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THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE TO THE
DEATH OF JOHN HUS

BY THE SAME AUTHOR.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND UNDER
HENRY THE FOURTH.
4 Vols. Crown Svo.
Vol. I., 1399-1404, 10s. 6d.
Vol. II., 1405-1406, 15s.
Vol. III., 1407-1411, 15s.
Vol. IV., 1411-1413, 21s.

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.,
LONDON, NEW YORK, AND BOMBAY.

The Council of Constance to
the Death of John Hus

BEING THE FORD LECTURES DELIVERED IN THE
UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD IN
LENT TERM, 1900

JAMES HAMILTON WYLIE, M.A.
ONE OF HER MAJESTY'S INSPECTOBS OF SCHOOLS
AUTHOR OF "HISTORY OF ENGLAND UNDER HENRY THE FOURTH"

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON
NEW YORK AND BOMBAY
1900

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE
Preliminary  i

LECTURE I.
Sigismund  7
LECTURE II.
Constance  41
LECTURE III.
The Council  61
LECTURE IV.
Deposition  96
LECTURE V.
John Hus.— Trial  ia8
LECTURE VI.
John Hus. — Death  162
L'Envoi  i8g

PRELIMINARY.
I HAVE as yet found no complete bibliography of the
Council of Constance, though there is every hope that
before long we may have a full list from that diligent
student of the subject, Dr. Heinrich Finke of Frei
burg, who has long been busied with the history of
the Council. His introductory treatise, entitled For
schungen und Quellen zur Geschichte des Konstanzer
Konzils, was published eleven years ago, and the first
volume of his Acta Concilii Constanciensis followed
seven years later, but as this only deals with prelimin
ary documents bearing upon the months immediately
preceding the actual opening, I fear that it may be
long ere the work approaches its completion. In the
meantime I have myself accumulated some biblio
graphical material which I hope I may be able some
day to prepare for publication.
To deal here with a few contemporary sources only,
it is known that careful notes of official documents
were made by notaries officially appointed to record
the proceedings both in the public sessions of the
Council and the separate meetings of the nations,
though of the latter series none appear to have been
preserved. A collection of these official Acta was

2 FORD LECTURES.
made by Cardinal Zabarella, though it cannot now be
identified, and many such were certainly circulating
in various parts of Europe. One of them is known
to have been given to Durham College in this uni
versity by one of the English envoys, and it was fre
quently consulted and quoted by Thomas Gascoigne,
whose Liber Veritatum is still in MS. in Lincoln
College Library. Last year I saw another copy in
the library of St. John's College at Cambridge, but
had not time to examine it critically, and there are
doubtless many other copies elsewhere in England
whose existence will be known to many in this audi
ence. But it was not till the year 1500, i.e., some
eighty years after the Council had closed, that a
lawyer of Tubingen, named Jerome of Croaria, pub
lished a volume of these Acta at Hagenau, and since
his day many similar and enlarged editions have
appeared, chiefly through the industry of successive
librarians at the Vatican.
But besides official acts there were also unofficial
diaries kept by several Churchmen who were present,
in which they recorded current events that befell
from day to day. The best known of these are
the diaries of the French Cardinal GuiUaume Fil-
lastre, and Jacob Cerretanus who was then a priest
at Turin. Others again wrote formal histories of
the Council, such as John of Wallenrod, a knight
who had seen much travelling (whose book has now
apparently disappeared), John Dorre (Dean of the
Andreaskirche at Worms) and an Austrian, Nicholas

PRELIMINARY. 3
Elstrawe, whose MS., finished at Constance on October
8th, 141 6, is still preserved at Vienna. To these
may be added the rhetorical and semi-poetical his
tory written by Dietrich Vrie, an Augustinian from
Osnabriick, and entitled De Consolatione Ecclesice in
imitation of Boethius. It was finished at Constance
in 141 7. All these fontes, so far as they remain, have
been more or less consulted and incorporated in the
great collections of the Church annalists and council-
writers, and the substance of them will be found in
the twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth volumes of
Mansi published in the latter part of last century
and never improved upon since. But before the
fontes had reached this stage the Council of Con
stance had received the special attention of Hermann
Van der Hardt, Professor of Hebrew and Librarian
in the University of Helmstadt, who published his
four folio volumes in the beginning of the eighteenth
century, a work whose monumental industry is only
equalled by its monumental confusion of arrangement.
But if official Acta were all that we possessed we
should be but poorly off, and we are fortunately well
supplied from other sources with much necessary
human cement to tie and bind the official bricks
together. The age was an age of quarrelling, and if
it is often true that " the living do not give up their
secrets with the candour of the dead " yet the living
age of Constance certainly gave up its secrets with
candour enough for most of us. A single Pope, offici
ally revered by all, has too often passed for a colourless

4 FORD LECTURES.
though saintly personality, but three deposed and
discredited Popes, all living amidst their haters as
well as their admirers, let loose men's tongues, and
old Dietrich of Nieheim, who had personally known
the Papal Curia for many years, and wrote his life
of John XXIII. in Constance in the summer of
1415, being an eye-witness of much that he describes,
was not the only critic of the great and fallen, for
pamphleteers were all about, and many of their
anonymous broadsheets have drifted down to us, in
whole or in part, from the turmoil of that forgotten
world. There, too, were many keen reformers who
worked with heart and soul to stem the scandal and
depravity that were ruining many of the religious
houses. Among these we may name Gobelinus (or
Gabriel) Persona who wrote his Weltchronik (which
he called Cosmodromium) in the convent of Bodek-
ken in 1418, and Ludolf Meistermann, the Abbot of
Sagan in Silesia, whose book on the schism and the
Hussites has a curious connection with some of the
phrases used by Gascoigne in his Book of Truths
written a little later in Oxford. It is true that neither
Meistermann nor Persona appears to have been actually
on the spot at Constance while the Council sat, but
their information was first-hand and direct. Touches
of great interest are likewise found in the writings of
young Felix Hemmerlin of Zurich, who attended as
one of the representatives of the town of Lucerne.
Poets, too, like Muscatblut and Thomas Prisschuch
of Augsburg, contributed songs and ballads, and we

PRELIMINARY. 5
have many dated letters sent home by representatives
of Cologne, Frankfurt and Vienna, as well as by
Italian Humanists like Poggio and Leonardo Bruni.
But the greatest and most matchless collection of
letters are those of John Hus preserved in the narra
tive of Peter Mladenowicz who travelled with him
from Prague and watched him dying at the stake.
Of dry statistics the supply is somewhat thin, for
the Rathbuch of the town council of Constance is
missing for the opening year, but the true researcher
finds his heart positively jumpy as he reads the de
tailed items set down from day to day by the Pope's
registrar, Stephen Prato, Bishop of Volterra, who fled
with his master to SchaffTiausen and whose account
flickers out in the intervening days between the flight
and the surrender at Freiburg. But of all personal
records the most intensely personal is the story told
by Ulrich Richental, a burgess of Constance, who
passed about the streets and saw the crowds of
strangers coming in and out ; though such an in
estimable witness is largely to be discounted by the
fact that he did not write down his recollections till
some years after the Council was at an end.
Among the chroniclers proper, the foremost place
must be given to Rumbolt Slecht, a Cantor from Strass
burg, who was certainly still writing his chronicle at
Constance in March, 1415, and the French friar, Peter
of Versailles, who is supposed to have contributed the
events of these years to the great chronicle of St.
Denys. Outside of the town, but at no great distance

6 FORD LECTURES.
away, were the chroniclers of Bern (Conrad J ustinger)
and Strassburg (Jakob Twinger), and light is here and
there shed from the chronicles of Engelhusen, Fis-
tenport, Ebendorfer and others who were living and
writing at the time. Sermons and theological tracts
loom largely under the great names of Gerson and
D'Ailli and others of less note, among them being at
least one Englishman, Richard Ulverston or Ullerston,
who was chancellor of this university in 1408 and
Rector of Beeford in the East Riding of Yorkshire.
Few of these disquisitions, however, contain much
local colour, save perhaps the letters of Stephen Dolein
against the Hussites, while complimentary and barren
harangues abound, as the various envoys arrived and
poured forth their floods of adulation upon Sigismund
with a lively sense of favours to come.
But in this summary account I feel that- 1 have only
touched the fringe of the matter. France, Flanders,
England, Scotland, Italy, Spain, Scandinavia and the
Empire all caught varying echoes of the great events,
and the chronicles yield some gleanings in every part
of Europe from Perpignan to Pomerania, though the
task of enumeration would be tedious to you. Sigis
mund himself found a singular panegyrist in Eberhardt
Windecke, the bagman of Mayence, and an equally
pungent enemy in Jean de Montreuil who watched
his oddities both in Paris and in the streets of Con
stance.

LECTURE I.
SIGISMUND.
Sigismund, King of Hungary, was the second son of
the Emperor Charles IV. and grandson of the blind
King John of Bohemia, killed at Cr6cy, whose plumes
and motto are with us still. The family were Luxem-
burgers, but the grandfather had been chosen King
of Bohemia, and their centre of interest had thus
gravitated towards Eastern Europe, where Sigismund's
half-brother, Wenzel, was now reigning in a renovated
and modernised capital at Prague. Sigismund him
self had married the daughter and heiress of Louis,
King of Hungary, and had thus succeeded to a crown
at Ofen. In 1396 he had been frightfully beaten
by the Turks at Nicopolis ; in 1401 he had been for
a time deposed and imprisoned by his Hungarian
subjects, and three years later had nearly died of
fever, his life being saved by hanging him up by the
heels for twenty-four hours to let the fever trickle out
of his mouth. On July 21st, 141 1, he had been
unanimously elected King of the Romans at Frankfurt,
though he had not yet received his formal coronation.
By arrangement with Wenzel he had thus patched
up the schism in the Empire, and all eyes were now

8 LECTURE I.
turned to him to heal the great schism in the
Church. That schism had started with the disputed election
of Clement VII. and Urban VI. in 1378, when all
Western Christendom had been sharply divided into
Clementines and Urbanists with rival heads at Avi
gnon and Rome. At length, after successive deaths,
successive elections and successive failures, the majority
of the cardinals had agreed to disregard both Popes,
and had summoned a Council in their own name to
meet at Pisa in 1409, at which the contending Popes
were both declared to be schismatics, and an alterna
tive Pope (Alexander V.) was appointed to supersede
them. But Alexander V. died within a year of his
election and was succeeded by John XXIII. (Balthasar
Cossa) who had the support of France, England, Italy,
Scandinavia and the great bulk of the Empire, while
one of his rivals (Benedict XIII.) could only count
on Spain and Scotland, and the other (Gregory XII.)
received but the tiniest modicum of recognition in
isolated quarters such as Heidelberg or Rimini.
In his journeyings before he became King of Eng
land, Henry IV. had made acquaintance personally
with Sigismund, and messages and presents had often
passed between them afterwards. English envoys
had been at Ofen in 141 1 and had conferred with
the Hungarian King as to the necessity of calling
another General Council and stopping the faction
fights in France. In the following year when English
troops were entangling themselves in the French

sigismund. 9
quarrels, Sigismund wrote to Henry IV., urging him
to keep out of it and help neither side. He had been
glad to hear a rumour that the English meant to help
Pope John against Ladislas in Italy, and any such
help rendered to the Pope he would regard as help
rendered to himself. But if the English had made
up their minds to interfere in France, let Henry join
him in helping one side only, i.e., the Armagnacs.
And he told him that his enemies, the Venetians,
had been making horns of iron to let the wind into
the whole world, so he thought it would be the best
thing if Henry would lay hands on those Venetian
merchants that were in England and damnify them
in their goods and stuff, adding that he hoped to be
able to arrange for the much-wished-for union with
the Greek Church, and afterwards to go to Palestine,
where he knew that Henry was anxious to liberate
the land made holy by the blood of Christ.
One of King Henry IV. 's envoys to Ofen was a
Flemish knight, Hertonk van Clux, who was sent
again after the accession of Henry V. with a letter
from the new King to Sigismund, the text of which
cannot now be found. This letter would appear to
have been delivered to Sigismund in the summer of
1414, when he had moved through Switzerland into
Germany for his coming coronation. In his reply he
expressed a strong desire to be of one heart and one
mind with the King of England, and told him that
he was hoping to have a meeting with King Charles
VI. of France at which he would certainly urge the
2

10 LECTURE I.
question of a marriage between young Henry and
one of the French princesses, as he had already done
during the lifetime of his father ; that he had suggested
to the envoy a means of providing for the good estate
of the King's brothers, though there is now no clue to
the meaning of this mysterious sentence, and that he
would like to confer with some theologians and jurists
from the English universities before the General
Council should begin. The envoy brought word also
that Sigismund was wishful for an alliance with the
new King of England, and Henry accordingly com
missioned four representatives to proceed on a diplo
matic errand to him and negotiate on his behalf. Van
Clux himself was to be one of the envoys and the
others were Sir Walter Hungerford, John Waterton,
and Dr. Simon Sydenham, Archdeacon of Salisbury.
Their commission was made out on 23rd July, 1414,
but as they were only allowed £$ apiece for their
expenses there and back, there was clearly no ex
cessive eagerness on the part of the English King to
impress his new friend with any extra sumptuousness
of diplomatic display. As a matter of fact, the English
envoys merely presented themselves before Sigismund
at Coblenz, and were lost in the crowd of notables that
attended the Diet there in August, 1414, and it becomes
an interesting question whether the results of their
mission were of any first-rate importance at all.
Two modern German writers have speculated with
much ingenuity upon this uncertain point, one of them
thinking that the negotiations originated in a desire

SIGISMUND. 1 1
on the part of Henry V. to make common cause with
Sigismund against Wycliffists and Hussites, and the
other that they were a countermove to curb the power
of France. As to the first view, it is perfectly true
that Sigismund was looked upon as such a deadly foe
to heresy that it used to be said that whenever he
roared the Wycliffists all ran away. He had estab
lished a solid claim to the admiration of every ortho
dox ruler who was troubled with heretical subjects
(as the King of England certainly was) when he
founded the Order of the Golden Dragon in 1408 to
fight against all pagans, schismatics and other enemies
of the Christian religion ; and when Henry V. made
his will before he started for Harfleur he left a jewelled
sword to Sigismund, " his most dear brother," as being
in his judgment the stoutest defender of the Church
and the Faith. As to the second view, it must be
observed that if Henry's purpose was to cause bad
blood between Sigismund and the French he alto
gether failed in his attempt. Thus far the French
had been Sigismund's natural and hereditary allies.
They had helped him at Nicopolis, and as a fact he
was at this very time concluding a defensive league
with them against the Duke of Burgundy and all
opponents — including the King of England himself,
had all the truth been known — and when he went to
Paris in 1416 he was heard to curse the memory of
Henry IV. with insults that would have done for
Cain and Judas.
It should be borne in mind, however, that both

12 LECTURE I.
the above theories proceed upon the assumption that
Henry was the first to seek the alliance, while the
wording of his commission distinctly shows that the
first overtures certainly came from the other side,
so that the motive must clearly be sought in some
prospect of gain to Sigismund rather than to Henry.
But all doubt upon this question has been now set at
rest since the discovery of a series of contemporary
diplomatic documents in the library at the Vatican,
which give a complete explanation of the whole
transaction. Late in the summer of 14 13 Sigismund had sent
a message to France, suggesting that the Duke of
Orleans and other French princes should meet him
at Avignon and proceed with him to Paris, so that
he might have a personal interview with the French
King, or, if this might not be, that the Dauphin or
the Dukes of Berry, Bourbon, Bar and Orleans, or
his brother the Count of Vertus, together with some
doctors from the University of Paris, should meet him
either in Provence or Dauphine or at Asti in Piedmont,
so that France, the Empire, the House of Luxem
burg and the Roman Church might henceforth live
in unity, and the old leagues of love might be com
pacted like an impregnable firmament and knit with
a multifold cord that should not easily be broken.
Such a league would first be turned against the
sacrilegious Ladislas who had been already sounded
by the Duke of Burgundy, and whose wickedness
against God's sanctuary was known to all the world.

