Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal ^/iU*' '^^^ ^t%' ^^jy^*w^-? J^etwS 3u//c^wy .'jfa&A »/.->¦ rVA?^,y AsSa* 'AH'S. Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal A HISTORY : : : 1608-1905 Editor HOWARD M. JENKINS Polume One Pennsylvania Historical Publishing Association One hundred and forty North Fifteenth Street Philadelphia • Pennsylvania : : : McMV Copyright, 1905 By The Pennsylvania Historical Publishing Association CH,i? PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL AND FEDERAL . A HISTORY Cnitor in Chief HOWARD M. JENKINS authors HOWARD M. JENKINS, CHARLES P. KEITH, LEWIS R. HARLEY, Ph. D., WILLIAM J. HOLLAND, LL. D., JOHN D. SHAFER, NATHAN C. SCHAEFFER, Ph. D., LL. D., CHARLES W. DULLES, M. D., ALEXANDER K. McCLURE, LL. D., LEWIS CASS ALDRICH, JAMES M. SWANK, DOLPH B. ATHERTON, H. PERRY SMITH, J. T. ROTHROCK, M. D., B. S. : : : : : : : associate ffiOitors GEORGE WHARTON PEPPER, STANLEY WOOD WARD, B. A., LOUIS ARTHUR WATRES, GEORGE EDWARD REED, S. T. D., LL. D., HENRY GRAHAM ASHMEAD, JOHN P. VINCENT. ::::::::: Preface THE HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, it will be con ceded by all familiar with the subject, has not heretofore been presented in any work with the fullness or the breadth of treatment to which it has been entitled. There have been numerous essays toward it, from the time of Robert Proud down to a more recent day, some of them worthy of much appre ciation and deserving of high praise, yet it still remained true that at the end of three centuries our Commonwealth and its people were without an adequate and a completely satisfactory history. It was to supply such a history that Howard M. Jenkins, several years since, undertook the preparation and supervision of the volumes which are now submitted to the public. The subj'ect is itself one of unusual complexity. To the making of Pennsylvania, in the early time, many streams of life contributed, and the mingling and fusion of these, not without friction and even conflict, is a theme which called for an open mind and a just discrimination. So, too, since the Colony became the State, its career has been directed and illustrated by men of varying char acters, qualities and opinions. To the development of its vast material interests and the upbuilding of its industries, energy and capital have been applied in a degree practically unequalled in the world's experience. To attain the high standard of excellence necessary to properly cover this varied subject, well known authorities on special periods and topics have made con- PREFACE tributions to the narrative that have materially enhanced its scope and value. Other most valuable material has been contributed or assistance rendered by pubilc spirited citizens in various parts of the Commonwealth, among whom are Stanely Woodward, Lewis Arthur Watres, James T. Mitchell, Hampton L. Carson, Samuel W. Pennypacker, George Wharton Pepper, Lewis R. Harley, C. LaRue Munson, John P. Vincent, John W. Simonton, Robert Snodgrass, Martin Bell, Joshua Douglass, John Dalzell, William Perrine, William M. Brown, Benjamin Whitman, George Morris Philips, Albert S. Bolles, George Edward Reed, Horace E. Hayden, William A. Kelker, Samuel B. Shearer, Mrs. William M. Darlington, Mrs. Louise Welles Murray, Henry Graham Ashmead, Julius F. Sachse, Albert Rosenthal, Robert W. Leslie, Frank Reeder, E. W. Spangler, C. D. Clark, Lewis Cass Aldrich, and H. Perry Smith. Valuable help extended by the officers and assistants in the public libraries throughout the State, The His torical Society of Pennsylvania, The American Philosophical Society, The Historical Society of Dauphin County, The Wy oming Historical and Geological Society, The Tioga Point Historical Society and other similar organizations, deserves particular mention and gratitude. The Publishers Contents CHAPTER I The Indians of Pennsylvania i CHAPTER II Pioneer White Men in Pennsylvania — 1608-1638. ... 30 CHAPTER III The Swedes: The First Settlement in Pennsylvania —1638-1655 67 CHAPTER IV The Dutch Settlement — 1655-1664 in CHAPTER V Under the Duke of York — 1664-1681 135 CHAPTER VI The Founder of Pennsylvania 188 CHAPTER VII The Beginning of Penn's Colony — 1681-1700 236 CHAPTER VIII The English Settlement 307 ix CONTENTS CHAPTER IX The Suspension and Restoration of Penn's Govern ment and His Second Visit 325 CHAPTER X Penn's Lieutenant-Governors 346 CHAPTER XI The Claim of the Heir-at-Law 363 CHAPTER XII The Time of John Penn "The American" 374 CHAPTER XIII Thomas Penn and Richard Penn 402 CHAPTER XIV The French Invasion 415 Etchings William Penn Frontispiece Henry Melchior Muhlenberg Opposite page 80 Benjamin Franklin Opposite page 192 David Rittenhouse Opposite page 320 Robert Morris Opposite page 400 Illustrations Indian Rock Carving 4, 8, 13, 20 Spanish Hill 25 Axel Oxenstiern — Portrait 29 John Smith — Portrait 37 Gustavus Adolphus — Portrait 41 James I — Portrait 45 Henry Hudson — Portrait S1 David Pietersen De Vries — Portrait 57 Charles II — Portrait 60 Penn's Autograph and Seal on the Charter of 1683 61 Arms of Penn 64 Lord Baltimore — Portrait 68 Calvert Arms 73 Peter Stuyvesant — Portrait 77 Augustine Herman — Portrait 84 Signature of David Lloyd 85 ILLUSTRATIONS Title Page of English Book Used to Influence Immigration to Penn sylvania 89 Original Seal of Chester County 92 Reproduction of West's "Penn's Treaty with the Indians'' 95 Belt of Wampum ." 101 The Treaty Elm 107 Signature of William Penn 116 Proclamation of the Charter to William Penn 125 Signature of Thomas Lloyd 128 Signature of Edward Shippen 129 Seal of David Lloyd 132 Old Penn Mansion, Letitia Court , 137 Signature of Thomas Wynne 140 Caleb Pusey House 141 Signature of Tamanen 144 Signature of Nicholas More 145 Title Page of Dutch Book to Influence Immigration to Pennsylvania 149 James II — Portrait 153 Signature of William Markham 156 George Fox — Portrait 157 Signature of Arthur Cooke 160 William Penn's Chair 164 Signature of John Blackwell 165 Signature of Joseph Growdon 168 Title Page of English Book to Induce Immigration to Pennsylvania. 169 Signature of William Clarke 172 Signature of Benjamin Fletcher 173 Great Meeting House 176 Signature of Samuel Carpenter 177 Signature of John Goodsonn 182 Seal of Bucks County Inrolment Office 184 Signature of John Simcocks 185 Signature of John Blunston 186 Old Swedes' Church 190 Title Page of German Book to Induce Immigration to Pennsylvania. . 197 Great Seal of the Province of Pennsylvania — 1712 : Obverse 200 Reverse 201 Queen Anne — Portrait 205 Seal of Register-General's Office 2og ILLUSTRATIONS Home of John Harris 212 George I — Portrait 213 Graeme Park 219 Heading of First Paper Published in Pennsylvania 221 William Keith — Portrait 229 Court House or City Hall, Chester 232 Ancestral Home of the Lincolns 237 Isaac Norris — Portrait and Signature 240 Logan Arms 244 Stenton 245 Lesser Seal of Province 248 Original Log College Building 252 The Bartram House 256 Kelso Ferry House 260 Birthplace of Benjamin West 264 Seal of Bucks County in 1738 268 Old Hammer and Trowel Inn 272 Boehm's Reformed Church 276 Paxton Church 280 Sisters' House and Saal, Ephrata 284 Interior of Saal, Ephrata Cloister 288 Old Trappe Church 292 Thomas Penn — Portrait 297 Nicholas Louis Zinzendorf — Portrait 303 George Whitefield — Portrait and Signature 309 Whitefield House or Nazareth Stockade 312 Title Page of Saur Bible 317 Old Franklin Press 321 Specimen of Ephrata Cloister Pen Work 329 Specimens of Ephrata Community Wood Cuts 333 Thomas Cadwalader — Portrait 336 Copy of Celeron's Leaden Plates 341 Washington's Hill 344 Specimen of Ephrata Cloister Music 349 Franklin's Device 353 James Hamilton — Portrait 356 Old Shawanee Church 360 Richard Penn — Portrait 365 Relics from Dunbar's Camp 369 Ralston, or Brown Fort 377 ILLUSTRATIONS George Croghan — Portrait 380 Map Showing Location of Fort Shirley 384 Brietenback Block House 389 E. Braddock — Portrait and Signature 393 Braddock's Field 397 Rocking Family Meat-Cutter 403 Map of Pennsylvania Issued in 1756 409 Timothy Horsfield — Portrait 417 Plan of Fort Augusta 421 Remains of Old Magazine at Fort Augusta 429 House of Conrad Weiser, Reading 433 George II — Portrait 437 Chimney Rocks 441 Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal CHAPTER I THE INDIANS OF PENNSYLVANIA THE stream of American history flows from a source com paratively near — the arrival here of white men from Europe. In the year when Elizabeth of England died, 1603, no white man, it is safe to say, had ever seen the region which we call Pennsylvania. Its vast woods, its great rivers, its unique mineral treasures, were then as unknown to the wisest geographer of the Old World as were the deepest jungles of Africa, or the farthest ice-floes of the polar seas. The opening years of the Seventeenth Century become thus the initial period for our narrative. The arrival of the white men, and the human experiences growing out of that epochal event, form the story which we have to tell. Yet Pennsylvania had its own inhabitants, a people who pos sessed no doubt a long and romantic history, when the ships of the white men came. They were tribes of that red race whom, since the voyages of Columbus, and because of his geographical error, we have called Indians. Their presence and influence form the background to all American history, and we must pause to consider them before we can intelligently proceed. We have some sources of knowledge concerning them as they appeared when the white men came: their own traditions, legends, and folk-lore ; evidence afforded by their arms, implements, and uten sils ; descriptions of them by the white people who saw them early ; and finally study of them under the light which we have gained 1-1 1 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL concerning the life of similar primitive peoples throughout the world. Yet with the best efforts to utilize all these sources our knowledge of the Indians remains meagre and unsatisfying. It may be said, in brief, that the whole of Pennsylvania, in the year 1600, was the Indians' land. While they did not occupy it, in a strict sense of the word, they enjoyed its complete possession in the manner suited to their way of life; they hunted in the forests, fished in the streams, planted their little crops in the open spaces, and appropriated to their use whatever it might yield them of air to breathe, water to drink, food and shelter, enjoyment and pleasure, warfare and spoil. How many there were of them is wholly left to conjecture. It is agreed that they were few. A century later, an estimate attributed to William Penn supposed there were "ten Indian Nations" in the province, with "about six thousand" souls belonging to them. But this estimate seems too low for the end of the Seventeenth Century, and much too low for its beginning. The original printing of the estimate is in Oldmixon's "British Empire in America," published in 1701. Who then were these Indians of Pennsylvania? What was their origin ? Whence did they come ? These are questions most suitable for the archaeologist and philologist. If we judge by the evidence of language, the Indians of Eastern Pennsylvania would seem to have come from a parent stock in the far northeast, beyond the St. Lawrence river. Yet they themselves preserved a tradi tion, which Heckewelder, the pious Moravian missionary, who labored amongst them in the Eighteenth Century, has handed down to us, that they came from the distant west, a region far beyond the Mississippi, and had reached the Delaware after a migration occupying many years, or even centuries, in the course of which, as they passed through what are now the States of the Ohio Valley, they fought with and overcame tribes of that region, though these had desperately defended themselves in fortified places. This tradition is worthy of attention, but it is not a chapter of history. THE INDIANS In the concise review that must be here given we shall consider first the Indians of Eastern Pennsylvania, describing them as they probably were when the white men settled on the Delaware, in the first half of the Seventeenth Century. These Indians were a simple and primitive people, not "savage" as to disposition, nor in the stage of development properly designated by that word. They had long possessed and used fire. They subsisted only in part by the chase and the fishery ; they depended in part for their food on a systematic tillage of the soil. They had developed some arts of manufacture. Their arms and imple ments were mostly of the Stone Age, but they had begun to emerge from it. They had a political system well settled and effective. Their social usages were in many particulars well developed and strictly observed. They comprehended and in a degree regarded moral obligations, and their ideas of religion exhibited a glimmering of the highest truth. Along the Delaware river, on both sides, from the New York line — and beyond — down to the sea, these Indians, after wards called Delawares, called themselves Len-a^pe or Lenni Len-a-pe. By language, and presumably by blood, they were members of a great Indian family, the Algonkian, the most exten sive in North America. Tribes of this widespread family "stretched from Labrador to the Rocky Mountains, and from the Churchill river of Hudson Bay to Pamlico Sound in North Caro lina." Though thus widely scattered, resemblances of language survived, and traditions of relationship were cherished among them all. Many of the Indian tribes with whom the history of the American people is most associated, many whose vigor and persistency of life have made them most familiar in our annals, are or were of this extensive group — Pequots and Narragansetts of New England, Mohegans of New York, Powhatans of Vir ginia, Shawnees, Miamis, Chippewas, Ottawas of the interior, and Arapahoes, Cheyennes, Blackfeet, and others of the Mississippi Valley and Far West. It was the Algonkian Indians whom the PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL English-speaking explorers, landing on the Atlantic Coast in Caro lina and northward, first encountered, and who received them almost uniformly in peace. Massasoit, the lifelong friend of the Plymouth Pilgrims; his son Philip, famous for his brave but Rock Carving of the Turtle Clan The rock is in the bed of the Ohio river at Smith's Ferry. Photographed especially for this work from a cast in Carnegie Museum, Pittsburgh ineffectual resistance to white encroachment; Powhatan, forever conspicuous in the Virginia chronicle ; and Pontiac and Tecumseh, who in the western country later struggled and failed like Philip to stem the white tide, were all Algonkian chiefs. It is conceded that in this Algonkian family the Lenape of the Delaware region were representatives of a parent stock. In the traditions common to all the tribes special dignity and authority THE INDIANS were assigned them. Forty tribes, it is said, looked up to them with respect, and in the Algonkian great councils — if such were ever held — they took first place as the "Grandfathers" of the race, while the others were called by them "children," "nephews," "grandchildren." That this precedence of the Lenape had any importance within the period of the white settlement can hardly be said. It seems true that the Algonkian tribes refrained from war with one another, and some writers speak of a "Lenape Con federacy." The Lenape of the Delaware region formed three sub-tribes. These were the Min-si, people of the stony lands, who lived in the mountain country, from about the Lehigh river northward into New York and New Jersey ; the U-na-mi, down-river people, whose habitat may be regarded as extending from the Lehigh to about the Delaware State line ; and lastly the U-na-lach-tigo, tide water people, or people living near the sea, who occupied the land on the lower reach of the river, and on the bay. How far each of these roamed and claimed it is hard to say ; the Minsi spread into New Jersey ; the Unami had an uncertain hold beyond the Schuyl kill, toward the watershed of streams flowing to the Susque hanna; and the Unalachtigo probably occupied most of the east shore of the Delaware river, within the present State of Dela ware. After the manner general if not uniform among the North American Indians, each of these sub-tribes of the Lenape had its animal type, its totem. That of the mountaineers was appro priately the Wolf, the central sub-tribe had the Turtle, and the Bay dwellers the Turkey. With the creatures which they thus adopted as their symbols they imagined themselves in some way connected by a mystic but powerful tie, and each member of the totemic fraternity was closely bound to every other one. But to the Turtle, and consequently his sub-tribe, they ascribed the greatest dignity, for they shared with peoples of the Old World the myth that a great tortoise, first of all created beings, bore the PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL earth upon its back. Thus, by their totem, the Unami had pre cedence, and in time of peace their sachem, or chief, wearing a diamond-marked wampum belt, was chief of the whole tribe. That the Minsi were the most vigorous and warlike of the Lenape is indicated by many evidences, and they were probably the strongest in numbers. From their holds in the mountains they reached northeastward to the banks of the Hudson and on that river joined hands with the Mohegans, another tribe of the Al gonkian family; while they guarded, also, against the hostile approach of the tribes of Central New York, called by the English the Five Nations, and by the French the Iroquois. These tribes, five in number until 1 712, we shall have to refer to many times and we pause here to speak more particularly of them. They were, at the time the white men came, the Caniengas, usually called Mo hawks (or Maquas), Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas and Senecas. They belonged to a family distinct in language from the Algonkian tribes. By the genius of one of their own chiefs, an Onondaga, known in half-certain, half-dubious, traditions as Hiawatha, they had been united as a confederacy, at some time anterior to the period we now describe. They were a vigorous, energetic and aggressive people, but not more so than many of the Algonkian tribes. The accident of contact with the earliest white comers, the French and the Dutch, and consequently the earliest possession of firearms, started them on a career which influenced for two hundred years the course of history, not only as to Pennsylvania and New York, but as to the American Union itself. ' About 17 12 they received from North Carolina the remnant of the Tuscarora tribe, which was of their lingual family, and became thereafter the Six Nations. In these pages we shall speak of them for the present as the Iroquois. The political system of the Lenape, while it implied an obedi ence of the members of the tribe to its chief, was not far removed from a democracy. Chief and tribe were alike subject to long established custom, and while the chieftainship was considered THE INDIANS hereditary in certain families, the individual assigned to it was subject to election by the tribe. That such a system should have been so well established, and should have served so fully to secure peace and order within a large tribe, is one of the marvels of the Indian. Throughout the country the wars of tribes with one another were common, perhaps almost incessant, but internal feuds and bloodshed were rare. The Indian's attachment to his own tribe was unqualified ; such enemies as he had must be of some other tribe. "There were times," says Parkman, describing In dians of Canada, "when savages lived together in thousands with a harmony which civilization might envy." Penn, writing in 1683, his letter to the Free Society of Traders, said: "Every king hath his council; and that consists of all the old and wise men. . . Nothing of moment is undertaken, be it war, peace, sell ing of land, or traffic, without advising with them, and which is more with the young men, too. It is admirable to consider how powerful the kings are, and yet how they move by the breath of their people." The Lenape could not have been a large tribe. Within the limits of Pennsylvania they numbered perhaps two thousand peo ple. It cannot now be said with confidence that they had any central and fixed "town." They had places to which they re sorted, such as rivers or creeks in which they fished; moun tains where they hunted; or cleared spaces where they planted; but they had no buildings more substantial than the simple hut, or lodge, commonly known to the whites as the wigwam, in which they sheltered themselves. Its frame was formed of sapling trees, and was covered by the bark of larger ones. Each hut was for a single family, differing in this respect from the houses of the Iroquois, which were communal, each one accommodating several families. Sometimes the Lenape huts might be placed in groups, forming a village, and surrounded by a palisade of driven stakes, for defense against enemies, but all such frail structures decayed and disappeared almost as soon as their occupants quitted them. PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL The men were hunters and fishermen in times of peace, war riors when peace failed. Wild animals abounded in the far- stretching woods, and in the streams there were swarms of fish. The reports of the white explorers, as they sailed up the Delaware, through the country of the Lenape, glow with descriptions of the Algonkian Rock Pictures, Safe Harbor Reproduced especially for this work from Unit ed States government reports abundant wild life to be seen on every hand. When the white men came the "fur trade" was their first object, and the Indians brought them skins of many sorts — bear, deer, sable, beaver, otter, fox, wild-cat, lynx, raccoon, mink, musk-rat, and others. These animals had been caught in traps, or shot with bow and arrow, or perhaps run down by dogs, or killed with a spear or a club. Fish were speared in shallow places, or driven into pounds formed of brush, or caught with a simple hook and line. THE INDIANS Under the Indian system there was, of course, no private ownership of land. Its use, like its possession, was in common. A family had a right of temporary occupancy, but nothing more. Near their villages, in the alluvial bottom lands, or in spaces in the woods cleared by fire, the women raised the family crops, planting the maize, our "Indian corn," when "the oak leaf was the size of a squirrel's ear," and raising also beans, pumpkins, and a few other vegetables, including probably the sweet potato. In 1679, Dankers and Sluyter, the "Labadists," traveling through New Jersey, and fed by the Indians (probably Lenape), were re galed upon boiled beans, served in a calabash, "cooked without salt or grease," and "pounded maize, kneaded into bread, and baked under the ashes." Zeisberger describes the women as go ing into the woods in February to boil the maple sap, and make sugar, and this process is declared by some writers to be an Indian discovery. The Indians quickly adopted the raising of fruit from the white settlers' example, and their "orchards" are often spoken of. We are to remember, when we consider their limited agricul ture and their habitual residence along the streams, that Pennsyl vania, from the Delaware to Lake Erie, was then an unbroken forest. Less than one-tenth of its surface, it may be said, was treeless land. To the explorer who passed along its eastern side the trees stood often at the water's edge, and when he landed he found them rising everywhere before him. Then and for a century after, among the whites, to go inland was "going into the woods," and as late as the Revolution an emigrant moving west ward, if only a hundred miles, was commonly spoken of as "gone to the backwoods." The Indians had no cutting implements of metal. They were not workers of metal. A few copper articles they seem to have had, but these were mostly ornaments, and the material of which they were wrought may have been "native" or pure copper, pro cured from surface deposit or shallow mine, or possibly brought PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL from the shores of Lake Superior. To reduce ores, to extract the metal, and work it by fire and hammer, were processes beyond their knowledge. That the women should be assigned the labors in the field, as well as those within the lodge, was not strange. It was the ordi nary usage of Indian life, and common indeed among such peoples the world over. The exertions of the men were often far more arduous. For the chase, and still more for the war, they needed not only strength, but agility. Labor which would impair their swiftness of movement would be fatal. The boys were trained from their earliest years to run, to jump, to fish, and to shoot; to endure hardships, to suffer hunger and thirst in silence. Living thus in closest contact with Nature, and drawing sub sistence from her, sometimes with greatest ease, sometimes with infinite difficulty, the Indian's faculties of observation were devel oped to a wonderful keenness. Signs of life and movement in forest or field, which a "civilized" man would not note, appeared to him plain. The habits of all wild creatures, the phenomena of the weather, the birth, growth, and decay of vegetation, the aspects of nature in the atmosphere and the sky, were familiar to him in the minutest detail, and thus for the purposes of the life he led he had a real education. Observing that the seasons recurred regularly, that seed-time and harvest, the budding and the fall of the leaf, came with uniform intervals, he made his own year, and divided it by its thirteen moons. Thus he could count his own age, and assign to events of the past their due order. But among the Lenape the chronicle of events was practically an engraving on the tablets of the mind, and that only. If we except the "notched sticks" of record, which some of the Algon kian tribes employed, and which may have been used by the Lenape, it may be sweepingly said that they made no records, erected no monuments, carved no stones. The traditions they cherished, the laws they enacted, the usages they set up, all were oral, and were handed down by word of mouth. THE INDIANS It has already been said that these Indians had practically no metal implements or arms. Stone was their main material. It provided the axe, the hammer, the pestle — sometimes also the mortar — for pounding their corn into meal ; the knife, the "skin ner" for stripping off the skins of a slain animal, a hoe and a spade for the field, and a score of other articles in common use. It furnished the pipe in which they smoked their tobacco, quoits for their games, and even ornaments for their persons. For their weapons it supplied arrow-heads and spear-heads, and the "toma hawk" or battle-axe. It is these stone objects, surviving the tooth of time, which have remained as the most notable evidences of the Indian period in Pennsylvania. The Lenape had, however, some other arts of manufacture. They were skilled in dressing the skins of animals, especially the deer. They made earthenware articles, baking them hard and black. Soapstone they hollowed out for pots and pans, while other household vessels were made of wood. The large wild gourd, the calabash, one of the few contributions to the use of the white people, served them as bucket and dipper. The women wove mats from the soft and tough inner bark of trees, and made ornamental garments from the plumage of birds. Strings of beads, "wampum," which were used to decorate "belts" of cere mony, and in a limited way served as money, were usually made of bits of shells, from the shore of the sea. For dye-stuffs they had the wild berries, the bark of trees, and plants like the sumac, while colored clays furnished them a coarse but effective paint. One fact not yet considered influenced the life of the Indians of Pennsylvania to a degree which we can understand only with an effort. They had, with the sole exception of the dog, a half- wild creature, no domestic animal. The horse they had never seen — nor the cow. They had not the llama of South America, the camel, the elephant, or any other of the beasts of burden so useful in the Old World. They had therefore no means of move ment or transportation but those which their own bodily vigor PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL supplied. On land they walked or ran, on the water they paddled their canoes. By their marches on the chase or in war they had worn paths, or "trails," which may yet be traced, here and there, over hill and mountain; but it is most probable that, living near many streams of water, they made large use of these as highways of travel. Their canoes may sometimes have been made of bark, but this seems uncertain ; as a rule, the Lenape's canoe must have been a hollow log. By diligent labor with fire and his stone axe he felled a tree, and by the same means cut off a proper length, hol lowed it out and shaped it. This was the "dug-out," the "pirogue," in which the earliest white explorers of the Delaware found the Indians who lived on its banks coming to meet their ships. The Lenape were straight, of middle height, their color a reddish brown. Penn speaks of them as "generally tall, straight, well built, and of singular proportion ; they tread strong and clever, and mostly walk with a lofty chin." Their complexion he called "black," but said it was artificially produced by the free use of bear-grease, and exposure to sun and weather.1 They married young, the men, he says, usually at seventeen, the women at thirteen or fourteen. But their families were seldom large, and the increase of the tribe must have been slow. Polygamy existed but was not common. Marriage might or might not be a perma nent relation; it was terminable by the husband at will, and the wife, also, Heckewelder says, might leave the husband. It is probable, however, that such separations were the exception rather than the rule. In one respect marriages were strictly controlled by the tribal law : it was required that a man of one sub-tribe must marry a woman of one of the others. A man of the Turkey sub- tribe, for example, chose a wife from the Turtle or the Wolf. So, too, the descent of sub-tribal membership, of property, and of honors, was through the female line. The child's totem was that 'This is also the statement of Pastorius, rubbed them with fat, and exposed them to the Germantown settler (1685): "The chil- the hot sun, to make them brown." (Pen- dren were white enough, but their parents nypacker's "Germantown," 235.) THE INDIANS of its mother. A chief could not be succeeded, therefore, by his son, though he might be by his brother, or by the son of a sister, or son of some other female of his own blood and sub-tribe. It has been said, earlier in this review, that the Indians had a glimmering perception of religious truth. They believed in the existence of Manitou, a Great Spirit, "the creator and preserver of heaven and earth." They conceived of a future existence. f ^> .; \h irit;anJ it' it Glory fH'i ¦ n: Sc.thou art Jint/st without .but Golde Within ^Tffo;in'HmpeUoo /oft .trnilhA ^.-Icls to heart i I ft\ thv J-aittt' \to rnak-t Brtjjst stetlt. out wearc*\ ( jTitttt.uj ihcu art yirtuej. t-fod (j&auia. Jt'ertf. John Smith Born 1580; died 1631 THE PIONEER WHITE MEN each other. The climate there is very temperate, and there are great numbers of animals and abundance of small game. But to traverse and reach these regions requires practice, on account of the difficulties involved in passing the extensive wastes. "He continued his course along the river as far as the sea, and to islands, and lands near them, which are inhabited by various tribes and large numbers of savages, who are well disposed and love the French above all nations. But those who know the Dutch complain severely of them, since they treat them very roughly. Among other things he observed that the winter was very temperate, that it snowed very rarely, and that when it did the snow was not a foot deep and melted immediately. "After traversing the country and observing what was note worthy, he returned to the village of Carantouan, in order to find an escort for returning to our settlement." And this is the story of Etienne Brule's entrance upon and exploration of Central Pennsylvania, and the country farther southward. It seems meagre, it must be confessed ; but we are to consider that it is the condensed account, given by Champlain (or the editor of his book), in the midst of matters which seemed to the Frenchman much more important. It exhibits Brule as not merely coming across the line of Pennsylvania, or venturing a little way within, but traversing the State from the line of New York to the line of Maryland, exploring the valley of the Susque hanna through most of its length. Presumably he returned through the same region, if not precisely by the same route, to Carantouan, and he had thus gained by observation a knowledge of a large section of Pennsylvania — knowledge which hardly for a century to come any other white man would possess. And now we return again to the Delaware, for there the ven turing ships from Europe will presently come into Pennsylvania waters. After Hudson, almost precisely a twelvemonth, there came to the mouth of the bay, as he had done, one of the Virginia adventurers, Captain Samuel Argall, who had left Jamestown in .39 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL June, 1610, on a voyage to seek provisions. He entered the bay on the 27th of August, and gave it the name Delaware, after Lord de la Warr, then Governor of Virginia. He "came to anchor," he says, "in a very great bay," where he "found great store of people, which were very kind." They promised him that the next day they would bring him "great store of corne," but in the even ing, the wind suddenly changing, he judged it best to sail away. The fame of Henry Hudson's voyage, and especially of his discovery of a great river flowing through a land rich with furs, roused the Dutch merchants and seamen, and ships from Holland soon after 1609 began to gather at the island called Manhattes, or Manhattan. Precisely what ships came, and when, in this early period, belongs to the history of New York, and in fact is but vaguely and incompletely known; but by 16 14 there were or had lately been at Manhattan at least five vessels from Dutch ports, seeking cargoes of furs. One of them, it is said, commanded by Cornelius Mey, came that year down the New Jersey coast and entered Delaware bay, where Mey gave to the two capes the names which one of them for a long time, and the other perma nently kept — Mey, the eastern, and Cornelius, now Henlopen, the western. This voyage may have been made in 1614, or it may not ; it is at least quite as likely that Mey named the capes on a later voyage in 1623, of which we shall speak presently. Of the ships at Manhattan in 1614, one, the Tiger, commanded by Captain Adrian Block, by some mischance was burned, and thereupon Block built, in the spring of that year, on the shore of Manhattan Island," a little "yacht," to take her place. This was the Onrust — Restless — famous ever since, because by many she has been supposed to be the first sea-going vessel built by white men within the limits of the original Union. Really she was the second, and a mere cock-boat indeed, judged by modern standards, for her length was forty-four and a half feet, her width eleven and a half, and her capacity "eight lasts," about sixteen tons. Yet in craft not much larger mariners ventured on long voyages in those days. 40 Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden from 1611 to 1632, when he was killed in the battle of Lutzen. Born 1594. Photographed especially for this work by J. r. Sachse from a canvas in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania THE PIONEER WHITE MEN The Onrust was employed, her owners reported in 1616, "during the space of three years" — i. e. 1614, 1615, and 1616 — in "looking for new countries, havens, bays and rivers." For such a purpose she served well. Sailing in her from Manhattan in 1614, Captain Block explored the coast eastward as far as Cape Cod, leaving Dutch names on land and water, his own for the small island at the eastern end of Long Island, where it yet re mains. Then, promptly on completing his trip, he returned to Holland, and the Onrust was left to other commanders. Two years later, it is supposed, another of the Dutch skippers, Cornelius Hendricksen, "of Munnickendam," brought the Onrust to the Delaware, and ascended in her the bay and river as far as the mouth of the Schuylkill. If he made such a voyage in 161 6, it must have been early in the year, for on the 16th of August, that year, the owners of the Onrust petitioned the States-General of The Netherlands for a grant of privileges of trade, on account of the discoveries which they asserted Hendricksen had made in her, and which he, being himself then at The Hague, was called upon, in their behalf, to describe and verify. It is not of great importance to the history of Pennsylvania whether Hendricksen's voyagings in the Onrust included such a visit to the Delaware or not. Yet in dealing with these begin nings of the State this episode, accorded respect by nearly all our historical writers, can hardly be passed over. Hendricksen's own statement, drawn up for the States-General, affords no good evi dence that.he ever entered the bay, or even visited the capes. His report, read August 19, 161 6, is simply this: "He hath discovered for his aforesaid Masters and Directors certain lands, a bay and three rivers, situate between 38 and 40 degrees. And did there trade with the inhabitants; said trade consisting of Sables, Furs, Robes and other Skins. He hath found the said country full of trees, to-wit : oaks, hickory, and pines, which trees were in some places covered with vines. He hath seen in the said country bucks and does, turkeys and part- 43 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL ridges. He hath found the climate of the said country very tem perate, judging it to be as temperate as that of this country, Hol land. He also traded for and bought from the inhabitants, the Minquas, three persons, being people belonging to this Company, which three persons were employed in the service of the Mohawks and Machicans, giving for them kettles, beads, and merchandise." It is perplexing to read this report — so vague, so general, so wanting in particulars which would make it certain that Hendrick sen had really explored the Delaware. But we must take it as it is, and decide, by the study of other evidence, what its significance ought to be. One word in it fixes our attention, "Minquas ;" as for the trees, furs, vines, birds, and animals, they might have been found over a wide area of country besides that on the Delaware. Minquas, as we have learned, was the Dutch name for the Indians of the Susquehanna region, who came at times in war-parties to the Delaware. Except for this word it could as readily be be lieved that Hendricksen's "bay and three rivers" were on the coast of New Jersey, or between Cape Henlopen and Chinco- teague. But the owners of the Onrust, in their petition, referred to a "carte figurative," a map, which they had placed on file. This, they said, exhibited the field of Hendricksen's discoveries. Let us turn to this. What map was it ? In 184 1, Mr. John Romeyn Brodhead, agent of the State of New York, searching the Dutch archives at The Hague, found two maps which seemed to have been submitted to the States-General about the time w»e are con sidering, one of which was probably the map referred to. One of them, on paper, was larger than the other ; the smaller was hand somely drawn on parchment. On the face of the paper map, inland, near the word "Minquaas," there is a memorandum, and this vaguely suggests, though it does not perfectly fit, Hendrick sen's statement that he had ransomed from the Minquas, on his voyage, three employes of "the Company." This memorandum, translated, runs as follows : 44 THE PIONEER WHITE MEN "N. B. Of what Kleynties and his comrade have commu nicated to me respecting the locality of the rivers and the position of the tribes which they found in their expedition from the Ma- quaas in to the interior and along the New River downwards to I \COBVS VI.ScOTLeKex.ET PROWS EO JJOMIXE A.NGLI, CR ANCr.C.ET HrHP.Ryl.-E. MAXIMO APPLAVSV EUXTVSRnX t-\ James I King of England, 1603-1625. Photographed especially for this work from a rare print in possession of Charles P. Keith the Ogehage (that is to say the enemies of the aforesaid Northern tribes), I cannot at present find anything at hand except two rough drafts of maps partly drawn with accuracy. And in delib erately considering how I can best reconcile this one with the rough drafts communicated, I find that the places of the tribes of the Sennecas, Gachoos, Capitanasses, and Jottecas ought to be marked down considerably further west into the country." 45 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL Obviously this memorandum is the confession of the conscien tious Dutch map-maker that the materials given him for his inland work are impossible to be brought into satisfactory order. The allusion to "Kleynties and his comrade," or comrades, has interest and probable significance. They made, it seems, an expedition; it was from the Maquaas — Mohawks — into the interior, then along the New River — a Dutch name, among many, for the Dela ware — and downward to enemies of the Maquaas. This would reasonably be a trip from the Mohawk country into that of the Lenape- — Algonkian enemies of the Iroquois — or into the country raided at times by the Susquehannocks. This larger map, the paper one containing the memorandum, is much more than the other a map of the Delaware bay and lower river, though very incorrectly drawn in many particulars. It shows a bay, unnamed, nearly where the Delaware bay should be ; into its west side, low down, flows a river, which comes from far in the north, where it issues from a large lake, "Versch water," close to a river flowing eastward to the Hudson — evidently the Mohawk. On the west bank of the long river, above the bay, perhaps in the neighborhood of the Christiana, or Schuylkill, are indicated Indian lodges, with the name "Minquaas," attached; again, further up, on the east side, under the memorandum already quoted, this name "Minquaas" appears again. Was this paper map the one on which the Onrust owners relied ? It is impossible to say.1 Neither of them is dated. The parchment map would naturally be thought the later one, for it presents more geographical detail, and is drawn with more pre cision. On it the coast-line from middle New Jersey to the Penobscot river is presented with tolerable accuracy, many place *Mr. Brodhead ("History of New York," to the memorial. And Mr. Brodhead him- l-» 757> 758), thinks it was— that it was a self (presumably) has placed on the bottom new map in 1616, prepared at that time, of the reproduced parchment copy (see after Hendricksen's return from the Dela- "Documents Relating to the Colonial His- ware to Holland, for the express purpose tory of New York," I., 13), a memorandum of supporting his owners' claims. But it that it was the one that showed Hendrick- was the parchment map that was attached sen's discoveries. 46 THE PIONEER WHITE MEN names being given. It embodies, no doubt, the results of Block's cruise eastward from Manhattan, in the Onrust, in 1614. Far down in the left-hand corner, the entrance to Chesapeake bay is shown, and its capes are marked. But as to the lower Delaware it offers nothing which we can identify. Between Sandy Hook and Cape Charles it shows no real bay whatever. It suggests no Delaware capes, and has no names of any — despite Mey's reputed visit to and naming of them in 16 14. A short, narrow, straight river, unnamed, is shown coming directly from the west, and entering the sea less than halfway down the New Jersey coast. Higher up on the map, however, there appear the upper reaches of a river. This river ends abruptly ; it is cut squarely off, connected with nothing, its downward course suspended in air. On its bank is the indication of an Indian town and the name "Minquaas." This is nearly westward from Manhattan, and if strictly con strued should signify the neighborhood north of the Lehigh's junction with the Delaware. We have dwelt upon these maps because they are the earliest New Netherland cartography. Both show that up to 161 6 little was known to the Dutch concerning the Delaware region. The data for it given the draftsman were evidently meagre and confused. Historical works on Pennsylvania have accepted as conclusive the evidence that Hendricksen ascended the Delaware, "landed at several places, took soundings, drew charts, and discovered the general contour of the bay, and the capabilities of the river." It has also been taken as proved that three white men, employes of the Dutch Company at their fort near Albany, having left the Hudson Valley and reached the headwaters of the Delaware — or Susquehanna — had fallen into the hands of the Minquas (Sus quehannocks), and being found by Hendricksen on the Delaware, were ransomed by him, at the place where Philadelphia now stands, or at the site of Wilmington. It can only be said that putting together all the evidence, these statements are probably justified. The report of Hendricksen, 47 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL the memorandum on the map, and the collateral facts, point to such a conclusion as reasonable. It seems probable that the parchment map, notwithstanding its larger scope and fuller geo graphical detail, was the earlier; that it was drawn in 1614, upon the return of Adrian Block to Holland, and probably was used then to display his explorations ; while the paper map was drawn in 1616 to show the region of Hendricksen's voyaging. As has already been said, the paper map suggests some knowledge of the lower Delaware, while the parchment one does not. The States-General, whether on account of their wish not to arouse the English by too obvious a claim to regions which might belong to Virginia ; or because the formation of the Dutch West India Company was in view ; or because they doubted the reality or value of Hendricksen's voyage ; or for some other rea son, did not grant the Onrust 's owners the trade monopoly they asked to "the bay and three rivers." Their High Mightinesses pondered over the skipper's report and the merchants' petition, postponed action on them, took them up again, postponed them again, looked at them a third time, and finally postponed them once more; and there the record ends. It is to be said, of course, that if the Company's employes, "Kleynties and his comrade," or comrades, made the journey downward from Albany to the neighborhood of Philadelphia or Wilmington, by a route west of the Delaware, in the spring of 16 1 6, they were nearly the earliest white visitors to Pennsylvania. Brule probably left Carantouan in the autumn of 1615, and so preceded them but a few months. Interest in the trade to America increased in the Dutch cities ; the ambition of Netherlands statesmen and merchants for a firm hold in the New World became more definite. In June, 1621, the charter of the West India Company, whose plans had been for some time maturing, was granted by the Dutch government. The Company received by it the sole right, during twenty-four years, to trade to the African coast between the Tropic of Cancer and 48 THE PIONEER WHITE MEN the Cape of Good Hope, and to the American Coast between the Bay of New Foundland and Straits of Magellan. Under the West India Company's authority, in 1623, Captain Cornelius Mey came again to America, and proceeded to the South River — the Delaware. He certainly ascended the bay and river, for either in that year or 1624 he built at or near where Gloucester now stands, on the New Jersey shore, a trading post, Fort Nassau. His operations doubtless brought him within the waters of Pennsylvania; if we lack confidence in the account of Hendricksen's visit, we must regard Mey as the first of the pioneers to the river front of the State. Fort Nassau, a log structure, capable of defense against bows and arrows, sufficient for a depot of furs, but badly situated to command the commerce of the river, was the first place definitely occupied by white men on the Delaware. It stood for nearly thirty years, until 165 1, and in that time was the center here of Dutch authority and trade. To it the New Jersey and Pennsyl vania Indians, Lenape of many bands and local designations, brought their peltries to exchange for articles that served their use or pleased their fancy, or for rum that made them drunk. The most careful study of all the shreds of evidence left to us fails to settle with certainty the precise site of Fort Nassau. So also are we unable to say whether it was not, time and again, partly or wholly abandoned in intervals of the fur trade,. Man hattan was the seat of the Dutch authority, the capital of New Netherland, and the colony there seldom had strength to spare from its own affairs. In 1625, we are told by Wassanaar, "the Dutch had determined to abandon it and remove its occupants to New Amsterdam (Manhattan), to strengthen the latter colony, and avoid expense, a resolution they carried out, though they did not relinquish their trade with the Indians, but occasionally sent a yacht to the vicinity of the Fort." Four couples, "who had been married at sea," and eight seamen, were sent from Manhattan to the Fort, in 1623 or later; and another post was established at that 4-1 49 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL period, it is said, on Verhulsten's Island, up the Delaware, "near the Falls" (identified as Stacy's Island, near Morrisville) , where "three or four families of Walloons" remained for a time, pro curing furs from the natives. We note, now, in the year 1626, an isolated fact, whose interest for us will presently appear. This was the appointment, and arrival at Manhattan in that year, May 4, of a new Director- General, Peter Minuit of Wesel. We shall soon hear of him in our field. The affairs of New Netherland, including the South River, were under his direction until the autumn of 1632. It was he who, soon after his arrival, "purchased" the island of Manhat tan, "eleven thousand morgens," or about twenty-two thousand acres of land, of the Indians who had their gathering place there, "for the value of sixty guilders," say twenty-five dollars of mod ern money. Up to 163 1 no white man had made a settlement on the west bank of the Delaware. In that year there came to the southern cape, Cornelius, now Henlopen, a party of colonists sent out from Holland by David Petersen DeVries, the finest figure with whom this story of the pioneer time has to deal, a man energetic, humane, and intelligent. We learned little of the Delaware from Hen dricksen and Mey ; DeVries will furnish us a lucid account. DeVries's party sailed from the Texel on the 12th of Decem ber, 1630, in the ship Walrus, commanded by Captain Peter Heyes, or Heyson, of Edam. There were on board "a number of people and a large stock of cattle." They came by the West Indies, the common route for ships in that clay, and arriving in the early spring of 1631, landed near where the town of Lewes and the great breakwater now are, built a substantial house, surrounded it with palisades, and began their settlement. They intended to carry on a whale-fishery, and to cultivate "all sorts of grain" and tobacco. A few weeks later, the Walrus sailed on its return to Holland, and Gilles Hosset, or Osset, who had come out as "commissary," was left in charge of the colony. 50 Henry Hudson Navigator; entered what is now Delaware bay August 28, 1609; discovered the river called Hudson September 3, 1609; discovered bay bearing his name 1610. No authentic portrait of Hudson exists, but the above is generally believed to be a correct likeness THE PIONEER WHITE MEN This was Swanendael — Valley of Swans — first settlement undertaken on the west side of Delaware bay or river, and destined, alas! to a brief and disastrous experience. The year after the settlement was made, DeVries agreed with his associates in Holland, the "patroons" concerned in Swanendael, to go out himself. He was now a man of nearly forty ; he had been born at Rochelle in France, in 1593, of Dutch parents who returned to Hoorn when he was four years old. His home was at Hoorn; he had married at twenty-seven, or earlier, and had made other voyages before this, in which he had proved his skill and courage. With two vessels, a "yacht," the Squirrel, and a larger ship, he now left the Texel May 24, 1632, to be in good time at his colony, for the winter fishery. The whales, he understood, "came in the winter, and remained until March." As he was leaving Holland bad news reached him — that Swan endael had been destroyed by the Indians ! The expedition pro ceeded, but the voyage was long. Going by the Madeira islands, Barbadoes, St. Vincent, St. Christopher, it was the 5th of Decem ber when they reached Cape Cornelius, and found the melancholy report only too true ! On the 6th he went ashore to see the deso late place. The palisaded house "was almost burnt up." "I found," he says, "lying here and there, the skulls and bones of our people, and the heads of the horses and cows which they had brought with them." No Indians were visible, but "the business being undone" — as was sadly plain — he "came on board the boat, and let the gunner fire a shot to see if we could find any trace of them." The next day some appeared. In the conferences that followed DeVries obtained some ex planation of the disaster. It seemed to have been the result of misunderstanding, as is often the case when blood is shed. An Indian who was induced to remain on board the yacht all night the 8th of December, rehearsed the story. The Dutch had set up, as the sign of possession, a piece of tin, bearing the Netherland arms. An Indian carried off the tin "for the purpose of making tobacco S3 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL pipes." The Dutch complained of this, and some one or more of the Indians, designing, it would appear, to enforce law and order with vigor, put the offender to death. Then his partisans, totemic brethren, no doubt, executing swiftly the blood revenge, fell upon the settlers when they were unsuspecting and unprepared, and slew them all, thirty-two persons. Was it Commissary Hosset's fault ? He died with the rest. From DeVries' s report of the Indian's story there was no reason to blame him. But the colony was ruined. DeVries did not "chastise" the natives, nor send out "punitive expeditions;" more bloodshed would not heal the wounds already made. With a view to future fishing, he exchanged some goods with them, and made an engagement of peace. Then, taking six men in the Squirrel, and leaving the ship at anchor inside the cape, on the ist day of January, 1634,1 he proceeded up the river — on his guard now, as his narrative shows, whenever an Indian was met. On the 6th he was at Fort Nassau, "the little fort," he says, "where formerly some families of the West India Company had dwelt." It was now deserted, except by Indians. Suspicious of these, he received with extreme caution their overtures to trade. Some of them, he mentions, "began to play tunes with reeds," and speaking of a "canoe" he adds, "which is a boat hollowed out of a tree." For four days he remained near the Fort, always wary and watchful. An Indian woman, a Sankitan, warned him not to haul his yacht into the narrow Timmer-kill, lest he should be surprised there, and told him that not long before the Mantes, of "Red Hook" (our Red Bank), had "killed some Englishmen who had gone into Count Ernest's river in a sloop," a story which seemed supported when he found some of the Mantes protected against the January cold by "English jackets" which they wore. Afterward, in Virginia, he heard that a party had been sent from there in September to explore the river, and had not returned. No one, however, now hurt a hair of the heads of DeVries or his men. It seems doubtful whether the Indians had any hostile 'New Style. 54 THE PIONEER WHITE MEN intent. They persisted in overtures for friendly trade, and brought him beaver-skins for presents, declining gifts from him, because that would make it a mere exchange. Eventually he traded with them, "duffels, kettles, and axes," for "Indian corn of various colors," and some skins. On the ioth (January), he drifted his yacht off on the ebb-tide, anchored at noon "on the bar at Jacques Island," and on the nth reached the Minquas kill (our Christiana), and on the 13th rejoined his ship at Swanendael. A second time, however, he ascended the river. Putting some "goods" for trade into the yacht, he sailed again on the 18th, and next day came within a mile of Jacques Island, where he hauled into a creek, with two fathoms of water at high tide. Here ice began to trouble him. But he thought it "a fine country." "Many vines grow wild, so that we gave it the name of Wyngaert's Kill." "Went out daily while here," he adds, "to shoot. Shot many wild turkeys weighing thirty to thirty-six pounds. Their great size and fine flavour are surprising. We were frozen up in this kill from the 19th (January) to the 3d of February. During this time we perceived no Indians, though we saw here and there at times great fires on the land, but we saw neither men nor canoes, because the river was closed by the ice." Jacques Island has been identified as Little Tinicum, opposite the greater Tinicum which is part of Delaware county. The kill in which he lay was therefore Ridley, or perhaps Chester, creek. In either case we have here a visit to Pennsylvania made definite, and the land itself described. Getting clear of ice on February 3d, they sailed once more up to the Fort, but found no one, white or red. It "began to freeze again," so a second time DeVries took the Squirrel to the west shore for shelter. They "hauled into a little kill over against the Fort," a stream which must have been within the present limits of Philadelphia, perhaps Hollander's Creek. Here they lay until the 14th. For several days no Indians came, except one woman, who brought maize and beans, of which DeVries bought "a parcel." SS PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL But on the nth Indians appeared — and an ill-looking party! They came across the river from the Fort, on the ice, pulling their canoes. There were "full fifty" of them, and they proved to be not the natives of the region about, but dangerous strangers, a war-party of "Minquas," who, DeVries says, "dwell among the English of Virginia" — probably our Susquehannocks, whose hab itat he was unable to know very exactly. He says they were "six hundred strong ;" but perhaps this means the fighting strength of the tribe, not of this particular war-party. DeVries feared they meant him ill, and regarded his escape from them, which he pre sently effected, as a deliverance to be thankful for — all the more when on the 13th three neighboring Indians came timidly to him, and related their sufferings at the hands of the Minquas. Ninety of the Sankikans, they said, had been killed by them. Next day the weather was milder, the ice in the kill and river softened, and DeVries was glad to get the Squirrel out and away toward the capes. On the 20th he reached there, safely, and soon after sailed for Virginia."This is a very fine river," he says in his account, "and the land all beautifully level, full of groves of oak, hickory, ash and chestnut trees, and also vines which grow upon the trees. The river has a great plenty of fish, the same as those in our father land, perch, roach, pike, sturgeon, and similar fish. . . . We fished once with our seine, and caught at one draught as many as thirty men could eat. ... In winter time, from Virginia to Swanendael, there are hundreds of thousands of geese, both gray and white. The country is also full of wild turkeys, and has a great many deer." Five years lay between the departure of DeVries and the arrival of the Swedes. In these years the Dutch continued their trade on South River, practically undisturbed. Controversies between the West India Company and some of its prominent members, the "patroons" — Van Rensselaer, and others — over the great grants of manorial lands which the latter had secured on the 56 David Pietersen DeVries Leader of a colony of traders and emigrants from Holland, who settled on the Delaware river in 1632 THE PIONEER WHITE MEN Hudson and elsewhere, and on which they claimed freedom of trade with the Indians, in competition with the Company, caused the recall of Minuit to Holland. He left Manhattan in the spring of 1632, and his successor, Wouter Van Twiller, did not arrive for a year. It was in this interval of authority that the South River was neglected, and Fort Nassau left, as DeVries found it, unoccupied. Van Twiller, however, when he. reached Manhattan, soon sent over a new "Commissary," Arent Corssen. who arrived within a few weeks after the departure of DeVries. He was in structed to build a new house, and make repairs, and furthermore to establish a hold on the west bank of the river, where it was now plain that trade with the Indians of the interior must naturally centre. That the Commissary made such a purchase in that year, 1633, on the west bank, where Philadelphia now stands, was claimed afterward by the Dutch. They produced in 1648 a deed of confirmation, by which Amatehooran, Sinquees, and five other Indians declared they had previously sold "the Schuylkill and ad joining lands" to Corssen. On the ground thus acquired, Fort Beversrede, which will be mentioned hereafter, was said to have been built. While the Dutch held the trade of the river, they were not without visitors. Two of these, Englishmen, Captain Thomas Yong, or Young, and his nephew, Robert Evelin, came in July, 1634, in a ship which had left Falmouth, in England, in May. Their voyage appears connected with the curious episode of the grant of "New Albion" to Sir Edmund Plowden, by Charles I., and this story may as well be related here. In many of our his tories Sir Edmund appears as a mythical personage, a sort of blending of Baron Munchausen and Don Quixote, yet he was a man of actual flesh and blood, and the facts ascertained concerning him can be plainly told. He was of a family in Shropshire, Catholics, and about the time that Charles I. gave Lord Baltimore the Maryland grant, but a little later, he gave to Plowden a grant 59 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL also of a "county palatine," vaguely described, but interpreted to mean a tract lying between Maryland and the Hudson River, partly the country then held by the Dutch. It would have in cluded, apparently, the whole of the Delaware region, and most of Portrait of Charles II On charter granted to Penn; King of England, 1660-1685 New Jersey. A patent, in Latin, making this grant, is on record in Dublin, witnessed by the Deputy-General for Ireland, June 21, 1634. It is presumed that Sir Edmund Plowden was then living in Ireland. He was one of the Catholic party, probably, in the con troversies that were gathering about the king. The grant, it seems, had the royal privy-seal, but never "passed" the great seal of crown authority. Upon it Sir Edmund assumed, as far as he _ 60 THE PIONEER WHITE MEN could, the dignities of a "lord palatine," and formed and an nounced large, if vague, plans. In 1641, "Master Robert Eve- lin," who had been to the Delaware with Yong, in 1634, pub- William Penn's autograph and seal on the Charter of 1683 lished in England, a "Direction for Adventurers, and Description of New Albion," in the form of a letter addressed to Sir Edmund's wife, and in 1648 this was republished in a tract, often cited by historians, "Description of New Albion," etc. Evelin seems to have desired to forward the plans of Plowden. In 1 64 1, Sir Edmund came to America, and for seven years stayed usually in Virginia, coming to the Delaware district in 1643 61 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL certainly, and possibly at other times. His visit in the year named is described particularly in a report of Governor Printz, then the Swedish Governor on the Delaware, who relates also the narrow escape Plowden had from death on an island near Chincoteague, where he had been "marooned" by his ship's crew. But after all nothing practical came of "New Albion." It was a paper state, and nothing more. Plowden never established his claims, either by law or by force, and never entered into possession of his county palatine. Of all the many settlers whom he alleged to be on the way to occupy it, of all the lords, ladies, knights, gentlemen, and adventurers who, he professed, had resolved to remove hither, none actually appeared. In 1648 he returned to England, and in 1655 he made his will, in which he called himself "of Wansted, in the county of Southampton," and also "Lorde, Earle Palatine, Governour, Captaine Generall of the province of New Albion in America" — phrases which did no one any harm, and made the wording of the will sound more impressive. In 1659 he died, but as late as the period of the American Revolution some infatuated persons thought they might secure land in New Jersey on the basis of his "palatine" grant. We return, now, to Yong and Evelin, and their visit in 1634. It is strongly suggested by all the circumstances that this was a voyage to spy out the land in the interest of Sir Edmund Plowden. The dates point to this. In September, 1633, Charles I. had given Yong a sort of "roving commission" to go forth and discover lands in America, not "actually in the possession of any Christian prince." Coming first to the Chesapeake, Captain Yong appeared at the Delaware capes on the 24th of July, 1634. He may have been unaware of the extent of the Dutch occupation, and very possibly may have heard rumors of the abandonment of Fort Nassau; at any rate, he seems to have thought the region answered the description of his commission. He renamed the river Charles, after the king. Sailing slowly up, he and his com panions were at the Schuylkill on the 22d of August, remaining ~~62 THE PIONEER WPIITE MEN there five days, and on the 20th reached shoal water at the "Falls," near Trenton, where they also encountered some "Hol landers of Hudson's River," who were inclined not to do them violence, but to impress them that they were trespassers. Later, Evelin is said to have explored the New Jersey coast, and then to have returned and made a further attempt to get up the Dela ware above the Falls ; the old idea of a short passage to China and the Indies seems to have been vaguely in the minds of himself and his uncle. Evelin was a brother of George Evelin, who was connected with Claiborne, the Maryland "rebel," in the settlement and enterprises at Kent Island on the Chesapeake. Captain Yong made a report to Secretary Windebanke, in England, of his observations on this trip on the Delaware. He thought it a fine river. "The quantity of fowle," he said, "is so great as can hardly be believed, wee tooke at one time 48 par- trices together as they crossed the river chased by wild hawks. There are infinite numbers of wild pigeons, blackbirds, Turkeys, Swans, wild geese, ducks, teals, widgions, brants, herons, cranes, &c, of which there is so great abundance as that the rivers and rockes are covered with them in winter . . . for my part I am confident that the River is the most healthfull, fruitful and commodious River in all the north of America to be planted." One of the vague and shadowy stories connected with Yong and Evelin is that they built, or began to build, a fort on the Dela ware, at a place called by them "Eriwomock." In the "New Al bion" description of 1648 it is said that the Dutch, "hearing that Captain Young and Master Evelin had given over [abandoned] their fort, begun at Eriwomeck," etc., etc. From the descrip tion, historians of New Jersey would place the fort on the east bank of the river, at the mouth of Pensaukin creek, near Camden. A more probable site is on the west side, within the present limits of Philadelphia. That it existed at all is questionable; that it had no influence of importance upon the course of affairs on the Delaware is quite certain. 63" PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL Some of Evelin's descriptions are of interest. He speaks in high praise of the abundant wild life on the bay and river. "I saw there," he says, "an infinite variety of bustards, swans, geese and fowl, covering the shoares, as within the like multitude of pigeons, and store of turkies, of which I tried one to weigh forty and sixe pounds. There is much variety and plenty of delicate Arms of Penn perch and sea-fish, and shell-fish, and whales, or grampus ; elks, deere that bring forth three young at a time. . . The barren grounds have four kindes of grapes and many mulberries, with ash, elms, and the tallest and greatest pines and pitch trees that I have seen. There are cedars, cypresse, and sassafras, with wild fruits, pears, wild cherries, pine-apples, and the dainty parseme- nas," — persimmons, no doubt. He made an estimate of the number of Indians on the Dela ware. "I do account," he says, "all the Indians to be eight hun dred, and are in several factions, and war against the Susquehan nocks, and are all extreme fearfull of a gun, naked and unarmed 64~~ THE PIONEER WHITE MEN against our shot, swords, and pikes. . . Since my return eighteen Swedes are settled there, and so [also] sometimes six Dutch doe in a boat trade without fear of them." He thought it needless to build a fort, "where there is no enemy," and in refer ence to the danger from the Indians adds : "for note generally twelve English, with five foot calivers, shoot thirty pellets, or dagge shot, and fifty yards' distance, and the naked Indian shoot- eth but one arrow, and not thirty yards' distance. . . And therefore fair and far off is best with Heathen Indians ; and fit it is to reduce all their trading Posts or Palisadoed trucking-houses, and to kill all straglers and such spies without ransome." Which would seem to indicate that the Indians had no need to wish to exchange their Dutch neighbors for the company of Master Evelin ! More alarming to the Dutch than the visit of Yong and Evelin, or the claims of Sir Edmund Plowden, was a demonstration of force from Virginia. DeVries, when he left the Delaware in 1633, went to Jamestown, and there in conversation with the Gov ernor, Sir John Harvey, probably disclosed what he had found — or not found — at Fort Nassau. The consequence was that two years later the acting governor of Virginia, Captain West, thought it a good move to send and seize the river. In August, 1635, he dispatched an armed party, about fifteen men, from Old Point Comfort, under Captain George Holmes, who reached Fort Nas sau, found it practically or entirely undefended, and summarily took possession. One of the party, however, deserted, and hurry ing across country, bore the startling news to Manhattan. Van Twiller perceived the critical situation and sent an armed vessel with a sufficient force, who promptly retook the place. Holmes and his men were carried prisoners to Manhattan, and thence were sent back to Virginia just in time to stop a second party coming to reinforce them at Fort Nassau. Had England not been, at this moment, in the political dis tractions which preceded her Civil War, these occasional spyings i-S 65 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL and surprises would have taken a more definite and systematic form. When Minuit went home from Manhattan in 1632, his ship was driven by bad weather into the English port of Ply mouth. There she was seized upon the charge of illegal trading within the dominions of King Charles. After earnest protesta tions from the Dutch, and negotiation for several weeks, the ship was released, but the English ministry then de clared that England claimed the region occupied by the Dutch, upon a title derived from "first discovery, occupation and posses sion," that she regarded title from the Indians as of no value, they not being "bona fide possessors" of the land, capable of making a conveyance for it. The Dutch were flatly told- that if they would "submit themselves as subjects" to His Majesty, they might re main in New Netherland, but that otherwise his interests would not permit them to "usurp and encroach upon" his colonies. This was notice that at a convenient season — which in time came — the stronger power would oust the weaker. The claim of original discovery, from the dubious voyages of the Cabots, cov ered a vast deal of ground in England's interest. And here we may close this period of discovery of the Dela ware. We have seen the river in the possession of its native people, and we have seen the east bank occupied by the Dutch pioneers, with an abortive attempt to occupy the west bank. At the end of 1637 practically nothing had been done toward actual settlement and cultivation; the Holland people had come for trade, and that only. A new period of development was at hand. 66 CHAPTER III THE SWEDES: THE FIRST SETTLEMENT IN PENNSYLVANIA.— 1638-1655 SENDING out her first expedition to the Delaware in 1637, Sweden expressed in it the partial accomplishment of a cherished plan. Since 1624 she had been desirous to se cure a trade with the New World, such as Spain had so long pos sessed, and the Netherlands had lately been acquiring. In the autumn of that year, at Gottenberg, the king, Gustavus Adolphus, gave audience to a somewhat unpractical but very earnest adven turer, William Usselincx, formerly a merchant of the Nether lands, and the man who had been there most active in urging the organization of the Dutch West India Company. The outcome of this interview was the king's approval of a Swedish Company for the same general purpose as the Dutch; a commission issued to Usselincx authorized its organization "for trade to Asia, Africa, America, and Magellanica." In this scheme, indicative by its swelling phrase of the men who had designed it, the persistent though ruined Antwerper, and the generous, somewhat romantic monarch, lay the germ of the New Sweden of Delaware and Pennsylvania. In 1628 the first formal charter for the "South Company" was granted. The undertaking, however, dragged. Usselincx wore out his influence in Sweden, as he had done in the Netherlands, by per sistent importunity. Sweden was poor; the Thirty Years' War was raging ; Swedish sailors and ships were few, and familiar only PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL with neighboring seas; at the death of Gustavus, in November, 1632, nothing of practical importance had been accomplished. He had indeed heartily approved the plan ; if it languished during his absence in the wars it revived when he returned to Stockholm ; Lord Baltimore Proprietor of Maryland; born about 1582; died 1632. Photographed especially for this work from an old engraving he hoped to increase the wealth of his country by the profits of exterior commerce, and to train at the same time a body of sea men who might even cope upon the great oceans with those of Spain. It was at Nuremberg, in the last of his conferences with his wise and trusty counsellor, the Chancellor Axel Oxenstiern, that he considered afresh the whole plan, and expressed his ap proval of a new and enlarged charter, designed to enlist the inter est of the North German and other cities. Three weeks later he 68 THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENT fell at Lutzen — at the very time when the ships of DeVries were approaching the Delaware. Upon Oxenstiern, burdened with all the other difficult affairs of Sweden, devolved the execution of the American scheme. Faithful to the thought of Gustavus in this as in other particulars, he was himself heartily in favor of it. No statesman of his time viewed more sagaciously the problem of Europe's relations with the New World. But the times were unpropitious ; he was forced to wait five years, until practicable plans could be matured. Late in the autumn of 1637 two ships at last left Sweden for America. They were under the command of Peter Minuit, he who had been the Dutch company's director at Manhattan from 1626 to 1632. The expedition was bound, not to the Guinea Coast, or fabulous regions in the South Sea, but to the South River. The western side of this river, as Minuit knew, had remained unoccupied by Europeans since the abandonment of the Colony of DeVries at Swanendael, and he undoubtedly knew and appreciated the ad vantage for the Indian trade of occupancy upon that shore. The two ships were the Kalmar Nyckel, a man of war, and the Gripen, a sloop. The crews and cargoes were from Holland ; of the three-score persons in the expedition not more than a half- dozen were Swedes. Capital for it had been secured in equal parts from Holland and Sweden. In the latter country Oxen stiern had raised 12,000 florins, and in Holland a group of per sons, headed by Minuit and Blommaert, connected with Swedish interests, had provided a corresponding sum. The whole enter prise was therefore a private venture ; nothing of the "South Com pany" of 1626, or the enlarged company of 1633, appeared in it, except that this was at last a resolute effort to express in action something of what had so long been under discussion. After leaving Gottenburg, baffling winds detained the ships in the North Sea, but about the end of December, after having re fitted and obtained more provisions at the Dutch port of Medem- blik, they quitted the familiar shores and took the ordinary south- 69 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL ern route across the Atlantic. Toward the end of March they had entered the Delaware. Though it was scarcely spring, the river seemed beautiful to men who had left the north of Europe in the depths of winter, and one place at which they briefly landed, perhaps the mouth of Mispillion creek, they called "Paradise Point." Passing on upward, they cast anchor at last where a large stream came in on the left hand — the Minquas-kill of the Dutch. Here the ships lay while Minuit went ashore to confer with the Indians. He knew well, of course, the story of the catas trophe at Swanendael, and realized that above all he must avoid the conditions which had caused it. The Indian chief whom Minuit now met was Mattahoorn, the same who has been mentioned as joining in the conveyance of the lands on Schuylkill to Corssen, the Dutch agent. Apparently he was the principal sachem of the region. He had his lodge near the Minquas-kill. He claims our remembrance both because he seems to have been a worthy character, and because he is practi cally the only one of the Lenape distinguishable by name before the time of Penn. Other Indians of the Delaware in the early period are a mass, in which none has individuality. Mattahoorn was probably an elderly man. He was living, however, thirteen years later, for he joined in a Council held at Fort Nassau, in July, 1651, by Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor. It is possible that Minuit, from his acquaintance with the trade on the South River during his administration at Manhattan, may have had some previous knowledge of the chief. There was no difficulty in concluding an agreement. Minuit explained what he wanted — ground on which to build a "house," and other ground on which to plant. For the former he offered "a kettle and other articles," for the latter half the tobacco raised upon it. Matta hoorn seems to have yielded cheerfully, as the Indians generally did until they began to see that land taken by the whites passed from common enjoyment into private and exclusive use. The land for the planting was defined to be, as Mattahoorn afterward 70 THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENT said, that bounded "within six trees" — marked, no doubt, by the surveyor, as "line trees." Thereupon the ships came up the kill, which later became known as the Christina, in honor of the girl queen at Stockholm, and passing on the right hand the mouth of a clear and rapid stream, the Brandywine of our day, reached a natural wharf of rocks and fast land which rose from the lower ground, and formed a landing-place so bold that the ships came alongside in deep water. Here they disembarked all that was intended to remain, and the erection of a place of security, which Minuit named Fort Christina, was quickly begun. The time was the beginning of April ; it was alike the season for planting and for trade with the Indians for the skins of animals taken during the winter. As to this, Minuit had carried out his plans effectively. Reports of the new arrivals on the river quickly reached the Dutch. Fort Nassau was at this time occupied, and the Commis sary there sent his assistant, Peter Mey, to observe Minuit's oper ations. Mey accomplished little. Minuit, according to his re port, said he was on a West Indian voyage, and was getting wood and water. Shortly after, when the up-river observers made a second visit, they found the strangers remaining, and that they had made a garden, in which plants were set out; while upon a third visit, they had "made a settlement," and built a fort. These reports, covering little more than a month, show the order and the promptitude of Minuit's proceedings. There was now a new Director-General at Manhattan, Willem Kieft, successor to Van Twiller. He had reached his seat of government nearly at the time the Swedes came to Minquas-kill, his ship, the Herring, an armed vessel belonging to the West India Company, arriving on the 28th of March.1 Kieft was nat urally disturbed over this intrusion. He wrote on the 28th of April to the Company in Holland, reporting the situation. A few days later, probably May 6, he addressed to Minuit a formal JThis is the Dutch date, and is "New Style." In the Swedish calendar, it would have been March 18. 71 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL protest against his settlement, declaring that both banks of the river belonged to the Dutch. "The whole South River in New Netherland," he declared, "has been many years in our possession, and has been secured by us with forts above and below, and has been sealed with our blood, which has happened even during your direction of New Netherland, and is well known to you." This claim by the Dutch to the west bank was based, of course, on DeVries's adventure at Swanendael. Minuit apparently made no formal reply, but the practical answer was that the settlement there was wholly abandoned, and that no white man had for over six years been living on the west side of the river. Paying no attention to Kieft, he pushed work on his fort. He knew that his force was equal or superior to any the Dutch could then send from Manhattan, and that besides it was not the present policy of Holland to offend a power like Sweden, whose generals and sol diers were bearing the brunt — as they had done since 1630 — of the Protestant cause in the still continuing Thirty Years' War. The fort was regularly laid out by Mans Kling, a Swede and an engineer, who was apparently second in command, and was called Fort Christina. So it continued to be known until Stuyvesant's bloodless siege and capture, seventeen years later. Minuit proceeded energetically to other work. One or two log-houses were built. The goods for the Indian trade were landed. A store of Indian corn and meat was collected. A second treaty with the Indians for the purchase of land was made, extending down the river and bay, and northward as far as the Falls at Trenton. Posts were set up with the letters declaring the Swedish Queen's sovereignty, "C. R. S." The Gripen was sent to Virginia to dispose of her cargo, but being refused per mission to do so, returned still laden, though she was allowed to stay ten days to procure wood and water. By midsummer Minuit was ready to return to Europe. On July 31, Kieft wrote to the Company, "He has departed with the two vessels he had with him." 72 THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENT Twenty-four persons in all were left at Christina. They were under the command of Mans Kling, with Hendrik Huyghen as "commissary," to conduct the trade with the Indians. The party thus formed the first permanent settlement by white men on the Delaware bay or river, on either side. It was the beginning of Calvert Arms what is now a large and prosperous city, and the kernel as well of a sovereign State. The labors of Minuit closed here. He had sent the Gripen first to the West Indies; he followed himself in the Kalmar Nyckel. Reaching St. Kitts, he sold his merchandise, bought tobacco, and was on the eve of sailing for Sweden, when a hurri cane burst upon the roadstead and drove all ships out to the open sea. He, as it chanced, had been visiting on board a Dutch vessel, the Flying Deer, and this was lost. Neither it nor he was ever seen again. The Kalmar Nyckel rode out the storm, and came 73 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL back for him, but in vain. Giving him up at last, she was forced to resume her homeward voyage. New Sweden, at the very outset, thus suffered a hard stroke of fortune. Minuit was a capable leader. • He was much the ablest man who had yet been sent to the South River, unless we except DeVries, and as Director-General at Manhattan he had proved himself superior to either Van Twiller or Kieft. He had been born, probably about 1580, at Wesel, on the right bank of the Rhine, and hence was a man nearly sixty years old at his death. The Kalmar Nyckel had a long voyage home. Going first to Holland, she did not reach Gottenburg until June of the following year, 1639, with her tobacco. Meantime the Gripen had sold her cargo in the West Indies, had returned to Christina, loaded there the furs which Huyghen had secured, and after a marvellously quick voyage of five weeks had returned to Gottenburg in May. The Swedish colony on the Delaware, the "New Sweden" to which so many hopes and endeavors had been given, had a life time of but seventeen years — 1638 to 1655. Yet it was of large importance, because it was the actual and systematic beginning of the life of white people on the west bank of the Delaware. And out of it came the first planting of Pennsylvania. A year before William Penn was born, the Swedes had already begun the settle ment of the State which was to bear his name. We know little with certainty as to the individuals who com posed the company of twenty- four whom Minuit left at Christina. Two of them, Mans Kling, the engineer, and Hendrik Huyghen, the commissary, have already been mentioned. Kling became later a familiar figure on the Delaware, and Huyghen we shall meet again. Ten others have been identified who came either with Minuit or two years later, 1640, in the "Second Expedition" from Sweden. We shall speak of six of them here. They de mand our attention, because a little later, they had their homes up the Delaware from Christina, north of the Pennsylvania line, and hence were among the first white settlers in Pennsylvania. 74 THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENT One of the number was Anders Svensson Bonde. He was born in Sweden in 1620, and so was but eighteen if he came with Minuit, or twenty if he came in 1640. In 1644, the records show, he was at Tinicum, in what is now Delaware county, Pennsyl vania, employed in "making hay for the cattle" and in sailing the Governor's "little yacht." In 1648 he was gunner at the fort, New Gottenburg, which Printz built on Tinicum Island, and in 1680 he was living at "Kingsess" — Kingsessing — in what is now West Philadelphia. On the first Tax List of Philadelphia county, 1693, he appears as the richest man west of the Schuyl kill. He lived probably until 1696, a widow, Anneka, and six sons and four daughters surviving him. His descendants changed the family name to Boon. Peter Andersson was engaged similarly with Bonde, in 1644 and 1648. Anders Larsson Daalbo, was in 1644 cultivating to bacco for the Swedish Company, on a plantation "near the Schuylkill." Sven Larsson was engaged in 1644 similarly to Daalbo. Peter Gunnarsson Rambo was cultivating tobacco for the Company in 1644, in Christina, and came later into Pennsylvania. He held several offices under the Dutch and English governments on the Delaware, and died in Philadelphia county in 1698, being, it is said, the last survivor of those who came in the first two Swedish expeditions, 1638 and 1640. He had four sons and two daughters, all of whom married and left descendants. Sven Gunnarsson is a notable figure. He was occupied as Rambo, in 1644, but he and his three sons, known as Swensons, later Swansons, obtained in 1664 from Alexander d'Hinojossa, then the Dutch Governor on the Delaware, a patent for land above Moyamensings-kill, within the present city of Philadelphia — at Wicaco, after called Southwark. These Swansons are well known figures in the early history of Philadelphia. Their cabins were standing at Wicaco when Penn came in 1682, though the father had died a little earlier. He, when he came to the Dela- 75 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL ware, in 1638 or 1640, was probably accompanied by his wife, and if so she was the first white woman who came to live permanently on the west side of the Delaware. The fur trade engaged, of course, the early efforts of the Christina settlers. They planted, the first year, we may be sure, or even the second, very little. By peaceable means they drew the trade of the Indians of the region, and doubtless of those on the Susquehanna. Their Dutch neighbors and competitors at Fort Nassau watched them with increasing dissatisfaction. The reports sent to Manhattan, and thence by Governor Kieft to Hol land, tell a doleful story of the early success of the Swedes in capturing the trade. The injury done the first year to the Dutch, Kieft writes in one letter, is thirty thousand florins ; in another he flatly says that the Company's trade in South River is "entirely ruined." He charges the Swedes with paying higher prices, with giving presents, and in general with out-doing the traders at Fort Nassau. Meanwhile the Swedes looked for another ship from home. It was two years before one came. The Kalmar Nyckel, after her bad news of Minuit's loss had been digested, had been ordered to return, and Peter Hollender, a lieutenant, a Dutchman, and perhaps a "knight," since he added "Ridder" to his name, was commissioned governor in Minuit's place. But the ship had many detentions, including a leak and a dishonest captain, and it was February of 1640 before she got away, and April 17 of that year before she again sailed into the Christina. How gladly she was greeted may be imagined. She brought, it is believed, the first minister of the gospel on the Delaware, the Rev. Reorus Torkillus, a clergyman of the Swedish Lutheran church. The rule of Peter Hollender as Governor of the Swedes, and so of all others on the West Bank of the Delaware, extended from April, 1640, to February, 1643, when his successor, John Printz, arrived. The events of this period may be succinctly stated. The Kalmar Nyckel, quickly loaded with furs, sailed for home in 76~~ Peter Stuyvesant Governor of New Netherlands when what is now Pennsylvania was owned by Holland ; born 1602, died 1682 THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENT May (1640), and arrived in July. At the beginning of Novem ber of the same year there arrived at Christina, from Holland, the ship Fredenburg, with a company of Dutch colonists, headed by Jost de Boghardt. They were mostly from Utrecht, and being unable to agree, as it seems, with the Dutch West India Company, had obtained permits and a grant of privileges from the Swedish authorities. They settled south of Christina — at New Castle, as some think, perhaps further down the river, in what are now St. George's and Appoquinimink hundreds. cThe English again made their appearance on the river in 1640. This time they came from New England, from the Colony of New Haven. That young town had large ambitions and corre sponding energy. One of its citizens, George Lamberton, trading to Virginia in his bark, the Cock, in the winter of 1638-39, had learned of the fur-trade of the Delaware, with which nothing at New Haven could compare. It was resolved thereupon to make a settlement on the Delaware, and late in 1640, Captain Nathaniel Turner was sent from New Haven to open the way. He, it is said, and also a little later Captain Lamberton, already named, secured land from the always-obliging Indians, the purchase in cluding much of the east bank of the bay, from Cape May north ward, and besides this a tract at Passyunk, within what is now Philadelphia. To occupy the New Jersey purchase a move was promptly made ; a colony of some sixty persons left New Haven and settled at Varken's kill, near the present town of Salem, and about the same time, as the English later claimed, "a fortified trading-house was built or occupied at Passyunk." If this latter statement has validity, it would seem that it might be connected with the alleged activities of Captain Thomas Yong and Master Robert Evelin, who professed, as we have seen, to have been build ing an English fort somewhere on the river, about 1640 or 1641, and perhaps may have been concerned in some work at Passyunk. This English enterprise, however, did not seriously disturb either the Dutch or Swedes. It came to an end at Varken's kill 79 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL in less than three years, and the Passyunk enterprise also failed. We shall mention these collapses in their proper place. Hollender wrote to Sweden that his people at Christina were too few, and that they were little skilled in husbandry or handi craft. Indeed his letters to Chancellor Oxenstiern speak of them with painful candor ; "no more indifferent people are to be found in all Sweden than those who are now here," he says in one place. Perhaps they thought equally ill of him. We shall see, as we proceed, that governors and people, like schoolmasters and schol ars, were apt to see each others' faults very distinctly. An insuffi cient supply of horses and cattle was one of the troubles at Chris tina; we are not to forget that whatever domestic animals they had must be brought in ships, either from other American colonies or from Europe. The "Third Expedition" from Sweden (the Fredenburg with her Dutch passengers not being counted), came to the Delaware sometime in 1641. The precise time seems obscure. It consisted of two ships, the Kalmar Nyckel once more, and a consort, the Charitas. They brought a considerable company of colonists, including numerous Finns. Names of some of these colonists have been preserved. Among them was Lieutenant Mans Kling, who had gone home in 1640, and who was now accompanied by his wife, and their little child, and a maid. Another who came at this time was Olaf Persson Stille, ancestor of a family of dis tinction in Pennsylvania, including the late Dr. Charles Janeway Stille of Philadelphia. He was a settler, soon, at the mouth of Ridley creek, in Delaware county. The fourth, and the most important, of the several Swedish "expeditions" came in 1643. It may be regarded as expressing the highest endeavor of the Swedes. There were again two ships, the Fame and the Swan. John Printz, bearing a commission to succeed Hollender, was in command. Leaving Gottenburg on the first day of November, 1642, and taking the usual southern route, they touched at the island of Antigua to celebrate Christmas, came ¦fatfu.^irA,- ''*¦' ''' ¦ ,..'-W.' *v.*W ,., -6;„ '/% , ,^> . t,M? THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENT into Delaware Bay in a storm the following month, and February 15, 1643, reached Fort Christina. Printz, it may be here said, is the most conspicuous figure, if we except Minuit, connected with New" Sweden. Lively descrip tions of him have come down to us, as we shall presently see. He had been an officer, a lieutenant-colonel of a cavalry regiment engaged in the Thirty Years' War, and being charged with mak ing an inadequate defense of the city of Chemnitz — which, how ever, he declared due to the inhabitants — had been dismissed the service, but afterwards restored. His instructions, now, for the Delaware administration, were elaborate. He was to deal with the English at Varken's Kill, and the Dutch at Fort Nassau peaceably, if possible ; to treat the Indians with humanity, protect them, and "civilize" them — especially to sell them goods at lower prices than the English or Dutch. He might choose his residence as he saw proper, at Cape Henlopen, Christina, or "Jacques Island" (Tinicum) ; but he must particularly see that his fort should command the river, and have a good winter harbor for vessels. The sowing of grain, the planting of tobacco, the in crease of cattle, and sheep, the inspection of the fur-trade, the manufacture of salt, the culture of the vine, search for metals and minerals, the fisheries, especially for whales, silk-culture, etc., etc., were among the many matters commended to his attention. "Be fore all," he was to see that the worship of God was maintained, taking "good measures" that the divine service was "performed according to the true Confession of Augsburg, the council of Upsal, and the ceremonies of the Swedish Church." How many came with Printz it is impossible now to say. His company included his wife, their daughter, Armgard, and a min ister, the Rev. John Campanius. The names of some twenty- three others have been preserved. Some were soldiers, others clerks, mechanics and farm laborers. A large part were from Fin land. The opening of spring found Printz busily at work. He lost no time in carrying out his instructions. Proceeding up the river 1-6 81 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL from Christina, he decided to make the seat of his authority at Jacques Island, the place called by the Indians Tenacong, and since Tinicum. Not, however, on the island in the stream, our "Little Tinicum," but on the larger one which is now practically part of the mainland. Here he built at once a "fort," so called, of "heavy green logs," laid "the one on the other," and mounted on it four brass cannon. This he called Nye (new) Gottenburg. He made thus the first settlement by white men in Pennsylvania. Besides this, he sent Kling to make a settlement on the Schuylkill. "Log houses, strengthened by small stones" were built there, and a tobacco plantation begun. The Dutch, it is said, had broken up, in 1642, the English post there, a force sent across from Fort Nassau under Jan Jansen Van Ilpendam, the Commissary, having ejected the Englishmen. Later, Kling built on the east bank of the Schuylkill, near its mouth, probably on what was afterward called Province Island, a small fort which was called New Kors- holm. Of this fort Printz says in his report, sent home in Feb ruary, 1647, that it "is pretty nearly ready." These operations of Kling, the plantation and the fort, form the first well-authenticated occupancy of white men of the site of the city of Philadelphia. Their beginnings date certainly from the spring of 1644; probably from 1643. Printz, however, was not content with the forts already de scribed. A third, called Elfsborg, was built, in 1643, at Varken's kill (Salem) on the east side of the Delaware, near the post which the English colonists from New Haven had established. These adventurers had not prospered. Sickness had sorely beset them. The Dutch harassed them. The fur-trade to be secured in that locality was small. And besides, the mosquitoes tormented them. By the end of 1643, their colony was practically broken up and abandoned. "Slowly, through the winter and spring of 1643-44, the major part of them straggled back to New Haven." At Tinicum the Swedish settlements now centered. The fort at Christina was small, and its situation gave it no command of THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENT the Delaware. That at Tinicum — New Gottenburg — on the con trary, dominated the river, and nearly destroyed the importance of the Dutch Fort Nassau. In the three or four years following Printz's arrival Tinicum gradually assumed the character of a hamlet. The island was confirmed to him as his personal estate by the Swedish Council at Stockholm, acting in the Queen's name, November 6, 1643, ancl be built later, probably in 1646, a mansion- house for his own residence, calling the place Printzhof. A church was also built, which Campanius dedicated September 4, 1646. This was the first house of Christian worship within the limits of Pennsylvania. Attached to it was a burial ground, where many of the earlier settlers were interred. The situation on the Delaware, in the autumn of 1643, is described for us by our old friend DeVries. It had been ten years since he left the river, in the spring of 1633. He had been mainly at Manhattan, meanwhile, and now, being on a trading voyage to Virginia, his ship came up the Delaware. He says in his journal : "The 13th (October), sailed by Reed Island, and came to the Verckens-kil, where there was a fort constructed by the Swedes, with three angles, from which they fired for us to strike our flag. The skipper asked me if he should strike it. I answered him, 'If I were in a ship belonging to myself, I would not strike because I had been a patroon of New Netherland, and the Swedes were a people who came into our river; but you come here by contrary winds and for the purposes of trade, and it is therefore proper that you should strike.' Then the skipper struck his flag, and there came a small skiff from the Swedish fort, with some Swedes in it, who inquired of the skipper with what he was laden. He told them with Madeira wine. We asked them whether the governor was in the fort. They answered, No; that he was at the third fort up the river, to which we sailed, and arrived at about four o'clock in the afternoon, and went to the governor, who welcomed us. He was named Captain Prins, and a man of brave size, who weighed over four hundred pounds. He asked the skipper if he 83 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL had ever been in this river before, who said he had not. How then had he come in when it was so full of shoals ? He pointed to me, that I had brought him in. Then the governor's koopman, who knew me, and who had been at Fort Amsterdam, said that I Augustine Herman A native of Bohemia; received a grant of 20,000 acres of land at head of Chesapeake bay from Lord Baltimore, in 1660. A surveyor of note After a painting by West was a patroon of Swanendael at the entrance of the Bay, destroyed by the Indians in the year 1630, when no Swedes were known upon this river. He (the governor) then had a silver mug brought, with which he treated the skipper with beer, and a large glass of Rhenish wine, which was given to me. The skipper traded some wines and sweetmeats with him for peltries, beaver- skins, and stayed here five days from contrary winds. I went once to Fort Nassau, which lies a mile higher up, in which the ~~ 84 THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENT people of the West India Company were. I remained there half a day, and took my leave of them, and returned at evening to the Governor of the Swedes. "The 19th, I went with the governor to the Minckquas-kil, where their first fort was, and where there were some houses. In this little fort there were some iron guns. I stayed here at night with the governor, who treated me well. In the morning, the ship was lying before the Minckquas-kil. I took my leave of the Signature of David Lloyd, speaker of the Assembly, 1694 governor, who accompanied me on board. We fired a salute for him, and thus parted from him; weighed anchor, and got under sail, and came to the first fort, which was not entirely finished ; it was made after the English plan, with three angles close by the river. There were lying there six or eight brass-pieces, twelve- pounders. The skipper exchanged here some of his wines for beaver skins. "The 20th of October, took our departure from the last fort, or first in sailing up the river, called Elsenburg. The second fort of the Swedes is named Fort Christina; the third, New Gotten burg." Printz remained governor of New Sweden for more than ten years. He came, as we have seen, in the spring of 1643 ; he went back to Sweden in the autumn of 1653. His rule thus covered much more than half of the life of the Swedish colony. The events of his time are of interest to this history, in that they show 8s~~ PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL the beginnings of Pennsylvania. In this decade the bare shelters of the first comers became tolerable cabins; the slender stock of horses and cattle increased; the crops grew in amount and im portance; families became "settled," and began to feel that this was indeed their home. There was thus a slow but definite evolu tion of permanent occupancy. Agriculture had been one of Printz's chief objects, as was natural and reasonable. He could hear of no gold or silver mines, nor of salt deposits, and he thought the culture of silk doubtful, but he planted corn extensively, and after a failure the first year did well with it. Tobacco plantations were begun. Hay was cut from the meadow lands. Rye for bread and for seed was pro cured at Manhattan, in 1643, and a few cattle. In the autumn of that year rye was sown, and next spring barley ; the crop grew so well "it was delightful to behold." The year 1643, however, was on the whole a hard one. The little colony was sorely stricken by disease. No less than nineteen of the male population, a large proportion indeed, died that year. "They had hard work and but little to eat," Printz said. Among the dead was the Rev. Reorus Torkillus, the minister at Christina, who died in February, a few weeks before Printz's arrival. Ac cording to Campanius he had married since coming to the Dela ware, and left a widow and child. In March, 1644, the Fame, one of the two ships which had come with Printz, arrived a second time. She brought, unfor tunately, but few colonists. One of them (he had been here earlier, and now returned) was Johan Papegoia, who soon mar ried the governor's daughter, Armgard. The Fame sailed for Sweden in June, taking a cargo of 2,142 beaver skins, and 105 hogsheads of tobacco. Printz sent by her a report of the col ony's condition ; it had, he said, 90 men, "besides women and children." Indian troubles threatened this year. The shocking and un pardonable cruelties of Kieft, the governor at Manhattan, in which 86 THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENT hundreds of the natives, up and down the Hudson, and on Long Island, of all ages and both sexes, were slain, disturbed the Indians far and near. All along the Atlantic coast word spread among them of the cruelty of the new-comers. In the spring two white soldiers and a laborer were killed on the Delaware, below Christina, and later a Swedish woman and her husband — he English — were killed between Tinicum and Upland. We may note this latter event as the first white blood shed in Pennsylvania by the Indians. Printz assembled his people for defense at Up land (Chester). The Indian chiefs of the region came in, dis owning the act, and desiring peace. The usual treaty was made, presents were distributed, and friendly relations were restored. There was now a long period without a ship from Sweden. From the Fame's departure, in June, 1644, until October, 1646, none came. It was a trying time. The stock of goods for trade was exhausted, and no beaver or other skins could be secured from the Indians. At the beginning of winter, 1645, a disaster occurred. On the 25th of November, late at night, the fort at Tinicum was set on fire by a soldier, and was totally destroyed. "Not the least thing" was saved, "except the dairy." "The people escaped," Printz wrote, "naked and destitute. The winter immediately set in, bitterly cold; the river and all the creeks froze up," so that no supplies could be had until the middle of March, and Printz adds, "if some rye and corn had not been unthreshed, I myself and all the people with me on the island would have starved to death." The want of goods for trading not only was unfavorable as to profits for the Swedes; it diminished the respect of the Indians for them. To this period may be assigned the Indian council de scribed by Campanius, in which Mattahoorn presided, and the slaughter of the Swedish settlers was considered. The sachem is said to have presented the question : "The Swedes dwell here upon our land. But they have no goods to sell us. We can find nothing in their stores that we want. They have no cloth, red, blue, or brown. They have no kettles, no brass, no lead, no guns, S7~ PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL no powder. The English and Dutch have all sorts of mer chandise. Shall we go out and kill all the Swedes, or shall we allow them to stay?" The decision of the council was that the Swedes should not be molested. They should be, instead, "good friends." One warrior declared, "We have no complaint to make of them. Presently, they will bring here a large ship filled with all sorts of good things." This expectation was fulfilled when at last, October i, 1646, the ship Golden Shark arrived. She had had a long and stormy voyage, with much sickness on board. She brought few colo nists, but her cargo was a good one. No time was lost in notify ing the Indians. Huyghen, the commissary, with Van Dyck, a sergeant, and eight soldiers, was dispatched by Printz "to the country of the Minquas." This was "five German miles" dis tant. "All sorts of presents" were given the Minquas, and a promise secured from them that they would trade "as before," Huyghen additionally assuring them "a higher price than the Hollanders." The Golden Shark needed repairs, and work on her could not be completed until December. Then winter set in suddenly, and she was frozen up. She could not get away until February 20, 1647, when she sailed with a cargo which included 10 1 casks of tobacco, over a fourth of which had been raised by the Swedes — the remainder secured in trade. Printz sent back by her a long report. Since 1643, he said, the health of the people had been good; "only two men and two small children" had died. "The whole number of men, women, boys, girls, and children now living here is 183 souls." He had built a church at New Gottenburg — that dedicated by Campanius in 1646 — "adorning and decorating it according to our Swedish fashion, so far as our limited means and resources would allow." He had also built a storehouse there. To break up the trade of the Dutch west of the Delaware, he had built "a fine house called Wasa," inland from Fort Korsholm, "by the road of the Minquas." It was s o m i-: ACCOUNT oi TH 1: PROVINCE O F ¦' PENNSILVANIA I K AMERICA Lately Granted under the Great Seal o F ENGLAND T o William Penn, &c. Together with Priviledgesand Powers necef- fary to the well-governing thereof-. Made publick for die Information of lucli as are or may be dilpolcj to Transport themlclves or Servants into cholc Parts. LONDON.: Printed, .ind Sold by 'Bcnjjmin Clark Bookfellei in George-Yard Lombard-flrect, »is J^ajnly, in tonlibcratioH of tlic great ggmt aim faitlifut actuict'sotS>it«iiii.im p.-. uDctcafcD, atm I02 bibcrs other gooo Caufcs Dim thereunto moumg, hath brrn Giacioufly plcafcb by actters pa tents braving Date tlic fourth nay of March lafl pad, to <5ibc aim ©jant unto*'ii'>"i l'^nn (Etquirr , £>on aim tycir of the tain S:r William Penn, ail that Etart of aaiminlato, .tbeti by the faiD Kibe rfo far as it'Dottt rrtcnb : 21hd from tljc ijfitD of the fam Kibcr. tilt Caftctn,?32mifiS to be octcrmimD bya Meridian fime to be DiaUmfromt.,. Ijrat of 7tljr faio liibcr, unto thrfaib 3Z\)ta anb fouttietb Degree, the faibpio; ......fciKc to mrnD Gucfiuwib fibr Degrees in Hongituoe, to be Computet! from the faib. Saltern . „; •"..-ioounos-, anDtobes3dunDtHontlKJ3ojtl), by fljt Beginning of tlje XI»ec anb fourticth Dfgrce of ' •-- ;" j2oztljern aatirimc, aim on tlje South by a Circle Swum at mbcibe Smiles btftanec from Newc-We jaojrtouaioSj.anD'carltJbaros unto the Beginning of the fouttictljDrgrefof jSouhcvn aati= - : -.tube, aiiDtbrii-byanra'sljt&inrCiarrtttiarDSio tlic limit of aongituocabobeiitcntioHiu', together . Vibirlj all polbcrs, p::iinmncntics aim 3!urisBHtioi'.s necclTary fo? tl)c ©obctnmctit of tlic fam pio- ¥ -.;-.' bituc, as by tlje faio actters patents, litfercncc being thereunto I)at, both nioje at large appear. .-*,-*' I3isa3a>c(ly both therefore Hereby publifli nnbDcriarc iiis Boyai cam mm pleafurr, 3EIjat all ,-• pcrfonsfectticoojjnljabitinglbithm the &muts of tlic tarn pmbincc, noyiclD allDne ©bcoienec tbtljrfaic William Penn,. jjisije'irs aim Jfffigns, as abfoiutc piopwtarics aim ©obcruonrs thereof, asatfo to the Deputy oj' Deputies, Agents o: awitenants, aaibfully Commilfionateb by Ijmtoz them, atcommg to ffiepoibcrs aim 3ftithojiticf> .Cjantcb by the fam acttcrs patents; taihcre-- lbitl) i> s .^ajetty ©rpetts aim JSeciuires a rcaoy i£omplyaHcc from all pctfons ttljom it may con cern, as they ttiiDct i)is spajeltics DifpleaCute. '"%?: Given ac the Court at Wl.-itth.ilt tlie Second dayof^r*! i(J8i. In the Three and thirtieth year of Our Reign. To the Inhabitants nni TUn- ttrs of tlx Province tij .;>'-: Fcnniilvania. By His MajeiHes Command, CONWAY. Printed by the Affighs of fohn "Bill, Themis ^etveomt,, and Henry Hills, Printtrs to the Kings moly Excellent Majefty. id8i. Proclamation of the Charter to William Penn, April 2, 1681 THE DUTCH SETTLEMENT tona during these years to see this fully exemplified. In Novem ber, 1659, Beekman writes that at Altona six Indians, inflamed with Becker's brandy, disturbed the place, were pursued by the soldiers "into the bushes," and came back later and stole two blankets and a gun. A few weeks after, "two soldiers being drunk" — again on Becker's liquor — "burned a little Indian canoe, whereupon the savages threatened to set fire to a house or kill some cattle," so that Beekman had to interfere and pacify them. But, worse still, an Indian who had been drinking in the woods with a white man, Pieter Mayer, was next morning found dead, "a little further into the woods," whereupon the other In dians threatened the man who had sold the liquor, saying he had put poison in it. Presently they set the dead body "upon a hur dle, and put it on four great prongs," opposite the house where the liquor was bought, as a "curse" to the place. Worse followed. A week after the report of these occur rences, Beekman wrote that two Indians had been killed "by Christians," and their bodies found "in the underbrush or marshy places near New Amstel." Presently it appeared that three had been killed, instead of two; it "was done upon the farm of the late Mr. Alrich by his two servants." Stuyvesant, in a letter to Holland, calls it a "cruel murder," committed "only from the damnable desire of wampum," the victims being "a man, a woman and a boy." The murderers were known, and had been arrested, but D'Hinoyossa and his Council released them. The settlers were alarmed, fearing bloody reprisals by the Indians, and endeavors were hastily made to conciliate the neighboring chiefs. Beekman wrote to the Swedish sheriff Van Dyck to come to Altona to meet the Indians for that purpose, the Swedes being "better acquainted with the temper and manner of the sav ages than we new-comers," but Van Dyck excused himself, say ing the Indians had told them not to "trouble themselves with the matter." An incident a little later (April, 1660) may be added here. Jan Barentsen, a carpenter, was killed by the Indians in the direc- 127 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL tion of Maryland, and his wife died, either at Colonel Utie's or at the house of "Jacob," an Indian trader in the Susquehanna region. A child of this unfortunate couple survived, and the romantic story attached to it that it had been born in Holland "at the departure of Mr. Alrich, in the ship Prins Maurits" in 1657, and had been christened "Amstelhoop" (Hope of Amstel), "at the request of the Lords Burgomasters." The revenge of blood for the three Indians killed near New Amstel came early in May, 1661, when four white men, three English and one Dutch, were killed by Indians on the road from Signature of Thomas Lloyd; governor of Pennsylvania; born 1640; died 1694 New Amstel to the Maryland settlements. As the news spread, the neighboring Indians, expecting now to be attacked by the whites, hid "in great fear" for two weeks. Two of them, how ever, had brought to New Amstel some of the clothing of the slain victims, and offered it for sale. They were arrested, but after an examination released by D'Hinoyossa as "not the right savages." The crime aroused general excitement and alarm. The Maryland authorities upbraided D'Hinoyossa for his action, and reports quickly spread that the English of that province would come in force and inflict their own punishment on the In dians. The river Indians were terrified at the rumor, and many of them met at Passyunk to collect wampum for presents to the Minquas to induce them to intervene. "The Minquas," Beek man adds in repeating this, had "already offered presents in pel tries to the Governor of Maryland for this matter, but he refused to accept them, and had on the contrary requested them to go and destroy the river savages, which they declined to do." A few weeks later, commissioners from Maryland appeared at New Am stel, and D'Hinoyossa summoned the river chiefs from Passyunk 128 THE DUTCH SETTLEMENT and other places to a conference to compose the troubles. Only one chief ventured to come, and he was from the east side of the river, not the west, but the meeting was held at Appoquinimy, on the border line of the Maryland country. Governor Calvert him self attended, "and made peace with the aforesaid sachem, and merry with D'Hinoyossa." This conclusion was pleasing, no doubt, to the absent "river chiefs," who had been saying to An dreas Hudde and others that "the English have killed some of Tt Signature of Edward Shippen; member Provincial Council, 1696-1712; judge of the Supreme Court, 1697; mayor of Philadelphia, 1701 ours, and we again some of theirs," and that one would "set off against the other." Nor have these details quite exhausted the evil story. Early in September, 1662, Joris Floris, an old man, was driving through the West, near New Amstel, with a wagon drawn by two horses, when he was "shot down from the horse" and scalped. Beekman wrote that he thought a river Indian had been previously shot by the whites, and that this was an act in reprisal ; but further inquiry made the murder more mysterious. A few weeks later, in No vember, "about an hour after evening," a young man, a servant of Jan Staelcop, the miller near Altona, was killed "about four hun dred steps from the Fort." The river Indians charged this on the Minquas or Senecas, and a fortnight after, five Minqua chiefs, with their suites, came to Beekman at Altona, alleging that the act had been committed by a captive Seneca belonging to them. They declared their own good will. "As long as any Christians have lived here," they said, "it never can be proved that any ill or violence has been done them by our nation," though three years 1-9 129 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL before, they added, a Minqua Indian had been killed by the Chris tians at New Amstel. Often, they said, they had mediated for peace between the Christians and other Indians. The war of the Iroquois tribes, at this period, upon the In dians of the Susquehanna, has been referred to in an earlier chapter. Beekman wrote at the end of May, 1661, that "the Minquas and the Sinnecus are at war with each other." Six weeks later he repeated this, and added a report that "the English from Maryland have assisted the Minquas with fifty men in their .fort." In October he heard that the Minquas were hard pressed by the Senecas, and that the latter had killed twelve river Indians on the river "a little above the Swedish settlement," so that the Swedes now feared the Senecas would kill their cattle. In Feb ruary, 1662, he reported the war on the Susquehanna continuing, and in December the Minqua chiefs visiting Altona said they were expecting the aid of eight hundred "black Minquas," of whom two hundred had already come. Next spring they would resume their war against the Senecas and assail them in their own stronghold — "visit their fort." In May following, 1663, how ever, the Senecas were first in the field. "Jacob," the Indian trader, sent word to Andreas Hudde that 1600 Senecas — an exaggerated figure, of course — with their wives and children, were marching on the Minquas, and were then but two days dis tant. Later Beekman repeats this story, but reports the Senecas as only eight hundred, and relates that the Minquas had made a sally from their fort, and had driven off their assailants, pursu ing them for two days, killing ten and capturing others. The lugubrious story of drunkenness, quarrels, murders, and wars made the dark side of the colony's life; there was, however, a better side. A cheerful feature was the confidence shown in the Indians by selecting them as guides and messengers. The letters of Alrich and Beekman, if sent overland, as was the rule, were given to an Indian to carry. He went in a boat to Meg- geckessou, the falls of the Delaware at Trenton, and thence by 130 THE DUTCH SETTLEMENT land to Communipaw, opposite New Amsterdam. In many let ters Beekman adds the memorandum that he is sending it "by a savage." "On the 9th instant, at night, I sent a savage to your honor." "Sir, this is in haste, as the savage is very urgent to leave with the tide." "Mr. Beekman" (writes Andreas Hudde) "has requested me to forward this, . . therefore I have hired this savage thereto ; he is to have at the Manahatas a cloth and a pair of socks." "Gentlemen, I have promised the bearer, . . a piece of cloth and a pair of socks provided he brings over the letter in four or five days at the utmost." These are some of the many references to the subject. As the plan was consistently maintained it is evident that the Indians proved faithful carriers. The name of an Indian runner, Sipaelle, is given in one letter, but few other names of the local Indians are known. Becker, the brandy-selling clerk, says he gave a drink occasionally to friendly sachems such as "Meckeck Schinck, Wechnarent, Are- weehing, and Hoppaming," but of none of these have we any other account than the dram-drinking except in the case of Hop paming. Of him Beekman relates, in January, 1661, that "about fourteen days ago, the grave of one Hoppemink, an Indian chief, was robbed ; he had been buried a short time before (in New Am stel). They took out of it a party of wampum, 3 or 4 pieces of duffel, and further what he had with him; the savages murmur about it, and may perhaps undertake something bad." It had been a fixed plan of the Dutch officials to collect the Swedes into compact communities, where they could be more readily watched. But though numerous efforts were made, the time never came when this could be effected. The Swedes naturally did not desire to leave the homes they had made. Beek man went among them at different times to persuade them to re move, but he had himself little heart in the undertaking, and re ported to Stuyvesant that the difficulties were great. In April, 1660, he writes that he has been with the Swedes and Finns "sev eral days." There was a dispute among those at Kingsesse and 131 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL Aroenemeck which should remove — in which neighborhood they should concentrate. "Nobody is willing to make room, . . everyone asserts that he will keep his entire lot and fields." At Tinicum Madam Papegoia declared she could not remove, "on account of her heavy buildings, also because the church stands Seal of David Lloyd there." A sergeant, Andries Lourens, had tried to enlist some Swedes for the Esopus war against the Indians, but none would go; Beekman believed their head men had advised them "not to scatter themselves, but to keep about here" — which is very likely. For the time he decided that they should not be disturbed until they could gather their harvests, and in May Peter Kock and two other deputies came to represent that the proposed removal was impracticable, and to say that if they must break up, "then we shall go away to where we may remain living in peace." Finally the Dutch officials appear to have abandoned the scheme. 132 THE DUTCH SETTLEMENT It is probable that the Swedes had in some cases a definite grant of land. In the recitals of old titles in Delaware there is occasionally a reference to a grant by Stuyvesant, though no original papers appear to be extant. The division of the Dutch territory into separate jurisdictions and interests was obviously a grave disadvantage. In 1663, therefore, the City of Amsterdam acquired from the West India Company all its claims upon the South river. The matter was under negotiation throughout the year; at the end of December Stuyvesant executed a formal act ceding to D'Hinoyossa, as the representative of the burghers of Amsterdam, "the South River from the sea upwards, so far as that river extends itself — toward the country, on the East side three miles from the border of the river, and toward the West side so far as the country extends un til it reaches the English colonies." D'Hinoyossa, who had been to Holland, and had explained to the burghers of Amsterdam the great possibilities of trade and population on the Delaware, came back as the ruler of the whole river, triumphing thus over Beekman, whose office was now end ed, and over Stuyvesant, whose authority he had defied. He reached New Amstel December 3, 1663, in the ship de Purmer- lander Kerck (the Church of Purmerland), with Peter Alrich and Israel Helm "as members of the High Council," and about one hundred and fifty immigrants. He proceeded at once to or ganize his colony, and his policy appeared more favorable to the Swedes than Stuyvesant's had been. Peter Cock was appointed collector of tolls on imports and exports, and Israel Helm to supervise the fur trade "at the upper end of Passyunk." All this, however, was in vain. It recalls the energy of Ris ingh just before Stuyvesant swooped down upon him in 1655. The English lion was now ready to devour New Netherland. The summer of 1664 brought the catastrophe, when the fleet of the Duke of York appeared at Manhattan. In September Stuyvesant surrendered there, and in October the colony of D'Hinoyossa 133 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL was captured. We shall speak of these events in more detail, in the chapter following. The number of white people on the west bank of the Delaware river, at the close of the year 1664 can only be conjectured. There were, no doubt, fully a thousand, and possibly there were twice that number. D'Hinoyossa represented at Amsterdam, in 1663, that there were people on "one hundred and ten plantations," be sides those living in the towns, soldiers, etc. In 1659 it had been proposed to tax the Swedes "five or six guilders for each family," and Beekman estimated that this would produce about four hundred guilders, thus indicating that there were not over eighty Swedish families. In March, 1660, he reported that Sheriff Van Dyck said "the Swedes and Finns count about 130 men capable to bear arms," which would indicate a total Swedish and Finnish population of at least six hundred. The colonists were located on or near the river. A handful of soldiers probably remained at the Delaware capes, and there was also there a little colony of communistic "Mennonites" whom Peter Cornelius Plockhoy had brought over from Holland a few months earlier. Northward from the capes to Bombay Hook, and thence to New Amstel, there was hardly a white man's home. New Amstel itself was the most important place on the river — though D'Hinoyossa proposed now to locate the colonial capital at Appoquinimy (now Appoquinimink), southeast from New Amstel, as a better point from which to trade with Maryland. Al tona, besides its decayed "fort," had a few houses. Then, north ward, the clearings and plantings of the Swedes extended to where Philadelphia now stands, most of them being north of the Pennsylvania line. There were some centers of activity and life; Marcus Hook, Upland, Tinicum (occasionally called New Leyden), Passyunk, Kingsessing and Karakung (the old Swedes Mill), were places known to all, white and red, who had acquaint ance with the South River colony. 134 CHAPTER V UNDER THE DUKE OF YORK.