly and instructive. , Das Pferd im Dienste des Islanders zur Saga-Zeit: eine kultur- historische Studie. Jena, 1900. Schiick, Henrik, Birka. Uppsala, 1910. A helpful work. Seebohm, Frederic, Tribal Custom in Anglo-Saxon Law. London, 1902. Sephton, J. M. A., Thor and his Sway. Liverpool, 1887. Skene, William F., Celtic Scotland: a History of ancient Alban. 3 vols. Edinburgh, 1876-1880. Steenstrup, Johannes C. H. R., (and others), Danmarks Biges Historie. 7 vols. Kobenhavn, [1896-], 1907. The standard general history of Denmark. , Normannerne. 4 vols. Kjobenhavn, 1876-1882. Excellent ; perhaps the~ best work in existence upon the ac tivities of the Scandinavians in foreign lands during the Viking Age. Stefansson, Jon, Denmark and Sweden with Iceland and Finland. With a Preface by Viscount Bryce. New York, 1917. A brief, general work, devoting but little space to the early Middle Ages. , "The Vikings in Spain," in Saga Book, VI, 31^7. , "Western Influence on the earliest Viking Settlers," in Saga Book, V, pp. 288-297. Stjerna, Knut, "Arkeologiska Anteckningar till 'Beowulf,' " in Kongl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akadamien Mdnadsblad, 1903- 1905, pp. 436-452. , "Lund och Birka," in Historisk Tidskrift for Skaneland, Lund, 1908-1909. An interesting study. Cf. Schiick's work on Birka. Storm, G., "Normannerne i Vikingetiden," in Nyt Norsk Tidskrift, Kristiania, 1877. This is a review and criticism of Steenstrup's Normannerne. Strombeck, Kasper, Gamla Uppsala. Upsala, (1866). Svendsen, Reinert, Fortidsmindesmerker i Ringsaker paa Hedsmarken. Kristiania, 1902. Taylor, Elizabeth, "Eider-Duck Farms in Iceland," in Good Words, 1897, pp. 688-693. BIBLIOGRAPHY 443 Thomsen, Thomas, "Vaevede Stoffer from Jernaldern," in Aarboger, 1900, pp. 257-279. About half of the article deals with the Viking period. Thummel, Albert, Der germanische Tempel. Halle, 1909. A detailed, scholarly study, based upon archaeological remains and the sagas. Tille, Alexander, Yule and Christmas; their Place in the Germanic Year. London, 1899. [Troil, Uno von], Bref rorende en Resa til Island, 1772. Upsala, 1777. Tunberg, Sven, Studier rorande Skandinaviens aldsta politiska Indel- ning. Uppsala, 1911. Tylor, E. B., "Old Scandinavian Civilization among the modern Esquimaux," in Jr. Anthrop. Inst. Gt. Brit, and Ire., (1884), XIII, 348-357. Uriwerth, Wolf von, Untersuchungen iiber Totenkult und Odinnvereh- rung bei Nordgermanen und Lappen, mit Excursen zur altnor dischen Literatursgeschichte. Breslau, 1911. An interesting study. Veblen, Thorstein B., "The Blond Race and the Aryan Culture," in the University of Missouri Bulletin, Science Series, vol. II, no. III. Vedel, E., "Bornholmske Undersogelser med saerligt Hensyn til den senere Jernalder," in Aarboger, 1890, pp. 11-77. Vigfusson, Gudbrand, Prolegomena in volume one of Sturlunga Saga. Oxford, 1878. A most charming and valuable description. , An Icelandic-English Dictionary. See Cleasby, Richard. Visted, Kristofer, Vor Gamle Bondekultur. Kristiania, 1908. This treats of a period subsequent to the Viking Age, but throws valuable light upon the latter. Vogt, L. J., Dublin som norsk By. Fra vor aelste Kjobstadsliv. Chris tiania, 1896. Contains but little information regarding social customs. Weinhold, Karl, Altnordisches Leben. Berlin, 1856. The best work on the subject, and remarkably complete and reliable for the period; but it was of too early date to profit by archaeological discovery, and is based virtually exclusively upon literary sources. Wergeland, Agnes Mathilde, Slavery in Germanic Society during the Middle Ages. Chicago, [1916]. The best on the subject in English. Wimmer Ludv. F. A., Die Runenschrift von Ludv. F. A. Wimmer vom Verfasser umgearbeitete und vermehrte Ausgabe. Ubertra- gung aus der Danisch von F. Holthausen. Berlin, 1887. This was long the great authority on the runic inscriptions, but has now been somewhat supplanted by the works of more recent Wisen, Theodor, "Om Qvinnan i Nordens Forntid," in Nordisk Tid skrift. Lund, 1870. A helpful study, though not very comprehensive. 