SIGISMUND. 13
But owing to the Cabochian disturbances in Paris
and the general insecurity and cost of travelling, this
plan had to be abandoned, though an alliance with
the Duke of Orleans against the Duke of Burgundy
was actually signed by Sigismund on 12th September,
14I3, when he was at Coire, in the Grisons, on his way
to Lombardy. Then came the news that the Duke
of Burgundy had been again at the gates of Paris,
that he had gone back to Flanders, leaving his troops
hard by, and that there was no chance of any meeting
in Italy or Provence as the French King must take
the field against " that parricide " ; to which Sigismund
replied that he would like at any rate to see a few
doctors from Paris, so that he might talk over some
secrets of his heart and deep conceits of his thoughts
which were too weighty to be written down, and
which had never fallen from the chamber of his
breast into the ear of any living man. In the
meantime, the Pope and the Count of Savoy would
try to make peace between the King of France and
the Duke of Burgundy, and as there were some
envoys coming to him from England, he would see
that they were detained about his court until he
received the French King's reply. Then the French
suggested a personal meeting with t^eir King at
Verdun on the Upper Meuse at Michaelmas, 1414,
as a mutually convenient spot before the coming
coronation at Aix-la-Chapelle. But when Sigismund
heard of the Peace of Arras, whereby the Duke of
Burgundy was again admitted into the royal favour.

14 LECTURE L
his eyes began to open to the treacherousness of the
ground on which his own ambition had thought to
build so securely. At any rate, no Verdun meeting
ever took place, and Sigismund would appear to have
been as yet unaware that the King of England was
also all this time negotiating for alliance with the
Duke of Burgundy.
Thus the mysterious secrets meant for Frenchmen's
ears were never dropped from Sigismund's breast, but
what he wanted with England may be read in a letter
that he wrote to King Henry V. in July, 1414, and
forwarded by Hertonk van Clux. In this he referred
to his efforts to secure the success of the coming
Church Council at which he was already assured that
Pope John would certainly be present. He said also
that he meant to send urgent letters to the rival
claimants, Benedict and Gregory, whose attitude was
as yet uncertain. But what if he and the Kings of
France and England could be mutually bound to
gether ? If God were for them, who could be against
them ? They could carry everything straight away,
even if no Pope or claimant should appear at all. A
Hungarian knight was commissioned to negotiate
further details, and before long proposals were drafted
for a definite alliance between Sigismund, Charles VI.
and Henry V., as the three leaders of Christendom.
According to this, a marriage would be arranged
between the royal families of France and England,
and inasmuch as the King of France had often
written and informed him how the Duke of Burgundy

SIGISMUND. 15
had killed the Duke of Orleans and driven his son
from the court, but had been at last condemned as a
traitor, and all his lands declared to be confiscated, it
was now proposed that the three Kings should pro
ceed jointly against him and his brother the Duke of
Brabant, with whom Sigismund had his own indivi
dual quarrel, on the understanding that the King of
England should receive all his sovereign rights over
Flanders, little knowing apparently that the Duke of
Burgundy was at that very time arranging to hand
over four Flemish ports to the King of England, and
to do homage to him for the whole county of Flanders
of his own accord.
All these pourparlers had been broached at Coblenz,
and when the English representatives were despatched
to Constance they were authorised to approach King
Sigismund in the intervals of Council business, and
enter into a league of friendship on behalf of King
Henry with that " most unconquered and super-
illustrious prince," after discussing the amount of help
and assistance that each might expect from the other.
These negotiations certainly resulted lin a separate
alliance between the two sovereigns, though the fact
was for a time concealed from the slumbering French.
Sigismund was at this time about forty-six years
old, and he seemed to the churchmen of his age to
have stepped upon the scene as a heaven-sent recon
ciler in the fulness of time, a very Messiah who was
to come, a King of Kings and Lord of Lords, a Con
stantine or Charlemagne speaking peace to the nations.

1 6 LECTURE I.
a second Moses, a David after God's own heart sent
to slay the giant, the lion and the bear. He had
lifted up his eyes and seen the whole world lying in
wickedness and had risen to shed over all Christ's
people his beams of glory, light, peace, joy and rest.
Next God all Christendom now looked to him for
bliss. The Church's prelates would not lift their poor
torches to help the sun or teach Minerva wisdom.
Let him but give his orders quickly and secure the
crown of glory that the Almighty had reserved for
him alone ! It is true that he had enemies who had
said at his election that he was too much occupied
with other things and had so far left the Church to
welter in schism, but this was only because of his
excessive virtue, and if some spoke of him as a wolf,
to others he was as guileless as a lamb whose only
care it was to follow Christ His panegyrist gives
him special praise as a merciful King, though within
a few pages he tells how, after defeating the Venetians
at Motta, he made their captain hack off the right
hands of i8o of his own countrymen and fling them
into the sea ; while in an earlier stage of his career he
wreaked his vengeance upon some of his disaffected
Hungarian nobles by calling thirty of them into his
tent, one by one, and beheading them there and then,
and only stopped the carnage when the rest refused
to come in because they saw the blood of their
slaughtered comrades trickling out' from below the
fringe of the tent. Wherever he went he was always
borrowing money ; he could drink with any one who

SIGISMUND. 17
was that way inclined ; his big, burly form, broad
brow, laughing eyes, ruddy cheeks and long, full, yel
low beard captured all hearts with the genial charm
of his gracious bonhomie ; yet so versatile was he that
when some envoys came out from Genoa with an
unpleasant refusal to admit him into their town, he
presented them with a copy of Justinian and left
them with the impression that he was a kindly.
God-fearing man, strong in body, simple in diet,
and hedged about all round with prudence. Some
critics called him a vain, silly, bumptious babbler,
forgetting that this was just his strength, for he knew
that if you cannot jump over you must creep under,
and he played his men with wily shrewdness. Noto
rious as it was that he was flush of promise and slow
of payment, yet his glib tongue could snite a loan
from the canniest merchant when he dropped the
courtly ceremonious " Ihr" and brought his friendly
little " Du" to bear, and if he sometimes struck a
money-lender in the face for venturing to press for
his account, he very soon repented and had him paid
up in full.
He was certainly a student of books, and amidst
the distractions of his broken life he always spared
some leisure time for reading, finding as he said that
the pressure of business needs the relish of knowledge.
From liis youth up he had always loved Knowledge
for her own beauty's sake, and had run without weari
ness into the odour of her ointments. He helped poor
scholars where he could, as men whom nature meant
3

l8 LECTURE I.
to top the world, and he would sometimes say that
though he could make i,ooo knights in a single day,
he could not make one scholar in i ,000 years. Be
sides his native German he could speak in Latin,
Czech, Hungarian and French, and for a layman and
a worldling his knowledge of languages seemed in
those days amazing. It is true that when Vergerio
translated Arrian for him he put it into plain, easy
Latin, because of the great man's limited knowledge
of that tongue, but it is nevertheless on record that
when the envoys from Paris presented themselves at
Constance he welcomed them in a Latin speech,
and nobody expressed any special surprise.
The famous story of Rex Super Grammaticam is, I
fear, of too doubtful origin to afford any fair basis of
inference as to his real acquirements. In the earliest
form in which I have been able to trace it, which
dates from about eighty years after his death, it is said
that at one of the sittings of the Council at Constance
he called Schisma masculine and was at once taken
to task for his bad grammar by the Cardinal of
Piacenza, possibly Cardinal Branda Castiglione, who,
however, had ceased to be Bishop of Piacenza three
years before the Council met. To this Sigismund
is said to have replied : " Placentia, Placentia, you may
please everybody else, but you don't please me, for you
make me of less account than Priscian ! " — or as we
should say " than ABC " — and everybody roared. But
the version of the story that Carlyle has rubbed into the
English language occurs first about a generation later

SIGISMUND. 19
Still, in an account ofthe House of Hapsburg, written
by one of the Fuggers, the great merchant princes of
Augsburg, who tells how in the first session of the
Council at Constance (at which, as we shall see, he was
not present) Sigismund made a Latin speech in which
he said, " Date operam ut ist« nefanda schisma eradi-
cetur ! " and that the Cardinal of Piacenza said this was
bad grammar because schisma was not feminine, quot
ing Alexander, Priscian and others. " And who were
they ? " asked Sigismund (another impossibility, seeing
that Priscian was every beginner's text-book), and
when they told him that they were learned gram
marians, " But I am Emperor," he said (which in
strictness he was not), " and above them. Can't I
make a new grammar? " But the absence of any sort
of evidence from contemporaries stamps the story
as apocryphal like that of many another bon-mot that
has been fathered on him, but of which he was
probably entirely innocent.
For his reputation for a certain elephantine and
child-like "wisdom" long survived him and in the next
generation his name had become a peg upon which
the collectors of anecdotes hung some of their most
sententious apophthegms. " Kings would be blessed,"
they made him say, " if they had no flatterers about
them." " The flatterer is worse than the crow, for the
crow picks out the eyes of the dead but the flatterer
the eyes ofthe living." " I kill my enemy by sparing
his life" is certainly very neat, though "We should
want no soldiers if town authorities did their duty"

20 LECTURE L
reads like the motto of the Progressives at a County
Council election. " You cannot love a king unless
you are afraid of him," the sage is supposed to have
said ; or " No prince deserves to reign who cannot shut
his eyes and ears " ; or " A donkey has a better time
than a prince, for his master at least leaves him alone
while he is eating " ; and it is surprising to me that
this plaintive tag has not done duty more often than
it has in modern after-dinner speeches.
But whatever is to be said as to Sigismund's
reputed wisdom it is certain that it never added
balance to his character, for he was above all things
unstable, the creature of impulse and passion, what
Carlyle calls a " headlong, high-pacing, flimsy nature,"
"an imponderous rag of conspicuous colour, tossing
upon the loud whirlwind of things". Pope John
gauged one side of him aright when he spoke of him
as a drunken fool, and one of his flatterers uncon
sciously let out the truth about him when he said that
all came alike to him, the worst as well as the best,
for in his hand he held both heaven and hell.
He had a keen eye for woman's beauty, and his
handsome form made him everywhere a lion with the
ladies. Many were the frail victims that fell to the
yellow beard, whether in masked disguises of the night
or in the open light of day, and it became a tradition
among his people that when his grand butler travelled
to Ireland at his request, and went down into St.
Patrick's Hole in Lough Derg, he saw many lasses
and pretty young brides waiting for his master in the

SIGISMUND. 21
Purgatory with a red hot bath and a bed of fire.
" Then we must have that bed shifted to heaven ! "
said Sigismund, so he sold thirteen towns to the King
of Poland for 80,000 florins and built a church at Ofen
with the proceeds.
With such well-marked propensities in himself, he
more than met his match when, after six years of
widowhood, he married Barbara, the eldest daughter
of Hermann II., Count of Cilli in Styria, who has left
a frightful record as the Messalina of the Middle
Ages. Estimates differ widely as to the date of her
birth, but she was a tall, fair, graceful woman, though
with a face somewhat marred with spots, when Sigis
mund married her as his second wife in 1408. Her
father is said to have been surprised that he proposed
for her hand, but the suitor was under obligations to
him, and the pair were of like passions, and if her
husband had his gallantries she soon began to " love
other men too". At Constance her light conduct
became the talk of the town. Her fondness for public
dances and her free familiarity with men were scarcely
suited to a queen, though they might have passed in
a woman of lower estate. In all of this her husband
never interfered ; his own record was too slippery for
that. But scandal was soon wide awake, and though
it could not be said that Barbara was actually un
chaste, yet the wiseacres predicted that there would
soon be infamy and trouble in that home such as no
royal house had ever seen before. Those who sought
excuses for her found them in reflecting that " Faith-

22 LECTURE I.
less man makes faithless wife," and that "those who
make the horns must not refuse to wear them ". She
certainly made him wear the horns, and more than
once he had to put her away. She used to mock at
Christianity and to say that those were dreaming who
looked for a life to come. She would get her maidens
round her and make fun of the stories about holy
virgins. At any rate she was not going to copy them,
for she put no check upon herself, and when a priest
exhorted her after her husband's death to live for a
time in chastity, like a turtle mourning for its mate,
she said that the turtle was a stupid bird, and that
she preferred the sparrow, for it was always chirpy
and gay.
Sigismund's heart was now firmly set on restoring
unity in the Church as a prelude to the imperial
crown for himself, but before the necessary Great
Council could be called, he left his wife to govern his
Hungarian kingdom, and moved down into Italy to
settle matters with the Venetians and with Filippo
Maria Visconti, Lord of Milan. But his forces were
far too small for either purpose. Filippo Maria was
twenty-two years old and had been represented as only
a boy, but his cunning proved too much for Sigis
mund, who gave it as his opinion that, if the Italian
boj/s were all like this, their old men must be very sharp
indeed. So he made haste to agree with his adver
sary, and passed on towards the Rhine to secure his
coronation as King of the Romans at Aix-la-Chapelle.
After wintering in Lombardy in 141 3, he made

SIGISMUND. 23
a fruitless attempt to establish his influence in Genoa
in the following spring. But the Genoese had only
just got rid of the French and were in no humour to
admit him, for fear of taking another Boucicaut on
their shoulders instead. From May 8th till well into
June, 1414, he was at Pontestura near Casale, on the
Po, and he reached Turin on June 17th. Thence he
travelled to Ivrea and Aosta, and crossed the Great
St. Bernard at midsummer, accompanied by the
Count of Savoy and the Marquis of Montferrat, and
a cavalcade of 1,400 mounted men. Following the
Rhdne Valley he passed through the Canton Vaud to
Romont, where he was met by the men of Bern
who escorted him through Freiburg into their city
at vespers on 3rd July.
The Berners needed his help to protect them and
their new-formed confederation against the vengeance
of Duke Frederick of Austria, and they gave him a
right royal welcome. Four bannerers held up a
baldachin of gold cloth above his head, and the
townsfolk lined the streets with garlands in their
hands. Priests, friars and scholars received him with
the crucifix and the relics, and 500 youths, under
sixteen years of age, paraded with the imperial
banner at their head, each wearing in his cap an
eagle painted on a sheet of paper. Sigismund, who
had a firm belief that God was with him, could not
conceal his delight, but pointing to the young fellows
he exclaimed to the nobles at his side : " There is a
new world opening for us ! "

24 LECTURE I.
They lodged him at the Black Friars, and four
days were spent lustily amidst the wine and the
women. Everything was put at the visitors' disposal
entirely free of charge, and Sigismund and the Count
of Savoy pronounced all the arrangements to be
excellent, though the silver drinking cups had to
be kept out of sight at the King's request, lest
they should prove too great a temptation for his own
thievish followers. The pageants and banquets cost
the Berners some ;£'2,ooo, and after the departure of
their guests everything was found to.be very dear, but
they had their satisfaction in knowing that the King
had said that no other city had ever received him
with so much honour before.
Sigismund left Bern at noon on 6th July and rode
by Solothurn to Basle whence he sailed down the
Rhine to Strassburg. Here he stayed from the nth
to the 17th of July, flirting with the pretty burgesses,
some of whom called on him before he was out of bed
in the morning, threw a cloak over him and danced
him barefoot through the streets with nothing on but
his breeches, buying him a pair of shoes in the Kor-
bengasse to enable him to keep it up the longer. On
leaving Strassburg he exchanged gold rings and other
mementoes for valete with the wives of the leading
burghers, who never forgot the merry days he spent
there ; for two years afterwards they sent him a present
in Paris, and when he met some envoys from their
city at Aix-la-Chapelle on his return from England
he did not fail to ask for news of the Strassburg ladies.