— 1664-1681 THE Dutch had had many warnings of the English purpose. From the side of New England encroachments had been coming on Long Island, and on the mainland, almost within sight of Manhattan. From the side of Maryland, as we have seen, claims were made which would have obliterated New Netherland. The closing years of Stuyvesant's rule were times of distress and distraction over the increasingly difficult task of maintaining his ground. The fatal weakness of his situation lay in the nature of the colony itself. It had never really taken root. It was essentially a trading, not a planting, enterprise which the West India Com pany had undertaken, and as a competent American writer has observed, "the trading spirit is not of itself sufficient to establish successful settlement, and monopolies cannot be safely intrusted with the government of colonies." It had been the traditional policy of England to claim the whole North American coast covered by the two blanket charters which James the First had granted to the London and the Plym outh companies in 1606 — stretching from Carolina to Nova Scotia, including islands within a hundred miles of the coast, and reaching inland without limit. When in 1632 Charles the First told the Dutch ambassadors, as has been related, that the settle ments called New Netherland were all on English ground, it was but a re-statement of the settled policy, and a warning of what should be expected at a time convenient to England. And this 13s PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL time, after the passage of the Navigation Act by the English Par liament, in 1660, and its amendment in 1663, had now come. For the Navigation Act was an instrument to build up Eng land's commerce, and destroy that of Holland. It provided that no European goods should go into an English colony except they came from England in an English ship. Furthermore, no goods produced in the colonies which the English merchants cared for — and they were strictly enumerated in the law, and the list in creased from time to time — could be sent to any other ports than those under the English crown, though goods not desired in Eng land might be sent from the colonies to ports south of Cape Finis- terre on the coast of Spain, thus cutting out the coast of France. The establishment of this system was the beginning of the chapter which first consolidated England's power in North Amer ica, and in the end lost to her all she seemed to have gained. The Navigation Acts, and the consequent monopoly of colonial trade in the hands of English merchants, was an intolerable injustice which in a large degree caused the Revolution of 1 Jj6. But the American Revolution was in 1663 a full century dis tant. The pressing question in England was the expansion of trade, the abasement of Holland, increase of the Crown revenues, and consequent profit to those who had the job of collecting them. It was perceived that the intended monopoly in trade in America could not be effective on the long coast line while the great port at Manhattan remained in the hands of the Dutch, and while they held the traffic of the North and South rivers. Some illicit trade there would always be, but the amount of it, with this great gap open in the English line, must be unbearable. The policy of England therefore concurred with the personal inclination of the King and his brother, when on the 12th of March, 1663-4,1 Charles granted to James, Duke of York, a pat- *We have come now to the English calen- they had adopted the Gregorian calendar in dar usage and its "double dating" between 1582, but England retained the Julian cal- January 1 and March 24. The Dutch would endar until 1752. have made this date March 22, 1664, for 136 Old Penn Mansion, Letitia Court Built 1682; removed and re-erected in Fairmount Park in 1882 UNDER THE DUKE OF YORK ent for a great body of land in America, lying between the west bank of the Connecticut river, and the east side of the Delaware, the inland line being drawn from "the head of the Connecticut river to the source of Hudson river, thence to the head of the Mo hawk branch of the Hudson, and thence to the east side of Dela ware bay." This was New Netherland, the colony which the Dutch had been promoting almost since the voyage of Hudson, but Charles assumed that it was English territory, and that the Dutch for half a century had simply been intruders upon it. Such a claim, if pressed, meant of course war with the Dutch Republic. For that the English King and his brother were ready, if not prepared. Though their sister had married one of the chief of the Dutchmen, William, Prince of Orange, and the son of this marriage, William, now a lad of fourteen, was their nephew, neither King nor Duke loved Holland.1 The Duke of York was the Lord High Admiral of England. Ships to seize the Dutch territory were thus at his command, and four of these were at once fitted out for America. Four commis sioners went on board, to take charge of the new territory when it should be seized — Col. Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr, Col. George Cartwright, and Samuel Maverick. The last-named had been some time in the Massachusetts colony, an implacable oppo nent of the ruling people there ; the other three were officers in the British army. Nicolls was the brains of the commission, an able and sagacious man. James, Duke of York, with whom we must now concern our selves more or less for a quarter of a century of this narrative, was in 1664 thirty-one years old. He had married in 1660 Anne *As this narrative of Pennsylvania will (the son's) birth, and his mother (Mary, presently have to do with this nephew of daughter of Charles I., and sister of Charles Charles and James, William of Orange, II., and James II.), going to London, in who became the son-in-law of James in 1660, at the Restoration, died there, of 1677, and King of England in 1688 (Will- small-pox, so that William was left an iam III.), a few facts of interest may be orphan at ten years. He succeeded his mentioned here. William's father died in uncle and father-in-law, as King of Eng- 1650, of small-pox, eight days before his land, in 1688. 139 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL Hyde, daughter of that distinguished, if not altogether honored figure in English history, the Earl of Clarendon. As his brother the King had no legitimate children — though many others — James was heir presumptive to the English throne. The grant of the American territory to him would therefore, if he became king, merge in the Crown possessions, and the settlements upon it become a Crown colony. Sailing from Portsmouth England, on the 15th of May (1664), the Duke's ships were at Boston late in July, and on the 19th of August had reached the waters around Manhattan Island. rU>Wfrnfig Signature of Thomas Wynne, member of the Assembly, 1683 The four were the Guinea, the Elias, the Martin, and the William and Nicholas, carrying altogether eighty-two guns. They had on board about four hundred and fifty soldiers. It was a force so overwhelming that resistance by Stuyvesant was manifestly impracticable. He would, however, have made a defense, if his councillors had not overborne him. They preferred to yield and accept the assurances of Col. Nicolls, rather than resist and be worse used. On the 29th of August the fort of New Amsterdam was surrendered by Stuyvesant, and the English flag was raised over it. The South river colony was promptly visited, also. It did not lie — that part of it which had importance — within the King's grant to the Duke, for it was on the west side of the Delaware, but it was part of New Netherland. Sir Robert Carr was there fore sent, September 3, with the Guinea and the William and Nicholas, and as many soldiers as could be spared from the Man hattan fort, to "reduce" it to submission. The other three com missioners gave him a letter of authority. It began : "Whereas, we are informed that the Dutch have seated themselves at Dela- 140 UNDER THE DUKE OF YORK ware Bay, on his Majesty of Great Britain's territories, without his knowledge or consent, and that they have fortified themselves there, and drawn a great deal of trade thither ; and being assured that if they be permitted to go on, the gaining of this place will be of small advantage to His Majesty, we" — etc., etc. Caleb Pusey House, near Chester Oldest building in Pennsylvania, having been built in 1683. Occupied by William Penn during occasional visits. Photo by Louise D. Woodbridge. Once more, then, a hostile fleet came inside the capes and up the bay. The voyage from New York — as henceforth we shall know it — had been tedious, and it was not until the last day of September that the two warships reached New Amstel, and Carr summoned the place to surrender. He had, he says, "almost three days' parley" with the Governor and the burghers; the latter agreed to yield, but the Governor and soldiers refused. He there fore landed his men, and the ships fired two broadsides upon the fort, after which it was stormed. The assailants sustained no loss, but the Dutch had ten wounded and three killed. This is Carr's account, and all we have. If we may trust it, D'Hinoyossa appears as a more resolute defender of the post he held than his 141 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL Dutch predecessor in 1654, or the Swedish in the following year. Whether or not the capture was attended with bloodshed, Carr's men, according to his own report, plundered right and left. In the fort and the town soldiers and sailors vied with one another in robbery. Carr said they made so much "noise and confusion" about it that his commands could not be heard. The cows, oxen, horses, and sheep of the settlers were seized. More important than the quadrupeds were a number of negro slaves, who also fell prize to the Englishmen. There were some sixty or seventy of these. They had reached Manhattan in the Gideon, a slave ship, with over two hundred more, just before the arrival of the Eng lish fleet, and had barely escaped capture there, Peter Alrich having hurried them across the North river, and thence overland to New Amstel. They were now divided among the captors, and Carr promptly traded some to Maryland. In his report, a few days after the capture, he says : "I have already sent into Mary land some Neegars which did belong to ye late Governor at his plantation above, for beefe, pork, corne, and salt, and for some other small conveniences which this place affordeth not." Sir Robert Carr assumed also the right to seize and distribute the lands of the Dutch officials — for which Col. Nicolls, in a letter from New York to London, censured him, though it does not appear that the disposition thus made was ultimately disturbed. The land of D'Hinoyossa Carr appropriated for himself; to his brother, Captain John Carr, he gave that of Van Sweringen, the Dutch "schout ;" Ensign Stock, besides eleven of the negro slaves, got "Peter Alrich's land," and to the two captains of the ships which had brought the expedition, Hyde and Morley, there was generously granted a "manor," located far up the Delaware, a gift which for a long time to come would not be likely to much enrich a white owner. Even the little community which Cornelius Plockhoy had be gun so hopefully the year before, at the Hoorn kill, could not 142 UNDER THE DUKE OF YORK be spared by the plunderers. A vessel was sent down from New Amstel to seize it, and the poor colonists were stripped of all they had, "to a very naile," thus ending the enterprise.1 Carr's report to Nicolls, from which a citation has already been made, was dated October 13, nearly a fortnight after the capture of New Amstel. He explained that it had been delayed by the disturbed condition of the Indians east of the Delaware, and further added : "We beg your endeavour to assist us in ye reconciliation of ye Indians called Synekees at ye Fort Ferrania and ye Huskchanoes [evidently Susquehannas] here, they com ing and doing violence both to heathen and Christian, and leave these Indians to be blamed for it, insomuch that within less than six weeks several murders have been committed and done by their people upon the Dutch and Swedes here." The war of the Iro quois tribes with the Susquehannocks was still going on. Colonel Nicolls came soon after to the Delaware, to inspect conditions there. Sir Robert Carr stayed on the river until February following, and then left finally, but his brother, Cap tain John Carr, remained, and was for several years in command at New Castle. The authority of Colonel Nicolls was exercised over the whole of what had been New Netherland. His residence, like that of the Dutch governors, was at New York. Conditions on the Delaware underwent little change. The Dutch had sub mitted of necessity, the Swedes no doubt very cheerfully ; it was hardly in human nature for them to mourn the discomfiture of those who had in 1655 upset them so rudely. The policy of Nicolls was conciliatory and liberal. At Manhattan the Dutch, even including Stuyvesant, took the oath of allegiance to the English King, and D'Hinoyossa, who had retired to Maryland after the loss of his fort and government, wrote from St. Mary's a few weeks later, offering to do the same if he might have his New Amstel property restored. This, however, was not done; D'Hinoyossa remained in Maryland several years, having settled *For the story of Plockhoy and his un fortunate colony, see Judge Pennypacker's "Germantown" (1899). 143 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL on Foster's island in Chesapeake Bay, now a part of Talbot coun ty. In 1 67 1 he petitioned the Maryland Assembly for natural ization for himself, wife and seven children. Later, he returned to Holland, and is said to have died there. The governorship of Colonel Nicolls continued until mid summer of 1668. He had found his post a hard one. At the end of July, 1665, he wrote to the Secretary of State at London lamenting the low state of his affairs. There had been, then, though nearly a year was gone, "no ship or the least supplies Signature of Tamanen, June 23. 1683 since the surrender." The soldiers and planters were in want. On the Delaware conditions were distressing; "all the planters on the river goe naked if not supplyed." Later he wrote that he had wholly exhausted his own means, in providing for the general service. Finally, after the conclusion of peace between Eng land and Holland by the treaty of Breda (July, 1667), he was given permission to return to England, and was replaced in Au gust, 1668, by Colonel Francis Lovelace. Colonel Nicolls is praised by all historical writers for his honest and fair adminis tration ; it may, therefore, be something to the credit of the Duke of York that he should have selected for his first governor in America so good a man. When he quitted New York Nicolls was escorted to the ship by "the largest procession of military and citizens" that had ever been seen there. On his return to Eng land he was made a knight, and resumed his position in the Duke of York's household. In 1672, when again England and Hol land were at war, Nicolls was killed May 29, in the terrific naval battle with DeRuyter, at Solebay, falling, it is said, "at the feet" 144 UNDER THE DUKE OF YORK of the Duke of York. In the parish church at Ampthill, Bed fordshire, the place of his birth, is a white marble monument to him, enclosing the cannon-ball that killed him. Reviewing briefly those events of Governor Nicolls's three years which affect the Delaware colonists, the total is meagre. One of his first acts had been to establish a code of laws. These, called "the Duke's Laws," were applied first to the New York Colony, but ultimately to that on the Delaware, also, and were in force there when William Penn took possession, in 1681. They Signature of Nicholas More, speaker of the Assembly, 1684 had been selected from the codes of the other English colonies by the Governor and his Council, and submitted for approval to a convention of delegates from the New York "towns," held at Hempstead, on Long Island, March i, 1664-5. Cm the whole, "the Duke's Laws" were fairly adapted to the place and people. They provided for freedom of religion, trial by jury, and equal taxation, though they recognized slavery, and established a gen eral liability to military service. They were enforced on the Delaware, when they became operative there, by three "Courts," composed of justices commissioned by the Governor. These courts sat at New Castle, at the Horekill (as it now came to be called, a corruption of Hoorn Kill), and at Upland — later also at St. Jones, now in Kent county, Delaware. The Duke's Laws came slowly into use on the Delaware. In 1668 Governor Nicolls directed that the book be "shewed and frequently com municated" to the Councillors at New Castle, so as to be enforced "in convenient time." Gov. Lovelace ordered in 1672 that "ye English lawes bee established both in ye towne and all plantations upon Delaware river." Finally, in 1676 (Sept. 22), Gov. An- dros issued an imperative order to put them in force. 1-10 14s PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL After the first flurry of the change of rule there was little dis crimination by the English against the old settlers. Peter Al rich, who had lost his property at the surrender, was licensed by Gov. Nicolls in November, 1665, to trade at the Horekill, "with the Indians or any others," and received a permit at the same time to go from New York to the Delaware, "with his servant and six horses." In February, 1667-8, Governor Nicolls further favored him by the grant of two islands in the Delaware, below the present town of Bristol — long since, by drainage, united with the fast land of the Pennsylvania shore. In May, 1668, Captain John Carr, commanding at the New Castle fort, was directed by Governor Nicolls to call in, "in civil matters, so often as com plaint is made," the schout (sheriff) and five others, as a Coun cil, these five being three Swedes, Israel Helm, Peter Rambo, and Peter Cock, and two Dutchmen, Hans Block and Peter Alrich. There were, in fact, so few Englishmen on the river that it was necessary to employ, even in places of trust, the Dutch and Swedes. A letter in March, 1670-71, to Governor Lovelace, al ludes to the difficulties of "us few English, and none of us able to speake to the Indians." Nothing of internal trouble had occurred in the colony until 1669, when in the summer one of the Finnish Swedes, probably living about Marcus Hook, where several Finns had located, stirred up a revolt, or attempted to do so. He gave himself out to be a son of Konigsmark, the Swedish general, who twenty years earlier had been renowned in the Thirty Years' War in Germany, but he was commonly known as "the Long Finn." Exactly what he designed or hoped to do is not very clear; the charge in substance was that of stirring up sedition. Gov. Love lace wrote that he was informed that he "goes up and down from one place to another, frequently raising speeches very seditious and false, tending to ye disturbance of his Majesty's peace and ye lawes of ye Government." Another settler named Henry Cole man, "one of ye Finns," was charged with complicity, and it was 146 UNDER THE DUKE OF YORK said that he had abandoned "his habitation, Cattle and Corne, without any care taken of them, to run after ye other person." Coleman was "well verst in ye Indian language," and he and the Long Finn were reported to be much among the Indians — this fact doubtless increasing the apprehensions of the settlers. The fraudulent Konigsmark was soon arrested and impris oned at New Castle. He attempted to escape, but was recap tured. Gov. Lovelace wrote to keep him "in hold and in irons" until he could be tried. There was some delay; the Governor proposed to come and hold the court, but was detained at New York. He wrote to Captain Carr and the Council to deal sharply with all involved in the threatened disturbance; "those of ye first magnitude" might be imprisoned or held to bail, and "for ye rest of ye poor deluded sort," he said, "I think the advice of their owne Countrymen is not to be despised, who knowing their temper well prescribe a method for keeping them in order, which is severity and laying such taxes on them as may not give them liberty to Entertaine any other thoughts but how to dis charge them." Gov. Lovelace censured Madam Papegoia for an alleged sym pathy with the movement; it was, he thought, ungrateful after the favors that had been shown her; he perceived, also, he said, that "ye little dominie" — Carolus Lock, the Swedish minister — had "played ye Trumpeter to the discord." There is no account of any proceedings against Madam Papegoia, but the minister was subsequently fined 600 guilders. As to the Long Finn, he was finally tried by a jury at New Castle before commissioners named by the Governor, and — of course — found guilty. He was sentenced to death, but the Gov ernor and Council at New York modified the sentence, ordering that he "be publicly and severely whipt, and stigmatized or branded in the face with the letter R" — for rebellion — and then sold "to the Barbadoes or some other of those remoter planta tions." All of which was strictly carried out; the Finn was 147 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL taken to New York in December, 1669, and confined there in the state-house until January 26, 1669-70, when he was placed on board a vessel, the Fort Albany, and sent to Barbados to be sold. As for those charged with complicity, fines more or less heavy, ranging from fifty guilders to two thousand, were im posed upon them. Coleman was fined 930 guilders, and appears later to have been in good standing in the colony. The service of Lovelace extended to August, 1672 — ending then with the advent of hostile Dutch ships. In his five years the Delaware colony slowly extended up the river. Some grants of land were made north of the Pennsylvania line — one of these to Richard Gorsuch in 1670-71 for a large tract on Pennypack and Poquessing creeks, which in 1672 came into the possession of Lovelace himself. The east bank of the river, from "the Falls" down, became well known at every point, for messengers md others passing overland between New York and New Castle often, perhaps usually, took this route. Gov. Lovelace passed by this path, in some state, with a party of soldiers, in March, 1671-2, and in the autumn of that year also, a more famous man, George Fox, the Friend or Quaker preacher. In Fox's journal we get some descriptions that are of interest. He and his companions had ridden through the New Jersey woods from Shrewsbury. The journal says : "We went to Middletown Harbour ... in order to take our long journey . . . through the woods toward Maryland; having hired Indians for our guides. I determined to pass through the woods on the other side of Delaware Bay, that we might head the creeks and rivers as much as possible. On the 9th of the 7th month [November] we set forward, and passed through many Indian towns, and over some rivers and bogs ; and when we had rode about forty miles, we made a fire at night, and lay by it. . . Next day we travelled fifty miles, as we com puted; and at night, finding an old house which the Indians had 148 M IS SIV E VAN '€¦ William Penn* - Eygenaar en Gouverneur van PENNSYLVANIA,! In AMERICA. \ Gefchreven aan de Comrniflariflen van de Vrye Socie*- tey t der Handelaars , op de felve Provintie , binnen London refideerende. B E H E L S E N D E: CenflentralebefcMbtnge ban be bootnocmtie pjoluntic: te toeten/ baft ! tjarcjSjonb/Hurljt/lBater/^aifoenciicn'tPwouct/foouptticihitiiutaV tiaoj fcerboutocn/ neffenjibe grootc bermeerberinge of mccmajbufbin; et / toeflic get Hawb albaar untgcbcnbe ia". 3tl$i mebe: ban be jiJatunflen ot jfnbooJlmscn bc$f Hanbttf /fjacr QlaaV ¦ <©etooontcn.e en Jpameren / baacSptjfcn/ Uujtfen of limfltoain.oV i JTOilbbcpt / Bcmaciietijt he maniee ban leben / «ebicrjnen / mameren ban 25rot aa ffcntef / <©ob$fbienft / <©ffcrbanben en dBefangett / t)aar Wooat ¦ i feeffen / iBeBeeringe/ en o&e in fare aaben / toamtcer fp met nemanbt i banbelenobrrfjet bcrltooprn ban 'Uanbcrprn/ \t. JScbcnsi bote 3,utfi= j tie/ of flccftt boen ober. quaatboenberp. 3l&it#gaberjSeen2&erieftt banbeeerfletfofamerjJ beI&eHanber#/ $c. &- ¦¦An,?/-- s&ax THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA Word, through one of those the world calls Quakers, namely Thomas Loe." From this time, near the close of the year 1667, the young man definitely united himself with the Friends, and so remained until his death, fifty-one year's later. We need not here pursue his biography, in detail. We may mention simply that Admiral Penn died in 1670, worn out at forty-nine, and his son succeeded to his estates. In April, 1672, he married Gulielma Maria Springett, daughter of Sir William Springett, a Puritan, and an officer for the Parliament, who had fallen quite early in the Civil War. We may proceed now to connect William Penn with the colo nization of America. According to a statement made years afterward, he had thought of the New World, probably as a place of refuge, in the days of his student troubles at Oxford. In a letter written in 1681, after he had obtained his charter for Pennsylvania, he says, "I had an opening of joy as to these parts, in the year 1661, at Oxford, twenty years ago." Probably the thought of a colony in America had thus long lain in his mind. It is certain that even earlier than 1661 George Fox had been making plans for a Quaker colony on the Susquehanna. Fox wrote in 1660 to Josiah Cole, an English Friend who was then — for the second time — traveling and preaching in Maryland, asking him to look for land, and Cole replied in February, 1660-61, in a letter which has particular interest for us : "Dear George- — As concerning Friends buying a piece of land of the Susquehanna Indians, I have spoken of it to them, and told them what thou said concerning it; but their answer was that there is no land that is habitable or fit for situation beyond Baltimore's liberty till they come to or near the Susque hannas' fort .... and besides these Indians are at war with another nation of Indians, who are very numerous, and it is doubted by some that in a little space they will be so destroyed that they will not be a people." 1-13 193 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL It was, however, the colonization of New Jersey which first definitely engaged Penn's activities in the New World. The Duke of York, in 1664, immediately upon receiving his great patent from Charles, granted the territory which is now the State of New Jersey to two of his friends, John Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret. The interests of the two were divided by a line running from the seashore northward into East and West New Jersey, Carteret taking the former and Lord Berkeley the latter. In March, 1673-4, Berkeley sold his half to John Fenwick, in trust for himself and Edward Byllinge. Fenwick and Byllinge were English Friends. Differences arose between them as to the measure of their respective interests in the pur chase, and the case was referred to William Penn, who late in the year 1674 rendered his decision, by which an undivided one- tenth of West New Jersey was, with some money, given to Fen wick, and the remaining nine-tenths to Byllinge. A little later Byllinge, who was a merchant in London, became embarrassed, and made an assignment of his interest to William Penn, Gawen Lawrie, and Nicholas Lucas. Subsequently other business oper ations placed in Penn's hands a further interest in this half of the New Jersey colony. He became thus a leader among those who were engaged in the movement to settle West New Jersey, and his hand is visible in the several circular letters of description, instruction, etc., drawn up at this time. Those thinking of re moval were cautioned in one circular of 1676 to be deliberate: "And as we formerly writ, we cannot but repeat our request unto you that in whomsoever a desire is to be concerned in this planta tion, such would weigh the thing before the Lord, and not headily or rashly conclude on any such remove." Most important of these documents was the elaborate one drawn up in England, and dated March 3, 1676, the "Conces sions and Agreements of the Proprietors, Freeholders and Inhab itants of the Province of West New Jersey in America." This was signed by the three assignees of Byllinge, Gawen Lawrie, 194 THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA William Penn, and Nicholas Lucas, by Byllinge himself, and others in England, and — at a subsequent time, certainly — by many of those who had settled on the east bank of the Delaware, including Swedes, Dutch, and English. This document became the charter and constitution for the West Jersey colony, and has historic interest because it contains features which were subse quently adopted in the framework of Pennsylvania. There are forty-four chapters, none of them long. Provision is made for Colonial Commissioners by appointment,1 but on New- Year's day, March 25, 1680, such commissioners, ten in number, are to be elected by the people — "the proprietors, freeholders and inhabit ants resident upon the said province" — and annually thereafter. These commissioners to "govern and order the affairs of the said province, for the good and welfare of the said people," until the election of a "general free assembly." There is to be absolute freedom of conscience; it is declared that "no men, nor number of men, upon earth hath power or authority to rule over men's consciences in religious matters." There is to be trial by jury, and no arrest, attachment, or imprisonment for debt, except after due process before a court of judicature. Trials are to be public, "that justice may not be done in a corner, nor in any covert man ner." Conveyances of land are to be recorded. The estates of suicides are not to be forfeited, but to go to their heirs. Care is to be taken for justice to the Indians. Persons found guilty of murder or high treason are to be punished according to the law which the general assembly may provide. This assembly to be chosen on the ist day of October each year, one member for each of the one hundred "proprietaries" into which the province was to be divided, and to have power to choose the ten commissioners, and to pass laws not repugnant to the constitution now made. 'The first Commissioners, members of the John Kinsey died at Shackamaxon, on his Burlington Colony, were Thomas Olive, arrival, in 1677. His grandson, John Kin- Daniel Wills, John Kinsey, John Penford, sey, was one of the most prominent men in Joseph Helmsley, Robert Stacey, Benjamin the Pennsylvania Colony for many years — Scott, Thomas Fulke, and Richard Guy. Speaker of the Assembly and Chief Justice. 195 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL Each member of the assembly to have one shilling per day, "that thereby he may be known to be the servant of the people." Earlier even than the preparation of this fundamental law, the English occupancy of the east side of the Delaware had be gun. In 1675, John Fenwick, to whom the conveyance by Berke ley had first been made, began the movement. He brought over a company of English colonists, mostly Friends, in the ship Grif fith. Ascending the river, they chose a place on the stream now called Salem creek, and named their town Salem. Near by was the site of the Swedish fort, Elfsborg, which the Dutch — and the mosquitoes — had broken up, thirty years before. Next to that at Salem was the settlement at Burlington. The story of the coming of its first settlers is one of exceptional inter est, and has been eloquently told, but it belongs, of course, to the history of New Jersey. The Burlington company, about two hundred and thirty in number, in the ship Kent, left the Thames early in 1677, and reached the Delaware in the middle of August, having touched at New York to exhibit to Gov. Andros their right of settlement. They landed at Raccoon creek, near Salem, and decided, after some hesitation, to go farther up the river, choosing the place called Jegou's island, a part practically of the mainland, and near the island familiar to our narrative as Matin- neconck. At Jegou's, therefore, they began to build, and Bur lington thus became the first place of note upon the Delaware, above New Castle. Philadelphia was yet unthought of, unless by William Penn, and its shore line of primeval forest stood practically unbroken. In the following year, 1678, when the ship Shield, with another party of settlers for Burlington, sailed by the Indian place called Coaquanock, about the center of the pres ent water front of Philadelphia, the vessel came close in, and in tacking her yards reached the branches of the trees that grew by the edge. And then some one on board, unaware what three years would bring forth, but seeing the attractions of the spot, called out, "Here is a fine place for a town!" 196 ymftantuae ©eoaw P&ifc&e Cf! -Si ©er au allerlefct m\%fotmxsJj tSrotung ' PENSY Jnbenen €nb;(Brdn&en AMERICA , I FRANC I SCUM DANIELEM PASTORIUM, J. V, Lie. un&5rtebcn&3ftc$)fem jjafelbffcn. SBotBeo artge|encfet ftnb euti* $e notable ^egebenfjeiteh / unb 23eric&t;¦ Unb an&ereaufegreunPe. $candfuvt unV Jteipstg/ V SufinDcn f>en 2fntwa$ .Otto. 170 Title page of German book to induce Immigration to Pennsylvania From original in Collection of Historical Society of Pennsylvania THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA The experience gained by his connection with the New Jersey colony, the intense desire of many of the Friends in England for a home where they might live in peace, the report of George Fox that the land was good, and that sent by Josiah Cole and others that the Indians were friendly if well used put into the mind of William Penn the larger plan which he was presently able to exe cute. Meanwhile, in 1677, he made an extended religious visit to Holland and the Rhine country, which must be mentioned here, for it bore important fruit later. In July of that year, ac companied by George Fox, Robert Barclay, George Keith, and others, he crossed to Holland, and from Amsterdam went to visit the Princess Elizabeth — niece of Charles I., cousin of Charles II. and James II. — at Herford, in Westphalia; thence proceeded to Frankfort-on-the-Main, and its neighborhood, and then passed down the Rhine to Holland again, visiting on the way German towns and cities east of the great river. From the acquaintances and friendships formed on this journey came in no small measure the flood of German migration which colonized an important part of Pennsylvania between 1683 and 1750, and fixed upon it an in delible Teutonic stamp. The application of William Penn to Charles II. for a grant of land in America was presented early in the year 1680, probably in the month of May. Penn based his petition upon losses his father had sustained in Ireland, in the service of the King, amounting to eleven thousand pounds, with interest, and asked for a tract north of Maryland, bounded east by the Delaware, westward "as Maryland," and northward "as far as plantable." The business thus begun was under consideration for nearly a year. It was transferred to the "Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations," who had been constituted by the King a com mittee on such matters, and in their hands it remained until the charter was actually drawn and ready for the royal signature. The several steps may be briefly outlined. The Earl of Sun derland, Secretary of State, June r, 1680, referred the petition 199 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL to the Commissioners. June 14, they gave Penn a hearing, learned that he would be satisfied with three degrees northward from Maryland, and ordered copies of his petition sent to Sir John Werden, secretary to the Duke of York, and to the agents of Lord Baltimore. June 25, letters from Sir John Werden and Lord Baltimore's agents were read; the former cautiously dis- Great Seal of the Province of Pennsylvania, 1712 — obverse cussed the matter, suggesting that the grant as asked for would apparently cover "that colony or plantation . . . held as an ap pendix ... of the Government of New York by the name of Delaware Colony," and governed by the Duke's deputies; Lord Baltimore's agents expressed no particular opposition, provided the southern limit of the grant were drawn through "the Susque hanna Fort;" "that fort," they said, "is the boundary of Mary land northward." Penn was called before the Commissioners on the 23d of June, and told he must arrange matters with the Duke of York for an adjustment of "their respective pretensions." He in- THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA formed them he would be satisfied to take the "Susquehanna Fort" as his southern limit. October 16, a letter from Sir John Werden was received, saying Penn had obtained the approval of the Duke, and the latter commanded him to say that he was "very willing Mr. Penn's request" should "meet with success" — that he should be granted "that tract of land which lies on the north of Great Seal of the Province of Pennsylvania, 1712 — reverse Newcastle colony, and on the west side of Delaware river, begin ning about the latitude of 40 degrees, and extending northward and westward as far as his Majesty pleaseth." The way was thus fairly cleared, but many steps remained to be taken. November 4, Penn presented to the Commissioners the draft which he proposed for his patent, and it was referred to the Attorney-General, Sir William Jones ; it was also ordered that Lord Baltimore's agents "have a sight" of it. November 11, the Attorney-General presented his "Observations" upon the draft. He had not found, he said, that it would "appear to entrench upon the boundaries of Lord Baltimore's province, nor those of PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL New York, so that the tract of land desired by Mr. Penn seems to be undisposed of by his Majesty; except the imaginary lines of New England patents, which are bounded westwardly by the main ocean, should give them a real, though impracticable right to all those vast territories." In December, North, the Lord Chief Justice, submitted a "settlement of the boundaries" to the revision of Sir John Werden, in the interest of the Duke of York. January 15 (1680-81), the Commissioners read and ap proved the boundaries as they had now been drawn, and appoint ed "Wednesday next, at Nine in the Morning, to review the whole Patent." On the 22d of the same month the minutes of the Commissioners state : "Upon reading the Draught of a patent for Mr. Pen, constituting him absolute proprietary of a Tract of Land in America Northerly of Maryland, The Lords of the Committee desire My Lord Chief Justice North to take the said patent into his consideration and to provide, by fit clauses therein that all Acts of Sovereignty as to peace and Warr be reserved unto the King, and that all Acts of Parliament concerning Trade and Navigation and his Matie's Customs bee duly ob served. And in general that the patent bee soe drawn that it may consist with the King's interest and service and give suffi cient encouragement to planters to settle under it. A paper be ing alsoe read wherein my Lord Bishop of London desires that Mr. Pen bee obliged by his patent to admit a Chaplain of his Lord's appointment upon the request of any number of planters, the same is also referred to My Lord Chief Justice North." February 24, the Commissioners once more read the draft of the Patent, "and there being a blank left for the name," agreed "to leave the nomination of it to the King." "The Lord Bishop of London," the minutes add, "is desired to prepare the draught of a Law to be passed in this Country [the new Colony] for the settling of the Protestant religion." The patent of William Penn for the region which is now Pennsylvania was thus originated, developed, and perfected. It THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA bears on its face the statement that it was passed, "by Writt of Privy Seale." It was approved by the King on the 4th of March, 1680-81, and the "great seal" was affixed, apparently, the next day. A letter of William Penn to his friend Robert Tur ner, a merchant of Dublin, afterward extensively engaged in the settlement of Pennsylvania, materially enlarges our knowledge of the transaction: "5th of ist mo., 1681. "... Thine I have, and for my business here, know that after many waitings, watchings, solicitings, and disputes in council, this day my country was confirmed to me under the great seal of England, with large powers and privileges, by the name of Pennsylvania; a name the King would give it in honor of my father. I chose New Wales, being, as this, a pretty hilly coun try, but Penn being Welsh for a head, as Penmanmoire in Wales, and Penrith in Cumberland, and Penn in Buckinghamshire, the highest land in England, called this Pennsylvania, which is the high or head woodlands ; for I proposed, when the Secretary, a Welshman, refused to have it called New Wales, Sylvania, and they added Penn to it ; and although I much opposed it, and went to the King to have it struck out and altered, he said it was past, and would take it upon him ; nor would twenty guineas move the under Secretary to vary the name; for I feared lest it should be looked on as a vanity in me, and not as a respect in the King, as it truly was, to my father, whom he often mentions with praise. Thou mayest communicate my grant to Friends, and expect shortly my proposals. It is a clear and just thing, and my God that has given it me through many difficulties will, I believe, bless and make it the seed of a nation. I shall have a tender care to the government, that it be well laid at first." The charter of Pennsylvania is one of several "proprietary" grants in America by English kings. It gave to William Penn large powers, yet somewhat less complete than those given to Lord Baltimore, by Charles I., in 1632. In the latter grant, 203 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL laws passed by the Assembly and confirmed by the Proprietary were valid, but in Pennsylvania they required to be submitted to the crown. In the Maryland charter it was provided that the crown, and by inference Parliament, should impose no taxes within the province, but in that of Pennsylvania the right of Par liamentary taxation was expressly reserved. These were limita tions, very probably, which Lord Chief Justice North had insert ed in pursuance of the minute of the Commissioners to draw the patent so as to guard the royal interests. The object of William Penn in securing this great grant, perhaps the most valuable which any monarch ever assumed to confer, need cause no extended speculation. Two principal mo tives impelled him — the desire to found a free commonwealth on liberal and humane principles, and the desire, also, to provide a safe home for the persecuted Friends. We shall be safe if we say that these motives had equal weight in his mind; he was strongly devoted to his religious faith, and warmly attached to those who professed it, but not less was he an idealist in politics, and a generous and hopeful believer in the average goodness of his fellow men. His own statements, many times made, clearly present his views and explain his motives. One of his first acts, on receiving the patent, was to prepare a letter to the settlers who were already in Pennsylvania. It is dated April 8, 1681, and has the special merit of brevity, running as follows : "My friends — I wish you all happiness, here and hereafter. These are to let you know that it hath pleased God, in his provi dence, to cast you within my lot and care. It is a business that, though I never undertook before, yet God has given me an under standing of my duty, and an honest mind to do it uprightly. I hope you will not be troubled at your change, and the king's choice, for you are now fixed at the mercy of no governor that comes to make his fortune great; you shall be governed by laws of your own making, and live a free, and, if you will, a sober and industrious people. I shall not usurp the right of any, or op- 204 Anne Queen of England, 1702-1714 THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA press his person. God has furnished me with a better resolu tion, and has given me his grace to keep it. In short, whatever sober and free men can reasonably desire for the security and im provement of their own happiness I shall heartily comply with, and in five months resolve, if it please God, to see you. In the meantime, pray submit to the commands of my deputy, so far as they are consistent with the law, and pay him those dues (that formerly you paid to the order of the governor of New York), for my use and benefit, and so I beseech God to direct you in the way of righteousness, and therein prosper you and your children after you. ..." "For the matters of liberty and privilege," he wrote, April 12, to Robert Turner and others, "I propose that which is extraor dinary, and to leave myself and successors no power of doing mischief, that the will of one man may not hinder the good of an whole country." A few weeks later he wrote to James Harrison, and used an expression which has remained conspicuous in the history of his colony. Speaking of the grant by the king, he said : "I eyed the Lord in obtaining it, and more was I drawn inward to look to him, and to owe it to his hand and power than to any othei way. I have so obtained it, and desire to keep it that I may not be unworthy of his love, but do that which may answer his kind providence, and serve his truth and people, that an example may be set to the nations. There may be room there, but not here, for such an holy experiment." The political conditions in England at the time Penn obtained the Charter can hardly be passed over in this connection, though they usually have been ignored in the history of Pennsylvania. It was the period precisely of the struggle of Charles I. with the popular party in Parliament, the "Whigs" as they began to be called, headed by Lord Shaftesbury. This struggle, in which the "Exclusion Act," designed to cut the Duke of York out of the succession to the throne, was for the time the pith and substance, 207 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL had begun most earnestly in 1679, a few months before Penn pre sented his petition, and ended in March, 1680-81, less than a month after the charter was granted. The Catholic religion of the Duke caused the contest. More candid than Charles, who dissembled till his death-bed, James avowed his adhesion to Rome in 1670, and in 1673 took for his second wife a Catholic princess, Mary of Modena. In the same year (1673), the passage of the "Test Act" by Parliament, re quiring all holding office to subscribe an oath repugnant to the Roman church, compelled him to resign his place as Lord High Admiral, and in 1679 the heat of the controversy had become so great that he was obliged to quit England. He went first to the Continent and then to Scotland, where he remained, practically in exile, though holding the place of "High Commissioner," until the spring of 1682. He feared impeachment, and Charles did not dare to give him a pardon in advance which would safeguard his remaining in England. It was thus that Penn plucked the charter of Pennsylvania. When the King went down to Oxford to meet the Parliament, shortly after signing the charter, the old university town, so long identified with the Stuart cause, was occupied with armed men, partisans of both sides, and it seemed as if the fires of another civil war might be kindling. But Charles dissolved the Parliament, after but seven days of life, and Shaftesbury's followers dared not take up the challenge. The King won for the time, and it was left for William of Orange, six years later, to resume the Whig program. That a commoner like Penn should have received so great a grant amid such heats and complications is a curious passage in history. He was no lover of "prerogative," but an advocate and organizer of popular government; he was no supporter of the Court party, but a friend and associate of men like Algernon Sid ney; he was not a Catholic, but a Protestant of a strict sect; he was no loose moralist, to figure in the memoirs of De Grammont, but a man of clean life both by principle and habit. 208 THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA We shall find the reason of his success — not easily won, as his letter to Robert Turner discloses — in a few simple explanations. It was the settled policy of England to strengthen her colonies in America, and for this work Penn had shown large ability in the planting of New Jersey. He was "a born leader of men," and could call out of England, Wales, and Germany, as a few years Seal of Register-General's office proved, tens of thousands of colonists who when they had settled stayed. For the Friends in their persecutions Charles had at least compassion, as his action toward them more than once dis played. The old claims of Admiral Penn, the so-called debt, gave some support, if but slight — for certainly Charles was not one to worry over old debts — to the application. Moreover, the status of the settlements west of the Delaware, north of Lord Bal timore's colony, had been clouded by doubt from the day of Sir Robert Carr's capture of New Amstel, and even earlier, and a royal grant was desirable to clear up the situation. That the Duke of York was the friend of the Penns, father and son, may be here explicitly owned. As James the Second, 1-14 209 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL last of the Stuart line on the English throne, he has passed into history with many severe judgments upon his head. Deserved as all these may be, or some may not, the fact remains that his at tachment to the Admiral and to William Penn implied no dis honor either to him or them. The Admiral had been the Duke's supporter and companion for years in the naval wars of England, and on his death-bed he had asked him to remember kindly his son, whose Quaker convictions were only too likely to bring him into trouble. That the Duke continued friendly to the son, as he had been to the father, can certainly be no cause for reproach. No time was lost by the new Proprietary. His plans, no doubt, had been thought over and matured in the period of "wait ings, watchings, and solicitings." April 2 (1681), he obtained from the King an order to those who were settled within Penn sylvania "to yield all due obedience" to their new Governor. He had already selected his cousin William Markham to be his deputy-governor, and he drew up for him (April 8) a series of instructions relating to the sale of land, etc., and (April 10) gave him his commission, authorizing him to appoint a Council of nine persons, proclaim the King's order, give the letter to the settlers, adjust boundaries with adjoining colonies, establish courts, ap point officers, and in general set the machinery of government in motion. Markham must have left England soon after, for he had landed in America, probably at Boston, and had reached New York, before the 21st of June. Penn's anticipation that he would himself reach Pennsylvania in five months after the date of his letter to the settlers (April 8), could not be realized. He was detained in England almost a year and a half. The time was occupied with active work for the new province. His pen was busy. He was planning and or ganizing. He drew up an important pamphlet, "Some Account of the Province of Pennsylvania," which was first published in Eng lish, and which Benjamin Furly, a rich merchant of Rotterdam. who had been one of the company with Penn on the Rhenish 210 THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA journey of 1677, spread wide in translations into Dutch, German, and French.1 It is, in purpose, an advertisement, but in style and content almost a contribution to English literature, present ing many interesting descriptive details, with economic, social, and political observations and suggestions, all in Penn's charac teristic manner. He analyzes the condition of the people of England, and explains why they may better themselves in a new country. He describes Pennsylvania, which "lies six hundred miles nearer the sun than England," and whose summer is longer and warmer, but which has, notwithstanding, a colder winter. He classifies the kinds of people, whom "Providence seems to have most fitted for plantations" — "industrious husbandmen and day- laborers," who with the greatest industry are barely able to get on; sundry mechanics, "especially carpenters, masons, smiths, weavers, tailors, tanners, shoemakers, shipwrights, etc.," "in genious spirits, that being low in the world, are much clogged and oppressed about a livelihood;" "younger brothers of small inheritances ;" and lastly, "men of universal spirits, that have an eye to the good of posterity, and that both understand and delight to promote good discipline and just government among a plain and well-intending people." He states his terms for the sale of land. He will sell in "shares" of five thousand acres, free of In dian claims, for a hundred pounds purchase money, and an an nual quit-rent of one shilling for each one hundred acres. Renters may have land at a shilling an acre, and for each "servant" taken over, the masters shall be allowed fifty acres, with an equal quan tity to the servant when his time is out. 'Benjamin Furly was a notable figure in ions and plans, including John Locke, Al- connection with the early Dutch and Ger- gernon Sidney, and the first Lord Shaftes- man movement to Pennsylvania. He was bury. He affiliated with the Friends, and born in England in 1636, went to Amster- aided and entertained them, but probably dam, and settled later in Rotterdam, where did not always regard himself as one of the he married, and became one of the leading Society. He died in March, 1714, and was merchants. He wrote learnedly, had a col- buried in the Groote Kerk at Rotterdam. lection of "at least 4,000" books, was a (See article on B. F., by J. F. Sachse, linguist, and a student. His house was the "Penna. Mag.," Vol. XIX.) gathering place for men of advanced opin- PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL Two papers of importance for the time in connection with the establishment of the Colony, were prepared later. These were : ( i ) "Certain Conditions and Concessions agreed upon by Wil liam Penn . . . and those who are the adventurers and pur chasers in the said Province;" and (2) "The Frame of the Gov- Home of John Harris, the Indian Trader Built prior to 1718. Redrawn especially for this work from a photographic reproduction of an oil painting. By courtesy Historical Society of Dauphin County, Pennsylvania. eminent of the Province of Pennsylvania in America." The first of these papers is dated July 1 1, 1681, and covers some of the same ground as to sales of land, etc., which had been dealt with in the "Some Account." It may be regarded as a form of con tract between Penn and those who were supporting him in his enterprise. It is signed first by Penn himself, and then by thir teen others, few of whom became prominent in the settlement of Pennsylvania. George I. King of England, 1714-1727 THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA The "Frame of Government" was a more important docu ment. It was not prepared until some time later, and bears date April 25, 1682. It has a preface, signed by Penn, present ing general propositions as to government, followed by twenty- four specific provisions, the spirit of which had already been sug gested in the "Concessions and Agreements" of West New Jer sey, drawn up six years earlier, and already referred to. There are passages, however, in this first constitution of Pennsylvania, which are of permanent interest, as showing clearly the founda tion on which Penn desired the commonwealth should be built, and from which, in fact, inspiration and suggestion have been drawn since his day. These sentences, from the Preface, may be cited : "Governments rather depend upon men than men upon gov ernments; let men be good and the government cannot be bad; if it be ill they will cure it . . . though good laws do well, good men do better; for good laws may want1 good men, and be abol ished or evaded by ill men; but good men will never want good laws nor suffer ill ones. . . That, therefore, which makes a good constitution must keep it, viz., men of wisdom and virtue, qualities that, because they descend not with worldly inheritances, must be carefully propagated by a virtuous education of youth. . . For liberty without obedience is confusion, and obedience without liberty is slavery." A little later than the "Frame," there was prepared an outline of statutory enactments, "Laws Agreed Upon in England by the Governor and Divers Freemen of the aforesaid Province." There are forty numbered paragraphs under this heading, and the sub stance of them was enacted by the first and second Assemblies of the Province, which met after Penn's arrival. These "Laws Agreed upon in England" are dated May 3, 1682. All these papers are, of course, the expression of Penn's own principles and plans. Whoever else may have had a hand in ""Want" is used in the old sense — lack. 215 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL their preparation, by counsel or criticism, the substance of them is characteristically his. Probably no man ever enjoyed more the preparation of such constitutions than did he, and confidently it may be added that no period of his experience with Pennsyl vania was happier than this in which he was planning for the fu ture welfare of its people. His expectations were not Utopian; his mind was very practical, and he had had enough experience with men to distinguish between the feasible and the visionary in public affairs ; so that Pennsylvania in the long run realized in fair degree the hopes he entertained for her, and in every experi ence of her more than two centuries has never had a better guide or chart than those found in the writings of her Founder. "This is the praise of William Penn," says Bancroft, "that in an age which had seen a popular revolution shipwreck popular liberty among selfish factions, which had seen Hugh Peter and Henry Vane perish by the hangman's cord and the axe; in an age when Sidney nourished the pride of patriotism rather than the senti ment of philanthropy, when Russell stood for the liberties of his order and not for new enfranchisements, when Harrington and Shaftesbury and Locke thought government should rest upon property — he did not despair of humanity, and though all history and experience denied the sovereignty of the people, dared to cherish the noble idea of man's capacity for self-government, and right to it." In the midst of his larger plans, matters of business detail pressed for settlement. The Indian trade looked attractive to certain parties, who offered him a large sum for a monopoly of it. Writing to Robert Turner, August 25, 1681, he says: "I did refuse a great temptation last Second-day, which was six thousand pounds, and pay the Indians [i. e., extinguish the In dian claims] for six shares [30,000 acres] and make the pur chasers a company, to have wholly to itself the Indian trade from south to north, between the Susquehanna and Delaware rivers, paying me two and a half per cent, acknowledgment or rent; but 216 THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA as the Lord gave it me over all and great opposition ... I would not . . . defile what came to me clean." The plans which Penn had formed in regard to the sale of land, with the quit-rent feature, are explained in his letter to James Harrison, August 25 (1681), already quoted from. He says: "Now, dear James, for the fifty acres a servant to the master, and fifty to the servant. This is done for their sakes that can't buy ; for I must either be paid by purchase or rent, that is, those that can't buy may take up, if a master of a family, 200 acres at a penny an acre [rent], afterwards 50 acres a head for every man and maid servant, but still at same rent, else none would buy or rent . . . however to encourage poor servants to go and be laborious, I have abated the id. to l/2d. per acre, when they are out of their time. .. . For those that can't pay their passage, let me know their names, number, and ages; they must pay double rent to those that help them over. But this know that this rent is never to be raised, and they are to enjoy it [pos session of the land] forever. For the acre it is the common statute acre by our law allowed. So, dear James, thou mayst let me hear of thee, and how things incline. I shall persuade none ; 'tis a good country, with a good conscience it will do well. A ship goes with commissioners suddenly, in five weeks, to lay out the first and best land to the first adventurers. . . I clear the king's and Indian title ; the purchaser pays the scrivener and sur veyor. I sign the deeds at Thomas Rudyard's1 when I know who and what." The commissioners mentioned by Penn, as soon to sail, were William Crispin, John Bezar, and Nathaniel Allen. They re ceived a series of "Instructions" from Penn, dated September 30, 1 68 1, seventeen in number, twelve of which relate to the "Thomas Rudyard was a lawyer in Lon- Penn, arriving there in November of that don. He was appointed, in September, year. He was succeeded by Gawen Lawrie 1682, deputy-governor of East New Jersey, in 1684. For a short time he was Attorney- and came over about the same time as General of New York. He died in 1692. 