444 SOCIAL SCANDINAVIA IN THE VIKING AGE Worsaae, J. J. A., An Account of the Danes and Norwegians in Eng land, Scotland, and Ireland. London, 1852. , De Danskes Kultur i Vikingetiden. Kjobenhavn, 1873. , The Industrial Arts of Denmark, from the earliest Times to the Danish Conquest of England. London, 1882. A valuable work. , Nordiske Oldsager i det Kongelige Museum i Kjobenhavn. Kjobenhavn, 1859. , The Pre-History of the North, based on contemporary Memorials. Trans, by H. F. Morland Simpson. London, 1886. INDEX Adoption, 63-64. Agriculture: importance, 163; di versity, 163-164; grain and hay farming, 164-165; textile plants, 165; conditions favorable to, 165; implements used in agriculture, 165-166; harvesting, 167; thresh ing, 168-169. Alcoholic beverages, 20. Ale, 160. llfar, 366-367. Althing, Icelandic, opening of, 287; session of, 287-290; law-suits at, 302-303. Amusements: man matching, 322; pyting, 322-323 ; saga-telling, 323-324; dancing, 324-325; jug gling, 325; fortune-telling, 325; table-games, 325-326 ; sports, 327-328; mock thing meetings, 328; athletic contests, 328-329; ball games, 329-330; horse-fight ing, 330. Animal husbandry: kinds of live stock raised, 170-172; proportion al distribution, 172; mountain pastures, 172-173; wool-plucking, 173-174; legislation concerning domestic animals, 174-175. Animals found in Scandinavia, 7; importance of, 179. Animal worship, 364. Appearance of Scandinavians, 15. Aristocracy, basis for, 34-35. Armor, 259. Arson, 294. Art, character of Scandinavian, 35S-359; foreign influence on, 359-360; pictorial, 361-362. Artistic ability of Scandinavians, 358-359; shown in decoration, 359-360. Arval, 427-428. Asgerda, 116. Askja, Mount, 4. Astronomy, 353. Asylum, right of, 300-301. Aud, the Deep-Wealthy, 116. Aud, wife of Thorthr, 114. Auda, 115. Aurora Borealis, 5. Balder, 376. Ball games, 329. Banquets, seating at, 154. Bath house, 87, 138-139. Bathing, 85-87. Baffstofa. See Bath house. Bauta stones, 422-425. Bayeux Tapestry, 262, note; 360. Bears as pets, 181-182, and note. Beds, 148-149. Bee-culture, 170. Bekkir, 135. Berserkers, 102-103, 253-254, 308. Betrothal, parties concerned in, 90; financial side of, 92-93 ; ceremony, 93-94; importance of, 94. Beverages, 160. Blanda, 156. Blood-brotherhood, 24-25. Bdendr, 47-49. Bornholm, 2. Bower, 139. Bragging, 322. Bragi, 321-322, 375. Branding, in punishment for crime, 313. Bridegroom's ride, 97. Bride's journey, 96. 445 446 INDEX Bridges, 192-193. British Isles, Scandinavians in, 1, 116, 218, 245-247. Brooches, 78-79, 83. BrA. See Bridges. Brti&ferff. See Bride's journey. Bril&gumareiff. See Bridegroom's ride. Bru$kaup. See Wife-purchase. Buildings: general character, 127— 128; grouping, 128-129; mate rials for, 129-132. Bur. See Pantry. Burial mounds, 422. Burial, preparation of dead for, 412. Business practices, 233. Butter, 157. Bygd, 270. Calendar, Scandinavian, 353-356. Candles, 162. Capital punishment, 313-314. Carvings, wood, 143-144, 360. Cattle, 171-172. Cereal foods, 157-158. Chairs, 145., Character of Scandinavians, 15-22. Cliarlemagne, influence of, on Scan dinavia, 54. Cheese, 156. Chests, 150. Children, care of, 66, 67-68; educa tion of, 68-70; illegitimate, 66; coming of age of, 71. Christianity, influence of, on di vorce, 108; on position of women, 121-122; on Scandinavian heath enism, 394-396. Clairvoyance, 120, 409-110. Classes of society, enumeration of, 36; description of, 36-55: Climate of Scandinavia, 4-5. Clothing, materials for, 72-75; making of, 75. See Dress. Coinage, 229-230. Columba, worship of, by Scandina vians, 