SIGISMUND. 25
From Strassburg he sailed down to Spires, which
he entered in state on July 19th under the usual
baldachin with lappets painted with black eagles on
a yellow ground. After a stay of fourteen days he
took ship for Worms which he reached at six o'clock
in the evening of Thursday, 3rd August. The Town
Council presented him with two fother of wine, twelve
pike, some carp and a salmon, but during the ringing
of the joy-bells a clapper broke off and caused a great
commotion in the town square. Sailing on, the royal
party reached Mayence on August 4th, Bingen on
August 8th, and Coblenz on August 12th. Here the
King remained till September 4th, arranging weighty
business at a Diet and giving audience to various
envoys, amongst whom were the Englishmen whose
visit has been already described.
Sigismund had previously made arrangements for
his coronation at Aix-la-Chapelle on October 21st, so
that he might appear as formally crowned King of
the Romans at Constance for the opening of the
Council which was fixed for the ist of November.
But he found grave difficulties in his path. Several
of the Electors were either lukewarm or actively
hostile. Duke Adolf of Berg was up in arms because
Sigismund did not support his brother's claim to the
vacant Archbishopric of Cologne ; while the Duke of
Brabant threatened to bar his way with an armed
force if he should approach any nearer. Accordingly
he withdrew disheartened to Heidelberg, where it was
believed that he contemplated a return to Hungary,
4

26 LECTURE L
balked and uncrowned, even at the cost of a possible
postponement ofthe Council, till the skies had cleared.
He left Coblenz on September 2nd, travelled back
up the Rhine to Rense, where he took a meal at the
Konigstuhl, thence by Mayence to Frankfurt, reaching
Heidelberg on September 7th, where he was welcomed
by the clergy and the university and entertained for
a fortnight as the guest of his loyal supporter Duke
Louis, son of the late King Rupert, and brother-in-
law to King Henry V. of England. Starting again
from Heidelberg on September 20th, he journeyed on
by Wimpfen, Waldenburg, and Hall to Krailsheim,
thence by Ansbach to the Cistercian Abbey at Heils-
bronn and reached Nurnberg on September 25th.
Accompanied by the Duke of Saxony, the Bishops of
Wiirzburg, Bamberg and_^ Eichstadt, together with
heralds, fifers, and bassooners, who all received their
gulden from the burgesses, he rode into the city
by the Spitlerthor, where he was received by three
ex-burgomasters. Two religious processions awaited
him at the adjoining St. James's Church where the
relics were exposed in the street. The King dis
mounted, took the cross in his hand and kissed it ;
St. Cyprian's head was then placed upon his head and
the clergy chanted a solemn introit : " Behold, the
Lord cometh with the power and the kingdom in his
hand ! Let the tribes of the people serve thee and be
lord over all thy brethren ! " They then formed up
and led on to St. Sebald's Church where Sigismund
knelt and prayed and the chaplain burnt some linen

SIGISMUND. 27
tow as an emblem that the glory of this world passeth
away Eleven days were spent in Niirnberg, and by this
time the King had satisfied himself that the lions were
removed from his path. The Duke of Juliers, as
mayor and bailiff of Aix-la-Chapelle, undertook to
guarantee his safety there with 4,000 horse, and after
bargaining to raise money from the Jews and arrang
ing a Landsfried to secure a safe passage for travellers
along the roads through Franconia to Constance, he
started with a brighter outlook on his coronation
journey, though even as late as 22nd October there is
evidence that the opposition had not all been smoothed
away. He left Niirnberg on October Sth, rode by
Cadolzburg to Windesheim where he accepted a
present of 100 florins for himself from the townsfolk
and a few more for his minstrels, stayed four days
at Rothenburg and arrived at Heilbronn in a storm
of rain on nth October. After arranging a further
Landsfried he started for Spires on October i6th,
remained there till 22nd October, and was at Mayence
by 25th October, whither he had had 3,000 boards
and other timber sent from Frankfurt to repair his
ship for the further passage down the Rhine.
In the meantime Queen Barbara had been making
her way across from Ofen to join her husband for
their common coronation. Accompanied by Nicholas
Gara, her sister's husband, and a cavalcade of 2,000
mounted followers, together with minstrels and jon
gleurs, she had travelled by Vienna, Salzburg and

28 LECTURE I.
Regensburg to Niirnberg, which she entered by the
Frauenthor on October 13th, a week after Sigismund
had left. She had been expected at Frankfurt by
i6th or 17th October, but she did not actually arrive
there till October 24th. On the following day she
was at Mayence, which she left for Bingen on 27th
October. She met her husband at Walluf and the two
arrived together at Boppart on October 28th. Halts
were made on the three succeeding days at Coblenz,
Andernach and Bonn, whence they started for Aix-la-
Chapelle on November 2nd, arriving there with 1 8,000
mounted men at eleven o'clock on Sunday, 4th Nov
ember, 1414. The townsmen presented Barbara with
pieces of red Malines cloth and Brussels bluet, and
the royal pair rode through the streets to the minster
where the new Gothic choir had only recently been
consecrated. Here they kissed the skull of Charle
magne, and while the "Te Deum" was being sung
Sigismund lay prostrate with outstretched arms on
the floor in the old circular crown of the church, with
Queen Barbara kneeling at his side. When the service
was over they took up their quarters in the adjoining
presbytery, and during the next two days they spent
several hours in the church arranging details for the
coming ceremony.
Long before daybreak on Wednesday, 8th Novem
ber, 1414, processions were afoot, and at nine o'clock
or thereabouts Sigismund was crowned King of the
Romans by the new Archbishop of Cologne (Dietrich
Count of Mors), in presence of a vast concourse of all

SIGISMUND. 29
the notables of Christendom, England being repre
sented by the Earl of Warwick and Bishops Bubwith
and Hallum and others, who were on their way to
the Council. Sigismund himself read the gospel in
alb and dalmatic, and on the following day he and
Barbara were present at a solemn exhibition of the
famous relics, when they were shown one of the un-
der-garments of the Blessed Virgin, and St. Joseph's
stockings which he had taken off to swaddle the Holy
Infant at the moment of the miraculous birth. The
king then formally notified the Pope of the events of
the preceding day and announced that he would start
forthwith to be present at the Great Council which
had already assembled by his direction at Constance.
But if Sigismund's efforts to reconcile conflicting
secular interests in Northern Italy were practically
without result, his visit to that country in the pre
ceding winter has left a lasting mark on the history
not only of the Christian Church but of the whole
European world. Early in the year 1413 disquieting
rumours had reached England as to the precarious
position of Pope John XXIII. at Rome, owing to the
threatening attitude of Ladislas King of Naples, and
Henry V. had intimated his anxiety for definite in
formation, expressing at the same time a courteous
hope that the facts might not really be so bad as they
were represented. On May 22nd, 1413, John Caterick
was appointed as the English King's ambassador and
proctor at the Roman court, but before he could reach
the Holy City the Pope was again a fugitive.

30 LECTURE I.
At nine o'clock in the morning on June Sth, 141 3,
he was awakened from his sleep with the news that a
breach had been made in the wall, and he had barely
time to scramble out of Rome when Ladislas with
his victorious army entered it. Late in the same
evening the Pope and his followers arrived at Sutri
and journeyed forward through the night to Viterbo.
Thence they pressed on to Montefiascone where they
rested for two days. Leaving again for Acquapen-
dente on June 13th, they reached Radicofani on the
following day, where again they called a two days' halt.
During this dreadful panic flight many died on the
roadside in the scorching heat ; others, including Car
dinal Landulf of Bari, were caught and plundered ;
many were killed by the troops of Ladislas or the
Pope's own mercenaries, or seized by sailors and sent
to work in the galleys. The Pope himself at length
reached Florence on June 21st, but public feeling
there was so divided that he could not enter the city,
and had consequently to find an asylum in the bishop's
palace in the suburb of San Antonio just outside the
walls. Here he stayed four months, sending indignant
letters to the various Christian princes throughout
Europe. In one of these written to the King of Eng
land, on September 4th, 141 3, he declaimed vehemently
against the perfidy of Ladislas and begged for help
against him. The story of the sack of Rome was too
harrowing for him to tell or for his " dearest son " to
hear, but he hoped soon to send a legate who would
lay the whole case before him in full. Meanwhile all

SIGISMUND. 31
Christian Europe, except that small portion of it that
owned obedience to Benedict XIIL, was shocked with
stories of the unspeakable crimes of Ladislas, how his
horses were stalled in St. Peter's Church, where the
soldiers robbed the sacristy, broke open monstrances,
threw out the relics and trampled the Host upon the
ground. And yet it was this very calamity that proved the
salvation of the Church, for while the Pope could
make no head against the armies of Ladislas, he had
been forced to throw himself into the hands of Sigis
mund. It was while the latter was at Como on October 13th,
141 3, that he was visited by two cardinals who had
been deputed to approach him on behalf of Pope John
XXIII. These were Antonio de Chalant, Cardinal
Priest of St. Cecilia, and the famous Francesco Zaba
rella, Cardinal Deacon of SS. Cosmas and Damian,
popularly known as the Cardinal of Florence. The
latter was now a man of fifty-three years of age, and
had lately given up a position of immense influence
as " King of the Canon Law " at Padua, whither
crowds had flocked to him as a sort of shrine of peace.
He ate but sparingly, took little sleep and guarded
with all diligence against waste of time. He helped
and lodged poor scholars and made hosts of friends,
who would find their relaxation in visiting his house
at night after a day's unbroken study, or spend a
holiday with him hunting, fishing or fowling in the
hills, with a Cicero, a Virgil or a Terence constantly at

32 LECTURE I.
hand. Whoever once knew him always loved him,
and none could hate him but the utterly depraved.
He was only in minor orders and had no special bent
for a clerical life, believing as he did that it would be
better for the Church if her leaders were trained in
law rather than theology. His commentaries on the
Clementines and Decretals had been finished more
than a dozen years before, <ind no Doctor of Decrees
could now afford to do without them. He had gone
to the Council at Pisa as one of the representatives
of Venice in .1409. On July i8th, 1410, he had been
chosen Bishop of Florence, and in the following '
year Pope John created him a cardinal. But in this
his friends saw matter for much regret. They knew
that he must give up his books, his frugal habits and
even his individual name, and be lost under the weight
of his new dignity, and indeed before he had been
many months a cardinal the fever-laden air of Rome,
the threatenings of war, the dearth of all the necessaries
of life and the modesty of his means combined to
convince him that he had started on a dangerous
cruise, and he was forced to confess himself a poor
man with it all. Still they were rejoiced that in him
they had a man who could deal with men, not a
huckster higgling over a parcel of goats. No one
amongst the clergy worked harder than he to get the
Council called and rightly guided. When the Pope
began to vacillate before the Council met, Zabarella
was ever at his elbow, urging and praying him to keep
to his word, and in the Council all men, high and

SIGISMUND. 33
low, looked to him as a pledge for unity, and possibly
to be one day the coming Pope himself. But this was
not to be, for he died at Constance in 1417, and was
buried for a time in the Grey Friars there, his body
being afterwards removed to Florence.
The two cardinals were accompanied in their visit
to Sigismund at Como by the famous Greek scholar
Manuel Chrysoloras, who was now nearing the close
of a notable career of influence, such as it has been
given to very few ever to exercise in this world. He
certainly, if any one in that age, had come in the
fulness of time and, if a man is to be known by his
fruits, he was great and fortunate indeed, though it
may be doubted whether the occasion did not make
the man and not the man the occasion. Near the
close of the fourteenth century, he had been visited
in his home in Constantinople by the keen Veronese
student, Guarini, who was then full of enthusiasm for
tlie lost literature of the old pagan world. As a con
sequence of this, Manuel left his native country and
came to Italy, where he settled in Florence in 1397,
receiving an allowance of 1 50 florins a year on con
dition that he would teach Greek to all comers free
of charge. Though he soon had to complain of the
smallness of his stipend, yet he was to some extent
repaid by the lifelong friendship of such Humanists
as Salutato, Bruni, Poggio, Vergerio and Cenci who
all praised the ease with which he taught. In 1400
he attended on the Greek Emperor Manuel Paleo-
logus in Milan, when he came to beg for assistance
S

34 LECTURE I.
against the Turks, and subsequently received letters
from him in which he gave his impressions of the
princes of the western world. After staying for a
time in Pavia, Rome and Venice, he returned to his
own country in 1405. Ere long, however, he was
back again amongst his former friends, visiting France
and Spain and travelling all over Italy. In the winter
of 14 II he spent six months in Rome, where he received
an allowance of fifty florins per month from the Pope,
and when it was known that the question of reunion
with the Greek Church was likely to be a topic for
discussion at the coming General Council he was
deputed, together with his nephew John, to represent
the Emperor Manuel, and speak with authority on
the subject, and it was probably in this connection
that both the uncle and nephew were ennobled by
Sigismund at Pontestura in June, 1414, with the
dignity of Counts Palatine of the Empire. Both of
them afterwards made the journey to Constance with
Cardinal Zabarella and stayed there at the sign of
the Sun. In February, 1415, they attended a meeting
of the German nation, and it was understood that they
were prepared to make their submission to the Pope,
return to their own country, and then come back and
attend the sittings of the Council officially as long as
it should last.
But Manuel Chrysoloras was never destined to
return to his country again. He was struck down
with fever at Constance about Easter, 141 5. They
nursed him at the Black Friars, but he died there after

SIGISMUND. 35
a few days' illness and was buried in the convent in
presence of Poggio and young Agapito Cenci. It
is true that the general admiration for him was not
absolutely unqualified, and that some of the more
flippant of his scholars called him unpleasant names
and never altogether got over their rooted repugnance
to him, but on soberer souls his earnest talk and the
dignity of his presence left the impress of a heaven
sent voice, and they cherished his memory as of a
sunbeam thrown upon the deep darkness of his time,
a true philosopher and a real god-like man. An
epitaph written by Peter Paul Vergerio still marks
his resting-place at Constance, and a funeral oration
delivered at Venice five months after his death remains
as a record of his pupil's personal veneration and
esteem. In dealing now with Sigismund at Como, the two
cardinals (De Chalant and Zabarella) were autho
rised to signify the Pope's willingness to summon a
General Council without further delay, but they were
to stand out against its meeting in any place where
Sigismund's influence would preponderate. A list
of suggested places such as Bologna, Genoa, Nice or
Rome had been at first drawn up to serve as a basis
for negotiations ; but the paper was subsequently torn
up by the Pope's own hand, and though he after
wards deplored his hard luck and declared that his
interests had been betrayed, yet his envoys started
finally on their mission with practically a free hand
to agree upon the best conditions they could get.

36 LECTURE I.
They opened their case with long speeches which are
still extant. But as they contain little but flattery
and common-place, they must have made the royal
listener very impatierit, for he knew that he had the
game in his hand and he meant to have his own
way. However, the visitors (especially the learned
Zabarella) are said to have made a good impression
on him, and when the case was closed he raised three
of their suite to the dignity of Counts Palatine.
There were many interviews extending over eight
een days, but there was nothing like the same delay
over preliminaries that there had been in the case of
Pisa, and on October 30th, 141 3, Sigismund was able
to issue a proclamation announcing that Constance
had been agreed upon for the meeting of the Council,
and that he had himself selected it as a place where
" by his imperial office " he could secure protection
to all comers. A full year's notice was now accord
ingly given that the sittings would begin on Novem
ber 1st, 141 4; that Sigismund would himself be
present, and that all who had business there should
be assured of full liberty and security in coming,
staying and returning. Straightway he despatched
a letter to the King of France, informing him that
he had taken the Lord's penny to root out the thorns
of vice and the thistles of sin from His vineyard, and
to plant the seeds of virtue in which He delighteth,
and so he invited his royal brother to his most sweet
feast at which they would reform the Church and
reconcile the East and West, that the One Bride might

SIGISMUND. 37
be brought back to her Lord's undivided house where
the Good Shepherd would let her in, clad without
spot or wrinkle in the golden garb of Truth. He
likewise wrote, as the Church's official Advocate and
Defender, to Gregory at Rimini, exhorting him to
come to Constance with those of his obedience, and
warning him that he must not afterwards plead
ignorance of the summons. But Gregory declined the
call, though he was offered 2,000 gulden per month as
long as the Council lasted.
Meantime the position of Pope John was becoming
dangerous at Florence, so he left there on November
8th, 141 3, and travelling by Pistoja entered Bologna
on November 12th. Here his chapmen sold prospec
tive archbishoprics, bishoprics, prebends and parish
cures, some of them many times over, so that those
who before had been top on the list of expectants
now found themselves near the bottom, while the
tail was getting very near to hell. Bulls, sacraments,
indulgences were all to be had for the buying, and
benefices were weighed out by the pound. It was
commonly said that the Pope took more than a
million ducats with him to Constance, and that if he
had not been Pope he would have been the richest
priest in Christendom. After this successful traffick
ing, he moved out to hold a formal interview with
Sigismund at Lodi near to Milan.
The Pope and the King, who were the great
enigmas of their age, now saw each other for the
first time, and a story went abroad that a sententious

38 LECTURE I.
old Florentine was asked by Sigismund which of
them he thought the sadder man. The sage thought
that perhaps the Pope was, because the hair was off
the top of his head, which made Sigismund laugh.
This curious anecdote may perhaps refer to the well-
known gallantries of the two men, and it was often
repeated when the Council met. Two weeks were
spent in talk in a large hall, and a last effort seems
to have been made to get the Council held in Italy,
" for," said the Pope, " I cannot take my cardinals,
archbishops and bishops across the Alps ! " " Neither
can I take my electors and princes," replied the
King, and he suggested Kempten in Southern Suabia
as a mountain city equally inconvenient for both.
But in the end the weaker had to give way, and
on December 9th the Pope addressed a letter to
Christendom calling a General Council to meet
at Constance, as a place centrally situated and safe
from the violence of party strife. On January 3rd,
1414, the Pope and thirteen cardinals entered Cremona
by the Porta del Po, and Sigismund rode in by the
St. Luke's Gate on the same day, together with the
Marquis of Montferrat, and many German and Hun
garian lords, and then the two great lights in the
firmament of the Church and the world together
mounted the great Torazzo which rises 400 feet on
the north side of the cathedral, the Lord of the place,
Gabrino Fondolo, who went up with them, afterwards
expressing his regret that he had not pitched them
both over into the square below.