217 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL choice of a site for the intended "great town" and its laying out, one of these containing the since famous clause that the houses should stand in the middle of the lots, "that it may be a green country town, which will never be burnt and always be whole some." William Haige was a little later appointed a fourth commissioner, and Crispin dying on the voyage to Pennsylvania, Captain Thomas Holme was commissioned in his place. The Commissioners, excepting Holme, sailed late in Septem ber or early in October. Several ships were then leaving for Penn's new colony. One of these, the Bristol Factor, Roger Drew master, sailed from Bristol, and arrived at Upland, after a long voyage in December, probably on the nth of the month. Another, the John and Sarah, Henry Smith master, left London later, but reached the Delaware earlier than the Bristol ship. A third vessel, the Amity, Richard Dimon master, is said to have sailed from London, to have gone by the West Indies — as prob ably they all did — to have been "blown off" the Delaware capes, and to have put in at Barbadoes, returning thence to England, and not coming to Pennsylvania until the spring of 1682. Whether this, resting upon the authority of Proud, is exactly correct is doubtful. It is certain that the Amity did sail from London on the 23d of April following (1682), reaching the Delaware late in June. If she had made such a previous voyage as has been described, she must have returned, after being "blown off," not merely to the West Indies, but to England. The commissioners being gone, two other matters of business, both important as it then seemed, pressed on Penn's attention. One of these was the formation of a commercial company, the Free Society of Traders, of which great things were expected, but which in the end brought little but disappointment. Perhaps the letter describing Pennsylvania, which Penn sent to it in 1683, of which we shall speak, was the principal justification for the labor and money bestowed upon the company. The charter, signed by Penn on the last day of the year, March 24 (1681), 218 THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA granted large powers. It was given twenty thousand acres of land, to be a "manor," in the English character, "The Manor of Frank," with manorial powers of holding "court-baron" and "court-leet." Its privileges of trade were extensive, and large plans were formed for its operations. "Two or more general factories" were to be set up, one in Pennsylvania and one on Graeme Park Situated at Horsham, Montgomery County. Originally a tract of 1200 acres. William Keith erected the mansion in 1722. Photographed es pecially for this work by J._ F. Sachse from original painting in possession of Historical Society of Pennsylvania Chesapeake bay. An array of officers, agents and employes was provided for. Thoughtful provision was made for receiving "Blacks for Servants." They were to be set free after fourteen years' servitude, but upon condition that they should pay as rent two-thirds of the produce of "such a parcell of land" as the Society should assign them. The Indians, too, were to be assisted, "both by Advice and Artificers," to settle "in Towns and other places." The corporation was formed March 25, 1681, and the election held in May. Nicholas More, a physician of London, was 219 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL chosen president, and James Claypoole treasurer. In June, the capital paid in had reached about ten thousand pounds. More proceeded soon to Pennsylvania — in the Geoffrey, a new ship, which came in twenty-nine days, and arrived shortly after the Welcome — and promptly took a leading part in affairs.1 Clay poole came the next year, in the Concord, with the German set tlers from Crefeld. The other large matter of business which engaged Penn, and detained him in England, was the securing from the Duke of York of a conveyance of his property and governmental rights — whatever the latter might be — of the colony on the west bank of Delaware bay. There was no grant of this, of course, in the charter, and the Duke had been careful to retain the twelve-mile circle around New Castle. Penn thus saw that he might be cut off from the ocean, if the Duke's "Lower Counties" fell into un friendly hands, and he earnestly pressed him to make them over to him. There is evidence that the Duke was at first disinclined, but he finally consented, and a few days before the Welcome was ready to sail, the transaction was completed. August 2 the Duke executed a release or quit-claim deed to all rights he might have in Pennsylvania, and three days later he executed two "deeds of feoffment," one for the town of New Castle, and the land within a circle drawn twelve miles around it, and the other for all the remainder of the Bay Territory, beginning at the cir cular line, "and extending south to the Whorekills, otherwise called Cape Henlopen." In each case the Duke appointed John Moll and Ephraim Herman of New Castle his attorneys "to de liver quiet and peaceable possession and seisin." For the New Castle circle Penn was to pay a yearly rent of five shillings, "at the feast of St. Michael the archangel ;" for the lands below he 'He was Speaker of the first Assembly ton, Philadelphia. He had a grant of the (Dec, 1682), and later Chief Justice, then Manor of Moreland, nearly 10,000 acres, was engaged in a long controversy with the comprising a large part of what became the Assembly, and died in 1687, at his home, townships of Moreland, in Philadelphia and "Green Spring," near what is now Somer- Montgomery counties. The AMERICAN etWp fflmmp, IDecember 25 , r j 1 9, From the NORTH. ¦AMBVRGH Augnft, 30. All Oar letters from SmUtti, are full of the Difmall Ravages committed by the Mufco vires there, Thufe Stmt Cbrittuttts have burnt the fine Towns ol Ity- /-ff^nj, NwJiofpin£, Natl) Tellt, Sj«f* Tff/e, PrwW, Oft hammer t Ortgtmd, Ktflttax, Orttla, &'¦ with all tin- CafUes and Genrtemens Stars neat them & ruined i!l the J'm«, utterly Defrrey'd the Copper and Salt Works, burnt the Woods and carried Thoufands of the People on Board their Gaily '5 in. Ord r to Tntifport them into fl«/7i«. the — — 1 — . #~«-,...:t Stock, hj? brought tn, company in Aicfa air immenfc WW the King's Debis of revolve hundred Millions, fixing the? arc Gainer? bv twt wrricolar Subfcnphon, no lefs than fo>r hundred and fifty M.Hion» af one Blow in ready Money ed >tls now fi,d rhw trill (hlJTwe UaveLatWe and enlarge thru Mibfcnption for fifty Millions' more, and fo on tofltry more, if they y>!eafe, in which Cafe they imy eafily pay iwdvc hundred MiH,oa!;and iti» fiid.iW.dr Jrom Paw, that they have eighreen hundred Millions in &fh now Hy them in order fo pjV the pubiiclc Debts, it the People demand their Monev, which it is thought no Bodv *ould to They ire now, it is rafted there, t?Uy all the Heading of first Paper published in Pennsylvania Photographed especially for this work by J. F. Sachse from an original copy THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA was to pay one-half the "rents, issues, and profits," and to hold them "as of the Duke's castle at New York, in free and common soccage," paying one rose, if demanded, annually. The labors thus described may be considered to have filled out the busy days of the founder before his ship sailed. He was now a man nearly thirty-seven years old. His home was at Worm- inghurst, in Sussex, an estate which his wife had inherited. He had three living children — Springett, Letitia, and William. Three other children, born earlier, had died. Looking to his departure he addressed a beautiful letter to his wife and children, which has been ever since the delight of a multitude of sympathetic readers. And before parting he sent a short letter of love to each of the children, a simple missive, in language which their young minds might comprehend. At the end of August he sailed for his new colony. CHARTER OF THE PROVINCE OF PENNSYLVANIA1 Charles the Second, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c, To all to whome these presents shall come Greeting. Whereas our Trustie and well beloved Subject, Wil liam Penn, Esquire, sonn and heire of Sir William Penn, deceased, out of a commendable desire to enlarge our English Empire, and promote such usefull comodities as may bee of benefit to us and our Dominions, as alsoe to re duce the Savage Natives by gentle and iust manners to the love of civill So- cietie and Christian Religion hath humbley besought leave of us to transport an ample colonie unto a certaine Countrey hereinafter described in the parts of America not yet cultivated and planted. And hath likewise humbley be sought our Royall majestie to give, grant, and confirme all the said countrey with certaine privileges and Jurisdiccons requisite for the good Government and safetie of the said Countrey and Colonie, to him and his heirs forever. Know Yee, therefore, that wee, favouring the petition and good purpose of the said William Penn, and haveing regard to the memorie and meritts of his late father, in divers services, and perticulerly to his conduct, courage and discretion under our dearest brother, James, Duke of Yorke, in that signall battell and victorie, fought and obteyned against the Dutch fleete, command- lSo much in the history of Pennsylvania and in Vol. I. of the "Colonial Records.*' rests upon this grant by the English King A fac simile of the copy kept in the execu- that it has been thought proper to print the tive offices at Harrisburg has been issued document in full. It may be found (vary- in connection with "The Duke of York's ing slightly in language from this), in Book of Laws/' and "Pennsylvania Arch- Proud's "History of Pennsylvania," Vol. I., ives," Second Series. 223 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL ed by the Heer Van Opdam, in the yeare One thousand six hundred sixtie- five, in consideration thereof of our special grace, certaine knowledge and meere motion, Have given and granted, and by this our present Charter, for us, our heirs and successors, Doe give and grant unto the said William Penn, his heirs and assignes all that tract or parte of land in America, with all the Islands therein conteyned, as the same is bounded on the East by Delaware River, from twelve miles distance Northwarde of New Castle Towne unto the three and fortieth degree of Northern latitude if the said River doth extend soe farre Northwards; But if the said River shall not extend soe farre Northward, then by the said River soe farr as it doth extend, and from the head of the said River the Easterne bounds are to bee determined by a meridian line to bee drawn from the head of the said River unto the said three and fortieth degree, the said lands to extend Westwards, five degrees in longitude, to bee computed from the said Eastern Bounds, and the said lands to bee bounded on the North, by the beginning of the three and fortieth de gree of Northern latitude, and on the south, by a circle drawn at twelve miles distance from New Castle Northwards, and Westwards unto the beginning of the fortieth degree of Northern Latitude; and then by a straight line West wards, to the limitt of Longitude above mentioned. Wee Doe also give and grant unto the said William Penn, his heirs and assignes, the free and undisturbed use, and continuance in and passage into and out of all and singular Ports, harbours, Bayes, waters, rivers, Isles and Inletts, belonging unto or leading to and from the Countrey, or Islands afore said ; and all the soyle, lands, fields, woods, underwoods, mountaines, hills, fenns, Isles, Lakes, Rivers, waters, rivuletts, Bays and Inletts, scituate or be ing within or belonging unto the Limitts and Bounds aforesaid, togeather with the fishing of all sortes of fish, whales, sturgeons, and all Royall and other fishes in the sea, bayes, Inletts, waters or Rivers, within the premises, and the fish therein taken, and alsoe all veines, mines and quarries, as well discovered as not discovered, of Gold, Silver, Gemms and pretious Stones, and all other whatsoever, stones, metalls or of any other thing or matter what soever, found or to bee found within the Countrey, Isles, or Limitts aforesaid ; and him the said William Penn, his heirs and assignes, Wee Doe, by this our Royall Charter, for us, our heirs and successors, make, create and constitute the true and absolute proprietaries of the Countrey aforesaid, and of all other, the premises, saving always to us, our heirs and successors, the faith and allegiance of the said William Penn, his heirs and assignes, and of all other, the proprietaries, tenants and Inhabitants that are, or shall be within the Territories and precincts aforesaid ; and saving alsoe unto us ; our heirs and Successors, the Sovreignity of the aforesaid Countrey, To Have, hold, possesse and enjoy the said tract of Land, Countrey, Isles, Inletts and other the premises, unto the said William Penn, his heirs and assignes, to the only proper use and behoofe of the said William Penn, his heires and assignes for ever. To bee holden of us, our heirs and Successors, Kings of England, as of our Castle of Windsor, in our County of Berks, in free and comon socage by fealty only for all services, and not in Capite or by Knights service, Yeeld- ing and paying therfore to us, our heirs and Successors, two Beaver Skins to bee delivered att our said Castle of Windsor, on the first day of January, in every yeare; and also the fifth parte of all Gold and silver Oare, which shall from time to time happen to be found within the Limitts aforesaid, cleare of all charges. 224 THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA • And of our further grace certaine knowledge and meere mocon, wee have thought fitt to Erect, and wee doe hereby Erect the aforesaid Country and Islands, into a province and Seigniorie, and doe call itt Pensilvania, and soe from henceforth wee will have itt called, And forasmuch as we have hereby made and ordeyned the aforesaid Wil liam Penn, his heires and assignes, the true and absolute Proprietaries of all the Lands and Dominions aforesaid, Know Yee therefore, that wee reposing special trust and confidence in the fidelitie, wisdome, Justice, and provident circumspeccon of the said William Penn, for us, our heires and successors, Doe grant free, full and absolute power, by vertue of these presents to him and his heires, and to his and their Deputies, and Lieutenants, for the good and happy government of the said Countrey, to ordeyne, make, enact and under his and their Seales to publish any Lawes whatsoever, for the raising of money for the publick uses of the said province, or for any other end ap- perteyning either unto the publick state peace, or safety of the said Countrey, or unto the private utility of perticular persons, according unto their best discretions, by and with the advice, assent and approbacon of the freemen of the said Countrey, or the greater parte of them, or of their Delegates or Deputies, whom for the Enacting of the said Lawes, when, and as often as need shall require, Wee Will, that the said William Penn, and his heires, shall assemble in such sort and forme as to him and them shall seeme best and the same lawes duely to execute unto, and upon all people within the said Countrey and limits thereof; And Wee doe likewise give and grant unto the said William Penn, and his heires, and to his and their Deputies and Lieutenants, such power and authoritie to appoint and establish any Judges, and Justices, magistrates and officers whatsoever, for what causes soever, for the probates of wills and for the granting of administracons within the precincts aforesaid, and with what power soever, and in such forme as to the said William Penn, or his heires, shall seeme most convenient ; Alsoe, to remitt, release, pardon and abolish, whether before Judgement or after, all crimes and offences, whatsover com mitted within the said Countrey, against the said Lawes, treason and wilfull and malitious murder onely excepted; and in those cases, to grant reprieves untill our pleasure may bee knowne thereon, and to doe all and every other thing and things which unto the complete establishment of Justice unto Courts and Tribunals, formes of Judicature and manner of proceedings doe belong, although in these presents expresse mencon bee not made theerof; and by Judges by them delegated to award processe, hold pleas and determine in all the said Courts and Tribunalls, all accons, suits and causes whatsoever, as well criminall as civill, personall, reall and mixt, which Lawes soe as afore said to be published, Our pleasure is, and soe Wee enjoyne, require and com mand shall bee most absolute and avaylable in law, and that all the Liege peo ple and Subjects of us, our heirs and successors, doe observe and keepe the same inviolable in those partes, soe farr as they concerne them, under the paine therein expressed, or to bee expressed. Provided : Nevertheles, that the said Lawes bee consonant to reason, and bee not repugnant or contrarie, but as neere as conveniently may bee agreeable to the Lawes, statutes and rights of this our Kingdome of England, and saveing and reserving to us, our heirs and successors, the receiving, hearing and determining of the ap- peale and appeales, of all or any person or persons, of, in or belonging to the territories aforesaid, or touching any Judgement to bee there made or given. 1-15 225 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL And forasmuch as in the Government of soe great a Countrey, sudden accidents doe often happen, whereunto itt will be necessarie to apply a reme- die before the freeholders of the said Province, or their Delegates or Deputies can be assembled to the making of Lawes, neither will itt be convenient that instantly upon every such emergent occasion, soe greate a multitude should be called together; Therefore, for the better Government of the said Countrey, Wee Will, and ordeyne, and by these presents for us, our heires and suc cessors, Doe grant unto the said William Penn and his heires, by themselves or by their magistrates and officers, in that behalfe, duely to bee ordeyned as aforesaid, to make and constitute, fitt and wholesome ordinances from time to time within the said Countrey, to bee kept and observed as well for the preservacon of the peace, as for the better government of the people there in habiting, and publickly to notifie the same, to all persons whome the same doeth or any way may concerne, which ordinances our will and pleasure is, shall be observed inviolably within the said Province, under paines therein to bee expressed, soe as the said ordinances bee consonant to reason and bee not repugnant nor contrary, but soe farre as conveniently may bee agreeable with the Lawes of our Kingdome of England, and soe as the said ordinances be not extended in any sort to bind, charge or take away the right or interest of any person or persons, for or in their life, members, freehold, goods or Chattells ; and our further will and pleasure is, that the Lawes for regulat ing and governing of propertie, within the said Province, as well for the de scent and enjoyment of lands, as likewise for the enioyment and succession of goods and Chattells, and likewise as to felonies, shall be and continue the same as they shall bee for the time being, by the general course of the law in our Kingdome of England, untill the said Lawes shall be altered by the said William Penn, his heirs or assignes, and by the freemen of the said Prov ince, their Delegates or Deputies or the greater part of them. And to the End the said William Penn, or heires, or other, the Planters, Owners or Inhabitants of the said Province, may not att any time hereafter, by misconstrucon of the powers aforesaid, through inadvertiencie or designe, depart from that faith and due allegiance which by the Lawes of this our Realme of England, they and all our subjects, in our Dominions and Terri tories, always owe unto us, our heires and successors, by colour of any extent or largenesse of powers hereby given, or pretended to bee given, or by force or colour of any lawes hereafter to bee made in the said Province, by virtue of any such powers, Our further will and pleasure is, that a transcript or Duplicate of all lawes which shall bee soe as aforesaid, made and published within the said province, shall within five yeares after the making thereof, be transmitted and delivered to the privy Councell, for the time being, of us, our heires and successors ; and if any of the said Lawes within the space of six months, after that they shall be soe transmitted and delivered, bee de clared by us, our heires and successors, in our or their privy Councill, incon sistent with the sovereignty or lawfull prerogative of us, our heirs or succes sors, or contrary to the faith and allegiance due by the legall Government of this realme, from the said William Penn, or his heires, or of the Planters and Inhabitants of the said province; and that thereupon any of the said Lawes shall bee adiudged and declared to be void by us, our heirs of successors, un der our or their Privy Seale, that then, and from thenceforth such Lawes concerning which such Judgement and declaracon shall be made, shall become voyd, otherwise the said lawes soe transmitted, shall remaine and stand in 226 THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA ful1 f°rce according to the true intent and meaning thereof. Furthermore, that this new Colony may be more happily increased, by the multitude of peo ple resorting thither; Therefore, Wee, for us, our heires and successors, do give and grant by these presents, power, licence and libertie unto all the liege people and subjects, both present and future of us, our heires and successors, excepting those who shall bee especially forbidden, to transport themselves and families unto the said Countrey, with such convenient shipping, as by the laws of this, our kingdome of England, they ought to use with fitting provisions, paying only the customs therefore due, and there to settle them selves, dwell and inhabitt and plant for the public and their own private ad vantage ; And Furthermore, that our subjects may bee the rather encouraged to undertake this expedicon with ready and cheerful mindes, Know Yee, that wee of our especial grace, certaine knowledge and meere mocon, Doe give and grant by vertue of these presents, as well unto the said William Penn and his heires, as to all others who shall from time to time repaire unto the said Countrey, with a purpose to inhabitt there, or to trade with the natives of the said Country, full license to lade and freight in any Ports, whatsoever of us, our heires and successors, according to the lawes, made or to be made within our kingdome of England, and into the said Countrey, by them, their servants or assigns, to transport all and singular their wares, goods and mer chandizes, as likewise, all sorts of graine whatsoever, and all other things whatsoever necessary for food or cloathing, not phibited by the lawes and Statutes of our Kingdomes and Dominions, to be carryed out of the said Kingdomes without any lett or molestacon of us, our heires and sucessors, or of any the officers of us, our heires and successors, saveing alwayes to us, our heirs and successors, the legall impossitons, customes, and other duties and payments for the said wares and merchandize, by any law or statute due or to be due to us, our heirs and successors. And Wee Doe further for us, our heires and Successors give and grant unto the said William Penn his heires and assignes, free and absolute pov/er to Divide the said Countrey, and Islands, into Townes, Hundreds and Coun ties, and to erect and incorporate Townes into Borroughs, and Borroughs into Citties, and to make and constitute ffaires and markets therein, with all other convenient privileges and imunities according to the merits of the in habitants and the ffitnes of the places; & to doe all and every other thing and things touching the premises which to him or them shall seeme requisite, and meet, albeit they be such as of their owne nature might otherwise require a more especiall comandment and warrant, then in these presents is expressed. Wee Will Alsoe, and by these presents for us, our heires and successors, Wee doe give and grant licence by this charter, unto the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, and to all inhabitants and dwellers in pvince afore said, both present, and to come to import or unlade by themselves or their Servants, ffactors or assigns, all merchandizes and goods whatsoever that shall arise of the fruites and comodities of the said province, either by Land or Sea, into any of the Ports of us, our heires and successors, in our King- dome of England, and not into any other country whatsoever. And Wee give him full power to dispose of the said goods in the said ports, and if need be, within one yeare next after the unladeing of the same, to lade the said merchandizes and goods again into the same or other shipps, and to export the same into any other Countreys, either of our Dominions or fforreigne, 227 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL according to lawe : Provided alwayes, that they pay such customes and im- posicons, subsidies and duties for the same to vs, our heires and successors, as the rest of our subjects of our Kingdome of England, for the time being shall be bound to pay, and doe observe the acts of Navigation and other laws in that behalfe made. And Furthermore, of our more ample and especiall grace, certaine knowl edge and meere motion, Wee Doe, for us, our heires and successors, Grant unto the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, full and absolute power and authoritie, to make, erect and constitute within the said province, and the Isles and Isletts aforesaid, such and soe many Seaports, harbours, Creeks, Havens, Keyes and other places, for discharge and unlading of goods & merchandize out of the shipps, boates and other vessells, and Ladeing them in such and soe many places, and with such rights, Jurisdiccons, liberties and privileges unto the said ports, belonging as to him or them, shall seeme most expedient, and that all and singular the shipps, boates and other vessells which shall come for merchandize and trade, unto the said pvince, or out of the same shall depart, shall be laden or unladen onely at such ports as shall be erected and constituted by the said William Penn, his heires and assigns, any use, custome of other thing to the contrary notwithstanding: Provided, that the said William Penn and his heires, and the Lieutenants and Governors for the time being, shall admitt and receive in and about all such ports, havens, Creeks and Keyes, all officers and their Deputies, who shall from time to time be appointed for that purpose, by the ffarmers or Commissioners of our cus tomes, for the time being. And Wee Doe further appoint and ordaine, and by these presents for us, our heires and successors, Wee Doe grant unto the said William Penn, his heires and assignes that he the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, may from time to time forever, have and enjoy the customes and subsidies in the ports, harbours and other Creeks, and places aforesaid, within the pvince aforesaid, payable or due for merchandizes and wares, there to be laded and unladed, the said customes and subsidies to be reasonably assessed, upon any occasion by themselves, and the people there as aforesaid, to be assembled to whom Wee give power, by these presents for us, our heires and successors, upon just cause, and in a due pporcon, to assesse and impose the same, saveing unto us, our heires and successors, such imposcons and customes as by act of parliament are and shall be appointed; and it is our further will and pleas ure, that the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, shall from time to time constitute and appoint an attorney or agent, to reside in or near our Citty of London, who shall make knowne the place where he shall dwell or may be found, unto the Clerks of Our privy Counsell, for the time being, or one of them, and shall be ready to appeare in any of our Courtts att West minster, to answer for any misdemeanors that shall be comitted, or by any wilfull default or neglect pmitted by the said William Penn, his heirs or as signes, against our Lawes of Trade or Navigacon, and after it shall be ascer tained in any of the our said Courts, what damages Wee or our heires or suc cessors shall have sustained, by such default or neglect, the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, shall pay the same within one yeare after such taxacon and demand thereof, from such attorney, or in case there shall be noe such attorney, by the space of one yeare, or such attorney shall not make payment of such damages, within the space of one yeare, and answer such other forfeitures and penalties within the said time, as by the acts of parlia- 228 William Keith Baronet; lieutenant-governor, 171 7; established High Court of Chancery which was abolished *735> issued the first paper money of the col ony. Photographed especially for this work by J. F. Sachse from the original in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA ment in England, are or shall be pvided, according to the true intent and meaning of these presents : Then it shall be lawfule for us, our heirs and suc cessors, to seize and Resume the government of the said pvince or Countrey, and the same to retaine until payment shall be made thereof. But notwith standing any such seizure or resumption of the Government, nothing concern ing the propriety or ownership of any Lands, Tenements or other heredita ments, or goods, or chattels of any of the adventurers, Planters or owners, other than the respective offenders there shall be any way affected or molest ed thereby : Provided alwayes, that our will and pleasure is, that neither the said Wil liam Penn, nor his heires, nor any other the inhabitants of the said pvince, shall at any time hereafter haue or maintain any correspondence with any other king, prince or State, or with any of their subjects, who shall then be at warr against us, our heires or successors; Nor shall the said William Penn, or his heires, or any other the inhabitants of the said pvince, make warr or doe any act of hostilitie against any other king, prince or state, or any of their subjects who shall then be in league or amity with us, our heires or succes sors. And because in soe remote a Countrey, and scituate neare many Barbar ous Nations, the incursions as well of the savages themselves, as of other enemies, pirates and Robbers, may pbably be feared. Therefore, Wee have given and for us, our heires and successors, Doe give power by these presents unto the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, by themselves or their Captaines or other, their officers to levy, muster and traine all sorts of men, of what condicon, or whatsoever borne, in the said pvince of Pensylvania, for the time being, and to make warr and pursue the enemies and Robbers aforesaid, as well by Sea as by Land, yea, even without the Limits of the said pvince, and by God's assistance to vanquish and take them, and being taken, to put them to death by the law of Warr, or to save them att theire pleasure, and to doe all and every other act and thing, which to the charge and office of a Captaine generall of an Army, belongeth or hath accustomed to belong, as fully and ffreely as any Captaine Generall of an Army, hath ever had the same. And Furthermore, of our especiall grace and of our certaine knowledg and meere motion, Wee have given and granted, and by these presents for us, our heires and successors, Doe give and grant unto the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, full and absolute power, licence and authoritie, That he the said William Penn, his heires and Assignes, from time to time hereafter forever, att his or theire will and pleasure, may assigne, alien, grant, demise or inffeoffe of the premises, soe many, and such partes and parcells to him or them, that shall be willing to purchase the same, as they shall thinke ffitt. To Have And To Hold to them, the said person and persons willing to take or purchase, theire heires and assignes, in ffee simple or ffeetaile, or for the term of life, or liues, or yeares, to be held of the said William Penn, his heires and assignes as of the said Seigniory of Windsor, by such services, customes and rents, as shall seeme ffitt to the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, and not immediately of us, our heires and successors, and to the same per son or persons, and to all and every of them, Wee Doe give and grant by these presents, for us, our heires and successors, Licence, authoritie and power, that such person or persons may take the premisses or any parcell thereof, of the aforesaid William Penn, his heires or assignes, and the same 231 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL hold to themselves, their heires and assignes, in what estate of inheritance soever, in ffee simple or in ffetaile or otherwise, as to him and said William Penn, his heires and assignes, shall seem expedient. The Statutes made in the parliament of Edward, sonne of King Henry, late King of England, our predecessor, commonly called the Statute Qui Emptores terrariim, lately Court House or City Hall, Chester Oldest public building in the State: erected 1724; still standing. Photo by D. E. Brinton published in our kingdomes of England, in any wise notwithstanding, and by these presents, Wee give and grant licence unto the said William Penn, and his heires, likewise to all and every such person and persons, to whom the said William Penn, or his heires, shall at any time hereafter, grant any estate . of inheritance as aforesaid, to erect any parcells of Land within the pvince aforesaid, into mannors, by and with the licence to be first had and obteyned for that purpose under the hand and seale of the said William Penn, or his heires, and in every of the said mannors, to have and to hold a Court Baron, 232 THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA with all things whatsoever, which to a Court Baron do belong; and to have and hold view of frankpledge, for the conservacon of the peace, and the bet ter government of those parties by themselves or their Stewarts, or by the Lords for the time being, of other mannors to be deputed when they shall be erected, and in same to use all things belonging to view of ffrankpledge; and Wee doe further grant licence and authoritie that every such person and per sons, who shall erect any such mannor or mannors as aforesaid, shall or may grant all or any parte of his said lands to any person or persons, in ffee sim ple or any other estate of inheritance to be held of the said mannors respect ively, soe as noe further tenures shall be created, but that upon all further and other alienacons thereafter, to be made the said lands soe aliened, shall be held of the same Lord and his heires, of whom the alien did then before hold, and by the like rents and services, which were before due and accus tomed. And further, our pleasure is and by these presents for us, our heires and successors, Wee doe Covenant and grant to and with the said Wil liam Penn, and his heires and assignes, that Wee, our heires and successors, shall att no time hereafter sett or make, or cause to be sett, any imposicon, custome or other taxacon, rate or contribucon whatsoever, in and upon the dwellers and inhabitants of the aforesaid pvince, for their lands, tenements, goods or chattels, within the said province, or in and upon any goods or mer chandize within the said pvince, or to be laden or unladen within the ports or harbours of the said pvince, unles the same be with the consent of the pprietary, or chiefe Governor and Assembly, or by act of parliament in Eng land. And our pleasure is, and for us our heires and successors, Wee charge and comand, that this our Declaracon, shall from henceforward be received, and allowed from time to time in all our Courts, and before all the Judges of us, our heires and successors, for a sufficient and lawful discharge, payment and acquittance, commanding all and singular the officers and min isters of us, our heires and successors, and enjoyneing them upon paine of our high displeasure, that they doe not presume att any time to attempt any thing to the contrary of the premises, or that they doe in any sort withstand the same, but that they bee att all times aiding and assisting as is fitting unto the said William Penn, and his heires, and to the inhabitants and merchants of the pvince aforesaid, their servants, ministers, ffactors and assignes, in the full use and fruition of the beneffitt of this our Charter: And our further pleasure is, And Wee doe hereby, for us, our heires and successors, charge and require that if any of the inhabitants of the said pvince, to the number of Twenty, shall att any time hereafter be desirous, and shall by any writeing or by any person deputed for them, signify such their desire to the Bishop of London, that any preacher or preachers to be ap proved of by the said Bishop, may be sent unto them for their instruccon, and then such preacher or preachers, shall and may be and reside within the said pvince, without any Deniall or molestacon whatsoever; and if perchance it should happen hereafter, any doubts or questions should arise concerneing the true sence & meaning of any word clause or sentence, conteyned in this our present charter, Wee Will ordaine and comand, that att all times and in all things such interpretacon be made thereof, and allowed in any of our courts whatsoever, as shall be adjudged most advantageous and favourable unto the said William Penn, his heires and assignes : Provided alwayes that no interpretacon be admitted thereof, by which the allegiance due unto us, our heires and successors, may suffer any preiudice or diminucon, although expres 233 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL mencon be not made in these presents, of the true yearly value or certainty of the premisses, or of any parte thereof, or of other guifts and grants made by us, our pgenitors or predecessors, unto the same William Penn, or any Statute, act, ordinance, pvision, pclamacon or restraint heretofore, had made, published, ordained or pvided, or any other thing, cause or matter whatsoever to the contrary thereof, in any wise notwithstanding. In Witness whereof Wee have caused these our letters to be made pat ents, Witness our selfe at Westminster, the fourth day of March, in the three and thirtieth year of our Reigne. By writt of privy Seale. Pigott. "CONDITIONS AND CONCESSIONS"1 First. — That so soon as it pleaseth God that the above said persons arrive there, a quantity of land or Ground plat shall be laid out for a large Town or City in the most convenient place upon the River for health and navigation; and every purchaser and adventurer shall by lot have so much land therein as will answer to the proportion which he hath bought or taken up upon rent. But it is to be noted that the surveyors shall consider what Roads or High ways will be necessary to the Cities, Towns, or through the lands. Great roads from City to City not to contain less than forty feet in breadth shall be first laid out and declared to be for highways before the Dividend of acres be laid out for the purchaser, and the like observation to be had for the streets in the Towns and Cities, that there may be convenient roads and streets pre served not to be encroached upon by any planter or builder that none may build irregularly to the damage of another. . . Eighthly. — And for the encouragement of such as are ingenious, and will ing to search out Gold and silver mines in this province, it is hereby agreed that they have liberty to bore and dig in any man's property, fully paying the damage done, and in case a Discovery should be made, that the discoverer have one-fifth, the owner of the soil (if not the Discoverer) a Tenth part, the Governor Two Fifths, and the rest to the public Treasury, saving to the king the share reserved by patent. Ninthly. In every hundred thousand acres, the Governor and Proprie tary by lot reserveth Ten to himself, which shall lie but in one place. Tenthly. — That every man shall be bound to plant or man so much of his share of Land as shall be set out and surveyed, within three years after it is so set out and surveyed, or else it shall be lawful for new comers to be settled thereupon, paying to them their survey money, and they go up higher for their shares. Eleventhly. — There shall be no buying and selling, be it with an Indian, or one among another, of any goods to be exported but what shall be per formed in public market, when such place shall be set apart or erected, where they shall pass the public Stamp or Mark. If bad ware and prized as good, or deceitful in proportion or weight, to forfeit the value as if good, and full weight and proportion to the public Treasury of the Province, whether it be the merchandize of the Indian or that of the Planters. 2See full document in "Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. I. 234 THE FOUNDER OF PENNSYLVANIA Twelfthly. And forasmuch as it is usual with the planters to over-reach the poor natives of the Country in Trade, by Goods not being good of the kind, or debased with mixtures,, with which they are sensibly aggrieved, it is agreed, whatever is sold to the Indians, in consideration of their furs, shall be sold in the market place, and there suffer the test, whether good or bad; if good to pass ; if not good, not to be sold for good, that the natives may not be abused nor provoked. Thirteenthly. That no man shall by any ways or means, in word or deed, affront or wrong any Indian, but he shall incur the same penalty of the law as if he had committed it against his fellow planters; and if any Indian shall abuse, in Word or Deed, any planter of this province, that he shall not be his own Judge upon the Indian, but he shall make his complaint to the Gov ernor of the province, or his Lieutenant or Deputy, or some inferior magis trate near him, who shall, to the utmost of his power, take care with the king of the said Indian, that all reasonable Satisfaction be made to the said injured planter. Fourteenthly. — That all differences between the Planters and the natives shall also be ended by Twelve men, that is, by Six planters and Six natives, that so we may live friendly together as much as in us lieth, preventing all occasions of Heart burnings and mischief. Fifteenthly. — That the Indians shall have liberty to do all things relating to improvement of their Ground, and providing sustenance for the families, that any of the planters shall enjoy Eighteenthly. — That in clearing the ground, care be taken to leave one acre of trees for every five acres cleared, especially to preserve oak and mul berries, for silk and shipping. . . . Sealed and delivered in the presence of William Penn. [Signed also by Humphrey South, Thomas Barker, Samuel Jobson, John Joseph Moore, William Powel, Richard Davies, Griffith Jones, Hugh Lambe, Thomas Farrinborough, John Goodson, William Boelham, Harbert Springett, Thomas Rudyard.] 23S CHAPTER VII THE BEGINNINGS OF PENN'S COLONY— 1681-1700 WHILE Penn had been busy with preparations in Eng land, some progress had been made on the Delaware, under the new charter. We have seen that Lieut.-Gov. Markham reached New York in June (1681.) He found in charge there Captain Anthony Brockholls, deputy governor, Major Andros having gone to England in January to defend his administration of the Duke of York's colonies. Brockholls in spected the documents which Markham brought, acknowledged their validity, and gave him a letter to the settlers within the Pennsylvania limits, notifying them of the grant to Penn, and di recting them to yield due submission to the new Proprietary. This letter has the date of June 21. Just a week earlier the Upland Court had been sitting at Kingsesse, and concluding its varied business, judicial and executive, had adjourned to the sec ond Tuesday of September. Appended in its "Record," without date of entry, is found Captain Brockholl's order, and no further proceedings of the Court are recorded. Markham no doubt pre sented his letter to the justices, and announced to them and the settlers that once more a change of government had been decreed. On the 3d of August he assembled at Upland a Council of nine persons, as Penn had directed. The nine included two Swedes, Otto Ernest Cock and Lasse Cock, and seven of the English set tlers, Robert Wade, James Sandilands, Thomas Fairman, Mor gan Drewet, William Woodmanson, William Warner, and Wil liam Clayton. 236 THE BEGINNINGS OF PENN'S COLONY This organization of the Council at Upland, August 3, 1681, may be regarded as the formal beginning of the government of the Colony, now the State of Pennsylvania. Unfortunately no record of its proceedings remains. A little later, September 13, a new Court, under the new au thority, convened at Upland, and resumed the administration of Ancestral Home of the Lincolns Built about 1725 by the great-great-grandfather of President Lincoln; it is situated about eight miles south of Reading. From a sketch in pos session of D. E. Brinton justice on practically the same lines as the old one. Markham had appointed a larger number of justices; the two Cocks, and two other Swedes, Swan Swanson and Andreas Bankson, with Clayton, Warner, Wade, William Biles, and Robert Lucas, sat at the first Court; while at the next one, in November, Markham was himself present and also Thomas Fairman and James Sandi lands. The court was acting evidently for the same territory as its predecessor, the Upland county which had been defined in 1677, and which still included in 1682 all the settlements then made, from Marcus Hook upward to the falls at Trenton. 237 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL In August Markham took up the business of the Maryland boundary line. It is unlikely that he had an adequate idea of its complications and difficulties. He had in charge two letters for Lord Baltimore, one a missive from the King himself, and the other from Penn. Charles advised the Maryland Proprietary of the grant he had made to Penn, and desired him to appoint "with all convenient speed" a person or persons to meet Penn's representatives, and determine the location of their boundary line. After organizing his government, therefore, as the Au gust days were running out, and the malaria of autumn was ready to rise along his way, Markham set off for Maryland, and reaching Lord Baltimore's house on the Patuxent late in the month, presented his two letters. These his Lordship only read, and — according to his own account — assured Markham that proper respect would be given them. But nothing further was accomplished at this time. Markham's ride had been too much for him. "By reason of the great heats," he says, he fell ill — experiencing that fever of the country which the Swedes and Dutch had suffered from — and being taken into Lord Baltimore's house, "continued very dangerously so for the space of three weeks and better."1 Recovering at last, he returned to Penn sylvania, having arranged with Lord Baltimore for a further meeting on the 16th of October, when they might ascertain the location of the 40th degree of north latitude. Markham agreed also to procure from Colonel Lewis Morris, at New York, "a sex- tile of six or seven foot radius," to take the necessary observa- LThe successions in "the peerage,'' with 2. Cecilius, 2d Baron, 1st Proprietary. changes of titular dignitaries, are confusing He received the grant, under date June 20, to the republican mind. This Lord Balti- 1632. He died 1675. He never visited more in whose house Markham lay, was Maryland. Charles, the third baron — son of Cecilius, 3. Charles, 3d Baron, 2d Proprietary. son of George. The following list may He came to Maryland in 1661, as Governor make the case plain: for his father, was absent between May, 1. George, ist Baron Baltimore, d. April 1669, and November, 1670, succeeded to the 15, 1631-2. (The grant of Maryland had title 1675, returned to England, June, 1676, been assured him, but he died before re- came again to Maryland, 1679, and acted ceiving it.) as Governor to 1684, when he repaired to 238 THE BEGINNINGS OF PENN'S COLONY tions, Colonel Morris's "being ye only fitt instrument yt could be heard of." But Markham had a tedious passage up the Chesa peake, and wrote on the 25th of September from the "head of the Bay," asking for more time to send to Colonel Morris for the sextile. After he got home he had a return of his fever and ague, and was, he says, "very ill," so that he was obliged to write Lord Baltimore, proposing to postpone the meeting till spring. It happened that his lordship had also written, October 8, saying he "could not come up that year for fear of ye ffrost," and the two letters crossed each other on the way. The business, therefore went over to next year. Descriptions of Pennsylvania, as Markham saw it, remain to us in letters sent home by him in December (1681). They are dated at Upland on the 7th of that month. "It is a fine coun try," he says, "if it were not so overgrown with woods, and very healthy. Here people live to be over 100 years of age." Pro visions are "indifferent plentiful, venison especially." He had seen four bucks bought for less than five shillings, the Indians killing them only for their skins, and if the whites would not buy the carcass, letting it "hang and rot on a Tree." Wild fowl were plenty in winter; partridges he was "cloyed with." "In the fall of the leaf, or after harvest, here are abundance of wild turkeys, which are mighty easie to be shot; ducks, mallard, geese, and swans in abundance wild; fish are in great plenty." He found London to press his boundary claims against running of the boundary line. He came Penn, and did not again visit Maryland. to Maryland in 1736. He died April, 1751. He d. Feb. 20, 17 14-15. 6. Frederick, 6th Baron, 5th Proprietary. 4. Benedict Leonard, 4th Baron, 3d It was he whom Lord Chancellor Hard- Proprietary. He was nominally Governor, wick's decision compelled to keep the 1684, upon the departure of his father, boundary agreement of 1732. He is called though W. Hand Browne ("History of by that ardent Maryland partisan, Prof. Maryland," p. 127), says he was never in Browne ("History of Maryland," p. 217), Maryland. He survived his father only a "a selfish and grasping voluptuary, who few weeks, dying April 5, 1715. cared only for his province, which he never 5. Charles, 5th Baron, 4th Proprietary. visited, as a source of revenue for his He was a minor at his father's death. It pleasures." His death, in 1771, closed the was he who made, in 1732, the agreement list of the Maryland Lords Baltimore. with the sons of William Penn for the 239 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL "abundance of good fruits; all sorts of apples, cherries, pears, good plumbs," with "peaches as good as any in the world, some they feed their hoggs with, and some they distill, and make of it a &#'' Nicholas Louis Zinzendorf Count; bishop; missionary; gave name of Beth lehem to Moravian tract on the Lehigh river; traveled extensively in Pennsylvania doing mis sionary work, 1742 THE BEGINNINGS OF PENN'S COLONY Welsh who now came were mostly Friends, upon whom the Eng lish laws of "conformity" still bore heavily. In Germany the patient and non-resistant followers of Menno Simon, the Mennon- ites, who now for two centuries have been an important element in Pennsylvania's population, had suffered untold miseries for a cent ury and a half before the American door of release opened to them. So, too, up the Rhine, in the Palatinate, the desolations of the Thirty Years' War had hardly begun to be repaired when Turenne was sent by Louis XIV. to ravage the country in 1674 — a prelude only to the still more cruel and effectual destruction wrought by the armies of Louis in 1689 — and the distressed peo ple there were ready to look for a new home, even across the ocean. There arrived at Philadelphia in August of this year the first of the German settlers in Pennsylvania, and indeed the pioneer of the German movement to America. This was Francis Daniel Pastorius. He was now thirty-two years old. He had been born in Sommerhausen, September 26, 1651, had studied at some of the chief universities of Germany, and returning to Frankfort- on-the-Main in 1682 from an extended tour, learned there that in response to the invitations of Penn, and in recollection of the visit which he and his companions had paid that region in 1677, the or ganization of a company had been begun, the "Frankfort Com pany," to purchase a large tract of land in America. Pastorius was immediately attracted by the enterprise. "After I had suffi ciently seen the European provinces and countries, and the threat ening movements of war, and had taken to heart the dire changes and disturbances of the Fatherland," he says, "I was impelled through a special guidance from the Almighty, to go to Pennsyl vania." He begged his father's consent to his emigration, and this being secured, he became the agent of the Frankfort Com pany, and prepared to depart. Besides the group of Frankfort people who thus were inter ested in the new colony — none of whom, however, except Pastor ius, actually came over — two other German groups were drawn 1-20 305 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL into the movement. These were a small company of Friends at Kriegsheim (called by William Penn Krisheim, and remembered as Cresheim in our Germantown of Philadelphia), six miles from Worms, whom Penn visited in 1677, and who now came to Penn sylvania; and a larger group of original Mennonites, most of whom then or later became Friends, who lived at Crefeld, on the lower Rhine, within a few miles of the line of Holland. All these had heard of Penn and his colony through the advertisements and pamphlets, translated from English into German, which Benjamin Furly, the Rotterdam merchant, agent for Penn, had spread about. The Crefeld company had bought their land in two transactions. Jacob Telmer, of Crefeld, engaged in business as a merchant in Amsterdam, Jan Streypers, a merchant of Kaldkirchen ; and Dirck Sipman, of Crefeld, had purchased from Penn, March 10, 1682, 15,000 acres. This was the first German purchase. June 11, 1683, three other Cref elders, Govert Remke, Lenart Arets, and Jacob Isaacs Van Bibber, brought 3,000 acres. Pastorius left Frankfort in the spring of 1683, and passed down the Rhine. At Crefeld he conferred with some of the in tending emigrants, at Rotterdam he saw Telmer, and doubt less Benjamin Furly, and at London, in May or June, he bought from Penn's agents 15,000 acres. The ship in which he sailed was the America, Joseph Wasey master, which left London June 10, and reached Philadelphia August 20. Thomas Lloyd, who came from Dolobran, Wales, was a fellow passenger; he was an older man than Pastorious and brought with him his wife and nine children, while the young German was still a bachelor. 306 CHAPTER VIII. THE ENGLISH SETTLEMENT THE descendants of those who emigrated from various parts of Europe or America to the western banks of the Delaware in the two last decades of the Seventeenth Century, in a gen eration or so were blended, and absorbed the Swedes and Dutch. The great majority of those emigrants were natives of England, and made Pennsylvania an English community, and substituted for every other mother tongue the English language in its purity. From the West Indies came Samuel Carpenter, Jonathan Dick inson, Isaac Norris, and others; from New England, Edward Shippen and Francis Richardson; from South Carolina, John Moore — all, so far as we know, natives of England. Robert Turner, Nicholas Newlin, and others had lived in Ireland, but were English by birth or parentage. The Irish Quakers were not the real Irish ; the Bearr^ Feni was to them impossible jargoiy \ if even they heard it from the peasants. These English-Irish are' to be distinguished also from the Scotch-Irish, who began to come in the second decade of the Eighteenth Century, and possessed themselves of an immense region, which was a wilderness until after the death of the first Proprietary. Quite a number of Scotchmen had settled in the Jerseys, and in what is now the State of Delaware, and some of these came across or up the river. They were Lowlanders, not Celts. In fact, about the only rep resentatives here of the ancient population of the British Isles were the Welsh. The preaching of Fox and other Children of 307 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL the Light, as the Quakers first called themselves, was better re ceived by the gentry of Wales than by the gentry of England, and those who settled the Welsh Tract near Philadelphia, bring ing over genealogical trees giving each generation back to Adam, were of higher social position at home than the Anglo-Saxons whom Penn's agents induced to come. Some had been to college, or studied law or medicine, and were well read in Quaker divin ity; probably all were familiar with the English language. The Germans who settled Germantown and its vicinity must be dis tinguished from those who arrived many years later, and were known as the Pennsylvania Dutch, and who so thoroughly ad hered to their dialect, and transmitted it to their descendants that even in the middle of the Nineteenth Century the people of the townships settled by them, it is said, could not converse with the people of the adjoining townships settled by Scotch-Irish, and very recently a German edition of the laws and public docu ments was always printed by the State. The Germans who came before 1700, or very soon after, were Protestants of the various sects which may be embraced in the name of Pietists, neither Lutherans nor Moravians. Having among them scholars from the universities or well known schools, as a body they were in learn ing the equals, if not the superiors, of the Welsh, and far ahead of the English colonists; but in that day even the lower classes of England were not without some education, and there were a good number of persons in Pennsylvania of neither German nor Welsh, nor yet of Swedish extraction, who had been taught Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. The gift of preaching had made some who had not been educated for the priesthood, authors of controversial or pious writings. The Swedes belonged to the Church of Sweden, which was Lutheran in its theology, Episcopal in its organization, although no bishop ever lived here, and Erastian in its theory of mission. The clergy of Weccacoe (Swanson street near Wash ington avenue, Philadelphia), Kingsessing (Woodland avenue, Philadelphia), and Upper Merion (Bridgeport, Montgomery 308 THE ENGLISH SETTLEMENT county), were appointed by the Crown of Sweden until long after the American Revolution, when the vestries began calling presby ters of the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States of America. There was no congregation of the Church of Eng- ^tU^/ttoiJ' Clergyman; orator; born 1714; From an old engraving died 1770. land within the limits of Pennsylvania, notwithstanding the stip ulation in the charter for allowing such, until 1695 ; nor of the Presbyterians until later. Outside of the Swedes there was for a long time no ecclesiastical organization but the Society of Friends. The colony may be said to have been composed of its members. Their theology, except when following the Apology of Robert Barclay, was rather latitudinarian, while their demeanor 309 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL was most precise. The laws of William Penn, while mild in the penalties, were decidedly "blue" in the prohibitions. The respect due to magistrates was insisted upon to the point of forbidding a word of criticism. With some feeling of gratitude to Penn, there was a strong sense of equality. A body of husbandmen and mechanics, one or two merchants, and a few school teachers and apothecaries, were establishing an Utopia away from the pomps and vanities, tyranny and injustice of the world. The persons who might claim to be the patricians of the new province were Penn's kindred and connections and his father's companions in arms, but when, in after years, something like a local aristocracy took shape, it was not made up of the descendants of these, and, too, it was not Quaker. By birth, education, and service with suffering in the cause of the Quaker religion, Thomas Lloyd had a prominence among the settlers next to Penn and Markham, and soon after arriving was appointed Master of the Rolls, and on the ioth of I mo., 1683-4, was elected a Provincial Councillor. Markham was already in England upon Penn's business when, in August, 1684, Penn, desirous of using his influence at Court to stop the persecution of the Quakers, left the province, commissioning the the Council to act in his stead, with Lloyd as President. He also appointed Lloyd Keeper of the Great Seal, and Lloyd, Robert Turner, and James Claypoole (brother of John Claypoole, who married Oliver Cromwell's daughter), Commissioners of Prop erty, to grant warrants for surveying land, and to issue patents on the survey being duly made and returned. These commis sioners acted only two years. The Colony witnessed an impeachment trial as early as May, 1685. The Assembly presented a declaration against Nicholas Moore, who had been appointed prior or first judge of the Pro vincial Court, and was also a member of Assembly ; that he, among other offenses, assuming "an unlimited and arbitrary power be yond the prescription or laws of this government had presumed" 310 THE ENGLISH SETTLEMENT to appoint the time of the provincial circuits without the direction of the Provincial Council, whereby the several counties were sur prised by the short notice, and juries, witnesses, etc., could not be duly summoned ; that he had refused to receive a verdict, and sent back a jury with threats many times, until they brought in a different verdict ; that in a civil action for trover and conversion he gave judgment of felony, and condemned the defendant to be whipped ; that he by perverting the sense of a witness condemned him for perjury, and fined him, and by proclamation rendered him incapable of being rectus in Curia; that he censured in open court the decisions of preceding judges; that he reversed the judgment of county justices in a matter not regularly before him ; that he declined going to the two lower circuits, although the law obliged the judges to go spring and fall; and that he declared that he was not accountable to the President and Provincial Coun cil, by despising their orders and precepts : therefore, the Assembly prayed his removal. This declaration, Patrick Robinson said, was drawn "at hab nab ;" so the Assembly deemed itself insulted, and in a body complained to the Council, which unanimously de clared the expression "indecent, unallowable, and to be dis owned !" The managers of the impeachment, in proof of the first charge against Moore, showed that the sheriff of Chester county had only five days time to get the freemen to court. In regard to sending back a jury, the jury had given £8 to the plaintiff, whose declaration was for £500; Moore, who was a doctor, not a lawyer, thereupon said,"What is £8 in comparison of £500? find according to evidence or you are all perjured." So the jury went out, and the next day found for the defendant with costs ! It rather seems as if Moore overreached himself. The witness con victed of perjury was John Harrison. Moore asked him what he knew concerning the taking of a hog. Harrison said he knew nothing of the taking of it, for he was in Philadelphia. Moore, after several other questions, asked if he had seen or eaten any of it. He said he had both seen and eaten. Moore told the jury that this 311 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL was perjury. Moore had called the Provincial Council fools and loggerheads, and said it were well if all the laws had dropped, and there would never be good times as long as Quakers had the administration. Before Moore's impeachment trial was finished he was very ill, and a new set of Provincial Judges were com missioned. Whitefield House or Nazareth Stockade George Whitefield commenced the erection ot this building in 1741, to be used as a Methodist school for negroes; the same year he sold the unfinished building to Bishop Spangenberg of the Moravian church. In 1743 work was re sumed and the building finished. From a sketch made especially for this work. Lloyd, desiring to be relieved of office, the government by the Council was terminated on 12 mo. 9, 1687-8, when there was re ceived from Penn a commission to five persons, Lloyd, Turner, John Simcock, Arthur Cook, and John Eckley to exercise the powers of a deputy-governor. This arrangement lasted about ten months. Penn offered the lieutenant-governorship again to 312 THE ENGLISH SETTLEMENT Lloyd, but he refused, and, no other Quaker fit for it being willing to accept, Penn conferred it upon Capt. John Blackwell, then in New England, who had been treasurer of the army in the time of the Commonwealth, a man of high reputation for integrity, who had refused a great office in Ireland under Charles II and James II because it depended upon perquisites. He was a Puri tan, and had married a daughter of General Lambert. Nathan iel Mather (Mass. Hist. Coll.) wrote of him in 1684, "For serious reall piety & nobleness of spirit, prudence, etc., I have not been acquainted with many that equall him." He arrived December 17, 1688, his first act, strange to say, being the setting apart of a day "for solemn thanksgiving to Almighty God for His inesti mable blessing to his Majesty's kingdoms and dominions by the birth of a Prince" (James II's unfortunate son, who had come so unwelcome to Protestant England that his parentage was im pugned). Loyd, still Keeper of the Great Seal and Master of the Rolls, was very troublesome to Blackwell throughout his whole term of office. First, he refused to pass certain commissions under the seal. Afterwards, as he was going to New York, he was requested to leave the seal with the Council, that public business might not be obstructed, but he declined, declaring it out of its power to deprive a man of an office which he held for life. He refused to hand over the official communications received during his presidency, although the Council resolved that all letters of in struction should be delivered to the secretary, and such parts of other letters as gave any instructions should be copied for public use. He refused to seal the commission for a Provincial Court, declaring the document "more moulded by fancy than formed by law." Moreover, he undertook to appoint as Clerk of the Peace, David Lloyd, whom the Lieutenant-Governor and Council had just suspended for refusing to produce papers. In March, 1689, Thomas Lloyd was by Bucks county again elected a mem ber of the Council, but the Lieutenant-Governor proposed articles 313 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL of impeachment. The councillors objecting to take part in this measure, Blackwell adjourned that meeting. But when they next met, Lloyd very coolly entered the room, saying that he had come to take his place/ The Governor said there was nothing expected of him until he answered the charges. Lloyd replied that he had as good a right to sit there as the Governor had to be Governor. As he refused to withdraw, Blackwell adjourned to his own lodgings, ordering the members to follow him. Some staid to fight it out with Lloyd; but such were the "sharp and unsavory expressions" used by the latter that Markham, the secretary, induced the Governor to return. Lloyd was again commanded to depart, and the other members followed Black- well. A similar scene was enacted at a subsequent meeting. Blackwell was continuously opposed by the most important Quakers, to the chagrin of William Penn, who had thought that the high character of Blackwell would make his government sat isfactory to Friends, while his not being of that sect would leave him free to obey the Crown. Penn wrote to Blackwell on 7 mo. 25, 1689 : "I would be as little vigorous as possible; and do desire thee, by all the obligation I and my present circumstances can have upon thee to desist ye prosecution of T. L. I entirely know ye person both in his weakness and accomplishment, and would thee end ye dispute between you two upon my single request and command and that former inconveniences be rather mended than punished. Salute me to ye people in generall, pray send for J. Simcock, A. Cook, John Eckley, and Samuel Carpenter, and let them dispose T. L. and Sa. Richardson to that complying temper that may tend to that loving and Serious accord yt becomes such a government." In November, 1689, Blackwell received a letter from the Earl of Shrewsbury, dated April 13, announcing that war with France was expected, and directing that care be taken for opposing any attempt upon Pennsylvania. On this being read to the councillors, half of whom were Quakers, Simcock said, "I see no danger but 314 THE ENGLISH SETTLEMENT from bears and wolves. We are well and in peace and quiet. Let us keep ourselves so. I know not but a peaceable spirit, and that will do well. For my part, I am against it clearly, and Gov ernor, if we refuse to do it, thou wilt be excused." Griffith Jones asked that they wait a little longer, for the country would not be able to bear such a charge without necessity, and added, "Every one that will may provide his arms. My opinion is that it be left to the discretion of the Governor to do what he shall judge neces sary." Samuel Carpenter was not against those who put them selves in readiness for defense, but as it was against his judgment he could not advise it. The King of England knew the judg ment of Quakers in such a case when he granted Penn his patent. Quakers would rather suffer than do this thing; in which latter statement Bartholomew Coppock agreed. At the next meeting, Simcock, Coppock, Carpenter, Jones, and John Bristow declared that they could not vote on the question at all. They did not take it upon themselves to hinder others. They did not think the Governor need call them together in the matter. So Blackwell declared that he would do what was his duty, without further pressing them. In response to letters from both Blackwell and his enemies, Penn relieved him of the government, and, that the councillors should have no occasion for grumbling, submitted to their choice two commissions duly signed, one authorizing the whole body to act as Blackwell's successor, they choosing a president, and the other permitting them to name three persons in the province or lower counties, from whom Penn would choose one as Lieutenant- Governor, and until his mind should be known the one hav ing the most votes or being first chosen should act as such. On n mo. 2, 1689-90, the Council unanimously accepted the com mission appointing the whole body as Penn's deputy, and electee! Thomas Lloyd President. Under Lloyd's presidency, the lower counties became discontented. After long complaint of the delay of justice, six of their councillors, in November, 1690, undertook 315 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL to appoint new judges ; an act which the Council at large repudiat ed, promising however to appoint others, of whom a Delaware man should be president in Delaware. On i mo. 30, 1691, there were submitted for the Council's choice two new commissions, one for the Council to name three persons from whom Penn would appoint a Lieutenant-Governor, the person having most votes to act until Penn's pleasure should be known, the other for Lloyd, Markham, Turner, Jennings, and John Cann, or any three of them, to exercise a lieutenant-governor's powers, and if neither commission were accepted, the government to remain in the whole Council. The councillors from Philadelphia, Bucks and Chester were unanimous for a single executive, but those from Delaware, seeing that Lloyd would be chosen, declared against it. Ten members being present, Lloyd in the chair, Growdon called out, "You that is for Thomas Lloyd, Arthur Cook and John Goodson to be nominated Deputy-Governor stand up and say yea." Where upon the Delawareans, protesting that the charter required two- thirds as a quorum and a two-thirds vote in "affairs of moment," left the meeting. Three days later, six of them, claiming that the government was still in the Council, met at New Castle, and chose Cann president. Lloyd, made Lieutenant-Governor until Penn's appointment should be known, accepted at the importunity of friends, and tried to win back the Delawareans, but in vain. Penn was grieved at his acting upon this "broken choice," and urged a reunion, but finally commissioned Lloyd as Lieutenant- Governor of Pennsylvania, and Markham as Lieutenant-Governor of the Lower Counties. This arrangement lasted until the ar rival of Governor Fletcher. The first charter to the city of Philadelphia was granted on 3rd mo. 20, 1691, Humphrey Morrey being named as Mayor, John Delavall as Recorder, and David Lloyd as Town Clerk. It was during Lloyd's administration that George Keith caused a schism in the Society of Friends, resulting in the growth of the Baptist denomination and the establishment of most of the 316 BIBL1A, 2>aiS iff: m un6 it cues Icfiftiii H. Siantu iimlttS/ fec^gcf.u^tcn Dtelen uu6 rfc&ttj}m „¦/,.