395. Commercial importance of Scandi navia, 395. Constantinople, Scandinavians in, 1, 252. Cooking, fuel for, 151-152; fires for, 151-152; utensils for, 151-152. Cottiers, 47. Counterfeiting, 230-231. Courts, of neighbors, 298-299; pub lic, 299-300; of Althing, 302-304. Courtship, 89. Cremation, 414-415, 419-420. Crimes, 293-296. Cupboards, 154. Currency, 227-231. DagverSr, 151. Dancing, 324-325. "Danish tongue," the, 331. Dead, disposal of, 413-421; per sonal equipment of, 417-418; transportation facilities for, 418- 419; sepulchral chambers, 416; religious ceremonies for, 421 ; mourning for, 421-422; property of, 426-427. Dishes, 152-153. Disir, 366-367. Distaff, 73. Divorce, easily secured, 105; grounds for, 105-107; formalities connected with, 107-108; effect of Christianity upon, 108. Dower, bridal, 93. Dreams, 399^00. Dress, love of display in, 72; of women, 76-80; of men, 80-83; wedding, 97. See Clothing. Dwarves, 404. Dwellings, furnishings for, 132-133; rooms composing, 134-140. Dyngja. See Bower. Earrings, 78. Education, of girls, 68-69; of boys, 69-70. " Egg-fields," 185-186. Eggs, as food, 156; of sea-fowl, 185- 186. Eider ducks, 184. Eldhiis. See Kitchen. INDEX 447 Embroidery, 76-77, 360. Epitaphs, 423-424. Eskimos, influence of Scandinavian culture upon, 161, 189. Ethnology of Scandinavians : prehis toric inhabitants, 7-8; brunette strain, 8-11, 14-15; Celts, 10-11; "Finns" of the sagas, 11; "Skrid- finns," or Lapps, 11-12; Finns of Finland, 12; blonde Scandinavi ans, 13-15. Exports, 220-222. Fairs, 235-236. See Markets. Falcons, royal monopoly of, in Nor way, 185. Feasting, 320-321. Feldr, 82. Fens, 6. Ferries, 192, 193. Festivals, religious, 385-387, 387- 391. Feud, the, 27-28, 297. Feudalism, 54. Fines, 298, 310-312. Fiords, of Norway, 3; of Iceland, 3-4. Fish, varieties usually sought, 188; curing, 190. Fishing, importance, 188; regula tions governing, 188-189; equip ment, 189; organization for, 189- 190. Fjor&ungr, 270-271. Floors, character, 135-136; cover ings for, 144. Fly ting, 322-323. Foods, 154-160. Forests, 5-7. Fortune-telling, 325. Fosterage, 64-65. Fowling, 184-185. Fowls, domestic, 171. Fraendi, 23. Freedmen, rank in society, 36; rela tion to family of former master, 43-45. Freeholders. See Bdendr. Frey, 373-374. Freyia, 377. Frigg, 377. Fruits, 158-159. Fuel, 176-177. Funeral feast. See Arval. Fylki, 270-271. Fylgjur. See Hamingjur. Geography, 352. Gesta-hus. See Guest house. Geymsluhus. See Store house. Ghosts, 400-401. Giants, 403-404. Gifts, naming, 62, 63; wedding, 98; presentation to guests, 326-327. Glass, absence of, for windows, 133. Gloves, 77. Goats, 171. GoSi, as civil officer, 272-275; as priest, 383-385. Gods, most important, 368-378; im ages of, 382-383. Gokstad ship, 203-204, 417, 418. Government, evolution of, 269-270. Grant, 158. Guest house, 140. Gyda, 112-113. Hair-dressing, of women, 80; of men, 83-8'4. Hallgerda, 113-114. Hamingjur, 401-402. Harness, 199-200. Hats. See Hbttr. Hauldar. See Offalsbdendr. Hawking, 185. Head covering, of women, 76 ; . of men, 82. Heimdal, 376. Heirship, assumption of, 428-429. Heitstrenging, 321-322. Hekla, Mount, 4. Helmets, 258-259. Hevmanfylgja. See Dower. Hera&r, 270. Hersar, place of in social classifica tion, 36; description, 52-53. '¦High seat," 145-146. History, Scandinavian knowledge of, 352. 