SIGISMUND. 39
The Pope left Cremona on January 14th, and
reached Mantua on the 17th, where he was received
by Francesco Gonzaga, and entertained for about a
month. He re-entered Bologna on February 26th,
and remained there until the time came for his
journey across the Alps. True to his promise, he wrote
again to King Henry V. from Bologna on April ist,
1414, announcing that his nephew Marino Municolo,
accompanied by the Bishop of Pesaro and Master
Austin Del Lante, would soon visit England to raise
money for a crusade to recover Rome from Ladislas.
The necessary safe-conducts were accordingly issued
on June ist, 1414, and on the ist of September
Archbishop Chichele granted the requisite permission
at the manor of Langley Marisch near Windsor,
whereby the Italian bishop was authorised to beg for
this purpose throughout the whole of the Province of
Canterbury on Sundays and Feast Days, between
the celebrations of the Mass, in any place where he
could collect a crowd, promising forty days' indulgence
to all who would give or bequeath any money for
this work of love ; and though the University of Oxford
entered an academic protest against the degrading
results of the system of indulgences as a whole, and
the excessive sums paid to secure them, yet the quiet
ness with which Englishmen generally submitted to
the appeal, as contrasted with the recent rioting of the
Hussites in Prague, is only one of many proofs of
how utterly their Lollardy had been crushed and
cowed.

40 LECTURE I.
But before the pardoners began to beg in England,
Ladislas had been removed from Italy, and the Pope
had been relieved from the pressure of his formidable
foe. That " wicked pest " had died in great agony,
as we have seen, at Castel Nuovo near Naples, in
the night of August 6th, 1414, before he had lived
out half his days. The story went that he had been
poisoned by his mistress and had died shouting
" Devils 1 " and the churchmen delighted to record
how the sacrilegious wretch's body rotted away with
sores, and was unceremoniously buried like a Tartar.
But there were some who denied the truth of the
story altogether. It is certain that Benedict XIIL,
in whose obedience he was, spoke of him as having
"passed to God," while the piety of his sister and
successor Joan erected to his memory in the church
of S. Giovanni Carbonara at Naples a stupendous
monument which is the admiration of every student
of Renaissance workmanship to the present day.
At any rate, those were certainly wrong who looked
upon his death as opportune, for no sooner was he
removed than Pope John redoubled his shifty efforts
to back out from his engagement with the Council.
But it was now too late, for he had taken another
master on his back, and Constance must be faced
whether he would or no.

41

LECTURE II.
CONSTANCE.
In the sumrner of 141 3 an immense flock of chaf
finches flew over Switzerland. They stretched, it
was said, in a line a mile long and half a mile broad
and darkened the air as they passed. At Bern they
lit on the trees, but did no harm, and the wiseacres
saw that something toward was going to happen, for
the birds meant foreigners who would be welcome
because they would bring so many good gulden to
the land. As the year wore on, it gradually became
known that King Sigismund had set his mind on
calling the Council together on the German side of
the Alps. Strassburg and Basle and even Kempten
had been mentioned as possible meeting-places, but the
two former were too far from Italy, and the latter had
no means of providing for a large assemblage, so that
in the end the choice lay easily with Constance as a
strongly-fortified imperial city, situated actually in
Suabia, but fairly central of access from both sides of
the Alps. Compared with many another imperial
town it could not rank as large, but its good roads
and cheap water-carriage by the Rhine and the lake
offered excellent facilities for supplies of fish, flesh.

42 LECTURE IL
fodder and beer. As many as twenty-five boats
loaded with hay and straw were sometimes to be
counted in one day alongside the quay by St.
Conrad's Bridge. Carts were to be had on hire from
the Town Council, and none but a fool would deny
that the air was healthy and the water pure, while
the lovely setting of gardens, vineyards, woods and
meadows made it a veritable field that the Lord had
blessed. The burghers had long enjoyed a prosperous time
under their own steady local government. When the
south-western portion ofthe town was destroyed by
fire in 1399 it was quickly rebuilt, and the population
was now estimated at 5,500 souls, including many
Jews, students and foreigners, as well as a large
number of workers employed in the linen trade, for
which the place had then a high repute. Soon after
the meeting of Sigismund and the Pope at Lodi,
messengers began to arrive at Constance with in
quiries as to its possibilities for the means of living,
but those who had early information had already
bought up the hay in the Thurgau and other neigh
bouring districts, and the villagers about informed the
foreign prospectors that they had not half enough of
lodgings. By midsummer 1414 the inrush had begun,
and strangers were coming in thick. Counts, bishops
and abbots were travelling up from far and near, and
whoever found a good inn fixed up his arms and
snapped it up straightway. Still no one could feel
really sure that the Council would actually meet until

CONSTANCE. 43
the arrival ofthe Papal Chancellor, Cardinal Giordano
Orsini, who rode in with eighty-five horsemen on
August 1 2th, and then the demand for beds, hay, straw,
corn, cheese, butter, fish, flesh and everything went
up with a bound. Next came the news that the Pope
was really on his way and expectation was still further
strained. For it was known that extreme pressure
had been required to get him to consent to the meet-
ipg of a Council at all, and even after the invitations
were out it was rumoured that he was secretly arrang
ing that Ladislas should threaten Bologna and so give
him a colourable excuse for wrecking Sigismund's
plans. On hearing of the death of Ladislas he had
proposed to return to Rome, but the whole body of
his cardinals opposed him vigorously, knowing that
if he went to Rome he would never go to Constance
and so no Council would be held at all. Much against
his will, therefore, he left Bologna on October ist,
1414, travelled by boat to Ferrara and thence to Verona,
accompanied by eight cardinals and 600 followers all
on horseback, including auditors, scribes, secretaries,
bakers, beadles, ushers, grooms, macers, silversticks,
and other officials, many of them being the sons of
noble families. A knight rode before him on a white
pad with a monstrance containing the Host, covered
with a red cloth and strapped upright to the saddle,
well shielded from the rain and sun.
The party followed the valley of the Adige through
Trent to Meran, where on October 15th the Pope
entered into a secret bond with Frederick Duke of

44 LECTURE II.
Austria, under whose safe-conduct he was passing
through the Tyrol. By this he appointed the duke
Gonfaloniere or Captain-General of the Army of the
Church in Italy and Germany, with an annual allow
ance of 6,000 florins when actually employed in military
service. In return it was understood that the duke
would protect the Pope if any danger should threaten
him at the Council, and in order to provide against
all contingencies he invested the duke's confessor
with full power to absolve him in case he should have
to face a possible excommunication, and exempted all
his subjects from the jurisdiction of the spiritual
courts. Through this connection Pope John assured
himself also of the support of John of Nassau Arch
bishop of Mayence, Bernhardt Margrave of Baden,
the Duke of Burgundy and other powerful lords who
sucked the Church's milk, though the whole transac
tion was carried through in such absolute secrecy that
not even the cardinals were made aware of it.
The cortege then moved on for their dreaded journey
across the High Alps with great risk and toil and cost.
The Pope was placed in a low-wheeled carriage with
a waggon-roof drawn by a couple of horses and so
they crossed the watershed of the Inn. On the
Arlberg the carriage broke down and the Pope was
pitched out into the snow. His courtiers came
round him as he lay on the ground to ask if they
could do anything for him, but he only said : " I lie
here in the Devil's name ! Why didn't I stay at
Bologna ? " They righted him, however, and got him

CONSTANCE. 45
down the Klosterthal to Bludenz, and when he saw
the kind of country he was in, he said : " Foxes
trapped here ! " and continued his way with sore
foreboding through Feldkirch and Rheineck to the
Augustinian Abbey of St. Ulrich at Kreuzlingen, just
outside the southern wall of Constance, where he
passed the night on Saturday, 27th October, 1414.
On the following day after breakfast he entered the
city in state, preceded by a long procession of priests.
He was clad in white and rode a white horse with
scarlet trappings. A baldachin of cloth of gold was
held above his head and with him rode the cardinals,
two and two, in scarlet hats and capes, the sergeants
with their maces keeping back the crowds that
scrambled forward to pick up the scattered largess.
After a "Te Deum" had been sung in the cathedral the
Pope was lodged with his principal attendants in the
bishop's house in the adjoining square, which had
been previously repaired by the timber-masters and
other workmen and fitted with fireplaces, lanterns,
windows and all necessaries for winter occupation.
The chapel had been furbished up, the stools were
painted, seven chaplains and six singers were housed
to serve it at four florins each per month, and the whole
building became henceforth known as the Apostolic
Palace. Then followed presents of wine and beer
from the citizens to the Holy Father, who in return
gave a black silk gown to the burgomaster, Henry
of Ulm. The bells rang out and all was joy. But
when the burgomaster's sons claimed the horse on

46 LECTURE II.
which the Pope had ridden as their perquisite, accord
ing to an ancient custom, the Papal servants resisted
and fought the question out.
It might perhaps be legitimate to attempt a calcula
tion of the numbers who visited the town, and at first
sight there would appear to be some hope of success ;
but such data as we have are too fugitive to be reliable,
and I can only give a rough statement or two without
attempting to reconcile contradictions. According
to one account 18,000 bishops and priests, 24,000
knights and 80,000 other laymen are said to have
been in the town during the three and a half years
that the Council sat. Of these the first group might
have been capable of approximate verification, for no,
clerks were allowed to come to Constance without
express permission, and there is a record that the
Council was attended by 217 Doctors in Theology,
361 Doctors in Laws and 1,400 licensed Masters of
Arts. These with their attendants amounted to 9,460
persons, while besides this there were 5,300 priests
and scholars, some of them alone and some with one
or two body servants to attend on them. If we limit
our figures to those who were officially deputed to
transact either secular or ecclesiastical business in the
town, we have a contemporary statement that envoys
were present representing 83 kings and princes,
352 lords and 472 imperial and other towns.
At bottom it will be found that all the statistics now
available were originally compiled by Ulrich Richental,
a substantial citizen of Constance who was on the spot

CONSTANCE. 47
at the time and made it his business to collect what
ever information he could. For this purpose he went
diligently about the town copying the coats of arms
which he found affixed to the inns, talking with
heralds and inviting them to his house, though as he
often paid for his information, and he knew where
to find the best Polish and Silesian beer, it is to be
feared that in too many cases his informants filled in
the desired items from their own imagination. He
continued his inquiries from house to house as the
occupants came and went, and he has left a list which
a later hand has totalled as amounting to 72,460
persons, though besides these he puts in a " countless
number of others who rode in and out every day,"
which would in itself invalidate the whole calculation
and render any possibility of accurate results quite
out of the question. Richental did not write his
book till some twenty years after the Council had
closed, and his figures passed subsequently through
different hands, reappearing in such inextricable
confusion that I can only hope that some diligent
dissertationist may some day arise, either in this
university or elsewhere, who will try his hand at
harmonising and disentangling the conflicting lists,
and lay bare the f/r-Richental on his bed rock below.
In the meantime we may note that writers of vary
ing degrees of credibility have rounded off their totals
at anything between 40,000 to 150,000 souls, and
we must be content with the barren reflection that
in these, as in all mediaeval statistics, exactness of

48 LECTURE II.
arithmetic is not now to be looked for. The greatest
throng was certainly there during the seven months
that intervened between the arrival of Sigismund at
Christmas 1414, and his departure for Nice in the
middle of the following July, and there are state
ments by contemporaries that during this time there
were 30,000 horses stalled, 16,000 (or as some said
60,000) beds let and from 70,000 to 80,000 strangers
quartered in various parts of the town and suburbs,
many even of the great ones lying on the ground out
side. Two thousand six hundred courtiers had to
find room where they could, sometimes as many as
twenty together in the same house, sleeping in wine-
vats or in the yards and stables with the grooms, and
there is a dismal record that 263 bodies were found
drowned in the lake, to say nothing of many unknown
persons who were secretly murdered or otherwise
made away with. But whether exact enumeration
is attempted or not, contemporary writers are one and
all agreed that such a gathering of notables was un
paralleled in the history of the Great Councils of the
Church, while the assembled numbers were countless
as the drops of water in the sea.
The great centre of clerical interest was the Apos
tolic Palace, which contained two large halls, an upper
and a lower one, in which the business of the Curia
was transacted, and a cushioned throne was kept for
Sigismund whenever he should pay a ceremonial visit.
Every Monday and Wednesday the cardinals met
here in secret consistory, with a public sitting every

CONSTANCE. 49
Friday morning after Mass. Eight prelates were
appointed as referendaries to examine and report
upon business matters coming in from Italy, France,
Germany, England, Bohemia, Poland, Hungary and
Spain respectively, and then pass all bulls through
the Papal Chancery for signature, those of great
importance requiring to be countersigned personally
by one of the cardinals with his own hand. The
Pope himself gave private audiences every Sunday,
Tuesday and Thursday and was open to see all
comers on Saturday afternoons. Strict regulations
were required to be observed as to the proper official
dress to be worn by passers in and out. Bishops and
auditors were to come in copes, chamberlains in
cloaks and hoods, scribes in tabards and so on, but
there was no abatement of the old abuses so long
notorious in the Church courts of the middle ages ;
the rich got all attention, and the poor might go
to the devil if they could not stand the brow-beat
ing of the bullies that had the preparation of the
bulls. But the great assemblage at Constance was no
merely clerical gathering, but a vast political congress,
a Reichstag of Christendom, for which Sigismund
had reserved a whole network of secular questions
which were pressing for immediate solution. When
he was at Mayence he had notified all the electors,
princes, nobles and towns of the Empire that he meant
to take in hand all matters concerning the Empire at
Constance, and when some envoys from Frankfurt
7

so LECTURE II.
submitted business to him at Heilbronn they were
told that he would discuss with them further at the
Council. So though there was no formal diet, yet
the King frequently sat for judgment at the Grey
Friars after his arrival.
It has been urged that at Constance the distinction
between secular and ecclesiastical subjects was strictly
maintained, in contrast to the mode of procedure
at the subsequent Council at Basle ; but inasmuch as
every large political question had its clerical side,
and every clerical question its political side, it is diffi
cult to see how the overlap could be prevented, when
practically the same subjects were under discussion
by the same delegates at the meetings of the nations.
But other issues from outside the Empire came up at
Constance for review. The representatives of the
University of Paris had come prepared to press for
the condemnation of Jean Petit's thesis in favour of
tyrannicide and thereby convict the Duke of Bur
gundy of heresy that he might be humbled and
acknowledge his fault for the good of his soul. Yet
this was essentially a political stroke with a strong
partisan bearing on the internal faction feuds of France,
though it was reserved as a clerical issue for the de
cision of the Council, to whom the duke had expressly
appealed. The fierce quarrel between the King of
Poland and the Teutonic Knights had been for the
moment patched up by a peace signed at Strasburg,
near Thorn, on October 7th, 1414, whereby Kingjagiello
agreed to sheathe the sword against the Christian