«¦„,- , ;>,.•/.,. -./. /-/ THE ENGLISH SETTLEMENT England, or that class which in Continental Europe would be called the lesser nobility. There was a Sir John Markham, Judge of the Common Pleas from 1396 to 1407, from whom two fam ilies descended, both seated in Nottinghamshire, bearing the same arms, which also the William Markham who came to Pennsyl- Old Franklin Press Photographed especially for this work by J. F. Sachse from the original in possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania vania used as a seal impaled with the arms of Thomas of Dublin. He is described as "Captain Markham" at the time when Penn intrusted him with the inauguration of a government over his newly acquired territories. It is a mere conjecture, but we hazard it, that he was son of the Henry Markham who was colonel in Ireland in Cromwell's time, during which Admiral Penn received lands there. William Markham died poor in 1704, and sixty 1-21 321 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL years later his granddaughter was receiving a pension from the Proprietaries. Christopher Taylor is said to have been a Puritan minister prior to conversion by George Fox, and was a schoolmaster in England, and the author of a compendium of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, published in 1679. Thomas Holme, who succeeded Captain William Crispin as Surveyor-General of the province, and in a few years published a map of all the lots, bore the title of captain as no mere compliment or local rank, for he was such in the army of Oliver Cromwell. Holme became a member of the Society of Friends in 1659, and in April, 1682, was a resident of the city of Waterford, Ireland. One of his daughters married in 1683 Captain Crispin's son Silas, who in some way, probably maternally, was a cousin of William Penn. John Simcock, of humbler antecedents, was called by the Quakers "a nursing father in Israel." The career in Pennsylvania of Ralph Withers, Francis Whitwell, John Songhurst, and William Stockdale, min isters among Friends, was cut short by early death. William Biles will appear later in these pages. His son William married the daughter of Thomas Langhorne, assemblyman, who had been a preacher in England. Langhorne's son became Chief Justice of the province. James Harrison, a shoemaker, who had trav elled much as a preacher, acted as Penn's steward at the manor which was surveyed for the Proprietary in Bucks county, and called Pennsbury. Harrison's son-in-law, Phineas Pemberton, a grocer from Lancashire, was one of the most important office holders in the province. The ancestor of the Confederate general who surrendered to Grant at Vicksburg, he is to be classed as one of the patriarchs from whom the more important people of Phila delphia have descended. His son Israel, a merchant, sat in the Assembly, and a second Israel, called "junior" prior to 1754, was sometimes called "King of the Quakers," while his brother James was one of the Quaker assemblymen who could not be brought to vote for military measures. William Yardley was Phineas 322 THE ENGLISH SETTLEMENT Pemberton's uncle. He and Thomas Janney left large families, the latter's name being widely spread also in Virginia. Thomas Wynne was a Welsh surgeon, also preacher and writer ; his name still survives, while his daughter, who married Edward Jones, another Welsh physician, was grandmother of Thomas Cad- walader, whom we shall note as a councillor to later Lieutenant- Governors, and great-grandmother of John Dickinson, who be came head of the government of the State. John Eckley, an other preacher, dying in 1690, left an only daughter, who ran off from the Quakers, and was married over in New Jersey by a Church of England missionary to Colonel Daniel Coxe, who had large proprietary interests in that province and was son of the physician to Charles II. , who was at one time patentee of Carolina. The Coxes of Drifton, Pa., are descendants. Samuel Carpenter was the rich man of the early day, but lost considerable property. One of his grandsons removed to Salem county, New Jersey; a granddaughter was ancestress of an extensive branch of the Wharton family of the present day, including Joseph Wharton, William Wharton, Wharton Barker, and Bromley Wharton, pri vate secretary to Governor Pennypacker, and also of John M. Scott, now President pro tern, of the State Senate; while Samue1 Richardson, at one time fellow member with Carpenter of the Provincial Council, was ancestor of Governor Pennypacker. Robert Turner had been a merchant in Dublin : one of his daugh ters married Francis Rawle, who was an important man at an early date. James Claypoole was the ancestor of the present Cornelius Vanderbilt of New York. The names of Newlin, Maris, Pennock, Levis, Wain and Kirkbride are yet extant among us. The male line of Caleb Pusey, a preacher and a writer against George Keith, is extinct. Griffith Owen, another preacher, was a Welsh physician. Joseph Growdon, when of Anstle in the county of Cornwall, gentleman, joined his father, Lawrence Growdon, of Trevose in said county, gentleman, as one of the "first purchasers," they buying from William Penn before his first 323 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL visit to Pennsylvania the goodly quantity of 5,000 acres each. These they had located upon the Neshaminy Creek in Bucks county. Joseph Growdon came to America very soon after the purchase, and settled upon the property, building a dwelling-house still standing, and giving it the name of "Trevose." He was several terms Speaker. Of his children, Joseph became Attorney- General of the province; Elizabeth married Francis Richardson, her descendants being found to-day in Philadelphia; Grace mar ried David Lloyd; and Lawrence became a member of the Gov ernor's council, one of Lawrence's daughters marrying in 1753 the prominent politician, Joseph Galloway. David Lloyd was a cousin of Thomas Lloyd. Thomas Lloyd was the third son of Charles Lloyd of Dolobran by his wife Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Stanley of Knockin. The writer of these lines has set forth the ancestry in "The Provincial Councillors of Pennsyl vania;" it will contribute to an understanding of our colonial history to know that John Delaval, Richard Hill (who married Delaval's widow), Samuel Preston, and Isaac Norris were Lloyd's sons-in-law. Isaac Norris and William Trent in 1704 bought a tract belonging to William Penn's son William, and on this was duly laid out the town of Norristown. 324 CHAPTER IX. THE SUSPENSION AND RESTORATION OF PENN'S GOVERN MENT AND HIS SECOND VISIT WILLIAM Penn had not been brought up a business man, but a knight's son, to be courtier and soldier, while bailiffs, solicitors and agents drew up his papers and handled his money. He had sacrificed the husbanding of his patrimony to the career of a minister among Friends, which, in volving trials and punishment, traveling and putting forth books, engrossed his attention, and devoured his income as much perhaps as would have the diversions of the worldly. In the great land speculation into which philanthropy had led him, the Indians were not cheated with a few beads, and the impost which the colonists in 1683 offered to him was refused ; so the first cost was very heavy. He undertook when the Duke of York became King of England to be the patron at Court of those persecuted on account of religion, and so "overspent" the considerable sum of £3000 in that reign. Then came the war in Ireland, and other causes by which his estate, called Shanagarry, near Cork, was unproductive. In 1705 he estimated that on an average in the fifteen years between his first and second visits to Pennsylvania he had spent £400 annually in London "to hinder much mischief against us if not to do us much good." Indebtedness from residence in London was not the only bad result of intimacy with James II. Penn was long suspected of being a Papist, and even called a Jesuit; and after the Revolution 32s PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL of 1688 was several times accused of connection with plots to restore James to the throne. Although escaping conviction of any actual treason to William and Mary, Perm was deprived of the gov ernorship of Pennsylvania and the counties on the Delaware on the ground of his administration of it being a failure, and as a matter of prudence at a time when there was war with France. Some lawyers were of the opinion that the powers of government granted to William Penn were part of the regalia of the Crown, which Charles II could not alienate for longer than his own life. But without any judicial decision or even the bringing of a writ of quo warranto, the region was committed to the care of Benjamin Fletcher, esq., as Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief, he hold ing the same position in the province of New York and its de pendencies. He was thus made responsible for the defense of a settlement of which the inhabitants were conscientiously opposed to war, and which a force of 500 men could capture in the unpre pared condition in which he found it. He tried to be considerate of the Quakers, and was careful of the property rights of the Proprietary, while laboring to organize and secure appropriations for a militia. His commission, dated October 21, 1692, under which he did not take possession until April 26, 1693, required him to appoint a Lieutenant-Governor and a Council, and to exe cute such reasonable laws as were then in force or thereafter agreed upon by him with the advice and consent of the Council and As sembly. He offered the first place in the Council to Lloyd, who declined it. Then he conferred it upon Markham, whom, on April 27, with the unanimous consent of the other councillors, he appointed Lieutenant-Governor. On a question of the validity of the former laws, Fletcher confirmed most of them, with some amendments to make them conform more to the laws of England, until the royal pleasure should be known. When the Assembly would not set back the wheels of progress by making burglary punishable with death, he yielded. He was willing to fix a salary of six shillings a day for each member and nine shillings for the 326 SUSPENSION AND RESTORATION Speaker ; but the councillors, unable to obtain a salary for them selves or the Lieutenant-Governor, unanimously rejected the bill. The Assembly granted in 1693 a tax of id. per pound for the sup port of the government, and the next year would have done the same in reply to his promise that, in consideration of their scruples, the money "should not be dipped in blood," but should "feed the hungry and clothe the naked" Indians, unable to hunt because fighting for the English, but Fletcher would not consent to the formal appropriation of part of the proceeds to Lloyd and Mark ham. Lloyd died Sept. 10, 1694. Penn, on December 4, 1692, wrote to his friends in Pennsyl vania to get one hundred persons there to lend him £100 each for three years, without interest, in which case he would in six months come over with all his family. The amount was not raised. Nevertheless Penn, at the beginning of August, 1694, attended the committee of the Privy Council for trade and plantations, and promised that if restored to the government, he would with all convenient speed go to Pennsylvania, and would transmit to the Council and Assembly Queen Mary's orders, which, he declared, he did not doubt would be complied with, as well as at all times such orders as their Majesties might give for sup plying a quota of men, or defraying the share of the expense their Majesties should think necessary for the safety of the do minions in America ; furthermore, he would appoint Markham as his deputy; and if the government of Pennsylvania should not comply with the royal orders, Penn would submit the direction of the military to their Majesties' pleasure; and the laws passed by the Assembly in May, 1693, not yet confirmed or rejected by her Majesty, should be executed until altered by the Assembly. The Attorney-General and Solicitor-General gave an opinion that the government granted to Penn, being subject to their Majesties' sovereignty, their Majesties could appoint a governor in extraor dinary exigencies through the default or neglect of Penn or those appointed by him in protecting or defending the province or in- 327 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL habitants in time of danger, but the right of government belonged to him when those reasons failed or ceased. The committee rec ommended the restoration of the government, with directions that on application of the Governor or commander-in-chief of New York, a quota not exceeding 80 men or the value of the charge thereof be sent from Pennsylvania to New York. Accordingly, William and Mary, by letters patent dated August 20, 1694, re ceived in Pennsylvania the following March, announced that they had thought fit to restore the administration of the government to Penn, and that the authority of Fletcher should cease. The next day the Queen signed a letter commanding the Proprietary at all times on request of the governor and commander-in-chief of New York to send 80 men with their officers or the expense of maintaining the same for the defense of the latter province, and that the Proprietary give directions for making provision for the same at the public charge of the province of Pennsylvania and country of New Castle. Not yet able to return to America, Penn on 9 mo. 24, 1694, commissioned Markham as Lieutenant-Governor, with the advice and consent of John Goodson and Samuel Carpenter as Assistants, or either of them. The commissions read "to govern according to the known laws and usages," and Markham proceeded under the frame of government of 1683, causing a Provincial Council to be elected. Fletcher, still commander-in-chief at New York, on April 15, 1695, made application for the eighty men and a cap tain, two lieutenants, etc., to be at Albany as soon as possible after May 1, and renewed the application in June, asking that they be at Albany as soon as possible after August 1 ; but the council lors, on account of harvest, would not allow the Assembly to be convened before September 9 ; and to Markham's question : "Would you be willing that if an enemy should assault us I should defend you by force of arms?" some answered that they would ; others, that they must leave every one to his own liberty, and that Governor Penn's instructions must be followed, and it 328 Specimen of Ephrata Cloister Pen Work, 1747 From the collection of J. F. Sachse SUSPENSION AND RESTORATION being his business they had nothing to do with it. By the time the Assembly met, choosing Edward Shippen as Speaker, it had come to be the opinion of the members of both that body and the Council that the frame of government was no longer in force, and so, after recalling Fletcher's promise when Governor of Pennsyl vania that the money voted to him for support of government should be applied to providing for the Indians, and declaring that what they might now vote for the King to be used as he pleased, should be deemed a compliance with the letter of the Queen as far as conscience and ability permitted, the Council and Assembly tacked an act of settlement establishing a charter to an act appro priating 250/. for the support of the King's government; but Markham did not feel that he could so bind the Proprietary, and, despairing of obtaining satisfaction of the military demands, exercised the prerogative which the denial of the validity of the old frame left him, and dissolved both Council and Assembly. Fletcher in lamentation wrote in June, 1696 : "The town of Philadelphia in fourteen years' time is become near equal to the city of New York in trade and riches," and explained that the hardships of defending his province had driven many of the people to Philadelphia to enjoy their ease, and, there being no duty on trade in Pennsylvania, the trade of his province had been drawn thither. Markham, some of whose letters to Penn were captured by the French, and others, delayed by the roundabout voyages, was without instructions as to a Council. Meanwhile Penn, fifty-one years of age, was taking a step for which mankind does not blame him, but which lowered the pros pects in life of his three children then living, carried him into greater expenditure and deeper embarrassment, dragged his friends and taxpayers into the hardship of assisting him, and finally placed Pennsylvania under a new family with no other wealth than what could be gotten out of it — his second marriage 1 mo. 5, 1695-6. His children then living were Springett, the eldest, William, and Letitia. His eldest son died a month after 331 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL this without issue. The second son, two years later, married at the age of nineteen. Of the object of young William's "im petuous inclination," his father writes in 1707: "I wish she had brought more wisdom since she brought so little money to help the family." The young man, by 1703, when he came to Penn sylvania, jealous of his step-mother and her children, and emanci pated from his father, had raised his own set of creditors. The marriage portion of his sister, who became the wife of William Aubrey, was with difficulty raised. A note to the Penn and Logan Correspondence, published by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, has passed an eulogium on Penn's second wife, Hannah, daughter of Thomas Callowhill, a worthy Quaker, dealer in groceries in Bristol; and it would be an ungracious task to contradict it, if we could. Suffice it to say, she was not satis fied to live in Pennsylvania, and inasmuch as she was of less social position than his first wife, Gulielma Maria, daughter of Sir William Springett, and had no influential connections to strengthen her husband in England, we may hazard the remark that a Pennsylvania girl would have been better for the lord of Pennsylvania ; such a choice and remaining here would have had one worldly advantage — that of popularizing him. On September 25, 1696, Markham appointed a Council for himself, and on October 26, John Goodson resigned as Assistant, and Arthur Cook presented commissions from the Proprietary, which Cook had kept secret for eighteen months, authorizing Markham to act according to law and charter with Samuel Jen nings and Arthur Cook as Assistants. An Assembly was summoned and chose John Simcock Speaker, and passed five acts to which Markham consented on November 7, of which the last three were respectively how to raise county levies, for preventing of hogs, etc., running at large in the town of Chester, and for preventing accidents by fire in the towns of Philadelphia and New Castle. The first of the acts was a frame of government providing among other things for a Council of two members elected from each of 332 SUSPENSION AND RESTORATION the six counties, and an Assembly of four elected from each coun ty, the right of electing or being elected being confined to free denizens over twenty-one years old, having fifty acres of land, ten being seated and cleared, or having 50/. clear estate, and resi dent within the government two years before the election; any voter receiving a reward or gift for his vote should forfeit the right to vote that year, and any person giving or promising the same, Early specimens of Wood Cuts made at Ephrata Community From the Danner collection in order to be elected, or offering to serve for nothing or for less wages than allowed by law, should be incapable of serving that year ; the real estate of an alien dying before denizenation should pass as if he had been denizenised; the inhabitants should have liberty to fish and hunt upon their lands or any lands not enclosed. The act was to be in force until the Proprietary should signify his pleasure to the contrary, but nothing in the act was to preclude the inhabitants from any rights, privileges or immunities under the old frame of 1683 or belonging to them by virtue of any law, charter, or grants whatsoever. By the second act, id. per pound, etc., tax was levied, which raised 300/. Pennsylvania money for i33 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL Fletcher, who sent his thanks, but explained that' what he had asked was the equivalent of 2,000/. In December, Penn suggested to the Lords of Trade that the best way to regulate the quota would be by two deputies from each province meeting in a common assembly once a year or oftener during the war, and at least once in two years in times of peace, the Governor of New York presiding as the King's com missioner, and that the body should settle complaints between the provinces, and the King's commissioner should be commander-in- chief of the quotas against the common enemy. It was in pur suance of this idea that the congress at Albany was held in 1754, and the wisest men engaged in American affairs endeavored for a union of the colonies until one was actually effected in the Revolutionary War. Philip Ford, the agent who had sold to the first purchasers, and managed other of Penn's affairs, claiming a balance of £10,- 500, Penn in March, 1696-7, deeded to him Pennsylvania and the Lower Territories, taking in return, instead of a defeasance to prove the transaction a mortgage, a lease dated April 1, 1697, for three years at £630 rent. The purpose of this was to enable Ford to escape a tax on personal estate, which his rights really were. Markham's administration lasted until the arrival of William Penn the second time in America. These four years and a half were the great day of piracy on the American coast, the time of Captain Kidd. Much of the trade in the seaport towns was in ill-gotten goods, and the cupidity of the adventurers who held the offices for the execution of the laws bound them to the pirates. Markham's son-in-law, James Brown, at one time in the Assembly from Kent, was a pirate, sent to England in 1700, and, it is be lieved, hung. Most of the governors of New York were charged with some kind of malfeasance, and Benjamin Fletcher, it was said, licensed vessels sailing from New York with piratical de signs. Edw. Randolph, Surveyor-General of Customs, accused Markham of conniving at piracy, and wrote that certain well 334 SUSPENSION AND RESTORATION known pirates had been seen in Philadelphia, and that Markham had paid no attention to the Lords' proclamations, had neglected to prosecute forfeited bonds, and had adjourned the courts, to the benefit of fraudulent debtors. Some months later, when a pirat ical craft had come into Delaware bay, taking nine or ten ships, and committed several robberies on the people of Pennsylvania, Markham applied to the Earl of Bellomont for a man-of-war to guard the bay, but none were at the officer's disposal. Certain offenders being found in town, and pointed out to Markham, he made several arrests. Although the province contained at least 7,000 men capable of bearing arms, he was a weak governor at such times for want of a militia. During Markham's administration, Robert Quarry, former ly Governor of South Carolina, became Judge of the Admiralty in Pennsylvania, and John Moore, who was a lawyer, the advocate in such matters. At the instigation of David Lloyd, who had had an education in the law, Anthony Morris, an early mayor of Philadelphia, at this time a justice of the county court, granted a writ of replevin by which certain goods seized by Quarry's order were taken out of the marshal's hands, and the owner, by Lloyd as attorney, prosecuted the marshal for the detainer. The marshal in justification, produced the King's letters patent with the King's effigy stamped at its head and the wax seal depending in a tin case. Lloyd, taking the commission in his hand, and exhibiting it, declaimed, "What is this? Do you think to scare us with a great box and a little baby. 'Tis true, fine pictures please children; but we are not to be frightened at such a rate." Penn was obliged by Quarry's reporting the replevin to the British government to have Morris removed from his judgeship, and when, in 1700, Lloyd was elected a councillor, Penn sus pended him pending trial for these disrespectful speeches and pos tures. Perhaps from their extortionate practices, the customs officials gave Lloyd good reason for another remark with which he was charged, that whoever were instrumental or aided in 335 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL erecting or encouraging a court of admiralty in the province were greater enemies to the liberties and privileges of the people than those who promoted ship money in King Charles I's time. Crown officers and Churchmen, Quarry and his followers were on guard against citizens and Quakers. Quarry reported the shortcom- s in the administration not only of Markham, but of Penn in Thomas Cadwalader Physician ; for many years a leader in the work of the Pennsylvania Hospital and the deputies following him, and was the head of what Penn called the "hot Church party," which had many adherents in the Proprietary's possessions on Delaware bay. In Pennsyl vania, in all the struggles as to arming the province down to the Revolution, the laymen of Christ Church, Philadelphia, in the establishment of which John Moore had been most prominent, next to Joshua Carpenter, were the nucleus of the political party opposed to the Society of Friends. 336 SUSPENSION AND RESTORATION When about to come a second time to Pennsylvania, William Penn secured as secretary James Logan of Bristol, born in Ire land of a good Scotch family, who had taught school, but was then in mercantile business, and they, with Penn's wife and her children, sailed from Cowes on September 9th, 1699, in the "Canterbury." On the way over a ship was sighted supposed to be an enemy, and Logan took arms for defense, while Penn, the stauncher Quaker — perhaps because a Quaker by conversion, while Logan was only a Quaker by birth — retired down below. The danger passed, after which Penn expostulated with Logan for en gaging in battle. Logan replied that if Penn had disapproved, Penn, being Logan's master, should have ordered him down. They arrived in Philadelphia in December. Penn made the "slate- roof house" on Second street his residence, and Logan lived with him. The country seat was at the manor of Pennsbury in Bucks county. To satisfy the British government, Penn soon summoned an Assembly, and secured a law against piracy and a law against ille gal trade, and was able thus to express himself, "After so many calumnies and complaints we have been loaded with, I hope these two laws will in some degree wash us clean." An effort was made to give Penn a tax of 30?. per /., but it was voted down. However, an impost on liquor, yielding between 500/. and 1000/., was granted to him. Disagreeing to Markham's frame of gov ernment passed in 1696, the Proprietary thought the old frame of 1 683 in force until abrogated as provided for in it. Accordingly the old frame was surrendered by the unanimous vote of the Council and Assembly on June 7, 1700, and it was unanimously agreed that all laws, including those passed at Chester in 1683, and the petition of right, and those just made at this session, should be in force only until twenty days after the adjournment of the next session. The next Assembly being opened at New- Castle in October, Penn urged the importance of a frame of gov ernment and new set of laws, a statute of limitations or for quiet- 1-22 337 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL ing title to property, and a supply for the support of government. The Assembly levied a tax to raise 2000/. for him. This was not paid with the alacrity with which it was granted. It was claimed that the first purchasers having paid cash for their lands, had agreed to pay the quit rent to compensate the Proprietary for his expenses in the government. The opinionated religionists who were the majority of the colonists seem to have looked upon him as a Joshua making a distribution of the land; whereas his legal status was that of a William the Conqueror establishing a feudal system. They rather thought that he should sell to new pur chasers at the old price, notwithstanding the rise in value. They considered the unsold land between Vine and South streets as a common, and from it they cut their wood. Of two grievances they felt assured. When the ten per cent, of the first purchases, instead of being located within the city of Philadelphia, were sat isfied by land in the Liberties, lots in the city proper were given in addition, and were understood to be a free gift, whereas they were patented subject to quit rents. When, in 1701, the Assembly was asked to suggest a suitable expedient for the people's safety in privileges and property, the reply was, a charter embracing twenty-one favors, of which the eighth was to make the inhab itants easy in this matter of the city lots. Penn's answer was that he had tied them to nothing which the first purchasers pres ent in the allotment of the city had not seemed readily to comply with, and by a replotting their lots had been increased to a double frontage ; if they would surrender the increase, he would be easy as to the quit rents. The Assembly asked him to call the parties concerned; the latter were never either convinced or relieved. The other grievance was as to the land taken for roads. As an allowance for this, ten per cent, was added to the quantity of land paid for. The third favor asked by the Assembly was that for the future there be no such delays as in the past in the granting of patents for land, and the 10 per cent, be allowed. Penn prom ised his. endeavor to prevent such delay and to allow the ten per 338 SUSPENSION AND RESTORATION cent, when there was an overplus, but only two per cent, on surveyed lands when no more was to be found. However, he finally offered six per cent., whether so much had been included in the lines of the survey or not, and on this compromise the as semblymen were brought to his house on his last day in Philadel phia half an hour before his leaving them, and shut up in his parlor. They announced an acceptance under protest. At the suggestion of Penn, the Governor of New York, in making peace with the Five Nations, extended it to the other English colonies ; and on April 23, 1701, Penn made a treaty with the king of the Susquehanna Minquas or Conestoga Indians and three chiefs of the same, and with the king of the Shawanees and two chiefs of the same, and with the brother and agent of the emperor of the Onondagas of the Five Nations and certain chiefs of the Ganawese (Conoys) or Piscataways, then dwelling on the north bank of the Potomac ; under this treaty the people of those tribes while living near Penn's government should have the privi leges of his laws, they owning the authority of the Crown of Eng land and of said government, and should not permit any strange Indians to settle on the western side of the Susquehanna or on the Potomac, nor any other Indians anywhere in the province with out the Proprietary's consent, and no person should trade with these Indians without a license under the Proprietary's hand and seal, but the Potomac Indians could settle on any part of the Potomac river "within the bounds of this province." Moreover, the Conestoga Indians did ratify the sale which had been con firmed the year before by two of the Conestoga chiefs of lands about the Susquehanna, and guaranteed the good behavior of the Potomac Indians. In Evans's time the Ganawese, reduced in number by sickness, were allowed to remove to Tulpehocken, the Schuylkill Indians guaranteeing their good behavior. Penn sub mitted to the Assembly in August, 1701, a royal letter asking for £350 sterling as a contribution for erecting forts on the frontier of New York. The Assembly replied postponing the considera- 339 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL tion in view of the great sums of money lately assessed in taxes and the arrears of quit rents, and asking Penn to represent the present conditions to the King, and assure him of their willing ness to acquiesce in his commands as far as their religious per suasions would permit. Seven members from the Lower Counties signed an address, hoping that they would not be required to contribute for forts abroad before they were able to build any at home, they not being able to furnish themselves with arms and ammunition, "having consumed our small stocks in making to bacco." Penn was called to England by a proposition in Parliament to annex all proprietary governments to the Crown. Another Assembly excused itself from complying with the request for con tribution to the New York forts. A subscription was started for his benefit, to be collected by Samuel Carpenter. On Octo ber 28, 1 70 1, he signed the Charter of Privileges under which the government of Pennsylvania and Delaware was carried on until the Revolution. It began with a declaration that no inhab itant confessing and acknowledging "one Almighty God, the Cre ator, Upholder and Ruler of the World," and professing him self obliged to live quietly under the civil government, should be molested or prejudiced because of conscientious persuasion or practice, nor compelled to do or suffer anything contrary to re ligious persuasion, and that all '"who also profess to believe in Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the World," should be capable to serve the government in any capacity, they solemnly promising, when required, allegiance to the King and fidelity to the Pro prietor and Governor, and taking certain attests. An Assem bly was to be chosen annually on the first day of October, con sisting of four persons from each county, or more at any time, as the Governor and Assembly should agree, to meet at Philadel phia on the fourteenth of that month, unless the Governor and Council — only twice was there any mention of a council in the document — should appoint another place, and to make laws to 340 ' LAN 1>4Q DV RECNE DE LOViS XV ROY.. 0| ; ,,. fi FRANCE NOVS < CELORON COMMANDANT DVN j § £BJ^ ,. vj-Wj TACHEMENT ENVOIE PAR MONSlEVR LE M.v- DE L*V..; ". CALiSSONIERE COMMANDANT GENERAL DE LA . ,; NOW ELLE FRANCE POVR R ETABLIR LA TRAN^VIL^ITE DANS qvEL«JVES viLLACES SAUVAGES DE CES 'CANTOR AVONS ENTERRE CETTE PLA1VE A LE.NTREF. DE ' i.f\ :'&£&; RIVIERE CH1NODAH1CHETHA LE 18 AOUST ': -'v 4%£ PRE? DE LA RIVIERE OYO AUTREMENT BELLE ¦£??.' RIVIERE POVR MONVMENT DV R EN 10 VVELLEME N T > DE.>';,v | ' POSSESSION \ Copy of one of Celeron's Leaden Plates Engraved especially for this work from a print in possession of Dr. W. J. Holland SUSPENSION AND RESTORATION be confirmed by the Governor and to have all the other powers of an assembly usual in any of the King's plantations in America. On such election clay the freemen should choose two persons to nominate for sheriff and two for coroner in each county, and the Governor should commission one of them for three years. The county justices should nominate three persons for clerk of the peace, and the Governor should commission one of them dur ing good behavior. No person should be obliged to answer any matter relating to property except in the ordinary courts of justice, unless appeals should be appointed to the Governor and Council. No person should be licensed by the Governor to keep a house of public entertainment except those recommended by the justices of the county in open court, the said justices being empowered to forbid any person upon misbehavior from keeping one. The estate of a suicide should descend as if he had died a natural death, and there should be no forfeiture to the Gov ernor upon any accidental killing. No law should change or di minish the effect of the charter except by consent of the Gover nor and six-sevenths of the Assembly, but the clause for liberty of conscience should remain without alteration inviolable for ever. A postscript provided that if within three years from date, by the declaration of a majority of the representatives of either the province or the territories on the Delaware, both should no longer be united in one Assembly, each county in the province should have at least eight representatives and the town of Philadelphia two in future. On the same day a new charter, dated October 25, was signed for the city of Philadelphia, mak ing Edward Shippen mayor; and a commission of property was issued to Edward Shippen, Griffith Owen, Thomas Story, and James Logan. Moreover, the Proprietary issued a commission bearing the same date as the charter of privileges to a new Council of State, consisting of Edward Shippen, John Guest, Samuel Car penter, William Clark, Thomas Story, Griffith Owen, Phineas Pemberton, Samuel Finney, Caleb Pusey, and John Blunston. 343 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL They were to consult and assist the Proprietary, if in the colony, and his deputy or Lieutenant-Governor, for the time being ; and in case of the latter's decease or incapacity, to exercise all the powers, jurisdiction, and authority conferred upon Penn by the charter of King Charles. They were to hold office during the Proprietary's pleasure, and their number could be increased by Washington's Hill On this hill near Waterford, Washington camped while on his journey through the Alle gheny Valley to investigate the French settle ments in 1753. The French prevented his pro ceeding further. Photographed especially for this work by Hon. John P. Vincent the Lieutenant-Governor, who could choose the President, other wise the first named should take the chair. On October 30, Penn introduced to the Council the Lieutenant-Governor whom he had chosen, Andrew Hamilton, who held the postoffice for the colo nies, and had been Governor of New Jersey. David Lloyd pre pared a charter of property, which was taken down to New Cas tle as Penn was embarking, October 31, and after some argu ment signed by him, with an order for Governor Hamilton to keep it, and have the great seal affixed, if he did not hear to the 344 SUSPENSION AND RESTORATION contrary within six months. In April, the vetoing notification came. Penn had sent after him 114 laws passed during his stay, to be submitted to the King for approval. It will be no ticed that by the charter of Charles II the laws passed by the Proprietary and people could be made void by the King within six months after presentation to him if declared by the King in Coun cil inconsistent with his sovereignty or lawful prerogative. As a matter of fact every law had to commend itself to those who had charge of trade and plantation affairs, and frequently half the work of a session of the Assembly had to be done over again to obviate the objections of those in London through whose hands it passed. The Proprietary was often blamed for the delay or failure in securing the allowance of an act. The laws which the first Proprietary had enacted during his second visit remained some time before the Attorney-General for want of a large fee. At last he reported them, and caused the rejection of a great many. 345 CHAPTER X. PENN'S LIEUTENANT-GOVERNORS THE first Proprietary was designed never to return, and Penn sylvania became the estate of an absent landlord, and the bailiwick of a deputy. In the choice of the latter, the titular Governor was rarely, if ever, fortunate. After the term of Thomas Lloyd a Quaker was never chosen, possibly because it was neces sary for the Crown to confirm the appointment, and that the ap pointee should qualify by oath, and participate in military affairs. To persons of distinction, like some of the contemporary heads of neighboring colonies, the office was not an attractive one. The salary, in early times necessarily small, was never sufficient to tempt any one high in the world. The dignity of being lieuten ant under a family of commoners was almost invisible to those who would have accepted a governorship directly under the Crown. The power, dependent at first upon an Assembly tena cious of its rights, became, as King and Proprietary added to their regulations, so circumscribed as to chafe upon any man of spirit. On the other hand, the responsibility might have been capital in the days when there was any doubt of the legality of Quaker courts trying for murder, and when the province must have been sur rendered on demand because of the non-resistance of the popu lation ; and afterwards, when penal bonds came to be exacted for compliance with the orders of superiors, the responsibility was financially heavy. 346 PENN'S LIEUTENANT-GOVERNORS Hamilton served about eighteen months, until his death, April 26, 1703, when the Council, with Edward Shippen as President, took his place. Hamilton, making f voclamation OI Ine declara tion of war, exhorted his hearers to enlist, and soon afterwards appointed as captain of the Philadelphia company, George Low- ther, a lawyer, of a good Yorkshire family. The drums beat through the town, but Lowther found at the field only a few, and those inconsequential people. Before the second muster, which was the last, the idea got abroad that these recruits were to be marched to Canada, and the anti-Quakers concluded that for them to form a militia was a sure way of enabling the Quakers to retain the government, as the impossibility of having a militia had been the chief argument in favor of depriving them. The royal confirmation of Hamilton's appointment did not arrive before he died. The jail of Philadelphia being full of alleged murderers and felons, he appointed a special commission to try them; but the jurymen, from doubts of the validity of his acts, would not serve in a matter of life and death. The regular Provincial Court opened a few days afterwards. The Quaker judges were in the majority, and notwithstanding the protest of the other judges, who left the bench, and with another prosecuting attorney in place of John Moore, the Attorney-General, who re fused, proceeded without either oath or affirmation by judge, jury, or witnesses, but with only the attest required by the provincial law. One woman was found guilty of murder, and sentenced to be hung, but Hamilton's illness prevented his signing the death warrant. A man was convicted of manslaughter, and burnt in the hand. The inhabitants not of Quaker views were frightened, as they felt themselves at the mercy of witnesses not restrained by reverence for an oath. Quarry, it appears, did his best to spread, if he did not start their fears. Penn in England defended the Qua kers' course; said it was not to be expected that founding a new country they should have no more rights than they left in Eng land, and should be obliged to withdraw from juries. Mean- 347 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL while an order from the Queen was being carried to Pennsylva nia, requiring all persons in judicial or other office to take the oath directed by the law of England or the affirmation allowed by it to Quakers, and all persons who were in England obliged and willing to take an oath to be admitted to do so by the officers or judges in Pennsylvania and the lower counties, in default whereof their proceedings should be null and void. Penn ad vised his people to disregard this, as conflicting with the laws established by virtue of King Charles's charter. The inhabitants of New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, not being of the sects opposed to taking oaths or bearing arms, were restive under Quaker control; but it was really at the motion of the Pennsylvania assemblymen that, in 1702, a separation in the leg islature took place, and was permanent. Quarry urged the Lords of Trade to have those counties placed directly under the Crown, which had never granted to Penn the government of them; and he said that the only title Penn had to such government was the old act of union, which the people had been cajoled into passing. In subsequent history, the Assembly of these "lower counties" generally followed the wishes of the acting governor. By acci dent, which Quarry tortured into a design, there was no mention of the lower counties in the commission to the Council. Of the three Lieutenant-Governors next in order, the first was dissolute; the second, deranged; and the third, dishonest. One beat the watchman, but is chiefly remembered for getting up a false alarm to scare the Quakers, another for kicking the judges at New Castle, and the last, the one of noble lineage, for sending young and poor Ben Franklin to London on the false promise of letters of credit. The first Proprietary, immediately on hearing of Hamilton's death, nominated the son, twenty-six years of age, of an old friend, and there was no delay in receiving the royal approbation, or in entering the security. A clause was inserted in his commission making void all laws he should enact without the personal assent of the Proprietary. This proviso the Council 348 195 gfropQcfditfle. \2}t VUlUv &at,Dafi tr ©it Menm nrtQ ju alien Qetfen s xt 3f±t 13 I F33T ^E -t-tt ^ ¦M ^ +^f^ 33v ^-^- ±±£ ^S ii ML fi pas I r-r- 3=t *t * — «? — ft f < Q 3ffi it 3 3El * .3 -a t ^Sz -*dk ¦a+T £ TZ- k^ S ^ =fTi ^^ $ ^P ¥* ^ & ^ 33 =»? ¦*• *ffr5* i s ^Fr? S g i i "n^s =3= Specimen of Ephrata Cloister Music, 1754 Engraved for this work from original in the collection of J. F. Sachse PENN'S LIEUTENANT-GOVERNORS unanimously declared illegal without annulling the commission. Lieutenant-Governor John Evans arrived 12 mo. 2, 1703-4, in company with the Proprietary's oldest son, William Penn, Jr. The representatives of the people were nettled by Evans's at tempt, which was futile, to bring about a reunion of the province and lower counties in Assembly, and by his asking a reconsidera tion of the refusal of the Assembly of Pennsylvania to contribute to the New York forts ; so there began with the first Assembly a quarrel which embraced the Proprietary, as the latter, who had not yet received the taxes and gifts for his benefit, desired the people to come to his relief by assuming the support of all branches of the government, and asked moreover for the payment of the 200/. which he owed for Hamilton's salary. The Assembly, of which David Lloyd was Speaker, adjourned for weeks at a time on account of the fair, the harvests, etc. ; and in the intervals, when for a few days there was a sitting, excused itself again from contributing to the forts in New York, and instead of levy ing taxes, passed laws for securing and confirming the privileges of itself and the city corporation, and the rights of private indi viduals. One of these bills did not receive Evans's consent, be cause it included the right of the Assembly to sit upon its own adjournment, and he was advised that Penn had never given up the power of prorogation and dissolution. Evans by proclama tion declared void the proceedings of the courts where the Queen's order as to oaths had not been complied with, and so vice went unpunished. He organized a militia, promising to those who enlisted exemption from the duty of watch and ward, which the corporation of Philadelphia imposed upon the citizens. When some of the militiamen declined to watch, the constables, under order of their superiors, reported the names to the mayor's court, and, probably to the satisfaction of the Quakers, soldiering with out pay being a thankless task, very few appeared at the next muster. Then by advice of the Council, the Lieutenant-Governor by proclamation repeated the exemption. One evening hard 351 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL words were exchanged at a tavern between the militia officers and the watchmen, and the next night William Penn, Jr., was there when the watch came around, and assisted in beating off the custo dians of the peace. The heir apparent was duly presented for the offense with his comrades; which he took in such high dudgeon that he soon went back to England, selling his manor, and so being able to face his creditors. Jenkins in his "Family of William Penn" points out that this was not the street brawl in which Evans was engaged, where the mayor, recorder, and Joseph Wilcox, an alderman, came to the assistance of the watch men, and the Lieutenant-Governor, making himself known, was beaten by Wilcox more severely for having given such occasion for scandal. On this latter occasion Griffith Jones was mayor; on the former, Anthony Morris. He with his aldermen re monstrated that by the proclamation "many of the good people of the city were much discouraged." Evans replied: "Too many of those good people you mention are such as oppose a militia, not from any principle against it, but through an uneasi ness to see anything done under the present administration that may recommend us and the Proprietor's affairs to the Crown." So the proclamation was not recalled. Just before the adjourn ment of the Assembly, a committee was appointed by it to ad dress the Proprietary in plain terms. The result was the setting forth in a "most virulent, unmannerly invective," prepared by David Lloyd, of a number of complaints, beginning with claus es in the Governor's commission inconsistent with the charter and the negligence of Penn in procuring the royal assent to most necessary bills, and then proceeding to the injustice practiced by the surveyors, the office of Surveyor-General having been vacant since 1701, and the failure of the commissioners of property to give lands in exchange for those lost by adverse title. This was enclosed in a letter to Friends in England known to be enemies of Penn, asking them to oblige him to do justice, saying that the vilest of men were let into the judiciary, and speaking of "the 352 PENN'S LIEUTENANT-GOVERNORS condition this poor province is brought to by the late revels and disorders which young William Penn and his gang of loose fel lows he accompanies with are found in." The writing of such a letter caused some little reaction ; but the contest was continued by the Assembly elected after the address was written. In speak ing of Evans, William Biles, member from Bucks county, whom Logan calls "that pestiferous old man," announced, "He is but a Franklin's device and motto published in the Pennsylvania Gazette at the time of the Albany Congress of the Colonies, 1754 boy : he is not fit to be our Governor. We'll kick him out. We'll kick him out." Whereupon the indignant officer sued Biles for slander, and demanded that the Assembly expel him. This it de clined to do; and accordingly it was dismissed, June 23, 1705. Owen, Pusey, and Hill of the Council prepared a letter to the Proprietary, declaring their abhorrence of Lloyd's paper, and as suring him of their readiness to support all the charge of govern ment. It was signed by the great mass of the Friends, now stirred up in favor of their comrade and patron ; and it was made effectual by an energetic political canvass, resulting in the choice 1-23 353 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL of members of Assembly well affected towards the Proprietary, among them being Shippen, Carpenter, Pusey, and Hill of the Council. There was only one member not a Quaker. An act for the collection of quit-rents secured to Penn that source of income, and the appropriation of 800/. out of a 2}4d. per /. tax and about 600/. from an impost on liquors settled the trouble about the Lieutenant-Governor's salary and the other public charges. A number of the laws rejected by the Queen were re-enacted, duly modified. The Pennsylvania method now used of suing out a mortgage was then put in the statute books. There never was in Pennsylvania, during the colonial period, to our knowledge, any molestation or interruption of the liberty of Jews, Deists, or Unitarians, the first named, in fact, becoming well represented in Philadelphia, and at an early date, David Franks and others of them being taken into its fashionable circle ; therefore it is interesting chiefly as an evidence how generally the Quakers in 1705 accepted Athanasian orthodoxy that, while the frame of government of 1701, as we have seen, guaranteed lib erty of conscience to all who confessed and acknowledged "one Almighty God, the Creator, Upholder, and Ruler of the World," and made eligible for office all who believed in "Jesus Christ the Saviour of the World," the act concerning liberty of conscience passed by this Assembly having only one non-Quaker member, established as the religion of the land Christianity and belief in the Bible, by these words : "Almighty God being only Lord of conscience, author of all divine knowledge, faith, and worship, who can only enlighten the minds, and convince the understanding of people ; in due reverence to His sovereignty over the souls of mankind; and the better to unite the Queen's Christian subjects in interest and affection, Be it enacted that no person now or at any time hereafter dwelling or residing within this Province who shall profess faith in God the Father and in Jesus Christ his only Son and in the Holy Spirit, one God blessed for evermore, and shall acknowledge the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New 354 PENN'S LIEUTENANT-GOVERNORS Testament to be given by Divine inspiration, and when lawfully required shall profess and declare that they will live peaceably under the civil government, shall in any case be molested or preju diced for his or her conscientious persuasion, nor shall he or she be at any time compelled to frequent or maintain any religious worship-place or ministry whatsoever contrary to his or her mind, but shall freely and fully enjoy his or her Christian liberty in all respects, without molestation or interruption." To anticipate, in Sir William Keith's time, Rev. Richard Welton, D. D., having come to Christ Church, Philadelphia, after receiving consecration as a bishop privately through the Scotch non-jurors, was threat ened with molestation chiefly for political reasons; when he prayed for the King without naming George, so as to leave it open whether the Stuart was not the lawful sovereign, Keith shut up Christ Church, and Welton, summoned to England, went to Portugal, and died in Lisbon. When in Patrick Gordon's time, a Roman Catholic chapel was erected, that Lieutenant-Governor thought that the laws of Parliament required him to suppress it, but, there being no desire to do this, it was postponed pending a decision by the British government as to whether the immunity granted by Pennsylvania law did not protect the religious follow ers of the Pope. During the French war, official suspicion and popular feeling were strong against those who had the same re ligion as France, and after Braddock's defeat, a mob attacked the Roman Catholics in Philadelphia, but Quakers protected them. Obtaining a verdict for 300/. against Biles, whom the Yearly Meeting also condemned for such language, Evans was appealed to by the Assembly to forgive him, and promised the committee to notify them if he had cause to do anything further ; but Biles, coming to town on this assurance, the Lieutenant-Governor, after shaking hands with him, had him arrested, and notified the com mittee afterwards. The old man lay a month in jail, receiving every attention from "our good women," as Logan calls them; then Evans, finding no money was to be obtained, released Biles. 