448 INDEX Hoene, 376-377. Hbttr, 82. Homesteads, names of, 142. Horgs, 379. Horse fighting, 330. Horseback riding, 197-198. Horses, 171. Horticulture, 169-170. House-burning, 297-298. House furnishings, ornamental char acter of, 143-144. Hue and cry, 300. HvndraS, 270. Hunting: animals commonly sought, 180; weapons, 180-181; laws gov erning, 181-183. Husmaffr. See Cottiers. Idun, 377-378. Illumination, 160-101. Images of gods, 382-383. Immortality, 393. Imports, 222. Infants, exposure of, 57 ; naming ceremony of, 58-59; christening of, 60. Intelligence of Scandinavians, 351- 352. Intemperance, 19-20, 320-321. Jarls, place in social classification, 36; description, 53. Jewelry, character of, 78; of women, 78-80; of men, 83. Jdl. See Yule. Judicial system, general character of, 292-293. Jury, primitive, 301-302. Jutland, 2. Kdpa, 81-82. Kerchief, 76. Keys, in charge of women, 76. Kindred, importance of in Scandi navia, 23-29; preservation of in fluence in Denmark and Sweden, 25-26, 99; effect of migration upon, 30. Kings, relation to the people, 54- 55; as administrative officers, 278-280. Kitchen, 137-138. Kitchen middens, 8. Kdtkarl. See Cottiers. Kvenmgjof, 312. Laborers, free, 46—47. Lamps, 161-162. Land: ancestral, or odal, import ance of, 26; establishment of title to, 123-124; grabbing of, 125-126; ceremony of transfer ring title to, 125-126 ; community, 126-127, 172-173. Land spirits, 367-368. Language, common Scandinavian, of the Viking Age, 331-332. Lanterns, 162. Lapps, 11-12, 179. Laundry work, 176. Lawmen, 275-278. Lawsuits, custom of balancing, 301. Lendirmenn. See Hersar. Leysings. See Freedmen. Literature : Scandinavian interest in, 332-333; reason for survival of Icelandic, 333-334; general character of, 334-335; poetry, 335-341; prose, 341-346; relation of runes to, 350. Living room, 134-135. "Lock-beds," 137. Logretta, 288-289. Loki, 375-376. Looms, 73. Luck, belief in, 398. Magic, 404-409. Maiming, 312-313. Mammals, sea, 186-187. Man-matching, 322. Markets: Icelandic, 237; Norwe gian, 237-238; Danish, 238; Swedish, 238-239; of Greater Scandinavia, 244-246. Marriage : Scandinavian attitude to wards, 88; conditions favoring, 88-89; relation of love to, 89-90; INDEX 449 negotiations regarding, 92; cere mony, 96-98; feast, 98; "loose," 100. Mathematics, 356-357. Mead, 160. Meal time, 150-151. Measures, 225-227. Meats, 155-156. Medicine, 357-358. Merchant colonies, Scandinavian, in foreign cities, 246-247. Metals, work in, 177-178. Milk, 156. Milk products, 156-157. Minni-drinking, 387. Mints, 229-231. Mistresses, 100-101. Mundr, 93. Murder, 293-294. Music, 323-324. Ndbjargir, 411-412. Names, choice of, 61; religious sig nificance of, 61-62, 373. Nattverffr, 151. Nature worship, 363-364. Navigation, Scandinavian skill in, 211-212. Nid, 295-296. Njord, 374-375. Nobles, place in social classification, 36; classes of, 52-54. Norns, 402. Nuts, 159. Nykar, 402-403. Odin, 371-373. OSalsb6endr, 49-52. Officials, administrative, 271-280. Old Stone Age, 8. Oracles, 392-393. Ordeals, 305-306. Oseberg Ship, 207, 417-418. Out-buildings, 140-141. Outlawry, 314-316. Pack horses, 198. Pantry, 138. Peace, merchant's, 223-224; mar ket, 236-237; thing, 286; relig ious, 387. Pets, 181-182, 183, 185, 417. Plows, 166-167. Plunder, 262-263. Poetry: age of oldest, 335; classes, 335-336; eddaic, 330-337; skal dic, 338; rules governing, 338- 341. Poets, leading, 338. Polygyny, 99-100. Population of Scandinavia in the Viking Age, 7. Prayer, 391. Price-fixing, 231-232. "Prime-signing," 394-395. Prisoners of war, 267-268. Prose, general character, 341; sagas, 341-346. Punishment for crime, 309-316. Refinement, personal, 84. Reindeer, domestic, 170, 172; as draught animals, 199. Rivers, of Scandinavia, 3; as high ways, 219. Roads, 191-193. Robbery, 294. Runes: character of, 346-347; origin, 347-348; media used in forming, 348-349; use for convey ing practical information, 349; use for recording literature, 349- 350. Rune stones, 333. Russia, Swedes in, 1, 15, 20, 84, 420^21. Sacrifice, religious, 387-391. Saddle horses, character, 197; equip ment, 197-198. Sagas, 341-346. Saga-telling, 323. Sailors, 208-210; 211-212. Salt, 155. Salutation, form of, 319. Scandinavia, Greater, 1-2. Scandinavian Alps, 3. 