CONSTANCE. 5 1
knights and turn its edge against the Turks, on the
understanding that both sides should submit their
quarrel to Sigismund's arbitration at Constance. Ac
cordingly the High Master of the Order sent ten
of his commodores with a retinue of twenty-seven
knights and 360 attendants to represent his case,
while the King of Poland's envoys entered Constance
with 600 mounted men and twelve carts of baggage
on January 29th, 141 5. The envoys were all Polish
bishops, and they were armed with authority to deal
both with Church matters in the Council and with Polish
national affairs in treating with Sigismund. But with
advocates and arbitrator alike clothed in a double
capacity, it was impossible to maintain a theoretical
distinction between issues secular and issues ecclesi
astical, and when the vexed question of periodical
raids against the heathen to kill them with their
wives and children, or forcibly convert them and
seize their lands, was submitted as a Church problem
to the consideration of the Council, the contestants
would have been more than human if they had been
able to discuss it apart from the rancour attaching
to all battlegrounds of purely secular and national
policy. The Swedish envoys pressed for the recog
nition of their Brigit as a regularly canonised saint.
The ceremony had been actually completed some
twenty-four years before, but doubts were thrown on
its validity as performed while the Church was in
schism, and the Universities of Paris and Oxford had
in the meantime been quite outspoken in submitting

52 LECTURE II.
the revelations of the saint to a very searching
criticism indeed.
But apart from these national issues there were
multitudes of domestic questions waiting to be solved,
and when both Pope and Emperor kept court side by
side in the same town there would be no lack of
employment for the 142 bull-writers and 600 or 700
scribes who had found their way to Constance from
every country in Europe. The Count of Cleves and
the Lords of Rimini and Milan wanted to be created
dukes, Frederic Burgrave of Niirnberg was to be
made Margrave of Brandenburg ; fiefs, honours, royal
ties and investitures had to be granted or confirmed ;
a reform of the coinage was called for in view of
the floods of bad money issuing from the mints at
Mayence and other great commercial centres ; the
Julian Calendar was in complete confusion, and did
not conform to solar facts ; by an accumulation of
errors the equinoxes were coming about thirteen days
too soon and seriously throwing out the true date of
Easter ; great imperial towns such as Frankfurt were
groaning under the burden of exorbitant tolls ; safe-
conducts had to be issued, jurisdictions defined and
pacifications effected not only in the feuds of indi
viduals but in internal quarrels within towns and
states. On the wider field King Sigismund aspired to
arrange a peace between France and England and
to organise some systematic help for the Greek em
peror against the advancing Turks, but many minor

CONSTANCE. S3
knots awaited his untying also. The burgesses of
Liibeck had risen against their magistrates and kept
them out of the town till Sigismund should settle the
dispute, but though their envoys brought large sums
to Constance, and entertained the King at a banquet,
yet he gave the case against them and they had to
promise 25,000 florins, even to get the execution
postponed. At Brunswick much clerical passion was
raging round St. Ulrich's Church which the Council
was if possible to allay. At Augsburg there were two
claimants for the bishopric, one of whom was sup
ported by the town and the other by the cathedral
chapter. The latter was rejected by the Pope, but
he secured a confirmation from the Archbishop of
Mayence and appealed to the Dukes of Bavaria and
Landshut, who told him to keep quiet till the Council
met. Strassburg was the scene of a still fiercer strug
gle. The bishop, William of Diest, was charged with
alienating the lands and squandering the revenues of
the Church. The chapter thereupon elected a sub
stitute and a state of war ensued, the bishop being
supported by the nobles and the pretender by the
town. The bishop was seized and thrown into prison
at Molsheim and in retaliation put the town under
interdict. Envoys then approached Sigismund, who
gave them a gracious reception, and a truce was called
till the question should be dealt with by the Council.
In the end the excommunication was suspended,
but not before 100 Strassburgers had proceeded to
Constance on this business alone.

54 LECTURE IL
These instances will indicate the enormous amount
of traffic that was thrown suddenly upon the little
town and very special regulations were needed to
cope satisfactorily with it. On December i8th, 1414,
the town council issued a notice that no one was to
be about after curfew without a light ; chains were
to be stretched across the streets at various points
and none were to ride or shout at night under penalty
of the hue and cry ; and although it may be going
too far to say with a modern writer that there was
" no clamour, no confusion, no quarrel and no riot,"
yet the fact that only two men were actually killed
in street brawls, though many were expelled, during
the whole time that the Council sat is rightly pointed
to as evidence of a surprising power of organisation,
even in a town so well reputed for the excellence of
its police, though it is to be remembered that the
presence of Sigismund and the fear of after-conse
quences must have acted as a strong deterrent against
hot-headed violence such as we know to have oc
curred when one German duke called another German
duke a cook's son and got stabbed for it in the street,
though not mortally, while his assailant ran away.
As the throngs of travellers swarmed along the great
trunk roads, they found that the cost of posting and
carriage increased out of all proportion the nearer they
came to Constance, and in the town itself there was
every prospect of a reign of famine prices for the bare
necessaries of life. The congestion was bad enough
when the Pope came in at the end of October, and a

CONSTANCE. SS
week later it was noticed that there were plenty of
cardinals riding on mules, but that they generally
looked hungry. But when Sigismund arrived at
Christmas the dearth was so critical and the extor
tion so great that on Twelfth Day he sent a serious
remonstrance to the burgomaster, which resulted in
charges being fixed by the town council for bed,
board, horse-hire and provisions, and after this forcible
interference with the law of supply and demand no
similar complaint came before the magistrates as long
as the Council lasted. It is true that when Lent came
there was a general dearth of suitable food, except as
regards beans and floury buns, but as a rule there was
no lack, extortion was checked and poor and rich could
all buy alike.
According to the new tariff the charge for a bed
large enough for two persons comfortably, with sheets,
pillows and cushions, was not to exceed one and a
half Rhenish gulden per month, the linen to be
washed every fortnight. Stalling for one horse was
to be had for two pfennigs per night, a good white
loaf was sold for a penny with fourteen of them to the
shilling, three haller (or a halfpenny) might be charged
for a throstle or a fieldfare and two plaffer for a pigeon.
Meat, eggs, birds, etc., were all to be sold in the open
market with fixed prices for corn, oats, peas, hares,
badgers, otters, beavers and the like.
The market life of the town may be studied in some
nearly contemporary pictures which are still extant.
In these the women are selling bread and the men

56 LECTURE IL
chopping venison or weighing pork, while clerks stand
by and bargain for birds, eels, and fish, with saucy
snails and toothsome frogs set out on boards to tempt
the passer by.
Thousands of workers of all kinds took rooms or
houses for their trades ; plenty of old women found
occupation in washing linen and mending clothes ;
over 1 50 vintners hired shanties where they welcomed
all comers, retailing their Rhenish from the vineyards
of Alsace and the Breisgau, as well as Romney and
Malmsey and the wines of France and Italy ; and
an army of bakers trundled their little round ovens
in wheelbarrows from street to street, with pasties,
flatcakes and ringpuffs made of fish, flesh and chicken,
well spiced and seasoned. Besides these there were
untold throngs of foreign tailors, goldsmiths, furriers,
hatters, hoofsmiths, shearmen, mercers, barbers, blood-
letters, shoemakers and such like, who came and
went as their trades required, and the keepers of the
poorer class of lodgings had their houses always full.
But trouble with the Constance guildsmen was
evidently not far ahead if any unlicensed interloper
was to be allowed to ply his trade on equal terms
with those who claimed a monopoly by chartered
rights, and to meet this danger orders were issued
securing freedom for all to trade on equal terms, so
long as the Council lasted, and allotting to, each
particular trade its own particular locality. In order
to settle disputes between outlanders and burgesses
as to rent or other such matters a rota of fifteen

CONSTANCE. 57
papal auditors of various nationalities arranged to
sit three days a week, each at his own desk, attended
by his beadles, in St. Stephen's Church between prime
and breakfast. Over ninety scribes were kept at this
work, and the church was filled with noise and scurry
as throngs of suitors presented grievances, and as
each case was disposed of the winning parties took
off their proctors and writers and drank their healths
in good French wine.
Money was negotiated through groups of foreign
changers, who paid sums varying from five to sixty
Rhenish gulden per month to the town council for
the privilege. The total number of these is given as
seventy-four, forty-nine of whom were Florentines,
amongst them being young Cosimo dei Medici, now
twenty-five years of age, who came to represent his
father Giovanni dei Medici, the rich merchant and
money-lender of Florence, who " enjoyed most of the
Pope's wealth".
Ulrich Richental drew up a list purporting to give
exact particulars as to the numbers in each trade,
but the great variations in the different editions of
it detract considerably from its statistical value.
Many traders brought their wives and children with
them, and as the lowest riffraff also swarmed in from
all lands, the lingual difficulty was superadded to
the rest. The lists of reputed envoys from the far
East, such as Egyptians, Ninevites, Medes, Persians,
Indians and even the Great Khan of Tartary, are
rightly put down as fabulous inventions, but there
8

S8 LECTURE IL
were certainly Letts, Poles, Serbs, Greeks, Turks,
Arabs, Armenians and White Russians to be met
with, besides representatives of all sections of Western
Christendom, and there were some Ethiopians who
were supposed to have come from Prester John, but
as they knew no Latin and no one could speak their
tongue, they failed to secure official recognition.
Besides the three great European languages {i.e.,
French, German and Italian) it was believed that
there were twenty-seven others spoken in the streets
of Constance. To meet these varied needs, twenty-
four penitencers took turns in rotation to hear con
fessions in the minster, each one putting up a notice
on his shriving-pew as to the languages with which
he was prepared to deal, and when the Bishop of
Posen (himself a Pole) attempted to preach in Ger
man in St. Stephen's Church with a very imperfect
knowledge of that tongue he had a German priest
standing handy in the pulpit beside him, so that he
could turn round and consult him whenever he was
at a loss for a word.
Each of the great lords had brought his minstrelsy
and the streets echoed with hundreds of fifes, trumpets,
bagpipes, and viols ; no business was done on feast
days, when everything gave place to the jongleurs
and players, and crowds expressed their delight at
the representations of the Birth of Jesus, the Three
Kings, and the Slaughter of the Innocents given by
the English at the house of the Bishop of Salisbury.
Every day the courtyard of the Apostolic Palace was

CONSTANCE. 59
alive with tilting and a vertigo of shouts, while scarce
a week went by without its ridings, feasts, dances,
tournaments and processions.
Thus Constance was a merry place for those whose
hearts were gay. But there were many strugglers
who had begged their way thither in poverty or spent
their little all upon the road and entered the city
penniless. These needy folks must somehow be fed,
and though all those who were connected with the
Council were expected to keep up a certain amount
of external appearance, yet there were very many
unofficial hangers-on who found it hard to live, and
every day some 2,300 priests, monks and friars might
be seen carrying their platters for a pittance to the
houses of the great lords who had foregathered in the
town. One hundred and sixty students are recorded
to have travelled up, some from mere curiosity or the
fun of the thing, others to look out for prebends,
and many of these were known to be passing about
from house to house, content to earn a day's keep by
grooming horses or cleaning out stables ; while the
generosity of the Archbishop of Salzburg provided
any poor man who cared to ask for it with a half
penny loaf every day, together with some soup and a
piece of meat or a mess of pease on fast days.
This picture of the outdoor life of the mediaeval
world at Constance may be supplemented by a peru
sal of the letters and sermons of those who saw the
bishops pass about the streets in parti-coloured jackets,
with sleeves like wings, stopping short at the waist to

6o LECTURE IL
show off their shapely shanks and shiny shoes. Very
few of them were seen praying or fasting, or giving
alms, but very many lounging and carousing and
dressing up, more bent on pleasing the ladies than
on pleasing God. No wonder that if some zealous
preacher urged a shrift, the public laughed him down ;
if he quoted the fathers, he was told that they were
out of date ; and if he spoke of penance, they said
that the rules of penance must be softened to make
them easier for men to bear.

6i

LECTURE III.
THE COUNCIL.
On November ist, 1414, the Pope attended a solemn
Mass in the cathedral, when a sermon was preached
by one of the canons, and Cardinal Zabarella then
announced that the Council would be opened in the
same church two days hence, after the services had
been held on the morrow for the souls of the dead.
Accordingly, on November 3rd, the cardinals were all
robed and ready in the Apostolic Palace, but just
as the Pope had left his room in full pontificals he
was seized with sickness and had to be undressed
and put to bed, and everything was put off for two
days more. At 7 o'clock in the morning of Novem
ber 5th, the Pope walking under a canopy of gold
cloth and accompanied by fifteen cardinals, thirty-
three bishops and abbots and a crowd of priests and
religious passed along the cloister into the cathedral,
where Cardinal Zabarella mounted the pulpit and
announced that the sittings of the Council would
formally open on the i6th of November.
On that day the first public session of the Council
was held accordingly in the cathedral. The Mass
was said by Cardinal Orsini. After the litanies had

62 LECTURE III.
been sung, the Pope discoursed nicely about loving
Truth, and then Zabarella stood up and told them
that there must be no noise or jibes or laughter in
their meetings, on pain of three days' excommunica
tion, in accordance with a regulation passed at one of
the early Councils 840 years before. During the
whole time that the Council sat there were forty-five
of these public sessions, all of which were held in
the cathedral, beginning usually at 7 o'clock in the
morning. It used to be the practice in Constance to show
visitors over the large hall of the Kaufhaus on
the quay, and to tell them that the meetings of the
Council were held there, or even that the building
was specially erected for the Council to meet in, and
tourists were shown the chairs on which the Pope
and Sigismund sat, the sword of ceremony, two wax
figures clothed in black to represent Jerome and
Hus, a model of Hus' dungeon with two real bricks
upon which he had carved some marks, and his Bible
with his name in it and notes written by his own
hand. But all these details are fictitious. The
Kaufhaus was never used for any Council meeting, all
of which were uniformly held in the cathedral and
nowhere else. Each meeting was preceded by a
Mass of the Holy Spirit, after which the Pope or other
president took his- seat on a throne in the middle of
the choir with his back to the high altar facing the
assembled throng. The bishops were seated in due
order of precedence, vested in long copes with plain

THE COUNCIL. 63
white linen mitres on their heads. An antiphon
was sung and the whole assemblage kneeled for a
while in silent meditation. Then at the word all
rose, while the celebrant stood and offered a noble
prayer, that God would cleanse their hearts and teach
them what they ought to do, that no ignorance might
draw them off into devious tracks, no fear or favour
sway them and no bribe corrupt them, but that they
might not swerve from Truth because they were one
with Him. Then as the sitting closed the resolutions
of the day were read aloud, the proctors of the differ
ent nations signified assent, copes and mitres were laid
aside and all dispersed their several ways.
But these formal sittings were nothing more than
great parade-days for officially publishing pre-deter-
mined issues. The real debates were all outside, and
burning questions were handled by pamphleteers or
argued by disputants in another place. Two days
before the Council actually began, a memorandum
was addressed to the Pope, asking that as far as
possible the preliminary work should be all done by
deputy, some of the bigger representatives being
commissioned to hear the opinions and record the
votes of the lesser ones at outside meetings. In order
to facilitate this method and ascertain the mind of
the visitors, they were grouped for debating purposes
into four nations, viz., the Italian, the German, the
French and the English, according to the plan then
prevailing in Paris and the other universities of
Europe, though the arrangement was more convenient

64 LECTURE in.
than ethnographical, for the Greeks were reckoned
with the Italians, the German nation included Huns,
Poles, Letts, Turks, Bohemians, Moravians and
Russians, besides Flemings and Scandinavians, while
the English were allowed to admit Scots {i.e. Irish),
Asiatics and all other outlandish people from places
beyond the sea. But this latter shadowy multitude
had no real numerical existence, and it is no wonder
that Richental never ventured to go into particulars,
for he could not quite find out the truth about them.
As a matter of fact they never put in an appearance
at the deliberations of the English nation, which still
remained altogether disproportionately small, being
sometimes estimated at twenty persons, or even as
low as twelve all told.
Each of the nations had its own meeting-place.
The English and the Germans sat at the Grey Friars,
and the French and Italians at the Black, though in
different rooms. Each had its own president, together
with six counsellors, whose business it was to tender
advice in the intervals between the sittings, and a
certain number of deputies, all of whom held office for
a month at a time. The votes were taken by counting
heads, and in the French nation, where on critical days
some 200 or more doctors and masters would some
times assemble, a special portion of the room was set
apart for those who had the right to vote. But even
this obvious precaution was not taken in the German
nation, where shouting and clamour are said to have
often carried the day.