355 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL Evans forged a letter from the Governor of Maryland an nouncing that privateers were off the Virginia capes, and some days afterward arranged that John French of New Castle should come up to Philadelphia in great haste and apparent alarm to James Hamilton Member Provincial Assembly, 1734; mayor of Philadelphia, 1745; member Provincial Council, 1746; lieutenant-governor, 1748-1754, and again 1759-1763; president of the Council in 1771; also acting governor about two months in 1773 frighten the citizens with a tale that Lewes had been burnt and six French brigantines had bombarded the fort at New Castle, and were making up the river, it being hoped that sufficient Quakers would lose their presence of mind and respond to a call to arms to make apparent forever the inconsistency of the members of the Society of Friends. French fulfilled his part, and Evans spread the report, summoning those who would defend themselves. Some 356 PENN'S LIEUTENANT-GOVERNORS persons tried to send their goods out of town, and were actually fired upon by the militia. Half a dozen young Quakers shoul dered their guns ; but it being a Meeting day, the Meeting was held as usual, and the Quakers generally trusted in the Lord. Logan took a row boat down the river where he learned the truth, and, returning, quieted the people. Evans soon afterwards decided to call a special session of the Assembly, the councillors who were not Quakers declaring that he should throw upon it the respon sibility for not defending the province. The Quaker councillors, themselves members of the House, expostulated ; as those of their persuasion could only send a negative answer, there would be no other result than to injure them : they believed it a preliminary step to deprive the people of the constitution. The Assembly, of course, did not take any belligerent measures ; the reply said, "We hope we are not in much danger, considering our remoteness from the sea and difficulty of access. * * * the Queen's colonies of Virginia and Maryland, which are far more ancient settlements than ours, have no fortifications we know of this day; therefore we hope that nothing shall prevail to render us more obnoxious to the Queen than our neighbors." Evans found the Assembly of the lower counties more to his mind. He permitted fines to be imposed upon those residing there who had scruples against mil itary service, but were in the minority ; which course was natural ly resented by the majority in Pennsylvania. There was a fort at New Castle, and Evans consented to a law that every vessel go ing down the river should pay powder-money. The Quaker trad ers declared they would not comply, and gave orders to that ef fect to the masters of their vessels. In the spring of 1707 a sloop bound for Barbados was about to sail when the Lieutenant-Gov ernor told the master that if he did not stop at New Castle, the ves sel should be fired upon, and he made prisoner. The master re ported this to Hill, the principal owner, who indignantly remon strated with the Governor — a Lieutenant-Governor was popu larly called "Governor" — and then went aboard the vessel, and 357 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL in it proceeded down the river. The Governor had hurried to New Castle on horseback, and set a watch in the fort for the sloop. When the vessel came within range, the fort opened fire, but the sloop escaped uninjured, and, hotly pursued by boats, in one of which was the Governor, put over to Salem, New Jersey, carrying along John French, who had boarded it. There Hill placed him self under the protection of the Queen's flag ; and Lord Cornbury, Governor of the Jerseys, arriving, and resenting the invasion of his jurisdiction as Admiral over Delaware bay and river, insisted upon the sloop being allowed to proceed on its voyage. This signal bravery of Richard Hill, who dared to stand fire, although he could not conscientiously return it, brought to the Quakers freedom from the imposition of which they complained. By not mentioning the Proprietary's design of selling the government, Logan had added to the ill will felt for him as the Proprietary's steward, and in the long course of contention on a bill to establish courts, when Logan advised that courts be re-established by Evans under the right granted to Penn by charter, the House declared Logan an enemy of the Governor and government and on Febru ary 26, 1706-7, presented articles of impeachment against him, which the Lieutenant-Governor decided he could not try. After the death of Philip Ford, his widow and three children claimed the province and territories under the old deed to him, maintaining that since April 1, 1700, Penn had been only tenant at will, and they brought suit for £2,000 arrears of rent, filed a bill in chancery, and petitioned the Queen to put them in posses sion and take to herself the government. Penn offered the pay ment of one-half with security for the other half of what should be found on adjusting accounts, and proposed a reference to mem bers of the Society of Friends mutually chosen. This being re fused he appealed to the Meeting which the family attended, which on 10 mo. 26, 1705, admonished and disowned them. Isaac Nor ris went to England the next year, and labored for a compromise, while attempts were made to raise money for Penn, who wrote 358 PENN'S LIEUTENANT-GOVERNORS that if friends in Pennsylvania would give £5,000, he would come and live among them. William Penn Jr., agreeing to have the estate at Worminghurst sold, it brought enough to clear all debts but that to the Fords ; and the son was reconciled to his father, who, looking for a new Lieutenant-Governor, thought of appoint ing him, but Norris advised against it. A verdict was obtained against William Penn for the rent, etc., £3,000, which his friends insisted that he should not pay, as certain members of the Society had, on examination, reported that the Fords were entitled only to £4,303 instead of £14,000. On 11 mo. 7, bailiffs came for him at Meeting, but Henry Gouldney and Herbert Springett induced them not to take him out of the gallery by promising that he would come in a few hours, which he did, and then turned him self over to the Fleet. The Lord Chancellor, to whom the Queen referred the petition, said that Penn had an equity of redemption in the land, and that his powers of government were not pledged. Finally a compromise was effected. The Fords accepted £7,600, and executed a release, Penn leaving the Old Bailey. Henry Gouldney and seven other Englishmen, among them Penn's fath er-in-law Callowhill, furnished £6,600 of the money, and to them Penn and his heir apparent executed a mortgage dated Oct. 7, 1708, of Pennsylvania and the lower counties, and all purchase money due and quit rents in arrears or to fall due, Pennsbury and some tracts being excepted, and with power in the mortgagees to sell land if the principal were not repaid in two years with 6 per cent, interest, meanwhile Penn and his son to have power to con vey clear. Charles Gookin, a respectable army officer, assumed the duties of Lieutenant-Governor on February 2, 1708-9, instructed by Penn not to pass any laws without the approbation of the Council. The Assembly urged him to disregard this, as he was acting in place of William Penn, who with the Assembly had all the powers of legis lation, and it furthermore blamed Logan for most of the disagree ment between the Lieutenant-Governors and the people, and more 359 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL than once remonstrated against Logan's continuance in the Coun cil. Logan replied in an exposure of Lloyd. Upon receipt of an order from the Queen for the province to furnish 150 men as part of a force of 1,500 against Canada, and for which Gookin asked 4,000/., the Assembly refused to pay "money to hire men to fight and kill one another," but out of gratitude to the Queen Old Shawanee Church Site of Fort Dupui, about five and one-half miles from Stroudsburg, on the Delaware river. The fort was probably built earlier than 1755. From a sketch made especially for this work voted to her 500/. and appropriated 300/. for all necessary ex presses and other public charges. In October, 1709, Hill was chosen mayor of the city, and the influence of the corporation was turned in favor of the Proprietary. As to Logan's charges against Lloyd, an investigating committee reported to the Assembly that Logan had refused to bring proof. He was then preparing to embark for England, but on the 25th of November, the House ordered the sheriff of Philadelphia county to attach his body, and detain him 360 PENN'S LIEUTENANT-GOVERNORS in the county jail until he should make satisfaction for his reflec tions on sundry members. The sheriff refused to obey, but it was feared that some of the members themselves would make the ar rest ; so the Governor was obliged to interpose his protection, and Logan sailed a few days afterwards. The next election sent an entirely new set of men to the Assembly. It voted 2,000/. to the Queen's use. Hill was Speaker during the session and the next, as also in 1716, and was in the Assembly continuously until 1721. We must recognize him as a political leader who did most to pre serve Quaker and Proprietary ascendency in his day. During his last term as mayor and Speaker, Lieutenant-Governor Gookin charged him with disaffection to King George, and said the only occasion of difference between them was that Gookin would not agree to Hill's project of proclaiming the Pretender. The Assem bly went into committee of the whole on this charge, and commu nicated with the Lieutenant-Governor, and held several meetings ; but Gookin, whose conduct on many occasions betokened a dis ordered mind, replied that he was not obliged to render to the House any reasons for his accusation, but would do so to the Board at home. He said he believed in his conscience that the Speaker was in favor of the Pretender ; but further than this gave the mem bers no satisfaction. The House accordingly declared the charges without foundation, adding that the Lieutenant-Governor, having approved of Hill to be Speaker, should in justice to the Assembly give grounds for the charge, or clear him of the imputation. After William Keith became Lieutenant-Governor, Gookin was again asked for his reasons, the new official being unwilling to have any one in his Council who was believed disloyal, but nothing further was elicited. Logan, too, was included in the charge, the investigation, and the acquittal. His real sentiments were ex pressed in a letter to Hannah Penn, urging that Gookin be re moved and his place filled by Colonel Keith, who, he says, might labor under the suspicion of being a Jacobite, and so fail to be com missioned : "But as these distinctions cannot affect us, who want 361 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL nothing but peace under the Crown of England, and have no pow er either to advance or retard any interest, all our views, or rath er wishes, are to have a person over us who may truly pursue the interest of the country." William Penn finally in 17 12 came to an agreement with the Crown for the sale to it of his rights of government for £12,000, of which £1,000 were paid to him on account. Keith was not closely, if at all, related to the ex-Quaker George Keith, but was the son of a Scotch baronet, and succeeded to that rank, but to no estate, while Lieutenant-Governor. This admin istration began May 31, 171 7, and lasted nine years. On May 31, 1718, while the enlightened legislator William Penn was still alive, but having been for about six years mentally unfit for business, although occasionally signing his name, the Assembly passed "an act for the advancement of justice and more certain administration thereof," extending the severity of certain acts of Parliament to the colony; for instance, any person com mitting a robbery by assaulting another on or near the highway, putting him in fear, and taking from his person money or other goods to any value whatsoever, and even the counsellors, aiders, comforters, and abettors of such robber, should suffer as felons according to the statutes in such cases provided in Great Britain ; any person cutting off or disabling a limb or member, or counsel ling, aiding, or abetting such act, should suffer death ; any person breaking into a dwelling house at night to commit a felony should suffer death; any person burning a barn or an out-house having corn or hay therein should suffer death. The act, being approved by the King in Council, confirmed finally the right of judges, jury men, and witnesses to qualify themselves according to their con scientious persuasion respectively by taking either a corporal oath or the affirmation allowed by act of Parliament for Quakers. At this time, the white population of Penn's dominion was, it is estimated, about 40,000, one-fourth of whom lived in Phila delphia. About one-half belonged to the Society of Friends. 362 CHAPTER XL THE CLAIM OF THE HEIR-AT-LAW UPON the death of William Penn, July 30, 1718, various legal questions arose as to the governorship. His will, dated in 1712, had devised it to two noblemen in trust to sell to the Crown or other person ; and his own agreement for its sale to the Crown was still undisposed of. Subject to these ar rangements, and except so far as required for these purposes, to whom did the powers of government go? All lands, tenements and hereditaments in America, after sale of sufficient to pay debts, and with the exception of 40,000 acres, were to be conveyed by cer tain trustees, Hannah Penn, Thomas Callowhill, Margaret Low- ther, Gilbert Heathcote, Samuel Waldenfield, John Field, Henry Gouldney, Samuel Carpenter, Richard Hill, Isaac Norris, Samuel Preston, and James Logan, to the children of his second wife in such shares and for such estates as she should appoint. She, in November, 1718, reserving a power to revoke and alter, appointed one-half in fee to her son John Penn, he paying £1,500 to his sister Margaret, and the other half in fee jointly to the younger sons, Thomas, Richard, and Dennis. The heir-at-law, however, was William Penn Jr. child of the first wife, and provided for by the estate in Ireland, but now raising the question, could the gov ernorship, being of the nature of an hereditary title and jurisdic tion be assigned or devised away from the heir-at-law ? William Penn Jr. therefore issued a new commission to Keith, which ar rived in April, 1719, and which Keith and the Council were will- 363 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL ing to publish, but the Assembly thought this unnecessary, as a law of the province authorized the Lieutenant-Governor to hold over. The Crown sent an order to Keith to continue until the Proprietor and the trustees should adjust their differences. The muse of history has not taken the heir-at-law under her protection, certainly not the muse recognized by the Quakers. The son of a great father often figures as the latter's antithesis. William Penn Jr. may not have been great ; he is to be classified among the unfortunates, rather than the unworthy. About the time he came of age, his father's circumstances required the first wife's children to consent to the sale of property which came to them from her. The conduct in Pennsylvania which enabled the father's enemies to speak of "the disorders of young William Penn" and his "gang of loose fellows" is not proved by such strong language to have included any moral delinquencies. He had kept "top company," that is, associated with his equals in worldly rank, before he came, and he unsuccessfully ran for Par liament after he went back to England. The following words in the instructions which he sent with his commission do not sound like those of an irreligious, dissolute, or narrow minded lordling : "If you can procure a militia to be settled by law, slip not the oc casion of doing it, but as that country was chiefly at first settled by Quakers I would not have them oppressed on any account. Protect the people under your care in all the rights, privileges, and liberties my father granted them by charter or otherwise or that they ought to enjoy as Englishmen. Observe the law for liberty of conscience, which I take to be a fundamental one in Pennsyl vania, and was one great encouragement for the Quakers to trans port themselves thither, and to make it what it now is, for which they merit the favor of my family as well as on many other ac counts, and shall always have it when in my power; and this I desire you will let the people know. But as I profess myself to be a member of the Church of England, therefore I recommend it to you to be careful of her interest, and that you encourage and 364 CLAIM OF THE HEIR-AT-LAW protect the clergy and employ where you can deserving members of that communion, for I think they ought to have at least an equal share in the administration of public offices with their neigh bors of other persuasions. Discountenance all Anti-Trinitarians and libertines. Protect in their possessions such strangers as are Richard Penn Proprietary and titular governor of Pennsyl vania and the counties of New Castle, Kent and Sussex, on the Delaware river; born 1706; died 1771. From an old painting settled amongst us, for the public faith is concerned in it." His career was cut short by death at the age of thirty-nine from con sumption. He left three children, Springett, William, and a daughter. It was the claim of Hannah Penn, the first Proprie tary's widow and executrix of his will, that the right to the gov ernment should be deemed legally converted into cash and there fore personal estate, of which after payment of the debts she was legatee for her and her children's benefit. 365 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL In the fall of 1718, Sassoonan, king of the Delaware Indians, with a number of his followers, came to Philadelphia with the idea that, they had not been paid for their lands, but Logan pro duced to them in the presence of the Council, a great number of deeds by which they were convinced; accordingly, Sassoonan and six chiefs executed a release, dated September 17, all but two making their marks before Lieutenant-Governor Keith, and after wards the two making theirs before Logan. Acknowledging that their ancestors and predecessors had conveyed to William Penn in fee all the land, and had received the price, and in further con sideration of a free gift of two guns, etc., from his commissioners, these Indians released all the land between the Delaware and the Susquehanna from Duck creek (in Delaware) to the mountains (the South mountain) on this side of Lechay (by the Lehigh river). Much trouble arising between the northern and southern In dians, involving, moreover, injuries to the traders among them, the authorities of Pennsylvania endeavored to restrain the four tribes between the colony and the Alleghanies, viz. : the Susque hannas, Shawanees, Conoys, and Delawares, and made the hard request of them not to go to war on the first or second provocation of their people being killed, but only after the third provocation ; and, moreover, told them not to receive the Five Nations, whose habitations were north and west of the Alleghanies, if coming to them on the way to or from war; and then expatiated upon how shameful a thing it was to torture prisoners — that it was not manly for people to use all their contrivance of torture and pain to put an unfortunate creature of their own shape and kind to death, whereas, if the English in a just ( !) war killed their ene mies, it was like men in the battle, and, if they took prisoners, they treated them kindly, until the King gave orders to send them back to their own country ; they did not burn, pinch, or slash a poor man who could not defend himself, and the Indians must stop doing so. The Five Nations, however, generally forced the 366 CLAIM OF THE HEIR-AT-LAW young bucks to accompany them on their raids, and some of the Cayugas asserted that all the land on the Susquehanna belonged to them and intimated that they might come to Philadelphia and demand possession. To meet deputies of the Five Nations, Keith went to Conestoga in the summer of 1721, and in their presence informed their tributaries, the Indians east of the Alleghanies, of the condition he had made for the latter with the Governor of Vir ginia, viz. : not to hunt on the eastern side of those mountains south of the Potomac ; upon which terms the Governor of Virginia had agreed that his Indians should not cross the Potomac or the Alleghanies. Keith told the deputies of the Five Nations, whose speaker was Ghesaont, a Seneca, that the English had now, by peace among themselves, become a great nation in America, far exceeding in number the Indians, who were continuing to make war upon one another, as if they intended that none of their race should be left alive ; if the Five Nations would still go out to de stroy and be destroyed for nothing, let them take another path; the Indians of Pennsylvania would not be allowed to go out. Then he gave Ghesaont a gold coronation medal of George I, to take as a token of friendship to the greatest chief of the Five Na tions, Kannygoodk. To James Logan, who continued the con ference after Keith left, Ghesaont acknowledged the Susquehanna country to have been conveyed to William Penn. Owing to the kiling of a Seneca, who, when drunk and applying for rum, was knocked down, there were sent calico shirts, silk stockings, silk garters, and silk handkerchiefs to the sachems of the Five Nations, and Keith, with four of his councillors, went to Albany, and made a treaty of peace, in September, 1722, the Five Nations acknowl edging that Penn's Governors and people had always honestly kept his treaties of love and kindness, and finally asking that those concerned in the death of the Seneca be set at liberty, and, moreover, surrendering the lands about Conestoga, desiring them to be settled by Christians. At the same time, Governor Spots- wood, of Virginia, made a treaty, and secured the assent of the 367 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL Five Nations and the Tuscaroras to the proposed boundary within which the Virginia Indians should be safe. Any of the Five Na tions, or any Tuscarora, Conestoga, Shawanee, Octatiguanann- kroon, or Ostagle passing without a passport from the Governor of his province southward of the Potomac, i. e., its southern branch, or eastward of the mountains, should be put to death or transported into slavery. During Keith's administration the Scotch-Irish and the Ger mans began to pour into Pennsylvania. The former, whose his tory is given in Hanna's work on the subject, first settled in the southern part of what was then Chester county, which the boun dary dispute made no man's land, and which was so near the port of New Castle; then they advanced to the regions marked by the oldest Presbyterian churches south of the Schuylkill. The first company of Germans were invited by Keith to come from ^Esopus, in New York State, and establish themselves at Tulpehocken. In Gordon's time others, including Conrad Weiser, made the same migration. In the difficult position of choosing between two masters, viz. : the Proprietary, represented chiefly by Logan, and the people, rep resented by the Assembly, Keith determined to serve the latter, the power which voted the money for his support; therefore he was better paid than his predecessors, and succeeded, where they had failed, in establishing a Court of Chancery, held by the Lieutenant- Governor and the six senior councillors. This was the only sepa rate court of chancery which Pennsylvania has ever had. Two important laws enacted by him survive, that of the party wall and that of the feme sole trader. The rate of interest on money was reduced from 8 to 6 per cent. In 1723 the first paper money was issued in Pennsylvania, and purely as an expansion of the cur rency demanded by the populace in the face of the few rich men. The method of emission was a novel one, often subsequently re sorted to. The bills, made legal tender, were issued to applicants as a loan upon mortgage of their real estate, to be repaid in annual 368 CLAIM OF THE HEIR-AT-LAW instalments, with 5 per cent, interest. Certain persons appointed in the act passed by the Assembly, and styled Commissioners of the Loan Office, attended to this, lending not more than 200/., nor less than 20/. The interest was applicable to the expenses of govern ment. Although the experience of other colonies with paper money had been unhappy, the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, out of consideration for those holding the bills, al- Relics from Dunbar's Camp, 1775 Engraved for this work from the originals in Carnegie Museum, Pittsburgh lowed the act and one subsequently passed for issuing 30,000/. to remain unrepealed by the King. When Sir William Keith's administration closed the colony was in a flourishing condition, and the discount on the bills diminishing. For twenty years after wards the expenses of government required no direct tax, the interest on the mortgages and an excise being sufficient. Charging Logan with an unauthorized entry upon his min utes as secretary of the Council, Keith removed Logan from that office. Logan was mayor of Philadelphia in 1723, and at the close of his term, went abroad to consult with Hannah Penn, and, sug gesting to tie Keith's hands rather than remove him, obtained instructions from her to Keith to reinstate Logan as secretary, 1-24 369 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL and, as has been said, "to be ruled by him." The Lieutenant-Gov ernor was to obey the Council in his messages and speeches to the Assembly and in his legislative acts. Highly indignant, and feel ing safe in his tenure of office — because, at that time, no branch of the family could confer on a new Lieutenant-Governor an undis puted commission — Keith refused to be trammelled. He sent Hannah Penn a reply, reminding her how the Council, in Evans's time, had unanimously decided that a clause in the Lieutenant- Governor's commission, forbidding him to pass any law without the consent of the Proprietary, was void, the charter vesting leg islation in the acting Governor and Assembly; if, therefore, the Proprietary could not exercise control directly, he could not do so by means of a Council not recognized by the fundamental law. Keith also contended that he had a right to appoint a clerk of his Council in whom he had confidence, and he declined to reappoint Logan. More than this, Keith, to make a party for himself, vio lated his confidential relations with the Penns by communicating to the Assembly both the instructions and his reasons for disre garding them. He received the thanks of the House, David Lloyd appearing as his strong supporter; and there followed a pamphlet, or broadside, war concerning the Assembly's powers; meanwhile, the Penns abroad resolved upon Keith's removal. For a time, Keith seemed able to have wrested the government from them ; but as rumors reached the colony of the appointment of a successor, the Assembly deserted him. William Penn Jr. having died in 1720, his heir was his son, Springett Penn. Patrick Gordon, major in the army, then in the 62d year of his age, arrived in June, 1726, with a commission from Springett Penn, in which Hannah Penn concurred, and which the Crown confirmed. Pursuant to instructions, Gordon in a few days re stored Logan to the secretaryship. Keith, who had a country seat in Horsham township (now in Montgomery county), then in Philadelphia county, which was afterwards known as Graeme 370 CLAIM OF THE HEIR-AT-LAW Park, was chosen a member of the Assembly that fall, and can vassed for the speakership, but David Lloyd allowed himself to be the candidate of Keith's enemies, and was elected, Sir William getting only three votes. Sir William was reelected to the Assem bly in 1727, but before his term was out, after much talk about the abolition of all proprietary governments, and boldly declar ing it his object to force the Penn family to sell the government to the Crown, whence he expected to be reappointed, he suddenly left the colony to avoid his private creditors. He passed the rest of his life in Great Britain, some of it in the debtor's prison, wrote many essays, and suggested the imposition on Americans of stamp duties by act of parliament, to provide a military force for the defense of the colonies. As a means of livelihood, he designed writing a history of the various colonies, but published one of Vir ginia only. He died in the Old Bailey in 1749. His wife, in con siderable want, died in Philadelphia in 1741, and was buried in Christ Church yard. At the accession of Gordon, who served until his death, there was a flourishing iron industry, great quantities of hemp were grown, and silk was raised "as fine and good," he was credibly in formed, "as most of the world affords." To that means of employ ing "even the mean and weak" he urged the representatives of the people, about three years later, when, from competition by the cheaper labor of Russia, the English market for American iron was impaired. In 1729 the exchange between the paper money of the province and sterling was about 50 per cent. The Assembly, in addressing the Proprietaries, agreed unanimously to declare that as the quit rents were to be paid in English money or the value thereof in coin current, it must always be understood that an Eng lish shilling, the common quit rent for 100 acres, could only be discharged by such a shilling or its real value in the coin then passing. Under this straightforward and respectable official, pol itics became tranquil. He agreed to more than one act to issue paper money, some of which was applied to the building of the 371 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL State House in Philadelphia, finished about 1734, largely under the direction of Andrew Hamilton, member and long Speaker of the Assembly and Attorney-General. Hamilton's design was adopted in preference to that of Dr. John Kearsley, who was instrumental in the building of Christ Church, started some years before. Hamilton, who is not known to have been a relation or connection, but only a friend, of the former Lieutenant-Governor of the same name, was the great lawyer of the province at this time, and was long celebrated for his defense of the liberty of the press in the person of the printer Zenger, tried for libel in New York in 1735. Gordon also agreed to an act for the purpose, long contended for, of enabling religious societies of Protestants to purchase land for burying grounds, churches, houses of worship, schools, etc., which confirmed the trusts for such religious socie ties as should, on June 1, 1730, have been in possession for twen ty-one years. At his suggestion Ferdinand John Paris was ap pointed the province's agent in London, chiefly for securing the King's allowance of the laws. About 1 729 a large number of the Shawanees left their settle ment on the west side of the Susquehanna, near Paxtang, or Pax- ton, and moved to the Allegheny, then called the Ohio, where they had more room to rove, but where, unhappily, they were accessible to the French. Lancaster county was set apart from Chester in 1729, and per mitted to elect four members of the Assembly. Richard Hill died in 1730, and David Lloyd, after being Chief Justice a number of years, in 1731. For some years afterwards there was no lawyer on the supreme bench. Isaac Norris declining the chief justice ship, Logan held it from Lloyd's death until 1739, although between Lieutenant-Governor Gordon's death and Lieutenant- Governor Thomas's arrival, the second and third justices, Jere miah Langhorne and Dr. Thomas Graeme, held the sessions. In Gordon's time the Penn family adjusted the differences between the branches, Young Dennis Penn having died at the 373 CLAIM OF THE HEIR-AT-LAW close of 1722, Hannah Penn made another deed of appointment January 7, 1725, giving 500 acres, in addition to some charges on John's share, to her daughter Margaret, and one-half of the pro prietary rights to John in fee, and the other half to Thomas and Richard jointly in fee. The widow of the first Proprietary died on December 20 following the commissioning of Gordon. In July of the next year a decree was obtained in the Court of Ex chequer confirming William Penn's will. The mortgage of 1708 was gradually paid off; by April, 1724, only one- fourth remained due; on January 14, 1729, it was finally released, as paid in full. Springett Penn died February 8, 1731, leaving as his heir his brother William, the ancestor of the Penn-Gaskell and Hall families now (1903) extant. This William, with his mother and sister and aunt, uniting the entire claim of the descendants of the first Proprietary by his first wife, granted and released in fee the soil, except particular properties, and the government to John Penn, Thomas Penn, and Richard Penn, John taking one-half, according to his mother's appointment, Thomas taking one-fourth, and John and Thomas taking Richard's one-fourth in trust for him. The release was dated September 23, 1731, and the con sideration to William was £5,500, and Earl Powlett, surviving trustee to sell the government, was directed to convey his legal title to the new Proprietaries. The cloud on the title was removed by a deed of the earl's son and successor in 1743. 373 CHAPTER XII. THE TIME OF JOHN PENN "THE AMERICAN" JOHN PENN, the eldest son of the founder of Pennsylvania by his second wife, Hannah Callowhill, has been called "the American," because he alone of all the Penn family, except possibly one child of his nephew Richard, was born in the New World. He was born in the "slate-roof house" in Second street ( covered by the present Corn Exchange) , Philadelphia, on Jan. 29, 1 699- 1 700. For fifteen years, counting from the release executed by his step-nephew, he was recognized as the head of the Govern ors-in-chief of Pennsylvania, being older than his colleagues, Thomas and Richard, and having twice as much interest as either of them in the property. Before the more active brother, Thomas Penn, made his visit to Pennsylvania, an agreement was entered into by the three Proprietaries to preserve the estate to their heirs male. They covenanted, by articles dated May 8, 1732, that on the death of any one of them leaving male issue under age, the survivors could sell land during the minority, and that none of the three would dispose of his share, except to create charges upon it, otherwise than to his eldest son in tail male, with remainder to his other sons successively in order of birth in tail male, and if any of the three should die without male issue, his estate, subject to charges, should go to the survivors, as he might appoint. At this time only Richard was married, his wife being Hannah, daughter of John Lardner, a physician ; and only one son had yet appeared to gratify the desire for establishing a family. In less than fifty 374 JOHN PENN THE AMERICAN years the lordship over Pennsylvania was gone ; and the name died out with the last breath of a lunatic clergyman in 1869. Thomas Penn arrived at Chester, Pa., on August 11, 1732, and the next day Gordon and all his councillors who could stand the trip, and a large number of gentlemen, went down to meet him. After dinner they escorted him to Philadelphia, the members of the city corporation meeting him with a congratulatory speech by the recorder. Thomas Penn brought from England six japanned and gilt guns for the respective chiefs of the Six Nations, pre senting them at a treaty held in the month he arrived, when the Six Nations were asked to take the Shawanees under their protection, and induce them to return from the Ohio. He gave another gun to the Shawanee chief, who came to renew friendship in October, but announced that those on the Ohio would stay where they were. Thomas Penn took precedence at the council board over the Lieu tenant-Governor, but left the administration of the government to the latter, concerning himself chiefly with the care of property, including Indian affairs. In the course of time he established him self in a manor house on what was left of the old manor of Spring- ettsbury in the Northern Liberties of Philadelphia. In 1734 John Penn came to the country of his birth, but remained only a year, and the Assembly made him an address, September 20, 1735, in anticipation of his departure, saying: "That humility, justice, and benevolence which has appeared in thy conduct since thy arri val here has very deservedly gained thee the esteem and affection of the people." Pennsylvania began to be the field for missionary labors like Whitefield's, and the scene of various religious movements like that of the New Side among Presbyterians, etc. The Schwenkfelders arrived in Philadelphia from Bethelsdorf and Goerlitz in the fall of 1734, settling in Bucks and Philadelphia counties. With them was the first Moravian evangelist who came to America, George Bohnisch, sent by Count Ludwig Zinzendorf, who himself, after several colonists belonging to that Unitas had arrived, spent a 375 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL short time here in 1742 and 1743. The settlement of Bethlehem was begun in 1742. During Gordon's time only two cases, and those by consent of the parties, had been brought to a decree before the Court of Chancery, but in 1735 the people, at the instigation it was said of Hamilton, were stirred up against it, as requiring heavy fees and attendance of persons in Philadelphia, and as making the Proprie taries' deputy and friends in the Council possible judges of cases in which the Proprietaries might be a party ; whereas the charter of 1 70 1 had stipulated that no person should be obliged to answer in any matter relating to property before the Governor and Coun cil, or in any other place but in the ordinary courts of justice, un less appeals thereunto should be appointed by law. So the As sembly, during that winter, resolved that the court as then con stituted was contrary to the charter. During an adjournment, leaving a bill for a court of equity undisposed of, Patrick Gordon died, August 5, 1736, and was buried the next day in Christ Church, near his wife, who had died less than two years before. The Council succeeded to the Lieutenant-Governor's powers, except those of legislation, Logan, on account of his lameness and residence out of town at Stenton (Twenty-second Ward, Philadel phia) , offering to decline his share as eldest councillor if the other members should think of some one of themselves more proper, but they requested that he would act as President. In October, 1736, a larger number of Indians than had ever before appeared at a treaty — Senecas, Onondagas, Cayugas, Oneidas, and Tusca roras — after being entertained three nights at Stenton, held a treaty in the great meeting house at Fifth and Arch streets, with Thomas Penn and the Council, and reported that they had made alliance with six other nations, who now acknowledged them as elder brothers. Then a sale was made to the Proprietaries of all right to the land embraced in the present counties of York, Adams, and Cumberland, and in that part of Franklin, Dauphin, and Leba non southeast of the Kittatinny, or Blue, Mountains, and in that 376 JOHN PENN THE AMERICAN part of Berks, Lehigh, and Northampton not already possessed. The goods which served as a consideration for so much of the pur chase as lay east of the Susquehanna were delivered at the time, but those for the land on the other side of the river were retained at the Indians' desire, and were finally delivered in 1742. This purchase as to the lands of the Delawares and other tributaries of the Six Nations was rather in the nature of the release of a feudal Ralston or Brown Fort, Northampton County Built about 1755. From cially for this work a sketch made espe- lordship, concomitant with the buying out of the vassal's interest. Although the Six Nations said the Delawares had no lands to sell, the Proprietaries depended for quiet enjoyment upon the old deeds from these earlier owners. Among them, apparently, was one made in 1686, of which Thomas Penn had found a copy calling for a dimension "as far as a man can go in a day and a half" and thence to the river and down the courses thereof. In anticipa tion of completing the lines, the Proprietaries' agents hunted out the fastest woodsmen, to make the day and a half's journey, and had them as a preliminary taken over the ground, spending nine 377 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL days while the trees were duly blazed. Some Indians did not wish the line measured, but others had a treaty with Thomas Penn on August 25, 1737, and agreed that it should be by a walk, for which, as we see, he was prepared. On September 12, in presence of some Indians and some whites on horseback, three young men started at sunrise from the line near the Wrightstown Meeting House in Bucks County to walk northwestwardly, and proceeded at such a pace that one gave out in a few hours, never afterwards recovering his health. The other two by nightfall reached the north side of the Blue Mountains. At sunrise they resumed. One of them fell into a creek, was taken up blind, and died in three days. The last at noon threw himself at full length on the ground and grasped a sapling, which was then declared to mark the distance called for by the purchase, viz. : how far a man could go in a day and a half. Yet Scull, the surveyor-general in 1757, swore that he, with Eastburn, the surveyor-general at the time, was present, and the men did not run, but walked fairly. Those who defended the transaction rather scoffed at the notion of the Indians that the journey was to be made naturally, taking a shot at game, or sitting down to smoke a pipe. Let the reader say whether sixty miles is the distance a man can go on foot in a day and a half? That one man out of three did it, and lived, was the evidence for the side of a triangle of which the northern point was between the present towns of Milford and Shohola in Pike county. Other objections were made by the Indians in 1757, viz. : that the original deed was fictitious, that the walk should have been along the Delaware river, and that, even if the walk was in the right direction, and not too long, then the line from it should not have been at right angles to it, but to the near est point of the river. These objections, however, were held to be groundless, but there seems to have been another, which probably was sufficient to reprobate this long notorious "Walking Pur chase;" the chiefs who could dispose of a reasonable distance around Wrightstown had no ownership across the Lehigh. 378 JOHN PENN THE AMERICAN Perhaps it would have been better for the United States of America if Lord Baltimore's largest claim had been acceded to by the Crown of England ; in other words if, instead of the small strip now called Delaware being independent of the circumscribed region finally allowed to Maryland, there had been one large col ony, eventually a state, extending from Virginia to the 40th par allel of latitude and from Delaware bay and river to the longi tude of the head of the Potomac. In the Colonial and Revolu tionary period, Delaware afforded another set of offices for Penn sylvania's public men; afterwards it was in political sympathy with Maryland. On American principles, neither of the adjoin ing States should have had the additional votes in the United States Senate. Had the 40th parallel been Pennsylvania's south ern boundary, and so the greater part of the land covered by Philidelphia county, nearly all that of Delaware, and half that of the counties of Chester, Lancaster and York, etc., been given to Maryland ; yes, and even at the same time had the claim of Con necticut over the region north of the 41st parallel been allowed, there still would have been sufficient land for the descendants of Admiral Penn to satisfy his pecuniary claim against the British government, and as a reward for his naval victories, and the more hemmed in the Quaker colony, and the stronger that of Maryland, the less would the non-resistant population of the former have been harassed to take measures for defence. But Philadelphia would have been where Pennsbury was. Charles II and his brother James believed that the grant by "the Royal Martyr," their father, to Cecilius Calvert, had not operated upon that coun try which the Dutch were occupying when they surrendered New York and its dependencies ; and this was the important question in the mind of every Lord Baltimore, for, while it left him a con tention as to how far south that occupation extended, yet, if the view of these monarchs was correct, there was no room for him on the Delaware river. As to the back country, James II gave him "to the 40th degree," making an order in Council Nov. 13, 379 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL 1685, upon report to that effect of the Lords of Committee for Trade and Plantations, that the Peninsula between Delaware and Chesapeake Bay be divided equally by a line extending north wardly to the 40th degree, and all west of it be adjudged to Lord Baltimore, and all east of it to the King. Penn having appeared before the Council as the King's agent, it was claimed afterwards George Croghan Indian trader; settled near the site of Harris- burg as early as 1746; captain in Braddock's expedition 1755; settled near Pittsburgh after the French evacuation; became a large land owner, and subsequently took a prominent part in public affairs. Photographed especially for this work from a print in posession of Dr. W. J. Holland that James's intention was to take the land east of the line in trust for the confirmation of his deeds when Duke of York to Penn ; but no patent followed. The Proprietary of Pennsylvania, with no muniment of title to the Lower Counties except the deeds of 1682, conveying the Duke of York's rights, royalty, etc., along with the soil thereof, was recognized by William and Mary as having the government of those territories as well as of the Province up the river ; but Lord Baltimore several times tried to have the order of 1685 rescinded, and every time the Proprietary of Pennsylvania applied for the confirmation of his appointment 380 JOHN PENN THE AMERICAN of a Lieutenant-Governor, a declaration was made that such con firmation as to the Territories, or Lower Counties, should not be construed as establishing any right thereto in the applicant, and the order of approval was often made to read "and of said three Counties of New Castle, Kent and Sussex during His Majesty's royal will and pleasure only." After Gordon was approved of, Lord Baltimore on one side and the Earl of Sunderland on the other, made application for a royal grant of the government. The terms of the decree of 1685 recognized Penn's title to the soil at least of the Lower Counties, and to the soil and government of what is now Delaware county and the lower part of Philadelphia county. As to the back country, if the line of the Maryland patent ran to the 40th parallel of latitude, the northeastern cor ner of that colony and state would have been fixed by accurate mathematicians at a point northeast of the present Coatesville, so that York, Hanover, Gettysburg, Chambersburg, McConnells- burg, etc., would never have been Pennsylvania towns. But con trary to what we would suppose, the expression "the fortieth de gree" appears to have meant the beginning of that degree, in other words, the 39th parallel. Evidently the officials of King Charles II. so understood it, for they passed the charter to Penn calling for the beginning of the 40th degree as his southern boundary, meaning that that was the northern boundary of Mary land. So when Penn received also his feoffment from the Duke of York he had a title to the northern part of Delaware with the pres ent Maryland counties of Cecil, Harford, etc., while Lord Balti more's charter included Lewes and the adjoining country as far up as a few miles above the mouth of Mispillion Creek. Yet it will be seen on a modern map that the 39th parallel, which runs about three miles north of Annapolis, would have cut off Mary land from any land at the headwaters of the Potomac. The third Lord Baltimore ran a line from the Susquehanna at the mouth of Octoraro Creek in rather a northeasterly direction towards the Delaware; but about the time of William Penn's death, Mary- 381 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL landers, with the 40th parallel in mind, began creeping up the west side of the river; and in 1729 Thomas Cresap established himself at Conejohela on land from which two years before the settlers under Pennsylvania had been withdrawn at the request of the Conestoga Indians. The exact location of the 40th par allel, like every other question of boundary, was so uncertain that he and his companions could claim alternate allegiance, as the au thority of either Province was about to be exercised over them; so they burned Indian cabins, destroyed the Indians' goods and took away their guns, and killed the horses of the traders. On May 10, 1732, Charles, fifth Lord Baltimore, executed an agree ment with John, Thomas, and Richard Penn, joining William Penn the heir-at-law, that the boundary line should be run by commissioners from each side as follows : starting from the mid dle point of a line due west from Cape Henlopen to Chesapeake bay, the line should run until as a tangent it touched the peri phery of a circle drawn at twelve miles distance from New Castle, thence due north until it came to the latitude of fifteen miles due south of the southernmost point of the city of Philadelphia, i. e., of the point where the southerly line of South street strikes the river Delaware, and from the junction of that line and that lati tude, as the northeast corner of Maryland, a line should be run due west to the extent of Pennsylvania, but for the present 25 miles west of the Susquehanna should suffice. Baltimore's commis sioners interposed every pretence to prevent the running of the line according to its plain meaning, and yet to relieve him from paying the £5,000 stipulated in the agreement to be forfeited by the party failing to carry it out. Lord Baltimore alleged that after arriving in Maryland in November, 1732, after the joint commissioners had begun their fruitless parleys, he found out that he had been deceived by false maps into an agreement which was wholly one-sided, in which, finally surrendering New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, he had agreed to a limit on the north which took from him about 2,500,000 acres south of the 40th parallel. 382 JOHN PENN THE AMERICAN The joint commissioners adjourned sine die Nov. 24, 1733, the Maryland commissioners adhering to their contention that the circle around New Castle must be twelve miles in circumference, instead of in radius. Baltimore went back to England, and on Aug. 8, 1734, while John Penn was on his way to America, peti tioned the King for a confirmation of title to so much of the peninsula as was embraced in the bounds in Cecilius Calvert's pat ent, notwithstanding the clause "hactenus inculta" in the pre amble thereto. The Lords of Trade, to whom the petition was referred on its presentation, reported in the following January that the Lower Counties were included within the limits of Cal vert's patent, and that the clause "hactenus inculta" did not ex cept them from the grant. On May 16 the King, after a hear ing of both sides by the Privy Council, ordered that the whole matter, including a counter petition from the Penns, should be postponed until Michaelmas Term, to enable either party to pro ceed in a court of equity as to the agreement of 1732. The Penns filed a bill in chancery on June 21, for specific performance of the agreement, and the clearing of doubts about the circle and centre, offering to fix the centre in the middle of the town of New Castle. Baltimore's answer set up that the agreement was void from im position upon him, and for want of consideration. Samuel Blunston acted as the Proprietaries' agent on the west side of the Susquehanna, and, prior to the treaty of 1736, granted licenses to settlers in those parts, which in due time were deemed sufficient evidence of title. Some Germans went across, and were paying county levies to Lancaster county, when their neighbor, Thomas Cresap, holding under a Maryland title, induced them to acknowledge Lord Baltimore as landlord. The Germans find ing the rents asked for, heavy, and being told that the land was not Baltimore's, sent a writing to the Governor of Maryland ex plicitly renouncing the allegiance. The sheriff of Baltimore county, with 300 men on horseback, armed with carbines, pistols, and cutlasses, headed by trumpet and drum, commanded by 383 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL Colonel Edward Hall, came up to Conejohela to dispossess the Germans; but the sheriff of Lancaster, gathering 150 inhabitants, although he had no arms or ammunition for them, demanded by what right the peace of his county was broken : and, indeed, John Hendricks's plantation, where some came, was upwards of 20 miles / MAP OF FORT SHIRLEY AMACEMT TBAMS Map showing location of Fort Shirley A frontier fort in Huntingdon County north of the line agreed upon in 1732, and it was not then known whether Cresap's was actually south of the 40th parallel. The Marylanders, after capturing one man for alleged riot, and after distraining at some of the houses, retired, sending word to the Germans, that, if they would return to their allegiance, the taxes should be remitted for the present, but if they did not do so within two weeks, a greater force would come, and put into possession those who would be more faithful. Cresap seems to have started 384 JOHN PENN THE AMERICAN the project of about 50 persons of what Pennsylvania called the lower parts of Chester county, to remove to these lands, expected to be vacant through the ousting of the former occupiers, the Dep uty Governor of Maryland issuing warrants for 200 acres to each adventurer, and Cresap taking arms and ammunition up the Chesapeake from Annapolis, and enlisting some men at 12/. per annum. But the Pennsylvania officials arrested some of the leaders. The Lancaster county people then determined that Cresap, who held a captain's commission from Maryland, must not remain at large. A warrant against him on the charge of murder, claimed by his friends to have been in self-defence, had been issued by the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania; so Samuel Smith, the sheriff of Lancaster, gathered a posse of 24, and on November 24 proceeded to the house of Cresap, where they found him ready for defence, with six men bound by oath to stand by him, and to shoot not only their assailants, but any one of them selves who surrendered. One of the six escaped from the others by going up through the chimney. When Cresap refused to yield, the sheriff secured more assistance, and besieged the place, the inmates keeping up a fusillade until near sundown, when the sheriff set fire to the house, in which were also Cresap's wife and children. Cresap would not surrender, although offer was made to extinguish the flames. When the floor was about to fall in, those inside made a rush, and in the confusion one of the de fenders was killed. The Pennsylvanians claimed that it was by the bullet of one of his companions, all five of whom were secured, and, except one left at Lancaster on a charge of rape, were taken to Philadelphia and put in its jail, Cresap on the previous cljarge of murder, the others on that of riot. The Lieutenant-Governor of Maryland sent Edward Jennings and Daniel Dulany to Phila delphia to treat for the discharge of the prisoners, and the punish ment of the sheriff and his men, but the only result was taking the irons off Cresap. The Council and Assembly of Pennsyl vania united in a petition to the King, following one by the Ger- 1-25 385 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL mans interested. Charles Higginbotham, having obtained a captain's and justice's commission from the Lieutenant-Governor of Maryland, and led a small party up the Susquehanna, was guilty of a number of severities or outrages by which the Germans were reduced to a deplorable condition. However, on August 8, 1737, the King ordered both Governors to preserve peace on their respective borders, and to make no grants of any part of the lands in contest between the Proprietors or of any parts of the Lower Counties, and to permit no person to settle there until his Majesty's pleasure be further signified. On complaint by the Penns and the agent for the Province of Pennsylvania of further disorders by Marylanders, the Lords of Trade effected an agree ment between the adverse Proprietaries that the former order stand except as to the Lower Counties ; that all lands possessed by or under either should remain in such possession and under such jurisdiction until final settlement of the boundaries; that as to vacant land outside of the Lower Counties, and not in possession as aforesaid, on the east side of the Susquehanna as far south as I5?4mues south of the latitude of the southernmost point of Philadelphia, and on the west side as far south as 14^4 miles south of the said latitude, the temporary jurisdiction should be in the Proprietors of Pennsylvania ; and as to the vacant lands south of such limits, the temporary jurisdiction should be in the Pro prietor of Maryland; and that within the limits of their jurisdic tions respectively the Proprietors could grant lands on the usual terms, accounting to each other after the final determination. The King granted an order for carrying out this agreement, May 25, 1738 ; and the temporary line was run. Logan, after the arrival of the new Lieutenant-Governor, and continuance for a year more as Chief Justice, retired from pub lic affairs except occasional presence at Indian treaties, devoting himself to very extensive literary and scientific pursuits. Before his death in 175 1 he gave his great collection of books for the use of the public. This, known as the Loganian Library, of which 386 JOHN PENN THE AMERICAN his heir-at-law was to be librarian, and for which he gave a lot of ground, is now, with some additions, at the Ridgway Library building, administered by the Library Company of Philadelphia. George Thomas arrived on June i, 1738. The Proprietaries instructed him not to assent to any law for making or continuing bills of credit unless it enacted that the quit rents and other rents due or to become due to the Proprietaries, be paid according to the rate of exchange between Philadelphia and London. The Assembly having presented to him an act for reprinting, etc., all the bills of credit outstanding, and for striking the further sum of 11,110/. 5 j. on loan, he pointed out, that, as the exchange be tween Philadelphia and London was 70 per cent., while the dis count on Proclamation money, according to the act of Parliament of 6 Annse was only £33,6^.^ Sd. per £100, it was unjust to oblige persons to receive the paper money at the value of Proclamation money for debts contracted to be paid in English money, and he proposed to except all debts, rents, and quit rents to the Proprie taries, and all debts due in Great Britain agreed to be paid in ster ling. The Assembly rejected this, but proposed if the bill without such amendment be passed, to pay 1,200/. to the Proprie taries as a compensation for their losses in the difference in ex change on the quit rents already due, and 130/. annually for their losses on those falling due in the time named in the bill. Thomas Penn accepted this, as a necessary sacrifice for the public good, feeling that a failure to re-emit the current bills of credit would be injurious to the trade of the province. Lieutenant-Governor Thomas explained the extent of this sacrifice; the arrearages were £11,000 sterling, so that to make up even 50 per cent., 1,833/., &s., 6d. were required, and to make up 70 per cent., 4,033/., 6.?. 8d. In October, 1739, the prospect of a war with the yet mighty kingdom of Spain induced the Lieutenant-Governor with some eloquence to ask the Assembly to prepare for the defence of the province. It had been about thirty years, and there had been great progress since a similar request had been made. The 387 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL Quakers being in the majority, the Assembly sent back the old answer ; nor could Thomas, by eloquence or argument, by cour tesy or ill-suppressed indignation, move them to consent to a militia law, even when those conscientiously opposed to fighting were to be exempted from its provision. In the course of a series of messages between Thomas and the Assembly, Israel Pemberton Jr. said in conversation with several persons in Alex ander Graydon's house, that it was known what the Governor was before he came over, and what there was to expect of him. It was his design to overturn the Constitution, and reduce this to a King's government, and it would be proved on him. Graydon, who was not a sympathizer with the Quakers, said that as prob ably the dispute would be laid before their superiors, the latter would best judge of his behavior. Pemberton replied that he did not doubt the Governor would use all his friends to set the Assembly in the wrong, and would make an unjust representation of the matter. This conversation became the talk of the town. Pemberton went to Graydon the next day, but told him that he wanted no apology for his words being made public, for he was very glad that the Governor had heard truths which the syco phants who kept company with the Governor would never tell him. Thomas, claiming the right as chief magistrate to issue a warrant to bring persons before him for examination on charges of a breach of the peace, issued one against Pemberton, returnable that afternoon. Neither Thomas Griffitts, the third justice of the Supreme Court, nor any other councillor, objected, but when they met in the afternoon, awaiting the sheriff and Pemberton, Griffitts, called out of the room for a few minutes, signed a writ of habeas corpus and admitted Pemberton to bail. Thomas told the sheriff that the habeas corpus was illegal, and the officer answerable for Pemberton not being in his custody. The Lieu tenant-Governor issued a second warrant. For several days the sheriff made an unsuccessful and perhaps not very earnest at tempt to take Pemberton, War with Spain was proclaimed at 388 JOHN PENN THE AMERICAN the Town House on April 14, 1740, with cries of "God Save the King," firing of cannon from Society Hill, drinking to the King's health, and opening of beer for the populace. Pressing the As sembly to obey the royal instruction by providing victuals, trans ports, and other necessaries for the troops to be raised in Pennsyl- Brietenback Block House in 1895 East of Myerstown, Lebanon County; used as a rendezvous by the settlers, under Conrad Weiser, 1755. From a sketch made especially for this work vania for the expedition against the West Indies, the clothes, tents, arms, ammunition, and pay being provided by the govern ment of Great Britain, Thomas offered to the Assembly to appoint commissioners to assist in the application of any money it might vote, and to render a regular account. The non-Quaker popula tion organized seven companies of soldiers, but in these a large number of indentured servants enlisted. Many Quaker masters were thus injured. The Assembly took up the matter, and ad- 389 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL dressed the Governor ; but the runaways had taken the oath, and a large portion had received the King's subsistence for several weeks, and the Governor declined to dismiss them, except as free men took their places. That the provision for the troops could be made in time, private citizens advanced the money. Thomas Penn sent word to the Assembly on Aug. 6 that, as he was very unwilling that any private interest of his family should make the House less capable of assisting his Majesty, he was content to wait for the payments due the Proprietaries until after provision for the forces. Finally, on the 9th of August, the Assembly yield ed to the importunities for money, and voted 3,000/. to Thomas Griffitts, Edward Bradley, John Stamper, Isaac Norris, and Thomas Leech, "for the use of King George IL," provided, how ever, that no warrant for said sum should issue from the Speaker until all the servants enlisted should be returned to their masters free of all charges. A remonstrance to the King was drawn up, and Richard Partridge was appointed agent for the province, so as to present this. At the next Assembly, a committee reported the number of servants thus eloigned as 262, and compensation was made to the masters. The Society of Friends, although numbering, it is said, only one-third of the population, was admirably organized for politics as well as religion and charity : the Yearly Meeting gathered the chief men together just before the elections for assembly men, and it was but natural that they should compare notes, and consult on the political situation and agree upon candidates. Yet all who professed themselves Quakers were not unanimously of the attitude represented by the Assembly. The Proprietaries and those affiliated with them and some others, had laid hold of a distinction between a lawful and an unlawful war, and naturally made themselves believe that their King was prosecuting a lawful war. Logan apparently had never been a non-resistant, and in 1 741 wrote from his retirement at Stenton, a letter to the Meeting setting forth the defenceless state of the province and the ill con- 390 JOHN PENN THE AMERICAN sequences that might ensue upon men of their principles procuring themselves to be returned to the Assembly. The shrewder heads, anxious to ward off the influence of such an epistle — for they had cause to fear if once they withdrew from politics, their ascendency could never be regained — hit upon the expedient of appointing a committee, Robert Jordan, John Bringhurst, Ebenezer Large, John Dillwyn, and Robert Strettell, to peruse the letter, and re port whether it contained matters proper to be communicated to the Meeting. The committee reported, that, as it contained mat ters of a military and geographical nature, it was by no means proper to be read. Robert Strettell alone remarked, that, con sidering the letter came from a man of abundant experience, an old member who had a sincere affection for the welfare of the So ciety, he was apprehensive, should it be refused a reading, such a procedure would disgust not only him but the large body of Friends in England. This minority report was not expected, and John Bringhurst caught him by the coat, saying sharply, "Sit thee down, Robert Strettell, thee art single in that .opinion." (Letter of Richard Peters.) The Assembly chosen in 1741 unani mously voted 3,000/. "for the King's use" forwarded through the agent in London ; so the general course of Quaker majorities in time of war had been pursued ; first an affirmance of conscientious scruples, and a denial of the province being in danger, and a firm although perhaps unspoken refusal to pass a militia law, then a plea of poverty, and, after many adjournments, until the oppor tunity to use the money most efficiently had passed, a loud cry against grievances, for which there was a committee ready, just as Friends had a meeting for sufferings, and finally an appropria tion, not very generous, specified euphomistically as "for the King's use," and justified as rendering "tribute to Caesar." Isaac Norris, son of William Penn's friend of that name, and grandson of Thomas Lloyd, was a leader of the strict Friends in the Assem bly, differing in politics from Logan, one of whose daughters he had married. The various disputes between the Governor and 391 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL the Quakers, or "Norris party," brought about contests for office as bitter as in modern times. The re-election of Norris to the Assembly in 1741 could not be prevented; and the Quakers had some vantage ground with Norris and his brother-in-law Grif fitts and uncle Preston, as three of the aldermen of the city. But the corporation was too important a political factor to be allowed to feel his influence. The adverse party mustered a majority to elect four new aldermen and five new councilmen who would further the Governor's plans; and the prominence of the Lloyd connection and even the equal footing of the Quakers in that board was destroyed forever. It was not so easy to defeat Nor ris at a popular election. In 1742, after a session in which he had been head of nearly every committee, and in which he had performed lasting services in superintending the completion of portions of the State House, and in purchasing a site and devising plans for a Lazaretto, the wealthy Recorder of the city, William Allen, contended for his seat in the House. The German settlers had invariably voted with the Quakers, and it was charged that the "Norris party" had been in possession of the polls, crowded out their opponents, and elected their candidate with the aid of unnaturalized voters. But if the Governor's friends cried "fraud," they were now guilty of "bulldozing." On election day of that year a party of sailors, strong enough in numbers to make havoc in the little city, marched up from the wharves, ap plied their clubs, and, wounding several, drove the disciples of peace from the State House. In the hubbub that followed, Allen is reported to have said "They had as good a right to be there as the unnaturalized Dutchmen;" he took no steps to preserve the peace, and his supposed complicity lost him many votes. Such violence brought a reaction in public feeling, and Norris was re turned. A fresh controversy arose from this "Riot of 1742," the new Assembly desiring the Governor to bring the officers of the city corporation to trial before the Supreme Court, and the Gov ernor refusing, after which a resolution was passed censuring the 392 O Ju *^c&c^K< Generalissimo of all British soldiers in the Colonics, 1755; defeated by the Indians and French near the Monongahela river, 1755 JOHN PENN THE AMERICAN officers in question for neglect of duty. In time the Lieutenant- Governor and Assembly attempted an harmonious course. Cer tain bills which had been insisted upon, he finally assented to, and the money-voting power granted him his means of subsistence. In July, 1742, about 200 Indians, among them deputies from all of the Six Nations except the Senecas, Canassatego the Onon daga being speaker, came to Philadelphia to receive the goods in exchange for the land west of the Susquehanna, purchased in 1736. He explained the absence of the Senecas by their starving condition ; a father had killed two of his children to preserve the lives of himself and the rest of his family. When the 45 guns, 60 kettles, 160 coats, 100 blankets, etc., had been counted, Canas satego acknowledged compliance with the agreement, but said that he thought if the Proprietary himself had been present he would have given the Indians more, in consideration of their numbers and poverty. They knew the value of the lands, they knew, too, that land was everlasting, and the few goods were soon worn out and gone. Moreover, the)' complained that some whites had set tled on the Juniata and at Mahanoy, beyond the land purchased and to the injury of the Delawares. The Lieutenant-Governor replied that the Proprietaries had taken the key of their chest with them, having in fact been more generous than the agreement called for. As to the increase in value, was it not owing to the industry of the whites? Had they not come, the land would have been of no use but to maintain the red men, and was there not enough left for that purpose? The Quaker government, how ever, never grudged the Indians a present, and so goods worth 300/. were given. Then the Six Nations were requested to turn the Delawares from New Jersey off the lands at the forks of the Delaware, and accordingly the Six Nations censured these "women," as they called them, and obliged them to move to Wy oming or Shamokin. War with France was proclaimed in Pennsylvania on June 18, 1744, all the inhabitants capable of bearing arms being en- 395 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL joined to provide themselves with firelock, bayonet, cartouch box, and powder and balls. After a fight near the James River between a party of the Six Nations and some Virginians, in which several on both sides were killed, the Lieutenant-Governor of Pennsylvania had offered mediation between that confederacy and the government of Vir ginia, and so was brought about a treaty at Lancaster between deputies of the confederacy and commissioners from Maryland and Virginia in June and July, 1744, Thomas being present, at which the Indians released their claims to land in those provinces, and peace and friendship were confirmed. The Indians were informed of the victories of the English over the French. Canas- satego remarked that then they must have taken a good deal of rum from the French, and could better spare some to make the Indians rejoice with them; at which hint a dram for each was given in a small glass, which was called a "French glass." Canas- satego the next day related how in recognition of their engage ments they had told the Governor of Canada that none of his peo ple should go through their country to hurt the English, and how they had secured the neutrality of the "Praying Indians," i. e., those converted to Roman Catholicism. Then Canassatego re marked that he had had a French glass ; he now wanted a good- sized English glass ; and the Governor told him that he was glad that he had such a dislike for what was French ; "they cheat you in your glasses as well as in everything else." In the same year the Shawanees about Shamokin joined their brethren on the Ohio, and the Conoys moved from Conoytown to Shamokin. Peter Chartier,a trader partly of Shawanee blood, accepted a commission under the French, and at the head of a party of French and Shaw anees, robbed and made prisoners of traders on the Ohio. On reports of a movement of French Indians against the colony, the Delawares at Shamokin were applied to to act as scouts, and harass any large body on the march, and join the frontiersmen in defence. There was some fear that the Six Nations, if they 396 Braddock's Field Showing old township road. Engraved espe cially for this work from an old print in possession of Henry A. Breed JOHN PENN THE AMERICAN found the French in danger of extinction, would join with them to preserve the balance of power. One old chief said to Conrad Weiser, who at this time was the provincial interpreter and mes senger, that they knew their true interests ; they would be neutral until they must join with either side for their own preservation ; if one side drove the other out of America, the Six Nations would no longer receive consideration. The Commissioners of Indian Affairs at Albany proposed a meeting there with representatives of the confederacy, and, Lieutenant-Governor Thomas's health forbidding the journey, Thomas Lawrence and John Kinsey at tended from Pennsylvania. They declined to join the commis sioners from New York, Massachusetts, and Connecticut in asking the Six Nations to make war on the eastern Indians for killing some whites. While to that proposition an answer was promised after a demand for satisfaction should be made upon the French Indians, Lawrence and Kinsey in a separate interview secured a reiteration of the undertaking to keep the French from passing through their country on the way to attack the English. Lawrence and Kinsey secured also a promise to meet the Catawbas at Phila delphia, to make peace with them. It may be doubted whether the members of the Pennsylvania Assembly, ruling their conduct by their conscience, and taking care of the interests of their constituents, did not do about all they could in a war started by the question scarcely important to them, who should be German Emperor. When their King command ed that the colonies should carry out the requisitions of Commo dore Peter Warren, and the latter asked for men armed and victualled for at least seven months to garrison the recently cap tured Louisburg, the Assembly on 5 mo. 24, 1745, voted 4,000/. for the King's use, to be laid out by John Pole and John Mifflin "in the purchase of bread, beef, pork, flour, wheat, and other grain or any of them within this Province, and to be shipped from hence for the King's service as the Governor shall think most fit." When this resolve was communicated to Thomas in due form by 399 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL two of the members, he told them that since the House had par ticularized for what the money should be spent, the mere putting of the shipping of it under his charge was no compliment to him. A little later he invented the interpretation, which Franklin would have us suppose was intended by the Quakers, that "other grain" meant gunpowder. So the forces were supplied with ammuni tion as well as victuals, the Lieutenant-Governor could claim that his province had satisfied the King, and the Quaker assemblymen said to their consciences that the matter had passed out of their hands. The next year, on receipt of the royal order for troops to join Governor Gooch's command at Albany for the campaign against Canada and for the provisions and part of the arms and clothing for them, the Assembly offered to vote money for the King's use by issuing bills of credit ; but there had been previously received a royal instruction that no act for that purpose should be passed without a clause suspending it until approved of by the King, and the Lieutenant-Governor urged that the money be raised by a loan on the security of the excise or the income accru ing from the mortgages given to the loan office. The Assembly replied that there was a deficiency in these sources of income, and any additional tax would be inconvenient. The Lieutenant- Governor thought that a population which for over twenty years had not paid a tax on estates could afford to pay off in a short period what should now be borrowed in excess of what the As sembly voted ; but on June 24, 1 746, he consented to an act grant ing 5,000/. to the King's use out of the bills of credit remaining to be exchanged for torn and ragged bills, and for striking the like sum to replace them. The 24th of July was a thanksgiving day for the Duke of Cumberland's victory over the Pretender's Scotch forces at Culloden. The Lieutenant-Governor's proclama tion ordered the magistrates to prevent all immoralities and riot ous disorders, "that the day may be observed with a solemnity becoming our Christian profession, and not as has been too often the practice, with drunkenness and other kinds of licentiousness." 