450 INDEX Scientific knowledge, 353-358, pas sim. Self-consciousness, racial, 32-33. Serfdom in Denmark, 45-46. Settees, 145. Sheep, 171-172. Shields, 260-261. Ship-building, Scandinavian skill in, 200. Ship-levy, 252-253. Ships, general character, 200-202, 204-207; method of construction, 201-202; size, 203-204; orna mentation, 205; general appear ance, 207-208; crew of, 208; ac commodations for crew in, 208- 209; passengers on, 209-210; har bors and landings for, 210-211; launching and landing, 211; speed of, 214. Shoes, 76-77, 81. Sick, care of, 411. Sideboards, 147. Siege in warfare, 266. Siegfried story in Sweden, 193, 333. Signs, belief in, 398-399. Signy, 114. Sigrid, 113. Skali. See Sleeping room. Skating, 327. Skeeing, 327. "Skridfinns." See Lapps. Slander, 295-296. Slavery, disappearance of in Scan dinavia, 45. Slaves: rank in Scandinavian so ciety, 36; origin, 36-38; treat ment of, 38-40; price of, 40; chil dren of, 41; emancipation of, 41- 43. Sledges, 198-199. Sleeping room, 136-137. Social gatherings, opportunities for, 317-318; invitations to, 318; preparation for the reception of guests, 318; seating at, 319-320. Sol, 159-160. Soothsayers, 392-393. Stealing, 294. Stofa. See Living room. Store house, 139. Summer work, 163-175; 175-177, passim. Superstition, part played in Scandi navia, 397 ; character of, 398-410. Surnames, 63. Suttee, the, 103-104. Swine, 170, 172. Tables, 147-148. Tapestries, 144. Temples, 380-381. Thing: general character, 280-281; place of meeting, 281-282; living conditions at, 282-283; people found at, 283 ; required attend ance at, 284-285; summons to, 285-286 ; regulations governing, 286; mock assemblies of, 328. Thor, figure of used in decorations, 145 ; character of worship of, 369- 371. Thorberga, 115. Thor's hammer, pendants shaped like, 79 ; use of at weddings, 97. Thurithr, 114-115. Time, determination of, 353-356. Tools, building, 132. Topography of Scandinavia, 2-4. Torches, 161. Towns, influence of commerce upon growth of, 239; Swedish, 239- 240; Danish, 241-242; Norwe gian, 242-243; character of early Scandinavian, 243-244; of Greater Scandinavia, 244-246. Trade, domestic, 215-217 ; honor connected with foreign, 217; routes of, 218-220; exports, 220- 222; imports, 222; regulations re garding, 223-225. Trapping, 181. Travelers, entertainment of, 194- 195; public shelters for, 195-196. Travel; amount, 191; methods, 196- 200; measurements of distance on land and water, 212-214. Trolls, 403-404. INDEX 451 Truce, litigation, 309. Tyr, 375. Uller, 376-377. VaSmal. See Wadmal. Vdpnatak, 290. Varangians, 252. Vegetables, 159-160. Veil, wedding, 97. Vikings: ideals of, 247-248; com parison with English freebooters, 249; routes of, 219-220; coopera tive organization of, 250-251 ; Jomsborg, 251-252. See Warfare. Yindskeidr, for houses, 132; for ships, 209. Volcanoes of Iceland, 4. Vblvar, 120, 409-410. Wadmal, 73. Wager of battle, 306-309. Wagons, 198-199. War, summons to, 254. Warfare, naval, 261; land, 261-262; methods of Scandinavian, 262- 268. Weapons: swords, 255-256; spears, 256-257; bows and arrows, 257; clubs, 257; battle axes, 257-258. Weights and measures, 225-227. Wergeld, 28-30; for West Gothland, 33 ; for Scandinavia, as a whole, 311-312. Werwolves, 407. Whales, 1S6-187. Whey, 155-156. Wife-purchase, 90, 94. Winter work, 168, 177-178. Witches, 404-409. Wives, position of, 100, 104; trans fer of, 102; death of on husbands' funeral pyre, 103-105. Women, status of, 109, 110-111; characteristics of Scandinavian, 110; influence of, 111-112; effect of Viking Age upon, 112, 120- 122; effect of Christianity upon, 121-122; representative, 112-117; without guardians, 117; work of in connection with the home, 118; other occupations open to, 118- 119. Wool-plucking, 173-174. Work day, 150. Worship, nature, 263-264; animal, 364; of human beings, 365; an cestor, 365-367. Yule, 355, 356. 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