THE COUNCIL. 65
Each nation had its own notaries to make official
records of its proceedings, those for the English being
John Reynolds, William Pursell and Thomas Polton.
Of the two former I can find little further mention,
except that Reynolds appears to have been made
Sub-Dean of Wells in 1424, and that Pursell was
deputed to act as proctor for some Irish bishops. Of
Master Thomas Polton we know that he had recently
been appointed ambassador for King Henry V. at
the Roman court. He was Archdeacon of Taunton
and held prebends in connection with the cathedrals
of York and Hereford. He spent much of his time in
diplomatic service abroad, and rose to be successively
Dean of York and Bishop of Hereford, Chichester
and Worcester.
After a proposition had been discussed in the
meetings of each separate nation it was submitted to
a joint gathering of the representatives of all four, and
when these were agreed their resolutions simply went
up without further debate for formal approval at a
public sitting in the cathedral, which alone was acknow
ledged as a valid recognition by the Council.
At first it had been expected that all the business
would be run through in three public sittings, and
some of the delegates had supplied themselves with
funds for a stay of three months only, on the supposi
tion that this, like other previous Councils, would be
over in a few weeks, and it had even been anticipated
in some quarters that one session might suffice for
everything. When John Hus arrived he expressed
9

66 LECTURE III.
his opinion that the Council might break up about
Easter, and though this hopeful view did not last long,
yet on March ist, 141 5, when the Pope promised to
resign, the prospect cleared a little and the more
sanguine envoys thought that all might be finished
by the end of July. But all these forecasts proved
hopeless miscalculations, for the Council dragged on
over three and a half years, and the last of its sessions
was not held till April 22nd, 1418.
The subjects to be dealt with were understood to
fall under three general heads : (a) to restore unity
to the Church ; (b) to reform abuses in the Church,
and (c) to strike summarily at Wycliffry and
heresy. Under the first head it was known that in spite of
the Pisan settlement lions and dragons were still raging
in the road, while the ill-matched team of Popes was
dragging the Church's car in three ways at once ; and
as soothing medicines often do good when stronger
remedies would fail, it was urged that means should
be taken to offer a safe and commanding position in
the Church to each of the opposing claimants if they
could be made to give way of their own accord, but
if not that they should all be smartly forced to. Here
then was contentious matter enough, and from the
very first the outlook seemed big with trouble, one
side, with the Pope at its head, maintaining that the
issue was closed by the decisions of the Council of
Pisa, of which this was only a continuation since its
adjournment in 1409. From this point of view Pisa,

THE COUNCIL. 6y
Rome and Constance were all one Council, just as the
Rhine was the same river that it was loo years before
though not one drop of its water remained the same.
The partisans of Pope John maintained therefore that
the policy of cession could not apply to him, since he
was " the true and undoubted Shepherd and Vicar of
Jesus Christ,'' while the other two were only playing
with the question and putting in their usual cloud of
words merely to gain time. The other side declared
that the Pisan Council had not been canonically
called, that it had only torn another rent in the veil
and started a cursed Trinity of Popes and that its
decrees came perilously near to heresy. To this it
was replied that God had certainly been there if the
rival Popes had not, and that those who did not see
it in that way were dogs with vipers' tongues, fathers
of lies and so on, and that being the case the Pisan
decrees ought to be reaffirmed as holy, just and
canonical, and the contending claimants must be once
for all put down.
But it was very soon apparent that the contestants
were in no submissive mood, and that if great care
were not exercised the threat of forcible deposition
might result in the Church having four Popes instead
of three. Invitations to the Council had been issued
to Benedict and his protector. King Ferdinand of
Aragon, and the question of acceptance or refusal was
discussed between them in the summer of 1414. Here
the singular proposal was formulated through the in
fluence of Vincent Ferrer, that as faith could move

68 LECTURE IIL
mountains the assembly at Constance should pray
very hard for a miracle to settle the disputed claims.
But if God would not grant one because of their sins
they should prepare three pieces of paper each with the
name of one of the claimants written on it with the
words : " So-and-so is the true Pope," and throw them
into the fire, and the one that was not consumed
would indicate the real elect. King Ferdinand then
wrote to Sigismund expressing surprise that he should
have addressed him " in virtue of his imperial office,"
as he was in no sense connected with the Empire,
and he could only suppose that the phrase had been
put in by mistake. Benedict on his side would rather
die than have anything to do with the Council, declar
ing that there could be no peace till they took down
" that idol that had been stuck up at Pisa ". Indeed
so confident was he that Sigismund would disavow
the Pisan Council, and not let the "gentlemen
assembled at Constance" embark in any novelties,
that he declared his own Council of Perpignan to be
prorogued till Easter, 141 5, when all would acknow
ledge him as the only valid Pope. In this delusion he
was nursed by letters which were constantly reaching
him from Paris, informing him that a great reaction
was spreading in his favour in France, that many
who were connected with the court of Pope John
were weeping and lamenting for what they had done,
that the French found that things used to go very
differently from what they did now, . and that all
were saying that the Church had never been justly

THE COUNCIL. 69
governed since they subtracted their obedience from
him six years ago.
But whatever their grievances both Ferdinand and
Benedict agreed to send envoys to Constance, who
for convenience' sake should ignore the Council and
be accredited to Sigismund in person. These envoys
arrived on January 8th, armed with instructions to
avoid any quarrel with Sigismund, but when they had
an audience with him and it appeared that they had
come merely to affirm that Benedict was the one and
only Pope to whom all must submit, even to the ex
tent of allowing him to appoint his successor if ever
he undertook to resign, Sigismund flew into a passion
and called out : " I don't know who you are ! " which
so terrified them that they agreed to accept any Pope
that the Council should choose. After this they spoke
immensely in praise of Benedict's holy life, his know
ledge, tact and experience, and of his aspirations to
drive back the Turks and reform the Empire. They
regarded him as one of the most distinguished eccle
siastics of his time, and said that it would be worth a
journey from the farthest East to the farthest West to
get a sight of such a jewel and have a talk with him ;
but as he never did anything by deputy it would be
necessary that any interview should be a personal one,
and so it was proposed that Sigismund should himself
meet Ferdinand and Benedict at some place such as
Nice in the following June, when the latter would be
prepared to resign his claim to the Papacy if Gregory
and John would undertake to do the same.

yo LECTURE III.
But if Benedict sat coy behind the shield of Ferdi
nand, so neither was there any real sign of yielding
in the aged Gregory XII., who after varying fortunes
had settled down at Rimini under the protection of
his faithful supporter Carlo Malatesta. Short as his
days might be he would not help to shorten the schism
by means of a Council summoned by his hated rival.
He called it a sacrilegious sham which was bound to
break up peace and foster error. He reproached
Sigismund with having countenanced it and told all
Catholics to have nothing to do with it. Though he
kept up the official terms of abuse in public docu
ments addressed to Benedict, yet he did not scruple
to negotiate with him for a coalition to dislodge their
mutual enemy, the intruder John. Benedict suggested
a number of suitable places for a Council on the
Spanish coast, any one of which would be easily acces
sible by sea. Gregory on the other hand preferred
Rimini or Fano, and thought it would be easy enough
if the three claimants were agreed, or if a powerful
prince could be found to call a Council, and so on
with the old familiar futilities. Nevertheless he was
only irreconcilable to the same extent as Benedict,
for though he would not recognise the existence of
the Council he had no objection to sending envoys
to Constance to meet with Sigismund, to whom indeed
he had already written, signifying his willingness to
leave everything in his hands. He might choose the
time and place for the Council and act throughout on his
behalf, as a father delegates his power to a trusted son.

THE COUNCIL. 7 1
The envoys that Gregory thus sent were Giovanni
Contarini, titular Patriarch of Constantinople, and Car
dinal Giovanni Dominici, both of whom were absolutely
devoted to his cause. They crossed the mountains,
having in their company the poet-historian Dietrich
Vrie, and arrived at Arbon on the Lake of Constance
about the middle of November, whence they sent in to
seek for lodgings in the town.
Guarantees had been already given that if Gregory
would come in person he should be allowed to choose
his own quarters and be received with all respect. But
this was evidently not to be considered as applying
to his deputies, for no sooner had arrangements been
made for them to stay at the Austin Friars and
Gregory's papal arms had been fixed up on the con
vent doors than some one tore the sheet down in the
night, and there was so much wrangling over the
incident that eighteen cardinals and a large number
of representatives met to consider the question on the
following day in the lower hall of the Apostolic Palace.
Opinions were deeply divided. Cardinal D'Ailli, who
had just arrived from a legation in Germany, was in
favour of admitting the representatives' claim, but
Cardinal Chalant opposed it in the interest of Pope
John, and after much "spitfiring and babble" the
majority decided that as Gregory had not come him
self his arms should not be put up at the convent.
So, as Dominici would not be allowed to enter in
his cardinal's dress, the envoys preferred to remain
outside the city till Sigismund should arrive.

72 LECTURE III.
But if Pope John was successful in this matter of
ceremonial etiquette he was doomed to an early de
feat on a far more vital point. He had from the first
strongly opposed the plan of meeting by nations, and
when after much negotiation this method was recog
nised as an accomplished fact, it was considered that
the nations were constituted merely as advising bodies,
but that the final voting in the Council was to rest
exclusively with the cardinals, patriarchs, bishops and
abbots, as it had in all previous Councils up till Pisa,
when doctors were for the first time admitted also to
the vote. But to this view a vigorous opposition was
now made under the lead of the French cardinals
D'Ailli and Fillastre. " If abbots were to reckon,"
it was said, "why not priors?" And surely it was
absurd to give the same voting weight to a mere
titular abbot who administered no one but himself
as to a French or English bishop with all his parish
churches and his vast population. Then why ex
clude the theologians and legists who were authorised
teachers ? or the kings and princes who would have
to carry the mandates of the Council into effect?
And again, what was an abbot with his ten or twenty
monks compared with a curate of a parish with i ,000
up to 10,000 souls ? Let every man in holy orders
and every doctor have a vote — and so before such
powerful advocacy all prospect of restricted voting
was summarily swept away, and all were admitted
to the nations, whether clerk or layman, graduate or
non-graduate, honest or abject, bond or free, and when

THE COUNCIL. 73
the cardinals complained that the higher dignitaries
were thereby reduced to impotence they were told
that if they wanted their influence to tell they must
use it in their respective nations.
But even when the Pope had been defeated on this
question, there was still a further rebuff in store for
him. According to previous precedents the voting
had been always taken by counting heads, whereby
the power was vested in the hands of the absolute
numerical majority. But the decision to admit all
ranks and orders to vote in the nations entailed a
further radical alteration in the balance of power.
Pope John had come to Constance in the belief that
he had the Council in his pocket, for not only had
he brought with him enormous sums of money in
the hope of bribing off opposition, but he had lately
created a large number of Italian chamber-bishops
who were bound by charity to yield him implicit
obedience and support. By this means the Italian
nation was packed with some eighty bishops and
masters in theology and law who could be relied
upon to vote solid for his interest. To counter
balance this advantage vigorous efforts were made
that resolutions which were to be submitted for the
final approval of the Council should be passed by
a majority of the nations and not by an absolute
plurality of individual votes. This was the policy
of Sigismund, and as the small English nation was
practically at his disposal there was for a time a dead
lock, the French and Italian nations objecting fiercely
10

74 LECTURE III.
to an innovation whereby they would lose their pre
ponderating advantage. But when in the course ofthe
struggle for union the French decided to support the
vote by nations, the game was lost for Pope John and
the backing of his Italians was altogether thrown away.
The first six weeks' deliberations had thus resulted
in nothing, save to disclose marked lines of cleavage.
Comparatively few of the accredited representatives
had arrived except Italians, and nothing whatever
had been done to promote the unity of the Church.
A letter written at Constance on November loth
reported that no embassy from any king or prince
had yet come in, that nothing had been heard for
certain of Gregory or Benedict, that no Council
business had yet begun, neither was any expected to
begin for some weeks, and by November 28th there
was still an entire absence of any representatives of
kings, princes or universities.
 From the first great things had been expected of
the English and the Germans, but none of them had
been present at the opening. Sigismund was at
Aix-la-Chapelle and was not expected much before
Christmas. So that although a sitting of the Council
had been fixed for December 17th, it had to be post
poned till the 14th of January. Moreover an angry
scab known as the " Touch-me-not " was beginning
to break out in the crowded city ; folks did not care
to risk sitting in meetings with tetters on their faces,
and it looked as if a very strong hand would be
needed to make the Council march.

THE COUNCIL. 75
In this impasse all thoughts were turned to Sigis
mund as the head and foundation of the whole
thing, without whose protection and presence nothing
of weight could be decided, and all their labour
would be in vain. Accompanied by an escort of
1,100 mounted men he started from Aix-la-Chapelle
on November 12th, 1414, and travelled by Cologne
and Bonn to Mayence. On December 22nd the
party were at Stuttgart, and they reached Ueber-
lingen on the north shore of the Lake of Constance
an hour before midnight on Christmas Eve. Word
was at once despatched to the Pope requesting him
to postpone the morrow's Mass till after the King's
arrival. The town council sent over boats in the
darkness, and had the Stadthaus heated up in readi
ness, and so at 2 o'clock on Christmas morning King
Sigismund and his wife Barbara landed at St. Con
rad's Bridge in Constance. With them were Sigis
mund's sister Elisabeth, the wife of Twartko II., King
of Bosnia ; his niece Eli.sabeth, wife of the Count
of Wiirtemberg ; Queen Barbara's father, Hermann
Count of Cilli, and her brother Frederick ; Louis,
Duke of Saxony, and a brilliant suite including two
fugitive Turks, one of whom was said to be a duke
and the other a king. They went straight to the
Stadthaus near the adjoining fishmarket, where they
warmed themselves and drank malmsey for about an
hour. Then without taking time for change or sleep
they went out at cockcrow in the darkness to the
minster, the burgesses holding canopies of cloth of

76 LECTURE in.
gold over their heads as they passed with flaring
torches and other royal racket along the wintry
streets. The Pope was waiting for them with a splendid
mitre on his head, and they spent eight, or accord
ing to another account eleven, cold hours in the
church, hearing three Masses at intervals without
changing their place ; Sigismund, crowned and vested
in a dalmatic, acting as gospeller in virtue of his
deacon's privilege, and reading about the decree that
went out from Caesar Augustus to all the world.
After this trying morning it is not surprising to hear
that everybody in the church was " very tired ".
The royal party then lodged for three days at
" The Steps " in front of St. Stephen's Church, re
moving afterwards to the Benedictine Monastery at
Petershausen on the other side of the Rhine bridge.
After a four weeks' stay there the King returned into
the city and lived in a house in the Miinstergasse,
his wife and the other great ladies each having a
separate establishment in the immediate neighbour
hood. The Hungarian knights, of whom there were
more than lOO in the royal retinue, each with his own
squire and attendants, were left on the other side
of the river, where they showed much ill-temper and
often came into serious conflict with the burgesses.
On New Year's Day the Pope visited Sigismund to
drink with him from a large loving-cup belonging
to the cathedral, and on Twelfth Day he blessed the
people from the Apostolic Palace, where the crowd

THE COUNCIL. J-j
was so dense that it took an hour to clear them all
away. And now the town began to fill up rapidly. Bishops
and archbishops came trooping in from all parts of
Christendom with retinues ranging from a modest
two or three, as in the case of the Archbishop of
Ravenna, up to many hundreds, like those of the Arch
bishops of Salzburg and Mayence. On January 2nd
the representatives of the city and university of
Cologne arrived after a long and fatiguing journey, and
reported that Council business was beginning to be
taken up in earnest, that Sigismund was showing
great zeal for the reform of the Church, and that his
influence had been strong enough to cut through the
first initial difficulties which had threatened to wreck
the Council at the outset. Four days after his arrival
the King had ordered a schedule to be read recounting
all that he had done to promote union in the Church.
The mere reading of this took up three hours in itself,
and Sigismund then proposed that the representatives
ofthe contending Popes should be admitted to state
their case, but that no final decision should be taken
till after the arrival of the English.
Gregory's two representatives were still waiting
outside the town till the question of their status
should be definitely settled. On January I2th it
was decided after much disputation that Sigismund
himself should settle it, and he at once arranged that
a message should be sent to Dominici and his col
league at Kreuzlingen to ask if they had anything