400 ¦;,//„/ :**«,,/.#„ Ki/i?*;*** -V »-»*»". JOHN PENN THE AMERICAN Four companies from Pennsylvania went to Albany, the Lieu tenant-Governor procuring them clothing, arms, and ammunition on his own credit, in expectation of remittances from Lieutenant- General St. Clair, who was to go from England to Louisburg as commander-in-chief. But St. Clair and the money not arriving, Thomas applied to the Assembly for a loan to His Majesty to pay for those articles and discharge the arrears due to the soldiers and provide subsistence for the time being. The House answered that there was no money to lend to the Crown, but he could use his own judgment about applying what was left of the 5,000/. to the present exigencies. Four months subsistence from the time of the arrival of the companies at Albany was secured from Gen. Gooch, and Thomas applied to the Assembly to continue this. The Assembly then thought that as the time for the campaign had elapsed, the troops could come home. On October 25, 1746, John Penn, "the American," died un married at Hitcham, Co. Bucks, England. Thomas, in condol ing with the Assembly upon the event, spoke of his humanity, good nature, and affability. 1-26 401 CHAPTER XIII. THOMAS PENN AND RICHARD PENN THE Penn estates in Pennsylvania and what is now Delaware were of four kinds. First, the millions of unoccupied and unappropriated acres, vast in future value, although their mineral wealth was not then dreamed of ; as to these millions of acres, there were two sets of claims to be satisfied, those of the Indians and those of white purchasers whose rights had not been surveyed; the Indians, as we have seen, had by this time relin quished all the land southeast of the Blue mountains, and the "first purchasers" from William Penn had nearly all secured the war rant, the survey, and the patent whereby their indefinite property of so many acres "in Pennsylvania" had been located, and the sub sequent purchasers took up their lands rapidly, some making bar gains for definite tracts, the whole matter of granting warrants and making surveys as well as fixing price being in the hands of the Proprietaries and the officers who were their private servants. Then, secondly, were the quit rents, originally a shilling annually for every one hundred acres taken up by purchasers, higher on later grants; but as to the lots in Philadelphia these rents were larger, and as to the "bank lots," i. e., those on the east side of Front street running down the bank to the water, these rents were to be increased at the end of every fifty years to a rent equal to one-third of the value then to be ascertained of both lot and im provements thereon. The quit rents were not easily, and never promptly, collected : they were vexatious in the country, and in 402 THOMAS AND RICHARD PENN the city, being more considerable, were often extinguished like any ground rent. Thirdly, under the original plan that William Penn should take a tenth of the land as his private property, he and his sons and in fact his grandsons had large tracts surveyed for them selves as manors. Within these they let at will, from year to year, or for years, or sold at rent or prices according to special agree ment, or their servants followed agriculture. Lastly, there was Rocking Family Meat-Cutter Used by the early German settlers. Photo graphed especially for this work from the orig inal in possession of J. F. Sachse the private property which had come to the Penns in other ways than by virtue of being Proprietaries, for instance that devised by Thomas Callowhill. The "Historical Review of the Constitution and Government of Pennsylvania," printed in 1759, gives in the appendix an estimate of the Penn estates exclusive of the unoccu pied and unappropriated lands which we first mentioned, prepared by Thomas Penn in John Penn's lifetime. After stating the value of quit rents reserved and the unpaid purchase money due as 188,278/. 10s., Pennsylvania money, including 1,000/. as the value of the ferry franchises leased at 40/. per annum, he enumer ates the private lands, etc., as follows, the estimated value being also in Pennsylvania money : 403 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL MANORS i Conestogoe, 65 m. from the city, 13,400 acres at 40/. per H. 5,360 2 Gilbert's 25 3,200 70 2,240 3 Springfield 12 1,600 75 1,200 4 Highlands 35 2,500 30 750 5 Springtown 37 10,000 35 3,5°° 6 Vincent's 40 20,000 35 7,000 7 Richland's 35 10,000 15 1,500 9 About 20 tracts in the several counties, mostly 500 acres each, reckoned 10,000 at 40/. 4,000 Springetsbury 207 acres at 5/. 1,035 8 On the north side of the town 50 30 1,500 Back of the said land 15 1° 15° 9 Lot in the bank at north end of the town, 200 feet at 3I. 600 10 A front and back lot between Vine and Sassafras street, 102 feet, at 61. 612 11 Bank lot between Cedar and Pine 204 feet at 3/. 612 12 Front lot on the side of Cedar street 102 3 306 13 Ditto between Cedar and Pine 160 2 320 14 Bank lot between the same streets 40 2 80 15 Marsh land near the town, 600 acres at 3/. 1,800 16 Ditto 200 acres at is. sterling rent, and 165 per cent, is 330 Lands within the draft of the town, at least 500 acres, 250 nearest Delaware at 15/. per acre 3,750 250 nearest Schuylkill at 10/. per acre 2,500 17 Omitted — Streeper's tract in Bucks Co. 35 miles, 5,000 acres at 25/. 1,250 18 The rents of the above manor and lands being 77,072 acres at a halfpenny per acre. 20 years purchase at 165 per cent. exchange 5,298.12.?. 45,693^-12.5. Value of quit rents reserved and unpaid purchase money due including value of ferry franchise as 1,000/. 188,278/. 105. 233,972^25. The Government to be calculated at no less than was to have been paid for it, viz.: £11,000 at 165 per cent, is 18,150 252,I22/.2J. 404 THOMAS AND RICHARD PENN In this calculation no notice is taken of the thirds reserved on the bank lots (a copy of the patents J. Penn has by him to shew the nature of them) and nine-tenths of the Province remains undisposed of. Three-fifths of all royal mines is reserved in the grants, and in all grants since the year 1732 one-fifth part of all other mines delivered at the pit's mouth without charge is also reserved. No value is put on the Proprietor's right to escheated lands ; and besides these advantages, several offices are in the Proprietor's gift of considerable value. Register-General about 200/. Naval officer 300/. Clerk of Philadelphia 400/. Chester 300I. Bucks 200/. Lancaster 200/. Besides several other offices of less value. These are only guessed at." The will of John Penn, in accordance with his covenant to leave his estate to one or both of his brothers, gave his moiety of Pennsylvania and the Lower Counties to Thomas Penn for life, with remainder to his sons in the order of birth successively in tail male. Therefore during the twenty-nine years that Thomas survived, he had three times as much share as the youngest brother, Richard, or the son who succeeded the latter. Of Richard Penn, who never came to Pennsylvania, the chief thing to remark is that at an early date he forsook the Society of Friends, and if he did not sacramentally join, otherwise con formed to the Church of England, his children receiving infant baptism. His children who lived to grow up, were John, Han nah, and Richard, of whom Hannah married James Clayton, and died without issue; John figures in our history as Councillor, Lieutenant-Governor, and Proprietary; and Richard was also Lieutenant-Governor, and alone left children, but these died with out issue, the last in 1863. Of Lieutenant-Governor Richard Penn's brilliant son William, who made a derogatory and unlucky 4°5 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL marriage, when on a visit to Pennsylvania, George IV. said : "He was a Pen often cut (drunk) but never mended." Richard Penn the Proprietary died Feb. 4, 1771. Thomas Penn, at John's death, took the direction in the gov ernment and business of property to which his share and senior ity entitled him, and for which ability and experience fitted him. He was master over his weak nephew John, whom he sent away and kept away from the girl, objectionable in herself or her sur roundings, perhaps only because they were humble, whom as a schoolboy John had married. He himself remained a bachelor until 175 1, when he entered a family of the nobility by marrying Lady Juliana, daughter of Thomas Fermor, first Earl of Pom- fret, second Baron Lempster, etc. From a mercer's apprentice, as Jenkins has supposed, at the death of the Founder of Penn sylvania, the middle-aged bridegroom had risen to be one of the rich gentry of England, ruler of an American principality larger than Ireland. He ceased to be a Quaker, regularly attending church after his marriage, and in 1760 purchased the historic seat of Stoke Park at Stoke Pogis, where he established his fam ily. His sister Margaret's child, Philadelphia Hannah Freame, married in 1770 Thomas Dawson, Baron Dartrey, afterwards Viscount Cremorne, whose first wife was Lady Juliana's sister. Thomas Penn died March 21, 1775. Although he left sons, and one of them had children, the only descendants now living in male or female line of the Founder's second wife are through Thomas's daughter, who married, in 1796, Rev. Dr. William Stuart, afterwards Archbishop of Armagh. John Penn, the American, had not thought well of a sugges tion to make Thomas Penn the Lieutenant-Governor, perhaps be cause of the latter's want of popularizing manners, perhaps be cause he had already entered upon a life offensive in morals. An anecdote of his want of cordiality or effusiveness is worth repeat ing. When the Rev. Hugh David of Gwynedd called on him, having prepared a poem of welcome referring to the descent which 406 THOMAS AND RICHARD PENN William Penn had claimed from the Welsh Tudors, Thomas Penn spoke three sentences: "How dost do?" "Farewell." "The other door." Mr. David did not hand him the poem. Watson, in the "Annals of Philadelphia," tells us how the hunter who made the Walk of 1737 received such small pay that he "damned Penn and his half wife to their faces." Watson further relates that when Thomas Penn was leaving Pennsylvania, some fellows raised a gallows across the road over which he had to pass. We may say that all through as a general rule in the conduct of affairs con nected with Pennsylvania he showed the acquisitiveness of the land speculator with the selfishness of the aristocrat. Yet he had some public spirit, giving money or lots to certain institutions as well as to private individuals, and perhaps to reprobate his making the most of his property would be to demand of him the self- abnegation of a philanthropist or the proverbial, yet seldom found, generosity of a prince. We will now proceed to a narration of the events of the earlier years of Thomas and Richard Penn's governorship and proprietaryship. George Thomas, in his message announcing the death of John Penn, also notified the House of his own intended relin quishment of the lieutenant-governorship and departure for Eng land, on account of his health. After the conflict between him and the Assembly, there was now harmony, and the House declared that his continuance in the exercise of> the government would have been most agreeable to the members, and that nobody doubted his skill or abilities, and they believed that he had been regardful of both the King's service and the honor and reputa tion of the province. At the last meeting of the Council presided over by Thomas, May 29, 1747, James Logan's resignation was accepted, he not having considered himself a member since Thomas's accession; and it was unanimously agreed that the following only were members, and in the following order of precedency, viz. : An- 407 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL thony Palmer, Thomas Lawrence, Samuel Hasell, William Till, Abraham Taylor, Robert Strettell, James Hamilton, Benjamin Shoemaker, Joseph Turner, Lawrence Growdon, and Thomas Hopkinson. William Logan, son of James, was then appointed, to take a seat at the next meeting. This was held on June 6, Thomas having meanwhile embarked, and Anthony Palmer as eldest councillor became President. He had come from Bar bados forty years before, having been a merchant there, and, it would appear, a sea captain. He was a Churchman, and lived in considerable style. On his plantation in the Northern Lib erties, from which, it is said, he came to the city in a barge, he started a town, to which he gave the name of Kensington. At this time the dominion of the Penns was the granary of America; Philadelphia the supply port for provisions for any fleet operating above the Spanish Main. So whenever there was a war, an embargo was laid, from which the traders suffered. But now the trade with the other British possessions was nearly at a standstill from privateers in the bay. Landing parties burned plantations in the Lower Counties, and the city was in terror lest some French or Spanish man-of-war would make its way up the unprotected river, and have the place at its mercy. The Assembly was appealed to in vain to do something for de fence. No militia law could be passed, had the Assembly been ever so willing, for, with no Governor, there was no power of leg islation. Money, it had not, and while controlled by Quakers, it would not undertake obligations for such purposes. Benjamin Franklin, who for some years had been Clerk of the Assembly, and also Deputy Postmaster-General under ex-Governor Spots- wood, of Virginia, wrote a pamphlet called Plain Truth, and sug gested an association for defense at a town meeting. About 1,200 persons present enrolled themselves. Altogether about 10,000 names came in from the whole province. A battery was estab lished where, sixty years afterward, the United States started its navy yard (foot of Prime street, Philadelphia). Franklin and 408 o o 1Q THOMAS AND RICHARD PENN other prominent citizens went over to New York with a request from the Council, and induced Governor Clinton to let them have eighteen cannon. Franklin started a lottery for the battery ; and James Logan spent 60/. in tickets, ordering any prizes that he might draw to be devoted to the cause. A motion was carried in the fire company, in which were many Quakers, to appropriate money for a fire engine, and the mover of the motion and the rest of the committee bought a fine cannon, that being what the war like members meant by a "fire engine." The 7th of January, 1747-8, was a day of fasting and prayer. Application was made to the Admiralty for a British man-of-war to cruise in the bay. The Otter sloop, Capt. Ballet, was sent, through the endeavors of the Proprietaries in London, but met with a very large vessel on the way, fought for four hours, and was so much weakened as to have to be repaired before attempting any service. Although the plan of the military association, whereby, among other fea tures, the men elected their officers, and these were not under the command of the acting Governor, was irregular, the attendance was so constant and the drilling so careful that it was the opinion of most strangers that Pennsylvania had the best militia in America and one of the best furnished batteries of its size on the continent. By a treaty held at Lancaster in July, 1748, the Twightees dwelling on the Wabash were brought into alliance with Penn sylvania, and the Shawanees no longer with Chartier were re ceived back into favor. A preliminary treaty of peace was signed at Aix-la-Chapelle on April 19, 1748, acceded to by Spain on June 17, and a defini tive treaty at the same place on October 7, subsequently acceded to by Spain, Austria, etc. James Hamilton, of Bush Hill, in the Northern Liberties, who had been mayor of Philadelphia, and was a member of the Governor's Council, a son of the former Attorney-General, re ceived, while sojourning in London, the Proprietaries' commis- 411 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL sion as Lieutenant-Governor, and arrived at home in November, 1748. He was the only inhabitant of the province appointed to that office after the death of Penn, in whose lifetime, moreover, Lloyd and Markham at his second appointment were the only ones. So the new Lieutenant-Governor was hailed with pleasure; but he had a dispute with his first Assembly. It passed a bill for the issuing of 20,000/. in bills of credit. The instructions sent in 1 740 by the British Ministry having forbidden the Governor to pass any act for that purpose without a clause suspending its operation until the royal assent should be given, Hamilton pro posed an amendment to that effect; whereupon the Assembly unanimously resolved that it would be "destructive of the liberties derived to them by the royal and provincial charters," the charter of Charles II having expressly authorized the legislature of the province to enact laws which should remain in force five years or until the King repealed them. Hamilton remained firm, consid ering that these instructions were contemplated in the bond of £2,000 which he had given on his taking office; and Ryder, ex- Attorney-General of England, afterwards gave an opinion sus taining him. On August 22, 1749, Hamilton purchased for the Proprie taries from the Six Nations a tract bounded by the Delaware and Susquehanna rivers, extending from the Blue mountains to a line running from the mouth of Lackawaxen creek to the mouth of Mahanoy Creek. York county, including what is now Adams, was formed in 1749, and Cumberland, lying west and southwest of it, in 1750, Berks and Northampton in 1752. On May 15, 1750, Lord Chancellor Hardwicke decided the case brought by the Penns against Lord Baltimore in 1737, say ing that from the mighty interests involved "it was worthy the judicature of a Roman Senate rather than of a single judge." He found that, in making the agreement of 1732 for settling the boundaries, Lord Baltimore was neither surprised nor imposed upon nor ignorant. There was no mistake as to the intention of 412 THOMAS AND RICHARD PENN the parties. The settlement of boundaries was a sufficient consid eration to both. It was not necessary for the court to go into the question of the original right of the parties, it being sufficient that the right was doubtful. The clearest point, the Chancellor said, was as to the circle around New Castle; it was to be twelve miles in radius, with the center of the town for its center. So he de creed specific performance without prejudice to any right of the Crown. This decision, disposing of one boundary question, left others looming up about this time. That with Connecticut was scarcely thought of. Charles II granted on April 23, 1662, nine teen years before the charter to Penn, a charter to Connecticut, bounding it as follows : "On the east by Narragansett river, com monly called Narragansett bay, where the said river falleth into the sea ; on the north by the line of the Massachusetts Plantation, and on the south by the sea, and in longitude as the line of the Massachusetts colony running from east to west, that is to say from the said Narragansett bay on the east to the South Sea on the west part." As was well pointed out by Provost William Smith, D. D., if this description was to be literally followed, the south line of Connecticut would run down the whole Atlantic coast line of America to Cape Horn and up the Pacific coast line, where it would coincide with the western boundary, the Pacific Ocean, or South Sea. As between Connecticut and New York a bound ary line was fixed, which in Penn's time was supposed to be as far west as the former would ever claim. Over thirty years after his death some of the inhabitants of that crowded colony took up the notion that although New York was to be excepted from the op eration of their old charter, any land west of New York was not, and that the jurisdiction lawfully, jumping New York, ran across Pennsylvania and any other region where Europeans were not in possession at the date of the charter. The southern line of their claim was the latitude of the southernmost point of Connecticut east of New York. Unreasonable as we think this claim, yet if it 413 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL could have been satisfied without embroiling the British colonies with the Indians, it would have been for the best interests of America. Connecticut was the most thickly populated of the col onies, needed a chance to overflow, and could have sent an ener getic, self-reliant, and belligerent community to subdue the earth, and stand against the French. The events recorded in our next chapter made the boundary between Pennsylvania and Virginia a matter for consideration. Charles IPs charter to William Penn gave him five degrees of longitude westward from the eastern bounds, that is from the Delaware river ; but did that mean five degrees from the longitude of the point where the river crossed the northern boundary line, which would seem reasonable, or five degrees from the western most point of the meandering river within the borders, or five de grees from the easternmost point thereof within the borders ? Or did it mean that the western boundary was not to be a straight line, but a series of curves paralleling the course of the Delaware and each point five degrees from the corresponding point of the river ? A good portion of the present state of West Virginia lies north of the 39th parallel, which was in so many words made our southern boundary. The fixing of a boundary with Maryland north of this parallel was based upon a private agreement to which Virginia was not a party, and did not prevent Pennsylvania from having an L running along the western boundary of Maryland. 414 CHAPTER XIV. THE FRENCH INVASION WE now come to a time when, upon a wider question of boundaries, there were not merely a few casualties, but, the parties being two "world-powers," blood was poured over the mountains of Pennsylvania, the food as well as the shelter for man and beast was reduced to ashes in the rich frontier val leys, families were decimated by the snatching away of loved ones to captivity among savages, while extortion, rapine, and lust had their victims, as usual, in the path of the enemy's raid or the friendly army's march. Prior to the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, as far as we know, there had never been any fort, post or settlement of Frenchmen within the present limits of this State, although Brule had, in 1615, visited Tioga Point (Athens, Bradford county), Canadians had made maps of the country west of the Alleghanies, and French missionaries and traders were in possession of the lower Ohio. When, therefore, after that treaty, notwithstanding the treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, had described the Five Nations as subject to the dominion of Great Britain, and prohibited the subjects of France from hindering or molesting them or the other natives friendly to the same, and had given liberty to both sides to go and come on account of trade; when, notwithstanding this, French officers, basing their claim on early exploration and the res toration of original possessions by the treaties of peace, came to the banks of the Allegheny, which then was included under the name of Ohio river, or La Belle Riviere, and attempted to turn off the 415 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL English traders, we call it an invasion. Yet we cannot lay upon the governor of Canada, or the ministers of Louis XV, who may have prompted him or supported him, all the blame for the war, the first assaults of which the New England officials were champing to make, the first gun of which rascally traders from the middle provinces were scarcely restrained from firing. After all, Pennsylvania became a desolation because Great Britain, as she has done in engaging in several great wars, made herself a party to the scheme of non-resident speculators. The Ohio Com pany was chartered in 1749, composed mostly of Marylanders and Virginians, and obtained from the King of England a grant of 500,000 acres of land on the Ohio between the Monongahela and Kanawha rivers, on condition of building and garrison ing a fort, and within seven years settling one hundred families. By the interpretation finally adopted of Charles IPs charter to William Penn, part of this land was in Pennsylvania and be longed to the Proprietaries thereof, saving the rights of the In dians, whom, however, none but Penn's heirs could legally buy off : by the contention of the French the whole of North America west of the Alleghanies was theirs. Previous to the chartering of this company, or before the fact was known to the Governor of New France, the latter, who was the Marquis de la Galison- niere, sent Celeron de Bienville to the Allegheny and further down the Ohio. He, finding Pennsylvania traders there, com plained of it to Governor Hamilton, in August, 1749, and nailed up or buried plates "as a monument," the inscriptions said, "of our having retaken possession of the said River Ohio and of those that fall into the same and of all the lands on both sides as far as the sources of the said rivers, as well as of those of which the pre ceding kings of France have enjoyed possession, partly by force of arms, partly by treaties, especially by those of Ryswick, Utrecht, and Aix-la-Chapelle." Various embassies followed to induce the Indians recently in alliance with the English to return to their allegiance to the French, and let them build forts and monopolize 416 THE FRENCH INVASION trade. Christopher Gist, sent by the Ohio Company, and George Croghan and Andrew Montour, sent by the Governor of Penn sylvania, were the chief agents in foiling these attempts, or rather in confirming the Ohio Indians in their refusal. The French, not Timothy Horsfield Built the first private house at Bethlehem; took an important part in protecting the settle ments against the Indians, 1755-1761; with William Parsons, he laid out the first road between Bethlehem and Easton. Photographed especially for this work from the original por trait in oil by Haidt in the possession of Dr. W. J. Holland confining themselves to presents and proclamations, arrested trad ers and confiscated their goods, while the conversion of many of the Indians in New York to the Roman Catholic religion seemed an entering lever which might turn the Six Nations. The Pro prietaries, having been asked by the Assembly of Pennsylvania for 1-27 417 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL a contribution to the necessary presents sent to the tribes by the Province, refused, but offered to give 400/. towards building a fort and 100/. a year towards maintaining in it, with arms and powder, a garrison of four or six men commanded by the chief trader. In this the Assembly refused to take part, saying that they did not believe the Ohio Indians really wished it, although Croghan's journal so stated. The Assembly added : "We have always found that sincere, upright dealing with the Indians, a friendly treatment of them on all occasions, and particularly in relieving their necessities at proper times by suitable presents, have been the best means of securing their friendship." The con sequences of these refusals by the Proprietaries and the Assembly to strengthen each other's measures were more prolonged than in regard to securing the friendship of the wavering Indians, or control over their territory until the outbreak of actual war. We can see the beginning of the long struggle as to taxing the Penn estates, and the leaving open of the field to the claims of Virginia. The French proceeded to drastic measures against the Indians, whom they chose to call rebels. Thirty of the Twightees having been killed, the Shawanees wished to avenge them, but, before doing so, notified the Lieutenant-Governor of Pennsylvania, hop ing for approval and aid. Hamilton, knowing that the principles of the Quakers were entirely adverse to assisting in an Indian war, and unwilling to promise what their control over the public funds would render him unable to perform, referred these chiefs to the commissioners from Virginia attending the council appointed by the King of England to be held at Logstown (below Pitts burg) in May, 1752. The Delawares, Shawanees, and Mingoes attended, and entered into a treaty with the Virginia commis sioners not to molest English traders south of the Ohio. Tanach- arisson, the local head under the Six Nations, and called the Half King, advised the building of a fort at the forks of the Mononga hela. Gist, accordingly, laid out a town, and started a fort at Chartier's creek, and began a settlement just beyond Laurel Hill 418 THE FRENCH INVASION near the Youghiogheny with eleven families. The Ohio Com pany established also a trading post at Will's creek. The two places first mentioned were within the bounds of Pennsylvania. John, son of Richard Penn the Proprietary, arrived in De cember, 1752, to make his home in Pennsylvania. On February 6> I753> the Lieutenant-Governor proposed his introduction as a member of the Provincial council, and asked the gentlemen pres ent what place they would offer him; whereupon it was unani mously agreed that he should rank as first named, or eldest, coun cillor, and be President on the death or absence of the Governor. His name first appears upon the minutes in August following. The Proprietaries directed Hamilton to assist Virginia in erecting any fort on the lands granted to the Ohio Company, tak ing, however, from the Governor of Virginia an acknowledgment that the settlement should not prejudice the Proprietaries' right to the country, and a promise that those who actually settled should hold the land on the usual quit rent. On tales of the approach of a French army toward the Ohio, Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia suggested that all the colonies raise a proper force to oppose it, and notify the British ministry, after first demanding the reason for such invasion in time of peace from the Governor-General of Canada. The Earl of Holdernesse, Secretary of State, on Au gust 28, 1753, communicated royal instructions that if any for eign prince or state made encroachments, erected forts, or com mitted any other act of hostility, and persisted after a representa tion of such injustice, force was to be repelled by force, but only "within the undoubted limits of His Majesty's dominions." All the governors on the continent were to communicate with and support each other. The French built a fort at Casoago, on French creek, near Venango, and returned a contemptuous answer to the Half-King, who went in person from his home at Logstown to warn them off the land. He was giving the third message, as usual, before tak ing up the hatchet. The Rev. Richard Peters, Isaac Norris and 419 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL Benjamin Franklin, appointed by the Governor of Pennsylvania, met in September at Carlisle a number of the important chiefs of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawanees, Twightees, and Owen- dats, on their way from a council with the Governor of Virginia at Winchester. Friendship was confirmed and presents distrib uted. Scarrooyady, the Oneida, said he supposed that Governor Dinwiddie's desire to build a fort on the Ohio was the cause of the advance of the French troops, and hoped that both Pennsyl vania and Virginia would forbear at present from settling beyond the Alleghanies, advising that Pennsylvania call back her people, and duly appoint somebody to meet George Croghan, who was to be the agent on behalf of the Indians, and to whose house at Aughwick, on the Juniata, anything for them could be sent. Scarrooyady also said that the French had been afraid of losing their trade from the unnecessary number of English traders on the Ohio ; and he asked that the traders be only in three places — Logstown, and the mouth of the Kanawha, and the mouth of Mo nongahela ; he also represented that the English goods were too dear, and little else was brought to them but liquor and flour, which, he begged, would be regulated, as the whisky traders brought thirty or forty kegs, made the Indians drunk, and got all the skins with which the debts to the honest traders were to be paid. Dinwiddie sent George Washington, then twenty-one years old, with the rank of major in the military organization of Virginia, to have an interview with the commandant of the other fort which the French had built, viz. : on that branch of the Alle gheny which they called La Riviere aux Bceufs (in the present Warren county). The commandant, Le Gardeur de St. Pierre, sent Dinwiddie's letter to La Galisonniere's successor, the Marquis Duquesne but told Washington that the country belonged to them; no Englishman had a right to trade upon the Ohio or its branches — and he had orders to arrest any that attempted to do so. William Trent, captain in the Virginia service, directed a fort to be made at the forks of the Monongahela; Governor Dinwiddie 42Q Plan of Fort Augusta Near Sunbury; erected in 1756. Photographed especially for this work from a copy in posses sion of the Wyoming Historical and Geological Society THE FRENCH INVASION summoned his militia to meet at Will's creek, and the Lords of Trade requested the Provinces of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Mary land, New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, and New Jersey to send commissioners with presents to the treaty which the Province of New York was to hold with the Indians. The Governor of New York fixed the middle of June as the time and Albany as the place for the treaty. The Assembly of Pennsylvania passed a bill to issue 40,000/. in bills of credit on loans; Hamilton offered, if the members were still of opinion that bills of credit were necessary to raise supplies in this time of imminent danger, to agree to such, if a means of sinking them in a few years were provided. Just at this time persons from Connecticut, representing a Susquehanna company formed there, attempted to sell lands north of the 41st degree of latitude, as being embraced in the old patent to that col ony, and announced that settlements would shortly be made at Wyoming, on the east branch of the Susquehanna. Governor Dinwiddie, also, upon obtaining 10,000/. from his House of Bur gesses for troops, issued a proclamation offering, in addition to the pay of those who served to the satisfaction of their officers, shares in 200,000 acres of land, 100,000 contiguous to the fort at the forks of Monongahela, and 100,000 near by, on the east bank of the Ohio, to be free from quit rents for fifteen years. Hamil ton was duly protesting against both attempts to take from the Penns slices of their province; while his Assembly was using the uncertainty of the bounds as an excuse for not supporting mili tary measures. Governor Wolcott of Connecticut expressed him self as satisfied that his province wanted no quarrel with Penn sylvania, and highly approved of Hamilton's offer to procure for emigrants from Connecticut grants from the Proprietaries of some of their western land ; and Governor Dinwiddie, hoping that soon there would be commissioners appointed by the King to run the line, as he had requested, said that meanwhile the quit rents due after the exemption from them should have expired, could be paid to the Penns. 423 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL A small fort having been erected at the forks of the Mohon- giola, or Monongahela, by Ensign Ward, of Trent's company, Contrecour, commander of the French troops on the Ohio, ap peared with 1,000 men and 18 cannon, and compelled its surrender on April 16, allowing Ward and his men to retire. They fell back to Red Stone creek. Starting from Will's creek with 150 men, and widening the road as they went so as to be passable for cannon, Washington arrived at Great Meadows (in Fayette coun ty), and constructed an entrenchment, which he called Fort Ne cessity. Dinwiddie had supplied some friendly Indians with arms, and sent a belt with .a hatchet by Trent to Scarrooyady. According to the latter's story of the affair which followed on May 28, he and some braves fell in with LaForce and thirty Frenchmen, and refused to hold a council with them, but in formed Washington. Differing with him as to strategy, the Indians went away, but soon found the French in a hollow and hid themselves behind a hill, when they noticed Washington's force on the other side of the hollow in the gray light of the morn ing. He had started out in the night of the 27th. Washington's force began firing, when the Indians came from their cover, and closed with the French, killing ten and handing twenty-one pris oners to Washington. Among those killed was Jumonville, the leader, who, the French said, was bearer of a message, and whose death they called an assassination. LaForce was taken prisoner. Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, who had offered to assist Pennsylvania in driving the French from her territory, on condi tion that Pennsylvania should some day reciprocate, suggested that the congress at Albany should be seized as the opportunity for effecting a union of the participating colonies, the commis sioners to be empowered to fix the quota of men and money to be furnished by each for the measures they might agree upon. But Governor Hamilton could not obtain from his Assembly authority or appropriation except for renewing the covenant chain with the Indians and holding them in the British interest. John Penn 424 THE FRENCH INVASION and Richard Peters, councillors, and Isaac Norris and Benjamin Franklin, assemblymen, represented Pennsylvania at the con gress, which began its session June 19, 1754. On the way, Franklin drew up a plan for the union of the colonies, which, with a few amendments, was unanimously adopted, and recommended to the various assemblies and the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations. It provided for a central government, to be administered by a president-general, appointed by the Crown, and a grand council of forty-eight representatives chosen by the Colo nial Assemblies, Virginia and Massachusetts each to have the largest number, seven, and Pennsylvania six. The President- General, with the advice of the council, was to make peace or de clare war with the Indians, raise soldiers, build forts, and levy taxes. This plan was never brought before the King or Parlia ment. Hamilton told the Assembly of Pennsylvania that it was "well worthy of their closest and most serious attention," but, one day, when Franklin was absent, it was taken up and promptly rejected. The congress at Albany, however, established peace with the Six Nations, and then made a lengthy representation on the state of the colonies, setting forth the dominion of Great Britain over the country south of Lakes Champlain, On tario, and Erie, as belonging to the Six Nations, with right in Frenchmen to visit it for trading, also the French aggressions in Nova Scotia, Maine, New Hampshire, and on the rivers running into the Mississippi, and their holding English traders for ran som, and alienating many of the Onondagas and Senecas from the English, and the danger of the whole continent being sub jected to France. The representation also pointed out that the colonies were disunited, and there had never been any joint exer tion of their force or counsels ; that the patenting of large tracts of land to individuals or companies, except on condition of speedy settlement, prevented the strengthening of the frontiers, and that there had been great neglect of the affairs of the Six Nations ; the laws of the various colonies, being insufficient to restrain the sup- 42s PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL ply of liquor, the Indians were frequently drunk and cheated by traders, or else murdering one another, and fleeing to the French ; the Indians were not capable of bargaining as to their lands, and, on sales to private persons, were cheated or felt themselves cheated. The representation suggested that an agent, not en gaged in trade, should reside with each Indian nation, purchases of land from Indians, except by the government, should be void, the patentees of large tracts should be required to settle them speedily, on pain of forfeiture, the bounds of the colonies extend ing by the terms of the old charters to the Pacific Ocean should be limited by the Alleghanies, and measures should be taken for settling colonies of Protestants west of those mountains, and there should be a union of the colonies, so that their treasure and strength might be employed in due proportion against the com mon enemy. The chiefs of the Six Nations then sold to the Pro prietaries of Pennsylvania for 1,000 pieces of eight, the land ex tending on the west side of the Susquehanna from the Blue moun tains to a mile above the mouth of Kayarondinhagh (Penn's) creek, thence northwest by west to the western boundary of the Province, thence along the western boundary to the southern boundary, thence along the southern boundary to the Blue moun tains, and thence along those mountains to the place of beginning. The deed is dated July 6, 1754. They refused to sell the land on the east branch of the Susquehanna ; they had heard there was a dispute between Pennsylvania and New England about it, and they would sell it to neither ; but Wyoming and Shamokin and the land contiguous on the river they would reserve for a hunting ground, and for the residence of such of them as should, in this time of war, remove from the French. Accordingly, they ap pointed John Shickcalamy to take care of this land. On July 9 they confirmed the covenant of 1736 to sell no land within the limits of Pennsylvania except to the Proprietaries. Meanwhile Captain McKay, with an independent company from South Carolina, had reenforced Washington at Fort Neces- 426 THE FRENCH INVASION sity ; so that the force there was about 400 men. On July 3, De Villier, of whose approach they were ignorant until the day before, with 900 French and many Indians, bombarded them from eleven in the morning until night, when he offered them terms, which they accepted, to go out with the honors of war the next day, leaving their cannon, and engaging to deliver to Fort Du Quesne the prisoners taken at the time Jumonville was killed. On hearing of this, Governor Dinwiddie ordered his troops gather ing for the expedition to meet at Will's creek, and thence proceed to recapture the fort; but, if that should be impossible, then to build a fort at Red Stone creek or elsewhere, as determined by a council of war. He wrote to Hamilton that he wished two or three companies from Pennsylvania. The Assembly voted 15,000/. to the King's use the day after this letter was received, amended the bill, at Hamilton's request, so as to enable his successor to receive the money, and, rejecting all other amendments, forced Hamilton to sign the bill, although it was pretty much the same as he had rejected a year before. The Half-King and Scarroo yady, with some other Indians and their families, made their way to Croghan's at Aughwick, and sent messengers to gather in the Delawares and Shawanees, asking that the women and children be supported while the warriors fought for the English, whom they anxiously expected speedily to take decisive steps against the French. Several Delawares who had visited Fort Necessity since its capture also arrived at Croghan's, and through these Robert Strobo, who had been left at Fort Necessity as a hostage, man aged to send letters to the effect that 100 trusty Indians might be able to surprise the fort by secreting themselves under the platform behind the palisades, as they had access to the fort all day, and killing the guard with their tomahawks in the night. Contrecour and a guard of 40 men and officers were all that dwelt in the fort ; the rest were in bark cabins around ; large detachments had been sent off, so the whole force was much reduced. Strobo. bravely asked that his safety be not considered. We do not know that the 427 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL execution of the scheme was attempted, except that Hamilton wrote to Croghan to let no liquor get to the Indians, to stave in every cask, and furnish the names of all who brought any. Con rad Weiser was sent with 300/. to spend for the Indians' support, and keep them friendly. He found twenty cabins containing over 200 men, women, and children at Aughwick, and a number more within a few miles. He received assurances that the Delawares, Shawanees, and allies were friendly, and that the Shawanees, grateful for the return of certain of their people imprisoned in South Carolina, had given no answer to the French, who asked them to assist against the English, or be neutral; and that both tribes would await the orders of the Six Nations. He reported that it was impossible to keep the inhabitants of Cumberland county from selling liquor to the Indians, the magistrates, it was said, selling the most. One old hypocrite coming to Aughwick for the purpose, it was supposed, of collecting the money for what he had sold, said to Weiser that the government should not let any liquor be brought there. Weiser asked if he meant for the Governor himself to come with his sword and pistol to pre vent it. No, he did not. "Then," said Weiser, "there is no other way than to break you all and put others in commission who are no whisky traders and will exercise their authority." Ta- nacharisson complained of the great personage of American his tory, then first being heard of in England. Washington, a good- natured man without experience, he said, commanded the Indians as his slaves, had them always out scouting, and took no advice from them, lay in one place from one full moon to another, and made no fortifications at all, but "that little thing on the Mead ow;" had he made such fortifications as Tanacharisson advised, he would have beaten off the French; the French had acted as great cowards, but the English as fools in that engagement. The Indians would wait at Aughwick until they heard from the new Governor, while Scarrooyady would go in the English interest to the great council fire of the Six Nations. 428 Remains of Old Magazine at Fort Augusta in 1896 Reproduced by courtesy of the Wyoming His torical and Geological Society THE FRENCH INVASION Hamilton having asked to be superseded, Robert Hunter Morris arrived, October 3, from England. He was son of Lewis Morris, once Governor of New Jersey, and had been himself Chief Justice of that Province. He sent a polite message to the Indians, and the Assembly enabled him to assure them that he would maintain their people left behind while some of them went to Onondaga. The King of England, although ostensibly at peace with France, decided to send two military expeditions against the lat- ter's subjects, and ordered two regiments of foot, each of 500 men, besides the officers, commanded by Sir Peter Halket and Thomas Dunbar, respectively, to proceed from Ireland to Vir ginia, and there be increased to 750 men each, and two regiments to be recruited in America of 1,000 men each, to be commanded by Governor Shirley of Massachusetts and Sir William Pepper- rell, respectively; towards this enlistment of about 3,000 men and supplying victuals and necessaries for traveling and a common fund for the common defense, Pennsylvania was to do her share. To superintend this war as commander-in-chief in America, Edward Braddock, a general officer of reputation, was sent from England. He was to lead Halket's and Dunbar's regi ments and their Provincial auxiliaries against the French on the Ohio, while Shirley and Pepperrell were to carry on campaigns elsewhere. It had been suggested that a certain American gov ernor, recommended for his integrity, who, we suppose, was Din widdie, should command the expedition against the Ohio, but King George II said : "A little more ability and a little less hon esty upon the present occasion may serve our turn better." Shir ley's son, shortly before losing his life as Braddock's secretary, thought it a pity that such a view had not been applied to the case of the very honest Braddock. Scarrooyady came to Philadelphia, his heart set on war, and arranged for a meeting of the Six Nations at Winchester in the spring. Before he left, John Shickcalamy's belt from Shamokin 431 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL arrived with a message that white people from the other side of New York were coming to settle on land at Wyoming and north of the Western branch, over which the Six Nations at the treaty at Albany had given him charge, and that the strangers claimed to have bought it from the Six Nations since the treaty. Scar rooyady was thereupon intrusted with a further message to the Six Nations to the effect that if they had actually sold these lands it was a breach of faith. Some people then beyond the mountains in Northampton county took shares in the Connecticut adventure; but on the other hand Governor Fitch of Connecticut disavowed any authorization for it. About 300 Indians of the Six Nations on the Ohio had fled from the French to the branches of the Susquehanna, and these sent word that they would kill the cattle of any whites who settled there, and if the latter still re mained, would treat them as enemies and destroy them. Hen drick Peter, chief of the Mohawks, came to Philadelphia, and planned a general council between the Six Nations and the gov ernment of Connecticut to destroy the fraudulent deed under which the intruders claimed. He complained of bad treatment in the matter of land by the government of New York, and told how liberal the French were to the Indians, so much so as to have made some division in the Six Nations; but he and his compan ions, on leaving Philadelphia, gave hearty thanks for the enter tainments and kindness which they had received, declaring that the people of Pennsylvania had treated them like brothers and sis ters, and that the Governor could depend upon the fidelity of the Mohawks for counsel or action. Two hundred Pennsylvanians soon enlisted in the regiment of Governor Shirley, and the Assembly, on the rejection of its first bill to raise 25,000/., intrusted a committee with 5,000/., raised by negotiating drafts bearing interest against the money due the Province, so as to purchase all the flour required for the army expected at Will's creek, where Colonel Innes had made a fort. Sir John St. Clair, a Scotch baronet, the quartermaster, had 432 THE FRENCH INVASION already arrived in America. Some years after this he married Miss Moland of Philadelphia. The Assembly, however, was not dis posed to lay a tax which would pay off the necessary bills of credit in five years, nor would it grant 40,000/. in bills of credit for the raising of troops, both propositions being made by the Lieuten- House of Conrad Weiser, Reading Engraved especially for this work from a photo graph in possession of Dr. W. J. Holland ant-Governor and supported by Franklin. Twenty-five thousand pounds were voted, but only 5,000/. were subjected to General Braddock's order, the balance to be applied by a committee of the House in the following manner : 5,000/. for provisions for the forces in Virginia, 10,000/. for provisions for the forces in New England, and 5,000/. for subsistence of the refugee Indians, clear ing of roads, hire of carriages, and other contingent expenses. 1-28 433 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL Morris declared that to give the disposition of the public money to members of the Assembly would be inconsistent with his duty to the Crown, and he would show the bill to his superiors in Lon don. The Assembly decided in its turn to appeal to His Maj esty, and sent over to England a representation of the case. To raise without delay the money necessary at this time of imminent danger, the Assembly appointed certain persons to draw drafts to the amount of 10,000/. on the provincial treas urer or trustees of the loan office, payable in one year, with inter est, and apply these, or, in fact, the proceeds of negotiating these, to the King's use. But the intention of the British govern ment was to have a common fund established by contributions from all the colonies, out of which the additional men for Halket's and Dunbar's regiments and those in Nova Scotia, should be pro vided for. The Assembly told Morris, on May 20, that, while the bill he had rejected had given Braddock the disposal of 5,000/. and appropriated the whole 25,000/. for the army's benefit, no other colony, could the members learn, had offered him power over as many pence as they had pounds ; and that they could not look upon the Governor as a friend to his country while he was "en deavoring to render the inhabitants of Pennsylvania odious to our gracious sovereign and his ministers, to the British nation, to all the neighboring colonies, and to the army that is come to pro tect us." British officers were much stirred up against the colony. Sir John St. Clair met the commissioners appointed by Morris to lay out the roads from Carlisle to the three forks of the Yough- iogheny and to Will's creek, and, the commissioners said, "stormed like a lion rampant." He declared that they should have been appointed to the work in January, the want of this road and of the provisions promised by Pennsylvania had retarded the ex-' pedition, and cost many lives, because of the fresh numbers of French likely to arrive; for his part he would, instead of march ing to the Ohio, march in nine days into Cumberland County, and by fire and sword force the inhabitants to make roads, and 434 THE FRENCH INVASION would seize horses and wagons, etc. ; he would to-morrow write to England, and shake Mr. Penn's Proprietaryship, etc. Ben jamin Franklin went to see Braddock to disabuse his mind as to the Assembly, and, meeting him at Frederick, Maryland, suc ceeded. Then Franklin heard that there had been collected only 25 wagons when 150 were required, to transport the stores, bag gage, etc. Braddock and his officers were in despair. Franklin said it was a pity that the troops had not been landed in Penn sylvania, where every farmer had his wagon. Braddock at once begged Franklin, as a man of influence there, to procure what was indispensable. Franklin went to Lancaster, published an offer of 155. a day for each wagon with a driver and four horses, and 2s. a day for each horse with a pack saddle or other saddle, and i8gL for a horse without a saddle, all to be at Will's creek by May 20, seven days' pay to be advanced, if desired, at the time of hiring, the drivers not to serve as soldiers. Franklin stayed several days in Lancaster and two days in York to receive offers ; his son attending to the offers in Cumberland County. A let ter signed by that wonderful man showed the people of the back counties that here was a chance for obtaining a large amount of gold and silver currency for easy work by those who served in it, and that if this plan did not succeed in fourteen days, the General would be notified and the soldiers would seize the best carriages and horses, and, perhaps, without compensation. The wagons were secured. The owners said that they did not know Brad dock, but would take Franklin's bond. At his suggestion, more over, the committee of the Assembly sent twenty packs of gro ceries on horses to as many subaltern officers, these arriving as soon as the wagons. Rev. Richard Peters, secretary of the Gov ernor's Council, who went to hurry the construction of the roads, found 108 men at work, but the commissioners discouraged for want of cash, "rum and carriage" being too high, he agreed for what was necessary at moderate prices. He ordered the road to be cut no wider than twelve feet, and only the one to the forks 435 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL to be pushed, and told Braddock that he must furnish an escort to protect the men, who could not be kept together a single day in case of any alarm from Indians ; moreover, the General would find his own march difficult, if Indians were induced by the French to annoy him, and, against them, he would be unable to reach Fort Duquesne without a body of Indian allies and several companies of rangers, both foot and mounted. Braddock de spised this fear of Indians, and said that the Province might, but he could not, send men to protect the road cutters. At that time, the troops were short of provisions; in the tents of the officers Peters saw no butter and little fresh meat, and the Gen eral's own fare was scanty, and his beef was not sweet. Scar rooyady and about forty Indians were at camp, mad at not being consulted, and with trouble likely to arise from the scandalous behavior of the officers with the squaws; so that Peters induced Braddock to send the Indian women home, and to forbid their presence in future. All but seven warriors left to escort these to Aughwick; and, when the army had gotten off, and murders along Will's creek began, it was suspected that, not the French Indians, to whom they were attributed, but these friendly Indians committed them. The General sent, moreover, the soldiers' wives into Pennsylvania, to be supported by the Province, except so far as one-third of the husbands' pay would suffice. On June 6, there having been no rain for two or three months, as well as in view of the starting of Braddock's expedition, Gov ernor Morris appointed June 19 as a day of fasting and prayer. The army left Will's creek on June 14, and in two days reached Little Meadows, whither St. Clair and Major Chapman had preceded them, erecting a fort there. On the advice of Washington, who was serving as one of Braddock's military fam ily, the General determined to make haste with 1,200 chosen men under Sir Peter Halket, Lieut.