78 LECTURE in.
to say on the question of union. This being the
essential point the question of uniform was discreetly
waived, and on January 22nd the two envoys made
a ceremonial progress through the streets with thirty
mounted followers, Dominici being clad in full car
dinal's dress and wearing the official scarlet hat.
The friends of union had expected much from his
arrival, and well they might, for he had already
written to Sigismund in the previous spring that
Gregory would leave him to settle everything and it
was believed that he was now the bearer of a mandate
of resignation. But he was in reality supplied with
a double set of instructions, one of them to be used
in public in order to throw Pope John off the scent,
and the other for private use as occasion should re
quire. But while this knotty tangle was being unravelled
delegates had continued to arrive daily from every
part of Europe. On January 12th the whole available
space had been severely taxed by the entry of John
of Nassau, Archbishop of Mayence, with 700 mounted
followers. He was one of those clerks in name and
soldiers in dress, but neither in reality, whose numbers
were now rapidly dying out, and he scandalised the
more peaceful observers by riding in clad in scarlet
and fully armed with helmet, corslet, braces and
greaves of mail. On January 17th King Sigismund
went out with a brilliant cavalcade to meet Duke
Louis of Bavaria, who travelled up with the Bishops
of Spires and Worms and a retinue of 400 horsemen

THE COUNCIL. 79
and eight or nine baggage carts, and on the same
day several " heathens " arrived with very sumptuous
appointments, who presented Sigismund with twelve
fine stallions and a rich pavilion lined with silk and
surmounted with a gilt eagle on a gilt knopp. A
number of Greeks came in on January 21st and
were subjected to no annoyance. They had Mass
in their own houses according to their own rite, and
it was hoped that if the Council would give way to
them on certain points they would gladly submit to
the Holy See of Rome, and when a legate arrived
from the Emperor Manuel on March 3rd the hopes of
the Greek Church " becoming Christian " were dis
tinctly advanced a stage. Moreover there were em
bassies from Lettowe and Samogitia charged with
requests that missionaries should be sent to those parts
and bishoprics founded there, so that it is not surpris
ing that in a letter written on March 9th a belief was
expressed that not only all Christendom but many
pagan lands also were now ready to be subject to
the Church.
It was while these rosy prospects were abroad that
the English contingent arrived, and at once made
their presence felt. Our countrymen had, as usual,
been slow to move until they were assured with
certainty that the Council would really meet, and it
was not till the ist of October, 141 4, that a synod had
met at St. Paul's, and voted a tax of 2d. in the £ on
all benefices to defray the expenses of the representa
tives who were to proceed to Constance as proctors

8o LECTURE III.
on behalf of the clergy, while the Northern Province
did not meet in York Minster for a similar purpose till
November 6th, nearly a week after the proceedings
at Constance had been timed to begin.
The delegates chosen to represent the English
clergy were Robert Hallum, Bishop of Salisbury,
Nicholas Bubwith, Bishop of Bath and Wells, and
John Caterick, who had just been appointed Bishop
of St. David's and was soon afterwards promoted to
the see of Lichfield. The north was represented by
the Abbots of York, Jervaux, Selby and Fountains,
and with them were also John Fordham, Prior of
Worcester, and William Colchester, Abbot of West
minster, who was looked upon by the foreigners as a
prince. The churchmen in Ireland made their own
arrangements, and were represented at the Council
by the Bishops of Cork and Ossory. On October
30th Archbishop Chichele appointed four clerks to
act as proctors for him, and the representatives of
the English King were Richard Beauchamp, Earl of
Warwick, Henry, Lord Fitzhugh, Walter Hunger-
ford, and Ralph Rocheford. Master John Hovingham
went with them as their protonotary, and they had
a large following of knights. Queen Joan was separ
ately represented by William Cave, a Canon of Wells,
and three other doctors. The Earl of Warwick, the
Bishops of Bath and Salisbury, and a vast retinue
started on their journey about the end of October.
They crossed to Calais, travelled Wough Flanders
and Brabant and reached Aix-la-Chapelle in time to

THE COUNCIL. 8 1
be present at Sigismund's coronation on November
Sth. There were still some of the party, however, who
had not yet left England, and it was far into January
before the whole contingent were near their journey's
end. At length on January 2 ist, 141 5, nearly three
months after their date of summons, the English
cavalcade of 700 or 800 mounted men, all handsomely
equipped and headed by their fifers and bassooners,
rode into Constance with carts and sumpter horses
carrying their knapsacks and other stuff. They were
met by the Bishop of Lausanne, the Duke of Saxony
and the Count of Cilli, who escorted them with great
ceremony to their quarters in the town, the Earl of
Warwick being lodged in the painted house in the
upper market, and Bishop Hallum with seventy-four
horsemen in a house at the back of the steps leading
into the Cathedral cloister. The next day they had
an audience with the Pope, when Bishop Hallum made
a " most beautiful speech " about union which was
greatly appreciated by all present, though his language
was somewhat vague and he did not then commit
himself to any remedial policy. But it very soon
appeared that the English had come commissioned
to press for the resignation of all three Popes, and as
they met in the same building as the German nation,
and had practically arranged their policy beforehand
on similar lines, it was not long before they ranged
themselves entirely on the side of Sigismund, who
bound them and led them about at his will. Thus
II

82 LECTURE IIL
far the French had not come in, and the Pope had
still his hopes, but he found that the English, though
small in numbers, were bent on business and upset
everything as soon as they arrived.
The second public session of the Council had been
fixed as we have seen for January 14th, but before
that date arrived Sigismund again advised a post
ponement till January 24th or 2Sth because of the
non-arrivals. The same reason necessitated further
delays till February ist and February 4th, and even
then the representatives of the University of Paris had
not come in and the sitting was put off till Febru
ary 6th. But when that day arrived there was too
much heat and passion in the air to allow of any
official session until certain vital questions had been
settled in the nations outside. On February 3rd
there was a general meeting at the Apostolic Palace
where the thorny question of Pope John's resignation
was raised by the English, for though the Lord had
opened the door no one so far had had the courage
to go in. The Archbishop of Mayence declared that
no man ought to be listened to who proposed the
election of any other Pope but John. Then a patriarch
called out that the archbishop ought to be burned
for saying such a thing, and the meeting broke up in
confusion. They reassembled on February 6th, when
the English and Germans proposed that all disputed
questions should be left to be discussed by an equal
number of representatives from each of the four
nations. But though this method of delegation failed

THE COUNCIL. 83
to carry, yet on the following day the French decided
to support the vote by nations as a whole, and the Pope
saw that the ball was going to roll the other way.
For already it was matter of common knowledge
that there had been " disturbances " between him and
the King, whom he did not scruple to speak of as
a beggar, a drunkard, a savage and a fool. " You
Italians,'' Sigismund had said, "seem to think that
you head the world in knowledge and power, but I
call you the dregs of the earth." " And do you sup
pose," retorted the Pope, " that you sit on the same
bench with me because you are a Luxemburger ? I
can tell you that if you were not officially King of the
Romans you would be sitting at my feet, and I only
grant you this honour as an Italian, not as a barbarian."
But it was not long ere he found to his cost that the
barbarian ass was more than a match for the Italian
fox. The French cardinals D'Ailli and Fillastre
knew that this loud, wordy war between Pope and
King meant silence for the union of the Church, and
the latter now drew up a paper in which he declared
it to be dangerous as well as dishonourable to call in
question the decisions of the Pisan Council whereby
two of the contending Popes had been already legally
deposed. With this he pressed for the voluntary
resignation of the third, urging that if it were not
forthcoming of itself the Council should pronounce
the deposition of all three. The plan was submitted
to Sigismund who received it " with exultation," and
copies of it were submitted to the four nations. Of

84 LECTURE in.
course it did not take long to expose the inconsistency
of the proposal, and counter-schedules were soon
circulating to prove that if Pisa was right then John
was right and the other two were impenitent heretics.
Here he had come all the way to Constance to rescue
the sheep from the jaws of the wolves and you want
him to walk into the jaws himself! To talk of deposi
tion was really war, and if the man who proposed it
had been a Christian who knew his Bible he would
not have dinned such stuff into good men's ears.
D'Ailli replied by calling the other side nagging
flatterers with itching ears, while Fillastre sought
an interview with Pope John, pointing out to him,
diplomatically, that the plan acknowledged him as
canonically elected, and assuring him that he was
only acting in the true interest of the Church. But
the Pope made no attempt to conceal his hatred
for the cardinal, and assailed him passionately with
offensive and insulting words.
It was while this fire was burning in high quarters
that a statement was drawn up by an Italian and
secretly circulated amongst the German and English
nations, in which Pope John was charged with every
mortal and abominable sin and public inquiry was
demanded into his character. Some advised silence
to avoid scandal in the Church and confusion to those
whose promotions and provisions would thereby be
placed in jeopardy, while others urged that the facts
were so notorious already that any further inquiry
was superfluous. News of the movement was carried

THE COUNCIL. 85
to the Pope who called together a few of his most
trusted cardinals, to whom he admitted the truth of
some of the charges but denied the rest, and proposed
to make a public statement to the Council in the
belief that deposition would never come except for
heresy in doctrine, where he felt his ground to be quite
unassailable. In the end it was decided to postpone
all action in the matter for a few days. But the fer
ment once started could not be held in check. By Feb
ruary I Sth the French, English and German nations
had agreed to support the policy of cession, i.e., that
all three Popes should resign and leave the field open
for a fresh election. In favour of this view the Patri
arch of Antioch was told off by Sigismund to attend
a meeting of the Italian nation on their behalf, where
he made such a sweet, pretty, elegant speech that
everybody was in tears, and now that the four nations
were agreed it was felt that union was really at last in
sight. Finding himself thus powerless. Pope John decided
promptly on his course. He had pledged his word to
Sigismund that he would not leave Constance till he
had given peace to the Church, even if he had to lose
his right hand for it, and on the very day when he
saw that the nations were at one he made a solemn
declaration in the presence of Sigismund and all the
notables that he was quite willing to resign as soon as
his opponents would do thg same. On the following
day a great meeting was Held in the palace where
Zabarella read out a schedule in which the Pope

86 LECTURE III.
agreed in writing to resign. The whole assembly
received the statement with immense joy, crying out
that it was the Lord's doing and marvellous in their
eyes, while the Frankfurt envoys immediately wrote
home that the end was now very near, and they hoped
to be back by the 3rd of March as their funds were
already beginning to give out. But when the wording
of the Pope's promise was more closely scanned it was
noted that the time, manner and other particulars of
his coming resignation were to be reserved for a future
fixture. Accordingly when Sigismund and some repre
sentatives of the nations approached him to thank him
for his gracious declaration they begged him to sub
stitute other words for those to which exception might
be taken. To this he agreed, but his subsequent
edition gave even less satisfaction, for in it he called
his rivals damned heretics, and made his promise
conditional on their actually resigning first. More
over he claimed that the question of reform was more
pressing than any other and should be dealt with first
of all, but Sigismund saw through him and insisted
upon one step at a time.
On February 22nd the long-expected deputies from
the University of Paris arrived. They consisted of
twenty-two, or according to another list thirty, experts
in law and theology, and among them were the Chan
cellor, Jean Gerson, and two notable friars, one of
whom is believed to have been the writer of the great
chronicle of St. Denys. They were received in Con
stance with much delight, and on the morning after

THE COUNCIL. 87
their arrival they had an interview with the Pope
who complimented them on their vigilance in crush
ing heresy, and informed them that he had already
tendered his resignation in full consistory, producing
the schedule to that effect. On the same afternoon
they were introduced to Sigismund who welcomed
them in a Latin speech. Next day they visited the
German nation, where Sigismund exhorted them to
support his policy ; to which they replied that they
would do all that was right and reasonable for they
were certainly in favour of the policy of cession, and
they hoped that Sigismund himself would not alter
his " glorious mind ". On February 28th they were
present at a great meeting in the Grey Friars and
advocated cession, whereupon a schedule was drawn
up which was first read to the Pope privately and
then presented to him at the palace in the presence of
Sigismund a little before mid-day on the ist of March.
With a calm and joyous face he agreed to issue
it officially, while Sigismund and the prelates who
were with him shed tears of delight, and when the
King announced the good news to the assembled
nations he added that whereas before he would not
have mounted his horse to save the Pope he was
ready now to face even death in his cause.
On the next day the second public session of the
Council was solemnly held in the Cathedral. The
Pope celebrated Mass and then took his seat in front
of the high altar. The Patriarch of Antioch read
out the schedule announcing his determination to

88 LECTURE IIL
resign, at which he bent one knee and laid a finger
on his breast. The Duke of Saxony unsheathed the
imperial sword, King Sigismund removed his crown
and kneeled and kissed his foot in gratitude, the
Patriarch did the same in the name of the Council,
and the singers sang "Te Deum," but there were more
in the church who wept than sang. For three hours
the bells rang out the news and all Constance was
intoxicated with inexpressible joy. A bull was issued
giving formal effect to the schedule, and on the next
day the Pope presented Sigismund with a golden
rose which he carried through the streets with his
minstrelsy before laying it on the altar of Our Lady
in the Cathedral.
But at the very moment when he" seemed to have
his hand upon the prize Sigismund found himself
overmatched in handling three practised intriguers,
each believing that he acted in the interest of the
One Universal Church of God. Pope John had, as
we have seen, used all his arts and wiles to stop the
Council from meeting altogether, and when at length
he was forced to give way he started for Constance
with dire foreboding. He had been warned not to go.
" But what can I do ? " he said, " Fate takes me
there." He felt that he was on his trial and knew
that the Council would be against him ; he did not
want to be reformed and no sooner had he come than
he wished to get away. He looked upon the place
as a trap, and in any case he did not mean to stay
more than a few months, and if the air did not suit

THE COUNCIL. 89
him he would take up his quarters in some other place
in the neighbourhood and soon be back in Bologna.
Time did not wear down his mistrust and it could
have been no surprise to many in Constance when in
the midst of the universal joy the lute was suddenly
rifted and the dance turned into mourning.
In the middle of February the Archbishop of
Mayence had left the town to throw off religion for a
time and spend a few days of relaxation at the baths
in the Aargau, as he found the air of Constance did
not agree with him. He had previously given an
undertaking to Sigismund that he would return when
required, but the semi-secrecy of his departure and
the excuse about the insanitary air caused a general
feeling of uneasiness, and many said that the lame
dog only limped when it suited him and that he never
meant to come back to Constance at all. And now it
began to be reported that Pope John also found the
air ^unhealthy and wanted to leave too. Upon this
the King gave orders that the gates and walls and the
lake should be watched day and night, and a sharp
eye was constantly kept on the Pope's movements
even in his bedroom. A messenger sent by him to
Bologna was turned back, and when the Cardinal of
St. Angelo proposed to start for Italy on March 14th
he found the gates closed against him, as orders had
been given that no clerk of any kind should pass out
all that day. The Pope was indignant and summoned
the burgomaster and skevins, and in presence of the
Duke of Austria expressed his amazement that his
12

go LECTURE IIL
liberty had been thus tampered with. He reminded
them that before he had consented to come to their
city at all they had bound themselves to defend him
in freedom to stay or leave without hindrance, and he
then had Sigismund's safe-conduct for him read aloud
and the German text explained, adding that he did
not like Constance and that he would have the Council
transferred to some better and safer place. The
burgomaster replied that he was acting under orders
from the King and that the gates were closed to pre
vent the Council breaking up, but as to the Pope's
personal safety the town council would protect him
against all the world, even if they had to eat their
own children.
In the meantime the nations had been called to
gether in the cathedral and a deputation from them
went across to the palace to say that it would never
do for Sigismund to go to Nice like a courier all by
himself without a mandate. Here was the time get
ting on and Benedict's envoys were quite ready to
start, and they begged that a bull might be drawn up
with all speed giving detailed particulars ofthe schedule
of cession, and that in the meantime no cardinal
should be allowed to leave the city except in extreme
cases of sickness or poverty, of the urgency of which
the Council should itself be the judge. The Pope
promised a speedy reply and then Sigismund himself
came in with many princes and lords and protested
that he had never broken faith in regard to any safe-
conduct, but that it was by the advice of some members

THE COUNCIL. 9I
of the Council that a watch had been set upon the
gates. He was followed by his henchmen, the Arch
bishop of Riga and the Bishop of Salisbury, who
admitted that they had advised the watches, and then
there were some " hard and rough " words. The Pope
fired up at the notion that such arrangements should
be made without his knowledge, and Bishop Hallum
told him to his face that the Council was above him.
Thereupon the Pope called the bishop a heretic, to
which Hallum retorted that the Pope himself ought
to be burnt, and that if he did not give up simony and
mend his morals the English would soon subtract
their obedience.
On March i6th the Pope gave his promised reply.
He did not mean the Council to be dissolved till the
schism was ended, but it was a question whether it
should not be transferred to some other town ; and as
to the meeting at Nice perhaps he might go there
himself, but in any case he would not depute any one
to act for him and in the meantime he altogether
declined to issue any further bulls about his proposed
renunciation. The next day the German and English
nations met at the Grey Friars and decided that Con
stance must remain the meeting-place of the Council,
for a Pope on the tramp might change his mind and
besides there might be collusion between the claimants,
and if they ever did meet there would certainly be
dissensions as to who should give way first. This
action of the two nations exasperated the Pope still
more, and he began to prepare for a rapid flight.