-Col. Gage, Lieut.-Col. Burton and Major Sparks, with only such wagons as were necessary; St. Clair starting with one-third the force on the 17th, and Braddock 436 George II King of England from 1727 to 1760 THE FRENCH INVASION with 800 men the next day, leaving to follow them some d,ays later Colonel Dunbar, Major Chapman, and the residue of the two regiments with some independent companies, women, etc. From Governor Sharpe's letter we learn that before June 22, the advance guard discovered a small body of French, who captured Scarrooyady, but on the troops coming up fell back and let him escape. From Edward Shippen's letter we learn that St. Clair beat off 200 or 300 French Indians. The 1,200, "halting to level every mole hill and erect bridges over every brook," made only twelve miles in four days. Washington, who was too sick to go on horseback, was left behind, but rejoined Braddock on July 8. On the 9th this force, largely of regular troops, was attacked by 250 French and 650 Indians, just after it had crossed the Monongahela, the second time that day, about seven miles from Fort DuQuesne. The British army was in three divisions. The first, of 300 men with two cannon, had been sent across the river under Thomas Gage, then Lieutenant- Colonel, afterwards the celebrated General, to secure the house and plantation of James Frazier, a trader, not far from a run named after him. On finding the river muddy, Gage suspected that it had just been crossed by the enemy, and, on crossing, he found many footprints; so he warned Braddock, although pos sessing himself of the plantation without opposition. The sec ond division, being the road makers, 200 strong, under St. Clair, was closely following, and the remaining 8co under Braddock himself with the artillery had made the crossing, when Gage's 300, ascending a hill at a place where a ravine on each side con cealed the foe, were suddenly fired at from behind trees and bushes. There are various accounts of the battle. If the reader takes up that written by Orme, the aid-de-camp, and published by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, let it be remembered that Orme's influence over his General was blamed for the result. When the British returned the enemy's fire, 100 Canadian militia men, being nearly half the whites at the attack, ran away, crying 439 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL "Sauve qui peut," and headed by two cadets. Braddock hurried forward with Burton and 400 men, while at the third volley of musketry, Beaujeu, the French commander, was killed, and with the bringing of cannon into play, the savages retired from within range. Dumas ordered them to attack on the flank. Charles Langlade led them. The British found themselves assailed from nearly all directions, their fire apparently making no impression, the enemy apparently in vast numbers, their own officers fall ing. Those familiar with Indian warfare wished to distribute themselves among the trees, but Braddock would not permit it, even striking some of them with his sword and calling them cow ards. His secretary, Governor Shirley's son, was killed, two of his aids-de-camp were wounded. Washington, his other aid-de-camp, had two horses shot under him, and four bullet holes in his coat. St. Clair was wounded. Halket, who had command of the rear well posted, Orme says, around the bag gage, was killed, and his men ran back in confusion. The wagoneers, separating the horses they mounted from the rest of the teams, abandoned everything. The provincial soldiers be haved very well. The French captured the artillery, and the English recaptured it, but could not bring it away owing to the loss of the horses. The regulars, however, in the confusion, half the time seeing no enemy, became panic stricken, gathering into groups and firing at friend and foe alike before precipitate flight, nor could they be rallied to save the lighter things. The officers, united in squads or else singly, advanced against the enemy, as an example to the common soldiers; but only sacri ficed themselves. In the course of three hours sixty officers were killed or wounded. Braddock himself was mortally wounded. His money, papers, and letters were among the loot secured by the victors. Only about 300 sound men remained to retreat and unite with Dunbar, who, impeded with the heavy baggage, was in camp forty miles behind. Braddock was car ried to Great Meadows, where he died on the 13th. Before day- 440 THE FRENCH INVASION break his body was buried, Washington reading the burial serv ice. Dunbar did not feel strong enough to confront the enemy, and so, after destroying his ammunition and most of his pro visions, moved back to Fort Cumberland ; and the ioo men guard ing those employed in cutting the road were notified to make no Chimney Rocks Blair County ; said to have been a resort of Chief Logan and his Indians further advance, but join him at the same fort. Thus the coun try west of the Alleghanies was left to the French and their In dian allies, who were free, moreover, to reinforce those who were opposing the English expedition to Niagara. Greater still was the dismay when Dunbar decided to take the remains of the two regiments to Philadelphia and spend the winter there. Leaving the independent companies to garrison the fort and take care of 400 wounded, he with 1,200 men, an ample army in those days 441 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL to protect the frontier, started for the safest part of the Province, against the protest of the Governor and Assembly, and with the population west of the Susquehanna forsaking their houses and unusually good crops. Morris, finding that the Assembly, in raising money for de fence, was likely to tax the Proprietary estates, thought he might create some popularity for his superiors, as well as promote re cruiting, by offering land as an additional encouragement to those who would enlist in an expedition against the French on the Ohio; he therefore sent a message to the Assembly on July 20, promising 1,000 acres to a colonel, 750 to a lieutenant-colonel, 500 to a captain, 400 to a lieutenant or ensign, and 200 to a com mon soldier, on condition of settlement in three years after the removal of the French, to be free of quit rent for fifteen years from March 1, 1756. Morris, after starting a fort at Carlisle and another at Shippensburg, and forming four companies of militia, wrote to Dunbar and to Governor Shirley, who had suc ceeded Braddock as commander-in-chief, asking that such troops as were not needed at Fort Cumberland be posted at Carlisle, Shippensburg, and McDowell's Mill, at which last named place the new road to the Alleghanies began. The Assembly passed a bill on August 5, to raise 50,000/. for the King's use by a tax for two years of I2d. yearly per /. on all estates, real and personal, and 20s. yearly per head on all taxables. Morris proposed an amendment exempting the Proprietary estates. The Assembly asked whether he was restricted by the Proprietaries' instructions against passing the bill as it stood, or he himself was of opinion that the amendment was right. Morris replied that his com mission contained a proviso that he should not have power to do or consent to an act whereby the estate or property of the Pro prietaries might be hurt or incumbered ; therefore he deemed that any law contrary to such proviso would be void; he, moreover, would have thought it his duty to have the estates exempted, be cause, ist, all Governors hereditary or otherwise were exempt; 442 THE FRENCH INVASION 2nd, a law of the Province expressly declared such estates not liable for rates and taxes; 3rd, the Proprietaries having by their Governor consented to a law vesting in the people the choice of persons to assess and lay taxes in the several counties, without reserving any negative over such choice, it would be unreason able to empower such persons to tax these estates at discretion ; 4th, to tax them was contrary to the general practice in such governments. The reader would doubtless agree with the Assembly's declaiming against the injustice, had we space to make extracts from its well prepared messages. The law of the province then in force exempting the estates, concerned levies for paying assemblymen's wages and rewards for killing wolves, crows, and foxes and other purposes more immediately for the benefit of the inhabitants. As to what seems the strongest point made by Morris, that the Proprietaries had no voice in choosing the assessors, the latter, it was shown, were bound by oath or affirmation to value the lands impartially, and the Proprietaries had enough officers and dependents in every county to cast a pro portion of the whole vote for assessors equal to their proportion of the tax. Morris on August 9 asked the Assembly to pass a militia law. On the 16th, as the treasury was exhausted, Mor ris told the Assembly that he would pass a bill for striking any sum in paper money that the present exigencies might require, if such paper money was to be sunk in five years. Shirley, on August 12, ordered Dunbar to make a further at tempt to capture Fort Duquesne with the troops he had, and such reinforcements as Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia should raise; and, if successful, after garrisoning it, to proceed against Fort Presque Isle; if unsuccessful in both attempts, then to cover the frontier of Pennsylvania. Morris, on hearing this, despaired of raising any colonial troops; nothing, he felt, would be appropriated by the Assembly, and Maryland and Virginia would not act if Pennsylvania held back ; so he advised Dunbar to come to Philadelphia, whence he could either go on to Albany, 443 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIAL & FEDERAL or, if the Duquesne expedition were practicable, go easily to Car lisle and meet the reinforcements there; he thought Niagara the most important point to possess. Dunbar and his troops spent about a month in Philadelphia, receiving many recruits. By General Shirley's order he could not accept any indentured servants who offered themselves. When, some time later, to hasten the filling up of certain regi ments, this order was rescinded, the masters complained to the Assembly, and the latter to the Lieutenant-Governor, saying that it presumed no colony on the continent had furnished more free recruits than Pennsylvania, where great numbers had been raised for Shirley's and Pepperrell's regiments, for Halket's and Dun bar's, for the New York and Carolina Independent Companies, for Nova Scotia, and even for the West Indies. If the property in the service of indentured persons were not respected the people would be driven to buy negro slaves, of which there were few here, and the Province, instead of growing by the increase of white inhabitants, would be weakened, as every slave was a do mestic enemy. 444 Inde x Acrod, Benjamin, 299 Act for better arministration of Justice, 362 for collection of quit rents, 354 of Union, 266 Acts of assembly, passage of live, 332 Adolphus, Gustavus, 67; death of, 68 Agreement between Risingh and Stuyves ant, 106 of Proprietors, 194; provisions of, 195, 196 Agriculture at New Sweden, 86 Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty of, 41 1 ; conditions of, 415 Alarm, a false, created, 356, 357 Albany, efforts at, to dispossess Penn, 294 fear of fur trade diversion from, 292 meeting of congress at, 334 troops for, 400 Algonkian Indians, 3-4 Allen, Nathaniel, 217 Alrich, Governor Jacob, 113 Alrich, Peter, 275; appointment of as schout, 160; grant of land to, 146; permission of, to trade, 146; servants of, killed, 151, 152 Amity, arrival of the, 242 sailing of the, 218 Amsterdam, purchase of claims on the Del aware by, 113 Andersson, Peter, 75 Andries, Lace, 162 Andros, Governor, 173 ; administration of, 162; visit of, to the Delaware, 161 Appropriation for a fort, 418 for defense of Louisburg, 399 for the King, 390 for the King's use, 400, 442 for military purposes, 433 for the Queen, 360, 361 Appropriation for support of the Indians, 428 for war purposes, 427 Appropriations, methods of raising, 434 Arets, Lenart, 306 Argall, Captain Samue., 39-40 Army at Will's Creek, supplies for, 432 Ashcorn, Charles, 30 1 Assembly, act of, 362 act of, appropriating money, 442 act for issuing bills of credit, 423 adjournment of the, 351 and Hamilton, dispute between, 412 and Morris, difference between the, 434 a new, elected, 361 appeal of the, to England, 434 appeal of, for defence, 408 bill of, for issue of bills of credit, 412 course of, in war with France, 399 dissolution of the, 281 first meeting of, 264, 265 first deputies to, 265 functions of, in law making, 320 grant of tax by, 327 Keith's allegiance to, 368 meeting of, at New Castle, 337 membership of, 407, 408 number of members of, 275 policy of, with Indians, 418 privileges of, confirmed, 351 proceedings of, on bills of credit, 387 qualifications of deputies, 267 Quaker influence in, 390 range of legislation by, 277 second meeting of the, 272, 273 speaker of the first, 274 special session of the, 357 445 INDEX Assembly, summoned by Penn, 337 summoning of, 332 tax levied by, 338 the first, 263, 264 Athanasian orthodoxy, acceptance of, 354 Attack upon Fort Duquesne, 439, 440 Balding, Theo., 301 Baltimore, Lord, 200, 201, 238-239, 254 application of, for grant, 381 boundary troubles with, 380-386 fifth, boundary agreement by, 382 claims of, 379 genealogy of, 238 foot note land purchase by, 243 meeting of, with Penn, 270, 271 petition of, to the king, 383 return of, to England, 383 Bankson, Andreas, 237 Baptist denomination, cause of growth of the, 316, 317 Barber, John, 253 Barclay, Robert, 199; apology of, 309 Barents, Christian, death of, 113 Barker, Wharton, 323 Bartholomew, George, landlord, 257 Battery, establishment of, 408 Franklin's lottery for a, 411 Bayard, Nicholas, 294 Beazor, John, 241 Beekman, William, 116, 117; letter of, 123; reports of, 117 Beginnings of Penn's Colony, the, 236 Bengston, Andreas, 275, 296 Berkely, Lord John, 194 Berks county, formation of, 412 Bezar, John, 217 Bienville, Celeron de, 416 Biggs, John, 265 Biles, William, 237, 273, 322; jailing of, 355J prosecution of, 353 Bills of credit, 387 offer to issue, 400 refusal of assembly to issue, 433 Binckes, Jacob, 160 Births on board the Welcome, 253 Blackwell, Capt. John, 313; opposition to by Quakers, 314; relieved as deputy-gov ernor, 315 Block, Captain. Adrian, 40, 43 Blue Anchor tavern, the, 257 Blunston, John, 28.8, 296, 343 Blunston, Samuel, proprietaries' agent, 383 Boarding-house charges in 1682, 241 Body of laws, provisions of, 266-270 Boghardt, Jost de, 79 Bonde, Anders Svensson, sketch of, 75 Boumat, Louis, 302 , Boundary between Connecticut and New York, 413 between Pennsylvania and Virginia, 414 claims, early, 200 difficulties, the, 379-386 disputes, 413, 414 line, details of the, 382 line, the Maryland, 238 question, settlement of, 413 question, Virginia interest in the, 414 the Connecticut, 413 Bovington, Richard, 171 Braddock, Gen. Edward, 390 ; arrival of, 431; death of, 440; burial of. 441 Braddock's expedition, 435-441 expedition, letters in relation to, 439 forces, division of, 436, 439 opinion of Indians, 436 Brassey, Thomas, 265 Brick-making at New .Aftnstel, 115 Bringhurst, John, 391 British Factor, sailing of the, 218 Bristow, John, 315 British war vessel, appeal for a, 411 Brockholls, Capt. Anthony, 236 Brown, James, 334 Brule, Etienne, 35-36 Etienne, entrance of into Pennsyl vania, 36, 39 Buck's county, deputies from, 265 Budd, Thomas, 320 Burial ground, early, 83 Burlington, story of settlement of, 196 Burying grounds, land for, 372 Byllinge, Edward, 194 Cadwalader, John, 258 foot note Call for men for the Canada expedition, 360 Callowhill, Thomas, 332, 363 Calvert, Cecilius, 379 George, first Lord Baltimore, 117 Campanius, Rev. John, arrival of, at New Sweden, 81 Cantwell, Edmund, 255, 273 Carolus, Laurentius, 176 446 INDEX Carpenter, Joshua, 336" Samuel, 307, 315, 323, 340, 343.363; assistant lieutenant-governor, 328 Carr, Capt. John, commander at New Cas tle, 146 Sir Robert, report of, 143 Carteret, Sir George, 194 Gov. Philip, 162 Cartier, Jacques, explorations of, 35 Cape Henlopen, 220 Capes May and Henlopen, naming of, 40 Carlisle, building of a fort at, 442 Cattle, branding and recording of, 278 Caves in Philadelphia as dwellings, 261 Central government, provision for, 425 Champlain, Samuel, 35.; journal of, 36, 39; operations of against the Iroquois, 38-39 Charles I, commission of, to Thomas Yong, 62 grant by, to Sir Edmund Plowden, 59. 60 Charles II, 191, 199; charter from to Penn, 381 Charles X, death of, 107 Charter, a new, for Philadelphia, 343, 344 desire for a new, 275, 276 features of the new, 277 framing of a new, 276 of Pennsylvania, 223-235 of privileges, provisions of the, 340, 34i of pioperty, preparation of, 344 property, veto of, 345 signing of the new, 276 Chesapeake Bay, early description of, 31-2 Chester county, division of, 372 deputies from, 265 renamed from Upland, 255 Christ church, closing of, 355 Christian Quakers, the, 320 Christina, character of Swedes at, 80 and Fort Nassau, rivalry between, 76 fur trade at, 16 lack of horses and cattle at, 80 naming of, 71 renamed, in, 112 Church at Tinicum Island, 176 of England, non-existent in Pennsyl vania, 309 of Sweden, the, 308 first in Pennsylvania, 83 Churches, early, 175, 176 Claim of Dutch purchase on site of Phila delphia, 59 of the heir-at-law, the, 363-373 Clark, William, 265, 273, 343 Claypoole, James, 220, 310, 323; letter from, 242 Claypoole, John, 296 Clayton, James, 405 William, 173, 236, 273 Clergy, the early, 308, 309 before the Revolution, 309 Cock, John, 301 Lasse, 236, 273. 288 Otto, Ernest, 162, 236 Peter, 114, 162, 288 ; collector of tolls, 133 Code of laws enacted, 265, 266 Cole, Josiah, 193, 199 Coleman, Henry, sedition of, 146, 147 Collier, Capt. John, "commander," 171 Collision between the Swedes and the Dutch, 97 Colonial commissioners, 195 union recommended, 426 Colonies, early trade of, 299 efforts for a union of, 334 plan for union of, 425 state of, 425 Colonists, alleged grievances of, 338 arrival of in 163 1, 50 from Wales and Germany, 302 Colony, early development of, 295, 296 constitutional basis of the, 279, 280 trouble in, 146, 147 Colve, Capt. Anthony, as governor of New York, 160 Commerce, tribute demanded of, 357 Commission of property, members of, 343 to meet Indians at Albany, 399 to try criminals, 347 and powers of deputy-governor, 312 Commissioners of property, 310 the boundary, 382, 383 Committee to address the proprietary, 352 to read Logan's letter, 391 Concord, arrival of the, 220 Condition of early settlers, 174 Conditions and Concessions, 234 Conference between Stuyvesant and Swedes, 1 13, 114 Confinement, places for, 278 447 INDEX Conflict between the Dutch and the Swedes, 93- 94 Congress at Albany, proceedings of, 425 ; representation by, 425, 426 meeting of at Albany, 334 Coolin, Annakey, 301 Cook, Arthur, 312, 316; presentation of commission by, 324 Coppock, Bartholomew, 315 Cornbury, Lord, 358 Coroner's inquest, an early, 299 Corssen, Arent, arrival of, at Fort Nassau, 59 Cosard, Lees, 302 Council, action of regarding a school, 299, 300 and assembly, dissolution of, 331 appointment of, by Markham, 332 as Penn's deputy, 315 in Maryland, 121, 122 lower county members, desertion trom, 316 minutes of the, 274, 275, 297-301 of Governor Nicolls, 146 of nine, assembling of, 236; names of, 236 of state, a new, 343; duties of, 344 of Upland, organization of, 237 opportunity of, to choose president, 315 Penn's propositions to, 316 powers of the, 376 seizure of a ship by, 296, 299 succession of, to Gov. Hamilton, 347 Counterfeiting, an early example of, 296 County courts, early appeals from, 296 employment of the title, 174 Court at Upland, a new, 237; jurisdiction of, 173 business in early years, 163-166 of admirality, opposition to, 335, 336 of chancery, cases before the, 376 ; establishment of, 368 of equity, 376 Courtland, Stephen, 294 Courts, early, 162 proceedings of, declared void, 351 range of business of, 162 Coxe, Col. Daniel, 323 Crefeld company, the, 306 immigrants from, 305 Cresap, Thomas, operations of, 3S2-386; ar rest of, 385 Crcsap's migration project, 384, 385 Crisis in Dutch and Swedish affairs, 97, 98 Crispin, William, 217 Croghan, George, Indian agent, 417, 420 Cumberland county, formation of, 412 Currency, silver, 163 Curteis, Joseph, 288 Dankers, Jasper, 180 Dankers' and Sluyter's journal, 180-187 Dare, William, landlord, 257 David, Rev. Hugh, anecdote of, 406, 407 Dawson, Thomas, Baron Dartrey, 406 Death penalty, the, 268 Death on board the Welcome, 253 Decay of forts at Christina and Tinicum, 1 12 Defense of the province, 357 De Haes, John, 275 Delavall, John, 316, 324 Delaware and Maryland, relations of, 379 and Pennsylvania, act uniting, 265 Bay and river, first permanent white settlement on, 73 Bay, existence of, first learned, 34 Bay, naming of, 40 Bay, or river, first settlement on, 53 colony, delivery of, to Penn, 255 colony, extension of, 148 colony, submission cf to the Dutch, 160 conditions on, 143 number of white people on west bank of, 134 river, description of by De Vries, 56 river, distress on, 144 river, first minister on, 76 river, location of colonists on, 134 river renamed, 62 river, reviving activity on the, 172, 173 territory, deeds of, 262 the, plundering on, 159 trade on the, 156 Deputy-governor, opposition to, 314 arrival of a new, 313 De Vries, arrival of his party on the Wal rus, 50 ascent of Delaware river by, 54, 55 David Peterson, sketch of, 53 INDEX De Vries, description of country by, 55 description of Delaware river by, 56 intercourse of, with the Indians, 54, 56 journal of, S3-85 De Vries s party, settlement of, 50 D'Hinoyossa, Alexander, 122 cession of the South River to, 133 settlement of, in Maryland, 143, 144 surrenders to the Duke of York, 133, Dickinson, John, 323 Jonathan, 307 Domestic animals, need of, 115 Dongan, Col. Thomas, 290, 291 release of land by, to Penn, 293 Draper, Alexander, 265 Drew, Roger, 218 Drewet, Morgan, 236 Drunkenness, a punishable offense, 268 Drystreet, Henry, 301 Dueling, prohibition of, 269 Duke of York, 192, 194, 207, 209, 220, 291, 293 administration under, 135-187 deeds issued by, 220 loss of title by, 161 new patent to, 161 surrender to, of Manhattan, 133 Duke's laws, establishment and character of, 145, 262 Dulany, Daniel, 385 Dunbar, Thomas, 43 1 Dutch agriculture, slow progress of, 113 and English, rival claims of, 66 and Marylanders, conference be- tween, ug and Swedes, absorption of, 307; con ference between the, 71 attempts of, to control Swedes, 131, 132 authority, center of, in authority on the Delaware, 112 chaiacteristics of, 261 claims on the South River, 72 colonists, arrival of, at Christina, 79 colony, sickness and distress in, 113, 114 commission to examine South River conditions, 120 confirmation of sale of land to, 94 conflict of, with Swedes, 94 Dutch East India Company, 3S expedition, arrival cf, 113 feebleness on the Delaware, 92, 93 oath of allegiance by, 143 officials, lands of, distributed, 142 purchase from Indians, 117 Reformed faith, 175, 176 rule, brevity of, 16c rule in Pennsylvania, in settlement, the, 1 1 1 settlers ordered to depart from Del aware bay, 199 settlers threatened by Virginia force. 65 territory, disadvantage of division of, 133 trade, increase of, in America, 48 trade, on South River, 56 West India Company, 93 Dwelling houses, early, 180, 181 Earl of Bellomont, 335 of Holdernesse, 419 of Shewsbury, the, 314 of Sunderland, 199, 381 ; letter to, 295 Early conditions, 259 food resources, 272 surveying, 241, 242 Eckley, John, 312, 323 Education, early efforts for, 279 in court, 164 Elfsborg fort, 196 Fmbargo, effect of an, on Philadelphia, 408 Emigrants, blending of descendants of, 307 Emigration to Pennsylvania, 220 England and Holland, peace between, 101, 144; war between, 139-143, 159 colonial policy of, 209 consolidation of power of, 136 political conditions in, 207, 208 traditional policy of, 135 England's forces, plunder by, 142 English and Dutch, rival claims of, 66 claims, 135 fleet on the Delaware, 141 fleet, sailing of for America, 140 fleet, vessels of, 140 immigration, 172 -Irish, the, 307 laws, establishment of, 145 occupancy on the Delaware, 196 I-29 449 INDEX English purposes, warnings of, to the Dutch, 135 settlement, brief existence of, 80 settlement, the, 307-324 settlers at Upland, 168, 171 settlers, fiom New Haven, 79 settlers, qualifications of, 308 trade, expansion of, 136 trade restrictions in favor of, 136 troops, criticism of, 428 Enlisted servants, number of, 390 Episcopal church, the oldest, 319 "Essex House," 171 Evans, John, arrival of, 351; antagonizes the assembly, 351 ; obnoxious measures of, as governor, 357, 358 Evelin, Robert, arrival of, 59; description of the country by, 64; explorations of, 63 Everts, Cornelius, 160 Exchange, rate of, 371 Expedition of Dutch colcnists, 113 the tenth Swedish, 107 to New Sweden, the ninth, 100 Exports, early, 116 Fabritius, Jacobus, 176 Fairman, Thomas, 173, 236, 241 Fasting, day of, 411 Fences, provisions for height of, 278 Fendall, Josias, 119 Fenwick, Jjhn, 194, 196 Fermor, Thomas, Earl of Pomfret, 406 Ferries, establishment of, ordered, 279 Feudal lordship, release of, 377 Field, John, 363 Finance under Thomas, 387 Finland, colonists from, 81 Finney, Samuel, 343 Finns, arrival of, 80 Fire, act for prevention of, 332 company in defense of Philadelphia, 411 engine, a novel, 411 First church in limits of Pennsylvania, 83 issue of paper money, the, 368, 369 minister on the Delaware, 76 sail vessel on the great lakes, 179 Swedish settlers, sketches of, 75 vessel built within limits of original Union, 40 white settlement in Pennsylvania, 82 Fish, early supply of, 240, 241 Fitzwater, Thomas, 253, 275, 296 Five Nations, the, 6; peace with, 339 Fletcher, Benjamin, 326; confirmation of laws by, 326 episode, the, 294, 295 Governor, 316; call for men by, 328; lamentation of, 331 Flower, Enoch, 296 Ford, Philip, 334; claims of heirs of, 358 Forgery by a high official, 356 Fort advised on the Monongahela, 418 at Tinicum, decay of, 112 Beversrede bu,ilding of, 94 building of, at Carlisle, 442 building of, by the Ohio Company, 416 built at Hoorn-kill, 117 built at Fort Little Meadows, 436 Casimir, building of, 98; capture of, 101; capture of by the Dutch, 104; decay of, 113; name of, changed, 10 1 ; under the Dutch, 112 Christina, building of, 71; decay of, 112; house building at, 72 ; siege of, 105; strengthened, 98; surren dered to the Dutch, 105 contribution for building a, 418 Cumberland, retreat to, 441 Duquesne, details of attack upon, 439-442; killed and wounded at, 440 ; preparations for march to, 435, 436; retreat from, 441; sec ond attempt to capture, 443 Elfsborg, 82; abandonment of, 98 Korsholm, burning of, 102; strength ened, 98 Nassau, 185; abandonment of by the Dutch, 98; a center of trade, 49; and Christina, rivalry between, 76; arrival of Capt. George Holmes at, 65 ; arrival of De Vries at, 54; defenseless condition of, 65; de termination to abandon it, 49; first place occupied by white men on the Delaware, 49; new commissary at, 93; recapture of, 65; situation of, 49 Necessity, bombardment of, 427; gar rison of, 427; surrender of, 427 New Gottenbuig, strengthened, 98 New Korsholm, 82 of Nye '(new) Gottenberg, 82 450 INDEX Fort on the Monongahela taken by the French, 424 Trinity, 101 Forts on the frontier, contribution for building, 339, 340 Founder of Pennsylvania, the, 18S et seq. Fourth expedition from Sweden to Chris tina, 80 Fox, George, 189, 190, 193, 199, 32-'> de scription by, 148, 151; journal of, 155 Frame of government, 263, 275; aspect of the, towards religion, 354, 355; the old and the new, 337 Frankfort company, the, 305 Franklin, Benjamin, 348, 420, 425; clerk, 408; conference of, with Braddock, 435; pamphlet by, 408; work of in obtaining army supplies, 435 Franklin spuare, 25S Franklin's plan for union, 425 Franks, David, 354 Frazier, James, 439 Free Society of Traders, formation of the, 218, 220 French aggressions, 425 basis of their claim, 415 battle with the, 424 claims, arrogance of, 420 claims en the Ohio, 416 contention, the, 416 fort at Casoago, 419 in Canada, the; 35-36 invasion, the, 415 measures against the Indians, 418 measures to oppose the, 419 on the Allegheny, 415 the, in America, 415 trading rights, 425 John, 356, 358 Friends in England, letter to, 352 Friends' school, 319 Fruits, early, 240 Furly, Benjamin, 210, 211 (foot note), 306 Fur trade at Manhattan, 40 beginning of, 8 fear of diversion from Albany, 292 prices governing the, 115, 116 Furs, shipment of, 116 Gage, Thomas, 439 Galloway, Joseph, 324 Game, early, 239 General Assembly, election of, 262-264 Geoffrey, arrival of the, 271; the sailing of, 230 German and Welsh settlers, qualifications of the, 308 colonists, arrival of, 302 immigration, 368 land purchase, the first, 306 protestants, the, 308 settlers and Cresap, 383, 384 settlers, attempts to dispossess, 384 settlers of Germantown, 308 settlers, persecution of, 385 settlers, purchase of land by, 306 settlers, the first, 305, 306 Gist, Christopher, 417 Goodson, John, 316; assistant lieutenant- governor, 328; resignation of, 332 Gookin, Charles, appointment of as lieu tenant-governor, 359; groundless charges by, 361 Gordon, Patrick, 355, 370; administration of, 371-373; commissioned lieutenant- governor, 370; death of, 376 Gorsuch, Richard, grant to, 148 Gouldney, Henry, 359, 363 Government, of Pennsylvania, beginning ofi 237 of the colony organized, 262-270 how constituted, 332, 333 new frame of, 332, 333 Governor, appointments by, 300 Dinwiddie, proclamation by, 423 Hamilton, complaint to, 416 Shirley, commander-in-chief, 442 ; offer of assistance by, 424 trials of the office of, 346 Governor's Council, meeting of, 273; mem bers of, 273 Governorship of Thomas and Richard Penn, 407-414 Graeme, Dr. Thomas, 372 Graham, James, 290 Grain, cultivation of, in New Sweden, 86 Grand jury, the first in Pennsylvania, 296 Grapes, the native, 302 Graydon, Alexander, 388 Great Britain, dominion of, 425 Great law amended, 277, 278; provisions of, 266-270 Great Treaty, the, 282-288 Griffin, building of the, 179; entry of on 451 INDEX Lake Erie, 179; voyage of up the lakes, 180 Grifitts, Thomas, 390, 392 Griffith, the, 196 Gripen, the, return of, to Christina, 74 Growdon, Joseph, 323 Lawrence, 323, 408 Guest, Alice, 257 John, 343 Guilder, value of, 163 foot note Gunnarsson, Sven, sketch of, 75 Hague, William, 241 Haige, William, 218, 273, 290; visits Lord Baltimore, 244 Halket, Sir Peter, 431, 436 Hall, Col. Edward, 384 Hamilton, Andrew, 372; chosen lieutenant- gcvernor, 344; death of, 347 James, 408; commissioned, 411, 412 Hanson, Mathys, 114 Hardwicke, Lord Chancellor, decision by 412 Harrison, James, 207, 273, 274, 322; Penn'* letter to, 217; perjury of, 311 Hartsfelder, Julian, 173 Harvey, Sir John, 65 Hasell, Samuel, 408 Heathcote, Gilbert, 363 Heermans (or Herman), Augustine, 120 Heirs of Penn, 363 Helm, Israel, interpreter, 162; justice, 166; supervisor of fur trade, 133 Hendricks, John, 384 Hendricksen, Cornelius, discoveries of, 44; report of, 43-44 Hendrickson, Yeshoo, 300 Herman, Augustine, 97; journal of, 121 Ephraim, 220, 254 Gasparus, 275 Herriott, Thomas, 253 Higginbotham, Charles, operations of, 385 Hill, Richard, 324, 363; as speaker, 361; bravery of, 358; charges against, 361; death of, 372 Hilliard, John, 273 Hjort, Rev. Petrus, 100 Holland and England, peace between, 144; war between, 159 Hollender, Peter, commissioned governor, 76 Holme, Thomas, 218, 242, 257, 265, 273, 288; sketch of, 322 Holmes, Captain George, 65 Hook, Marcus, revolt by, 146 Hoorn-kill, seizure of, 142, 143 Hopkinson, Thomas, 408 Hosset (or Osset), left as commissary, 50 House of defense, 264 Hudde, Andreas, commissary at Fort Nas sau, 93 Hudson, Henry, exploration of, 34-35 Huguenots, the, 301 Huyghen, Hendricks, 73, 107 Immigrants, arrival of at New Amstel, 133 Immigration, beginning of the tide of, 301, 302 increase of, 368 Impost on liquor, 337, 354 Impeachment trial, an early, 310, 311 Inbert, Andrew, 302 Indentured servants enlisted, 389; enlist ment of, 444 Indian agents recommended, 426 aid to the English, 427 anthropology, 12 chiefs, 4 claims, 366 complaints, 395 council at Logstown, 41 S council at Printz Hall, 102 deed, an old, 377 fealty to the English, 417, 428 humor, 3g6 intercourse, 425, 426 outbreak at Manhattan, 106 purchase, 1682, 242, 243 purchase, bounds of, 242, 243 relations under Keith, 366, 367 removals, 395, 396 sales of land by, 287-289, 426 trade, 88 trade, attractiveness of, 216 trade, conditions of, 420 trade, restrictions on, 339 treaty at Chester, 87 treaty with Maryland, 396 treaty with Virginia, 396 Indians, abuse of liquor sale to, 123 ask for more pay for lands, 395 at Aughwick, 428 Captain Smith's description of, 31-33 452 INDEX Indians, characteristics of, in Pennsylvania, 26 Conference of, with Peter Minuit, 70 conscious of ruin from drink, 124 council of, at Fort Nassau, 98 description of, by De Vries, 56 fire-arms supplied to, 21 first supplied with rum, 15-16 Five Nations of, 6 French efforts to influence the, 416 French operations against the, 418 frequent selection of, for guides, 130, 13* friendliness of, towards De Vries, 54-55 friendliness to pioneers, 33, 40 implements of, 9- 11 injury to, by drink, 295 Iroquois supremacy in Pennsylva nia, 23-24 Iroquois supremacy over the Minsi, 23-24 Len-a-pe, or Leni Len-a-pe, 3 Lenape migration, 27, 29 liquor selling to, 123, 124, 127 money (Zewandt), 92 moral condition of, 15 murder of, at New Amstel, 127 negotiations with, 171, 173 New Sweden threatened by, 86, 87 number of in Pennsylvania, 7 obj ections of, to the walking pur chase, 378 occupations and dwellings of, 7-8, to of Pennsylvania, the, 1-29 of Pennsylvania, characteristics of, 3 of Pennsylvania, number of, * of Pennsylvania, their origin, 2 of the interior, 16-17 on the Delaware, estimate of num ber, 64 payment to, at Philadelphia, 395 peace made with, 129 peace with, in the colonies, 339 penalty for selling liquor to, 161 political system of, 6-7 possession of land among, 9 presents to by the Dutch, 112 privileges of laws extended to, 339 purchase from, claimed by the Dutch, 59 Indians, purchase of land from, 79, 98 relations of Lenape to Iroquois, 19- 21 release of lands by, 366 religion of, 13-14 removal of, westward, 372 restrictions upon, 366, 367 revenge of, for murder, 128 sale of arms to, forbidden, 22 sale of land by, 376, 377 sale of lands by, to the Dutch, 117 sale of liquor to, restricted, 268, 269 second treaty of, with Swedes, 72 struggle between Lenape and Iro quois, 22-23 sub-tribes of, 5, 6 Swedes' agreement with, 70, 71 the Massawomeks, 31 the Susquehannock, 17-18 threatened war with, 152, 155 threats of, . against settlers on the Susquehanna, 432 totems of, 5 trade with, on the Hudson river, 21 treaties with, 242 treaty with, under Keith, 367 trouble between the northern and southern, 366 Industries, early, 371 Ingoldsby, Richard, 294 Ingram, Isaac, 253 Interest, rate of reduced, 368 Irish Quakers, the, 307 Iroquois confederacy, meeting with the, 399 Indians in Pennsylvania, 16-17 war among, 130 Jacobson, Hendrick, 300 Jacques Island, seat of authority, 82; iden tified as Little Tinicum, 55 Jacquet, John Paul, 112 James, Duke of York, grant to, 136, 139 James II, 199 decision of, as to boundary, 380 Janney, Thomas, 323 Jasper, John, 188 Margaret, 188 Jegou, Peter, his island, 151 Jennings, Edward, 385 Samuel, 320, 332 Jews, settlement of in Pennsylvania, 354 453 INDEX Jones, Dr. Edward, 258, note; letter from, 258, 259, 323 Griffith, 265, 315, 352 Owen, 258, foot note John and Sarah, sailing of the, 218 Jordan, Robert, 391 Journal of Dankers and Sluyter, 180-187 Judge, impeachment trial of, 310, 311 Judges, protest against Quaker, 347 Judicial system, the early, 270 Jumonville, death of, 424 Jury, the first trial, 296 Justice, administration of, 362 Kalmar, Nyckel the, homeward voyage of, 74; return of to Christina, 76 Kearsley, Dr. John, 372 Keeper of the great seal, 310 Keith and Logan, strife between, 369, 370 Keith, George, 199, 316, 319; 362; charac teristics of, 319; charges against, 319; trial of, 320; relations of with Indians, 366, 367 Keith, Sir William, 355, 361; allegiance of to the Assembly, 368; close of adminis tration of, 371; old age and death of, 371 Kent deputies from, 265 the chip, 196 Kidd, Captain, 334 Kieft, Willem, 71, 72, 74, 75. 76; unwise administration of, 92 King George II, money voted for, 390 of England, 315 William III, petition to, 294 "Kingsesse," 91 Kinsey, John, 399 "Kleynties and his comrades," significance of, 45-46, 48 Klmg, Mans, 72, 73, 80 Kreigshcim, immigrants from, 306 Krygier, Capt. Martin, 120 Lambert, General, 313 Lamberton, Capt. George, 79 Lancaster, county, erection of, 372 Land, further grants of, requested, 172, 173 grant of, to the Ohio company, 416 grant of, to Society of Traders, 219 grants, changes of, with Swedes, 258 grants of, 148 grievance of colonists concerning, 338 Land. Indian sale of, to proprietaries, 376, 377 offered for Connecticut immigrants, 423 patents, delay in granting, 338 per cent, of, allowed for roads, 338, 339 probable definite grants to Swedes, 133 purchase by Penn, 287 Landing, Robert Wade's, 241 Lands, claims against, by Indians, 366 grant of, to Gov. Dongan, 293 offer of, to soldiers, 442 offered by Virginia for troops, 423 on the Susquehanna, 292, 294 purchase of, frcm Indians, 412 unoccupied, 402 Langhorne, Jeremiah, 372 Thomas, 322 Lardner, John, 374 Large, Ebenezer, 391 La Salle's discoveries, 177, 187 discoveries on the Ohio, 178, 179 visit to Western Pennsylvania, 178 Lawrence, Thomas, 399, 408 Lawrie, Gawen, 194 Laws, 266-270 governing removals, 278, 279 new set of, urged, 337 objection to many, in London, 345 submission of, to the King, 345 ten important, 368 Larrin, Andrew, 302 Legislators, some of the early, 320-324 Legislature, permanent separation in the, 348 Lehnmann, Philip W., 288 Lenape, number of in Pennsylvania, 7 Letitia house, 261 foot note Letters from a Farmer, 560-562; quotations from, 362 Liberty of conscience, 266, 267 Licenses, early, 269, 270 Lieutenint-governor, two appointments of, 3^6 Lieutenant-governors, unfortunate charac ter cf, 348 Lieutenant-governorship, not desired, 312, 3i3 Lindstrom, Peter, 100; town laid out by, 102 454 INDEX Lion, arrival of the, 271 Liquor, impost on, 337 selling to Indians, evils of, 428 Little Meadows, fort built at, 436 Lloyd and Blackwell, trouble between, 313, 314 Charles, 324 David, 313, 316, 324, 335, 344, 352, 370; death of, 372; selection of as speaker. 371; speaker, 351 Thomas, 296, 300, 313, 316, 324, 346, 391; and his family, 306; commis sion of, as lieutenant-governor, 316; election of as president, 315; prominence of, 31c Lock, Carolus, fine of, 147 Rev. Lars Carlsson, 93 Logan, James, 265; appointment of, as sec retary, 337; 343; charges of against Lloyd, 360; arrest of, 360, 361; letter from, 361, 362; 363, 367; and Keith, strife between, 369, 370; removal of, from office, 369; restoration of, as secretary, 370; as chief justice, 372 ; gift of, for library, 386; letter of, to the meeting, 390, 391; resignation of, 407 Logan square, 258 Loganian Library, 386, 387 London, plague in, 192 Long Finn, the, trial of, 147 Lord Baltimore, his claims, 282; orders of, to survey lands, 118, 119; vs. the Penns, decision of, 412, 413; claims of, 379-382 Lords Commissioners for Trade, Penn be fore the, 200 Loss of Swedish expedition, 94, 97 Louis the Fourteenth, 301 Lovelace, Governor, 145-147; terms of, 148; letter from, 159 Lower Counties, the, 220 control of the, 348 discontent in, 315, 316 settlement stopped in the, 386 Lower Marion, description of, 259 Lowther, George, appointment of as cap tain, 347 Margaret, 363 Magistrates, respect for, demanded, 310 Mahanoy, burning of village at, 451 Manhattan, bad conditions at, 92 Dutch trade at, 40 Manhattan, purchase of, 50 rapid growth of, 94 Mann, Abraham, 265 Maps, early Dutch, 44-47 Market-house, the, 258 Markham, Sir John, 321 William, 273 ; accused of piratical connivance, 334; as lieutenant-gov ernor of lower counties, 316; as Penn's agent in England, 310; let ters of, 239-241 ; lieutenant-gover nor, 236 ; visit of, to Maryland, 238; 310, 320, 321; appointment of, 326 ; arrival of in America, 210; commissioned by Penn, 328 ; ad ministration of, duration of, 334 ; purchase of, 289, 290 Marquis of Halifax, letter to the, 302 Marriages, provisions governing, 269 Maryland and Delaware, relations of, 379 authorities, extravagant claims of 118 boundary line, 238 colony, the, 117 council, 121, 122 demonstrations, fruitlessness of, 120 government, demonstrations by, 156, 159 proprietor, jurisdiction of, 3S6 weakness of patent of, 121, 122 settlements, desertions to, 118 Mary of Southampton, seizure of the, 296, 299 Massachusetts, offer of aid from, 424 Master of the rolls, the, 300; appointment of, 310 Matson, Margaret, 300 Neels, 300 Mattahoorn, Indian chief, 70 Mattiniconck, importance of, 151 Mayor of Philadelphia, the first, 316 Meeting house, the, 258 of justices at Albany, 291 Meinardean, Peter, 302 Mennonites, the, 305 Mey, Cornelius, agent of the West India Company, 49; as, the first pioneer to State river front, 49; visit of, to America in 1623, 49; visit of, to Delaware Bay, 40 Mifflin, John, 399 Military appropriation, 433 expeditions against French subjects, 43i 455 INDEX Military funds, method of raising, 434 march of from Will's Creek, 436 movements, 401 preparations under Thomas, 387 roads, 434, 435 Militia, conflict of, with watchmen, 351,352 need of, 335 organization of a, 351 summoned to Will's Creek, 423 Mills, early, 175 Minuit, Peter, 69, 70 ; departure of, 72 ; director-general, arrival of at Manhattan, 50; loss of, at sea, 73; recall of, 59 Moll, John, 220, 254, 265, 266, 273 Money advanced for troops, 390 rate of interest on, reduced, 368 voted for the King's use, 390, 427 voted for the Queen, 360, 361 Montour, Andrew, 417 Moore, Dr. Nicholas, speaker, 274 John, 307, 336; advocate, 335; attor ney-general, 347 Nicholas, 300, 310; arrival of, 271 Morals, provision for good, 267, 268 More, Nicholas, 219, 288 Morrey, Humphrey, 316 Morris, Anthony, 352; removal of, from judgeship, 335; writ of replevin by, 335 Col. Lewis, 238, 431 Robert Hunter, arrival of, 431 Murder of Indians near New Amstel, 127 Naming of Delaware Bay, 40 Naturalization act, 265 Navigation act, the, 136 Nertunius, Rev. Matthias, 100 New Albion, description of, 61, 62 grant of, by Charles I, 5-9 New Amstel (New Castle), in capture of, by the English, 141 peace at, 122 soldiers sent to, 120 New Amsterdam, surrender of, to England, 140 New Castle, 184; arrival of the Welcome at, 254 county, 173, 174 delivery of, to Penn, 254 deputies from, 265 fort built at, 98 fort, commander at, 146 settlement at, 79 New Castle, the 12-mile circle around, 220, 283 New England, immigrants from, 307 Nrw Gottenburg, fort of, 82 New Jersey purchase, the, 79 Newlin, Nicholas, 307 New Netherland as English territory, 139 authority over, 143 restoration of, to England, 160 seizure of, by England, 107 New period of development, 66 New River, the, 46 New Sweden, 67; agricultural operations at, 86 arrival of goods in, 88 arrival of new governor of, 102 cattle in, 91 condition of, 1650, 97, 99 conditions described by De Vries, 83- 85 defensive buildings in, 88, gr desertions from, 102 despair in, 98, 99 divine worship at, 8 1 Dutch expedition against, 103, 104 health of settlers in, 88 importance of, 74 instructions for operations at, 81 its length of life, 74 kinds of trading goods in, 91 lack of trading goods at, 87, 88 misfortune of, 74 new commissary for, 100 new director in, 1 02 new regulations for, 102 ninth expedition to, 100 operations at, 81, 82 shipbuilding in, 99 shipments from, 86 trying times in, 86, 87 New York, capture of, by Holland, 160 effects of Penn's purchase at Albany in, 291 seeks re-annexation of Pennsylvania, 294 Nicolls, Col. Richard, 140, 142-144; govern orship of, 144; honorable administration of, 144; inspection by, 143; return of to England, 144 Noble, Richard, surveyor, 171 Norris, Isaac, 307, 324, 372, 390, 392, 419, 456 INDEX 425; departure of for England, 358; Quaker leader, 391 Norris party, the, 392 Richard, 363 Northampton county, formation of, 412 North, Lord Chief Justice, 295; submission of patent to, 202 Oath of office required, 348 Ohio company, the, 416 Onrust, the, 40, 41, 43-48; at the mouth of the Schuylkill, 43 building of, 40 explorations with the, 41 petition of owners for trade privi leges, 43-48 Original counties, 263 Orndt, Major Jaccb, 491 Owen, Griffith, 323, 343 Oxenstiern, Chancellor Axel, 68 Palatinate, emigrants from the, 305 persecution in the, 305 Palmer, Anthony, 408 Papegoia, Madam, 1 47 Paper money, issues of, 371 proposition to issue, 443 the first issued, 368, 369 "Paradise Point," 70 Parallel, the 40th, as the boundary, 381, 382; uncertainty ef location of, 382 the 39th as a boundary, 381, 382 Paris, Ferdinand John, 372 Partridge, Richard, 390 Passyunk, fortified post at, 79 Pastorius, Francis Daniel, 305 purchase of land by, 306 Peace established with the Six Nations, 425 ordered on the borders, 385 Pemberton, Israel, jr., warrant for, 388 Phineas, 322, 343; 274 note Penn, Captain and Admiral William, 188, 189, 192, 193, 210 Dennis, 363; death of, 372 373 family, the, 188; adjustment of the differences of the, 372, 373 Gaskell family, 373 Hannah, 363. 3^9, 37o; deeds from, 373; letter to, 361, 362 John, 363. 383, 406, 424; arrival of, 419; birthplace of, 374; death of, 401; deed to, 373; head of the government, 374; son of Richard, 405; the American, 374- 401; visit of, to America, 375; will of, 405 Penn, Richard, 363* 402; death of, 406; deed to, 373; family of, 405; son of Richard, 405 Springett, 370; death of, 373 Thomas, 363, 374, 376, 402 ; anec dotes of, 406, 407 ; arrival of, 375; bequest to, 405; death of, 406; deed to, 373; estates in charge of, 406; estimate by, 403-405; leniency of, 390 ; marriage of, 406 ; pre cedence of, 375; sacrifice by, 387; treaty with, 378 Penn, William, the Founder, 188, 189, 293, 301, 322, 324, 366, 367, 416 a Knight's son, 325 acquisition of Susquehanna lands by, 294 accusations against, 326 and Lord Baltimore, differences be tween, 282 and the colonists, differences be tween, 338 application of, for grant, 199 arrest of, 359 as president of the Council, 296 assignment to, 194 description of his town by, 295 occupies the slate roof house, 337 opposition to, at Albany, 293 Bancroft's praise of, 216 basis of his colony, 279, 280 banishment of, from Oxford, 191 becomes a Quaker, 192, 193 commissioners cf, 217 compromise of, with the Fords, 35g conditions imposed upon, 22S confirmation of will cf, 373 character of expectations of, 216 children of, 331 dealings of, with the Iroquois, 290 death of, 363 deed of Pennsylvania from, 334 deprived of his government, 326 disowned by the Meeting, 358 dispossession of, threatened, 294 draft of patent by, 201 early letter of, 192, 193, 203 early religious thoughts of, 189 457 INDEX Penn, William, the Founder, early Quaker leanings of, 189, igo early thoughts of America, 193 efforts to raise money for, 358, 359 emotions of at Philadelphia, 257 estates, conditions regarding the, 374, 375 estates, different kinds of, 402 estates, estimate of, 403-405 estates, struggle as to taxing, 418 eulogy on the second wife of, 332 extracts from letters of, 261, 271, 272 government restored to, 328 his student life, 189 important papers by, 212, 215 instructions of, 217, 218, 314 interest of, in New Jersey, 194 landing of, at New Castle, 254 landing of, at Upland, 255 land purchases by, 287-289 large powers granted to, 203, 204 lease of land by, from Dongan, 293 letters of, 216, 217, 253, 254, 283, 284, 290, 295, 302 letters of, to settlers, 204, 207 manors of, 403 marriage of, 193 meeting of, with Lord Baltimore, 270, 271, 281 military life of, 192 motives of, 204 pamphlet by, 210, 211, 260 patent of, approved, 203 patent of, renewed, 202 place and date of birth of, 185 prices paid for land by, 289 prohibitive features of, 310 prompt action of, 210 reasons of his success, 209 relations with the Indians, 284-288 release of from prison, 359 request for loan by, 327 request of, for restoration, 327 rights of, on the west bank of the Delaware, 220 sales of land by, 306 sale by, to the crown, 362 sailing of, for America, 223 sails for England, 252 second marriage of, 331 speech of, 254 Penn, William, the Founder, spread of his movement in Germany, 306 suggestion of, to Lord of Trades, 334 suspected of being a Papist, 325 terms of sale by, 211 travels of, in Europe, 191, 192 trustees of property of, 363 verdict against, 359 visit of, to Holland, 199 visit of, to Ireland, 192 visit of, to Philadelphia, 257 visits New York, 262 bill of, 363 youth of, 189 Penn, William, jr., 352, 363, 370; arrival of, 351; character of, 364; children of, 365; death of, 365, 370; denouncement of, 353; instructions from, 364, 365; payment of debts by, 359 Penn, William, son of Springett, 373 William, the younger, 331, 332 Penn's (William) agents in Rotterdam, 306 boundary agreement by the, 382 deeds recorded in New York, 262 fairness towards the Indians, 290 government, organization of, 262-270 heavy outlays, 325 lieutenant-governors, 346-362 petition of the, 383 private property of the, 403 title to soil of lower counties, 381 widow, death of, 373 Pennsylvania and Virginia boundary, 423 an English community, 307 and Maryland boundaries, 244-252, 270, 271, 281, 282 charter, the, 223-235 committed to Benjamin Fletcher, 326 community, 173 Dutch, the, 308 early description of, 239-241 effects of French war in, 416 frame of government of, 212, 215 first white men in, 30 in harmony with Indians, 420 History, beginning of, 1 mortgage on, 359 religious movements in, 375 settlement, effect of, at Albany, 291 the granary of America, 408 traders complained of, 416 Pennypacker, Governor, 323 458 INDEX Pepperell, Sir William, 431 Peace, of Breda, 144 Peter Hendrick, in Philadelphia, 432 Peters, Rev. Richard, 419, 425, 435 Philadelphia as laid out by Penn, 295 beginnings of, 258 changes of land grants in, 258 claim of Dutch purchase on site of, 59 creation of false alarm in, 356, 357 deputies from, 265 early conditions at, 260, 261 early fair and market at, 295 first charter of, 316 first clerk of, 316 first mayor of, 316 first occupancy of, by white men, 82 first recorder of, 316 fear of attack upon, 408 Hill chosen mayor of, 360 Indian treaty at, 376-378 land grant in, 173 measures for defense of, 408, 411 new charter for, 343, 344 plan of, 257, 258 port of supply, 408 purchase of land within site of, 79 purchase of site of, 90 site of, chosen, 241, 242 Phillips, Frederick, 294 Pietersen, Evart, 114 Pietists, the, 308 Pioneer English settlers, 307 hardships, 177 white men in Pennsylvania, 30-66 Pioneers, first contact of with Indians, 34 Piracy, 334, 335 enactment of a law against, 337 Piratical craft in Delaware bay, 335 Plain Truth, 408 Plan of Broad and Market streets, 58 Plockhoy, Cornelius, 142 Plowden, Sir Edmund, arrival of, 61, 62; grant to, 59, 60; return of to England, 62 Pole, John, 399 Political conditions in England, 207, 208 contest, Allen vs. Norris, 392 Poll tax, 166, 167; how collected, 167; list of persons subject to, 167, 168 Pontiac's conspiracy, 58 Population statistics, 362 Powlett, Earl, 373 President-general, duties of, 425 Preston, Samuel, 324, 363 Printz, John, 62, 76 arrival of, 76 as governor of New Sweden, 85 departure of, from New Sweden, 99 grants of land to, 93 his instructions for New Sweden, 81 his prominence in New Sweden, 81 succession of, to Hollender, 80 Printz Mauritz, wreck of the, 113 Printzdorp, 93 Printzhof, naming of, 83 Proclamation of war with France, 395 Profanity, penalties for, 268 Progress in 1682, 241, 242 on the Delaware, 236 Proprietaries, agreement between adverse, 386 agreement of, with the Susquehanna company, 57 aid in building fort, 419 purchase of lands by the, 426 proposition of exemption, 442, 443 Proprietary authority, complaints against, 352 failure of first, to return, 346 governments, annexation of, to the Crown, 340 grants, 203 title of, to the lower counties, 380 Proprietors, agreement of, 1 94 temporary jurisdiction of the, 386 Property, distribution of, 269 Protestant land for burying grounds, 372 Province, agent of, in London, 372 defense of the, 387 Island, building on, 82 Provinces called to New York treaty with Indians, 423 Provincial council, early business of, 296 election of a, 328 function in law making, 320 minutes of, 295, 296 penalties inflicted by, 296, 299 secretary to, 300 Provincial court judge, impeachment of, 310, 311 court, opening of the, 347 Provisions, prices of, 239 Public landing place, the, 257 Square in Philadelphia, 258 Pusey, Caleb, 323, 343 459 INDEX Quakers, 185, 186 Quakerism, doctrine of, 191 reception of, in Wales, 307, 308 Quaker control, restlessness under, 348 influence in the Assembly, 390 judges, protest against, 347 opposition to Indian war, 418 policy in war, 391 preachers, persecution of, 191 Quakers and German politics, 392 and the governor, disputes between, 39i, 392 defense of, by Penn, 347 driven from the State house, 392 peaceful intentions of, 315 sense of equality among, 310 the Christian, 320 Quarry, Robert, made judge of the Admir alty, 335 Queen, vote of money for, 360, 361 Queen's demand for men, 360 Quit rents, act for collection of, 354 as part of the Penn estate, 402 low paid, 371 Rambo, Pieter, 114, 162 Rambo, Peter Gunnarsson, sketch of, 75 Randolph, Edw.,- 334 Rappe, Capt. Gabriel, 302 Raquier, Jacob, 302 Rawle, Francis, 323 Recorder of Philadelphia, the first, 316 Religious movements, 375 persecution as a cause of immigra tion, 302, 305 Religious sects unmolested, 354 Remke, Govert, 306 Remonstrance to the King, a, 390 Report on Logan letter, 391 Riboleau, Nich., 302 Richardson, Francis, 307, 324 John, 273 Samuel, 323 Riot of 1742, the, 392 Risingh, Johan Claesson, 100; departure ot for England, 106 Rittenhouse square, 258 Roads, laying out of, 434 ordered opened, 279 Roades, John, 273 Robinson, Patrick, 311 Rochford, Dennis, 275, 296 Roman Catholics, attack upon, 355 Royal governor, authority of, in Pennsyl vania, 294, 295 Rudyard, Thomas, 217, foot note Ruyven, Cornelius Van, 120 Sabbath day, restrictions on the, 268 Sale of liquor to the Indians restricted, 268, 269 of West India Company claims, 112, 113 Salem, naming of, 196 . Sample, William, 265 Sandelands, James, 171, 236, 265 Scarrooyady, advice from, 420 in Philadelphia, 43 1 Schepel, its meaning, 167, foot note School house, the, 258 teacher of the first, 296 the first, 115 the first indication of, 299 Schuylkill, grants of land on, 173 settlement on the, 82 the key to Indian trade, 94 Schute, Sven, 100, 101, 114 Scotch-Irish immigration, 307, 368 Scotch settlers, the, 307 Scott, John M., 323 Seizure of Swedish vessels by Stuyvesant, 103 Servants, sale of, 165 Settlement, first permanent on Delaware river, 73 near Laurel Hill, 418, 419 on the west of the Susquehanna, 383 Settlers, conditions of early, 174 names of early, 323 summoned to welcome Penn, 254 Shamokin lands, reservation of, 426 Sheriffs, issue of writs to, 262 Shickcalamy, John, 426, 431 Shippen, Edward, 307, 343; appointment of, as mayor, 343; chosen speaker, 331; president of the council, 347 Shippenburg, building of fort at, 442 Shirley, Governor, in command of troops, 43i Shoemaker, Benjamin, 408 Simcock, John, 312, 322; chosen speaker, 33-2 Simon, Menno, 305 Sipman, Dirck, 306 460 INDEX Six Nations, alleged breach of faith by the, 433 asked to make war, 399 fears for fealty of the, 396, 399 peace with, 425 presents for, 375 purchase from, 412 sale of land by, 426 Slaves of the Dutch colony, 142 Sluyter, Peter, 180 Small-pox on the Welcome, 253 Smith, Captain John, 30-31, 32, 35; extract from journal of, 31-33; interview with Indians, 33 Ensign Dirck, 112 Henry, 218 Provost William, 413 Society of Friends, the, 309 schism in the, 316, 317; political op position to, 336; political organiza tion of the, 390 Songhurst, John, 275, 322 Southrin, Edward, 265, 273 South River, D'Hinoyossa, ruler of, 133 ; direction of affairs of, 50; Dutch trade on, 56, 59; English visitors to, 59; Swed ish expedition to, 69; cession of, 133; the Delaware, 49 Springett, Guleilma Maria, 193 Henry, 359 Sir William, 332 Stamper, John, 390 Stanley, Thomas, 324 Stanwix, Lieut.-Col. John, 470 State house, the, 258; completion of, 372 St. Clair, Sir John, 432, 434 Stille, Dr. Charles Janeway, 80 Olaf, 114 Olaff Persson, 80 Stockdale, William, 322 Story, Thomas, 343 Strettell, Robert, 391, 408 Streypers, Jan, 306 Strobo, Robert, 427 Stuyvesant, Governor Peter, arrival of, on the Delaware, 113 arrival of, at Manhattan, 93 embassy sent by, to Maryland, 120 ordered to retake Fort Casimir, 103 operations of, against New Sweden, 97, 98 visit of, to New Sweden, 98 Stuyvesant's denouncement of Maryland's claims, 120 Suits at law, 163 Supply bill passed, 504 Surveying in early years, 241, 242 Suspension and restoration of Penn's gov ernment, 325-345 Susquehanna company, proposed sale of lands by, 423 lands, 292-294; sale of to Penn, 294 Susquehannock Indians, 17-18 Swanandael, destruction of, 53-54; settle ment at, 53 Swanson, Swan, 237, 275 Sweden, claims of, against Holland, 106 fourth expedition, from, 80 ships sent from, to America, 69 third expedition from, 80 Swedes, appeal of for more colonists, 94 and Dutch, absorption of, 307 and Dutch, conference between, 71 character of, at Christina, 80 characteristics of, 26 1 conflict of, with the Dutch, 94 eighth expedition of, 94 expedition of, to the South River, 6g first settlement of, 67-108 loss of eighth expedition, 94, 97 mill of the, 91, 175 on the Delaware, misfortune to, 94 probable definite grants to, 133 refusal of, to enlist, 132 refusal of, to remove, 131, 132 settlement of, 65 submission of, to the Dutch, in take oath of allegiance to Stuyvesant, 104 Swedish colony, failure of the, 107, 108; friendly relations of, with Indians, 108; personality of, 75 Company, agreement of, with Indians, 70, 71; enlarged charter for the, 68; organization of, 67; treaty of, with Indians, 72 governor on the Delaware, 62 expedition, arrival of, in the Dela ware, 70; capital for, 69; the tenth, 107 Swen, Oele, 162 Sydney, Col. Henry, letter to, 295 Symcock, John, 265, 273 461 INDEX Talbot, Richard, 291 Taverns, early licenses for, 269, 270 Taylor, Abraham, 408 Christopher, 265, 273; sketch of, 322 Col. Thomas, 270 Tax, levied, 338 Taxes, levy of, 333 poll, 166, 167 Taxation, 400 of the proprietaries, 442, 443 Teacher, the first, in Philadelphia, 299 Telmer, Jacob, 306 Test, John, merchant, 171 Third expedition from Sweden to Christina, 80 Thirty years of war, the, 67 Thomas, George, arrival of, 387; departure of, 407 Till, William, 408 Tinakonk, 183, 185 Tinicum (Tenacong), 82 fort at, burned, 87 Island, 188 mansion house built at, 83 Swedish settlement at, S2, 83 Tobacco, cultivation of, in New Sweden, 86 Torkillus, Rev. Reorus, 76; death of, 86 Town clerk, the first, 316 Townsend, Richard, 271 Trade legislation, 278 restriction on the Delaware, 156 Trading post at Will's creek, 419 Tradition of Lenape migration, 27-29 Treaty of peace, 411 the great, 282-288 • the great, description by Penn, 285 the great, time of making, 283 tree, the, 286 foot note with Indians, 367 with Indians at Philadelphia, 376-378 Trent, William, 324; fort ordered by, 420 Trial, the first, for witchcraft, 300, 301 Trinity fort, reconstruction of, 102 Troops, ammunition for, 400 call for, 427 departure of, for Albany, 401 organization of, 389 royal order for, 400 Turner, Capt. Nathaniel, 79 Joseph, 408 Robert, 203, 296, 307, 310, 323; Penn's letter to, 216, 217 Union, plan of, adopted, 425 of the colonies, effort for, 334 Upland (Chester), 87 county, 237 court, 236; complaint to, 175; juris diction of, 173, 174; justices, 162; meeting of, 172 name changed to Chester, 255 Usher, Thomas, 263 Usselincx, William, 67 Utie, Col. Nathaniel, letter to, 118, 119 Van Bibber, Jacob Isaacs, 306 Vanderbilt, Cornelius, 323 Van Twiller, Wouter, arrival of at Manhat tan, 59 Verhoof, Cornelius, 265 Vessel fired upon at New Castle, 358 Virginia, armed force from, 65 treaty of with Indians, 418 Voyage of Cornelius Mey, 40 Wade, Robert, 236, 275, 300; site of his house, 255, foot note; purchase of Printz- dorp by, 168, 171 William, 253 Waldenfield, Samuel, 363 Waldron, Resolved, 120 Walking purchase, the, 377, 378 Wain, Nicholas, 275, 296 War against the French on the Ohio, 431 among the Iroquois, 130 between England and Holland, 100; effects of, 159, 160 between Swedes and Dutch, blood less, 107 expected with France, 314 lawful and unlawful, 390 proclamation of, 347 prospects of, with Spain, 387 Quaker opposition to, 347 with France, operations against Can ada, 400, 401 with France proclaimed, 395 with Indians threatened, 152, 155 with Spain proclaimed, 388, 389 with Spain, troops for, 389 Warner, William, 173, 236 Warren, Peter, 399 Wasa, building of, 88, 91; identical with Kingesse, 91 Washington, George, at Fort Necessity, 426, 462 INDEX $27 ; complained ot by an Indian, 428 ; engages the French, 424 ; visit of, to French fort, 420; march of, from Will's creek, 424; reinforcement of, 426 square, 258 Watson, Luke, 265 Weights and measures, 278 Weiser, Conrad, interpreter, 399 Welcome, the, 220; arrival of the, 254; births on board of, 253; sailing of the, 252; voyage of the, 252, 253 Welsh colonists, arrival of, 302 company, the, 271 settlers, position of at home, 308 tract, the, 302 Welton, Rev. Richard, D. D., 355 Werden, Sir John, 200, 201, 202 West, Benjamin, 283 Jersey colony, 195 Western Pennsylvania, first white man in, 1 78 ; Indian occupancy, 18-19 West India Company, charter of granted, 48; essentially for trade, 135; represent ative of, 116, 117; sale of its claims, 112, 113 West Indies, immigrants from, 307 Westminster, treaty of, 160 Weston, Anthony, 299 Whale fishery, intent to carry on, 50 Whipping as a penalty, 299 Wharton, Bromley, 323 Wharton family, the, 323 White pioneers, the, 30-66 Whitwell, Francis, 265, 266, 322 Whorekill county, deputies from, 265 Wicaco, 259; church at, 177; patentee of land at, 163 Wilcox, Joseph, 352 William and Mary, patent from, 328 William of Orange, 208 Williams, Heinrich, 275 Will, terms of Penn's, 363 Wine making from native grapes, 30J Wissahickon, 173 Witchcraft, first and only trial for, 300, 301; verdict in case of, 301 Withers, Ralph, 265, 273, 322 Wolves, bounties for killing, 278 Wood, John, 243 Woodmancy, William, 173 Woodmanson, William, 236 Wynne, Dr. Thomas, 258 foot note ; 265, 276, 323 Wyoming lands, reservation of, 426 Yardley, William, 265, 322 Yong and Evelin, building of a fort by, 63; significance of visit of, 62 Thomas, voyage of, up the Delaware, 62, 63; report of, 63 Young (or Yong), Thomas, arrival of, 59 York county, formation of, 412 463 1AL6 UFJI/ERSITY LIBRARY lllllllllllllllillilllllll *° iiiiiiiiiiininiiniiNiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiii os 3 9002 01260 0178 - - ^