92 LECTURE III.
On March iSth the French nation met in the
church of the Black Friars, and five cardinals were
present, endeavouring to get the voting done by pro
vinces, but no decision was come to, and after much
hissing and hooting and threatening and quarrelling
the sitting was adjourned in confusion. Next day
Sigismund was up before sunrise and went to the
Black Friars with such a crowd of dukes, marquises,
barons and other supporters that the whole building
was packed, and many prelates had to be displaced
to make room for them. The King asked that a
deputation from the German and English nations
might be heard, as he said that out of 300 members
of the French nation 200 were his subjects and only
a minority were Frenchmen proper. At this there
was a huge jar of words. Cardinal Adimari stood
up to Sigismund and told him that though he was
the Church's protector he was not her master. " No,"
said Sigismund promptly, " nor is any living man but
God only ! " and the retort was put to his credit as
another proof of his dialectical skill. The French
likewise objected to this interference with their rights.
They were willing to allow Sigismund to remain
personally, but they refused to deliberate in presence
of his councillors. At this the King was furious, and
he retired to the Cloister saying : " Now we shall see
who is against my honour and who is on the side of
union and loyal to the Empire", Cardinal D'Ailli
and several others then indignantly withdrew, and the
remainder muttered that the King's words savoured

THE COUNCIL. 93
of compulsion and that discussion could no longer be
free. Presently, however, the King calmed down and
sent in a message that he had spoken under excite
ment, upon which the feelings of the French were
mollified and they decided that the meeting-place of
the Council must on no account be changed until
reforms in the Church had been carried out and errors
in the faith eradicated. They further agreed that
messengers must be sent at once to Gregory and
Benedict, and that if Sigismund was going to Nice
some representatives of the Council should go with
him. Meanwhile the Pope was pressing on his prepara
tions for departure. His baggage was got together
in the utmost secrecy, not even the courtiers or car
dinals being aware of his plans. But a man who had
caught sight of some of the packages secretly stowed
away, came and told the nations that the Pope was
making ready for flight, either in the guise of a monk
or a labourer or even to be carried out in a tub. This
rumour was circulating on March 19th when the
angry meeting was held at the Black Friars, and a
strict watch was ordered to stop the escape and to be
on the lookout for a surprise. On the following day
Sigismund visited the Pope and found him lying on
a couch and complaining that the air of the place did
not suit him. Speaking with all customary respect
the King begged him at any rate not to leave Con
stance secretly, but if he wished to start in open day
light for any neighbouring town that was more to his

94 LECTURE III.
mind he would be ready to go with him himself.
The Pope appeared quite satisfied ; he expressed the
fullest confidence in Sigismund, adding that he could
not get away even if he would as he was lame in one
foot, and with that he began to hobble about the
room with a stick. He then gave a promise that
he would not leave Constance till the Council was
dissolved, but as he held that the mere fact of his
departure would in itself dissolve the Council he was
able to hoodwink his enemy once again. He knew
indeed where to turn for a better escort, and had
already arranged his plans with Duke Frederick of
Austria. After leaving the palace Sigismund sent
for the duke and taxed him with having a secret
understanding with the Pope. " Don't do it ! " he
said, and the duke assured him that he had never
thought of such a thing.
That very day a great tournament was held on the
flat land, known as " The Paradise " or " The Inner
Field," that lay between the western wall and the
river bank, at which the Duke of Austria tilted for
fifty gold rings against Queen Barbara's brother.
Towards nightfall, when the crowds were busy. Pope
John passed out unobserved through the Swiss gate,
wrapped in a grey cloak and cap and disguised as a
groom. He rode through the crowd on a small horse,
with a crossbow slung at his saddle and accompanied
by two attendants. Once outside the gates he was
soon joined by the Duke of Austria, to whom the
news had been whispered through his tilting helm.

THE COUNCIL. 95
A boat was ready at Ermatingen on the south shore
of the Unter See, and after a short drink at the house
of the parish priest there they put across swiftly at
two o'clock in the morning to Stein on the opposite
bank. Here they mounted horses and at sunrise
rode into Schaffhausen, where for the moment they
were safe within the duke's dominions.

96

LECTURE IV.
DEPOSITION.
At daybreak on St. Benet's Day (March 2ist, 141 5)
the news of the Pope's flight had spread and all
Constance awoke in wild alarm. King Sigismund
and Duke Louis of Bavaria were early up and rode
through the streets to visit the cardinals in the Apos
tolic Palace and the nations at the Grey Friars, and
to reassure the changers and the working folk at their
stalls. They were accompanied by trumpeters and a
herald who proclaimed that no one need be alarmed,
that the Council was now really safer than ever
before, that victuals were cheaper, and that all might
come and go just as they pleased. Acting on this
hint, seventeen papal secretaries together with seventy
scribes and their servants, 145 of the Pope's grooms
and other attendants, left Constance with his horses and
personal belongings while the crowds shouted : " Long
live the King ! " Thus confidence returned to quaking
hearts ; booths went up again in the market-place,
and henceforward all eyes were turned to Sigismund
as the sole guarantee that the Council should proceed.
Heart and soul he threw himself into the fray, vowing
that as long as the Council lasted he would stand by

DEPOSITION. 97
it and protect it at the risk of his life and all that he
had, even though all France and Italy should be
against him and the Duke of Austria's armies were
like the sand on the sea-shore. From this time on
ward he spared no labour and no expense, but worked
unceasingly with a single eye to the Church's good,
and earned unstinted praise on every hand.
As soon as the fugitive Pope arrived at Schaff
hausen, even before he had time to take refreshment,
he wrote off three letters with his own hand. The
first was addressed to the Council, assuring them that
he was safe where he was and meant to keep all his
promises, but that he must be sure of his freedom
first. In the second he told the cardinals that he
had been forced to take his present step because he
was afraid of Sigismund, and in the third he informed
Sigismund himself that, by the grace of God, he was
now free and in a nicer climate, and that the Duke of
Austria knew nothing at all about his escape — which
everybody knew to be a downright falsehood. Indeed
there is little doubt that the prevaricating Pope would
have played a far stronger card if he had openly de
nounced Sigismund forthwith, whereby he might at
least have divided the College of Cardinals, though it
is very doubtful whether he could have really hoped
for a final success.
Straightway the nations sent a deputation to the
cardinals to confer with them as to what should be
done in the emergency. The King accompanied the
deputation, who brought back word that the cardinals
13

98 LECTURE IV.
could not understand the motive for this unexpected
move on the part of the Pope, and hoped that what
ever steps were taken in consequence of it there
might, at any rate, be absolute harmony between
the nations and themselves. If the Pope's departure
should turn out to be a hindrance to their efforts after
unity and reform they would simply dismiss him and
go on without him. Meantime they would send two
of his own bishops to ask his intentions, and on their
return three cardinals would open formal communi
cations with him. For the moment, however, they
deprecated any hasty step, expressed their grateful
thanks to the King for his promise of continued pro
tection, and hoped that in the future all might be
done in friendliness and charity.
In accordance with this arrangement they selected
three of their number who proceeded to Schaffhausen
on March 22nd, where they had an interview with
the Pope and set forth the views of their colleagues
with perfect plainness, and when they returned to
Constance on the 25th they brought back with them
a letter from Pope John in which he agreed to make
the whole College of Cardinals his proctors for carry
ing out his promised resignation, on the understanding
that they should select for the purpose three of their
number, together with a bishop from each of the four
nations ; that he himself should remain for a few weeks
at Schaffhausen with liberty to communicate freely
with Constance as he liked, and that in the meantime
the work of the Council should go forward peaceably,

DEPOSITION. 99
and the Duke of Austria should abstain from any acts
of violence. These particulars were to be communi
cated to Sigismund, "his most dear son in Christ,"
whom he still loved " just the same as ever ".
But all this surface friendliness might well have
been spared, for two days before he had had a paper
fastened to the cathedral doors in Constance in which
he summoned all the members of the Curia to join
him within six days under pain of excommunication,
while at the same time he wrote violent letters to the
Kings of France and Poland, the Dukes of Berri and
Burgundy and the University of Paris, saying that he
had only left Constance in order to be able to repair to
Nice and carry out his promised cession, and asking for
the help of their strong arms against malignant perse
cutors whose rage was backed by powerful support.
He professed to single out no one by name, though he
could not refrain from laying the chief blame upon
King Sigismund, the Patriarch of Antioch, and Bishop
Hallum of Salisbury who was popularly known as
Mars. These, he said, had put their lusts before
their reason, and looking only to their own advantage
had worked the voting in the nations by means of
threats and brawls, and plotted disreputably against
his liberty by methods which he would rather not
describe. But this duplicity soon got known at Constance,
where it was treated as so much bluff and bounce.
The hireling had not fled from the wolf but had turned
into a wolf himself, and was now trying to rend and

IOO LECTURE IV.
insult the flock. But the Council was not blind.
They had eyes both behind and before that looked at
facts, not words, and they Jiad not come together with
all these journeys and all this expense to be hood
winked in this fashion. During the absence of the
envoys at Schaffhausen the French approached Gerson
and requested him to deliver an address to their nation,
which he did on March 23rd, maintaining that the
Church as represented by the Council was above the
Pope, and that if he would not obey her she could
give him a writing of divorcement and treat him as a
heathen man and a publican.
On March 26th the third public session of the
Council was held. Cardinal D'Ailli preached and
Sigismund was present supported by Zabarella, and
a critical day for the Church began. In obedience to
the Pope's summons nine of the cardinals had slipped
away to Schaffhausen, and of the seven who now
remained several were absent on account of sickness
or diplomatic caution. This, however, did not prevent
the passing of a strong resolution which declared that
the Council had been canonically called and must not
be dissolved until the schism was ended ; that it must
not be transferred elsewhere without its own consent,
and that no members should be allowed to leave before
its work was done. This decision was duly communi
cated to the absent Pope by the same three cardinals
who had previously been deputed to negotiate with
him, and on their return to Constance on March 2Sth
there was a great gathering to meet them at the

DEPOSITION. lOI
Apostolic Palace. They reported that they had good
news. The Pope meant well to the Council and would
agree to all its reasonable wishes. But there was a
sore feeling about, and the good news seemed very
like poison. If the Pope meant well why had he
required all his retainers and dependants to leave
Constance ? His promises were nothing but mockery
and lies, and he ought to be charged with schism for
trying to break up the Council, and so there were
violent " altercations " between the cardinals and the
nations and the whole room called out " Session !
Session ! " Subsequently the cardinals offered further
explanations which Sigismund undertook to present ;
but while they were under discussion news came in
that the Pope had started off again and was slipping
still farther out of reach.
For Duke F'rederick's proffered protection was be
ginning to look like a broken reed ; SchaffTiausen was
threatened with attack and it was already deemed
prudent that Pope John should get away. Accord
ingly, after washing the paupers' feet and distributing
coats and shoes on Holy Thursday with the usual
ceremonial, he got on board a fishing-boat below the
falls on Good Friday morning and sailed down the
Rhine to Laufenburg, accompanied by the Duke of
Austria and a few attendants. Not a single cardinal
would venture with him, for they saw that if Sigismund
should carry out his threats the duke would keep
his hold upon them to cover any losses that might
befall him in the coming struggle. Moreover it was

I02 LECTURE IV.
already clear that it was only for the plunder that the
class had kept at their master's heels so far, and when
the honey failed the flies did not care to buzz on for
nothing. But the Pope was only allowed a short sj:ay in
one place. After spending a few days at the sign
of the Peacock he was hurried out of Laufenburg in
disguise amidst a deluge of rain, and moved in secrecy
for two nights through the woods and mountains of
the Black Forest. He slept at Todtnau on April Sth,
and at noon on the following day reached Freiburg,
where he stayed at the Black Friars, a prisoner in all
but name.
News of the flight from Schaffhausen was not long
in reaching Constance, where the fourth session of the
Council had been fixed for Easter Eve. But before
the formal business began in the cathedral the car
dinals and the nations assembled in the palace at
seven o'clock, and their meeting was again very far
from harmonious. The utter isolation of John was
regarded as evidence of the finger of God, and all
further parleying with him was henceforward at an
end. But on the other hand Sigismund was violently
enraged against Duke Frederick, and was gathering
together large bodies of troops to attack his posses
sions. Many of these troops were already encamped
in the fields outside the town, and a ruinous rise in
the cost of living seemed startlingly near. The car
dinals and the French accordingly pressed Sigismund
not to make war on the duke lest all possibility of

DEPOSITION. 103
union for the Church should thereby be frustrated.
But he was obstinately determined to crush his enemy
now that he had the chance, though he offered to
respect any town in the duke's dominions that the
Pope might choose to occupy, and to guarantee the
security of all who wished to approach him there,
provided that he on his side would undertake not to
leave it. And so there were more " altercations "
before the public business began.
The attendance at this fourth session was but smg.ll.
Sigismund was there and the envoys of the Powers,
together with nine cardinals, including Zabarella, but
D'Ailli purposely stayed away. The bishops were
seated, coped and mitred, in the choir, when Cardinals
Fillastre and Zabarella and the King stepped into one
of the side chapels for a final talk, and then began
the business which has been called " the most inter
esting event in the whole dogmatic history of the
Christian Church ". Cardinal Orsini presided, and
under the lead of Zabarella it was proposed that the
Council should declare itself to be supreme above the
Pope ; that any excommunications that he might
launch against it were void ; that each nation should
elect three representatives to deal with applications
for withdrawal from Constance, and that no new
cardinals should be recognised until the Council's
work was done. This view had been already strenu
ously urged by Gerson and his colleagues speaking
in the name of the University of Paris, which had
syllogised out a logical case to prove that many men

I04 LECTURE IV.
had been saved without a Pope ; that the gates of hell
had often prevailed against Popes, but never against
the Church ; that the Church was better, wiser and
worthier than any Pope and as such could judge,
correct or even depose him just as you might pluck
a sword out of the hand of a madman. Joseph, it
was said, was set to guard his master's wife, not to
debauch her, and the Pope was not there to divide
but to unite, to build up and not to pull down. The
Council was now the hope of the whole Catholic
world, and the sheep ought not to be scattered
simply because the shepherd was away. Others on
the other hand found weighty arguments for main
taining that the Pope was independent of cardinals,
councils and everybody, and that no one but God
could judge him, even if he were dragging souls to
hell in crowds. Between these contending views
there was too much divergence to justify an imme
diate decision, and the question was postponed until
the fifth session which would be held at the end of
Easter week. The interval was taken up with dis
putes between the cardinals and the nations, some of
the French going so far as to say that no Pope or
cardinal ought to take any part at all in the Council,
which had been called for the express purpose of
reforming them all, and that the cardinals ought to
have been more distinctly excluded, because they had
scandalised the whole Church by electing John as
Pope, knowing him beforehand to have been what
he was. Thus there seemed nothing but a deadlock

DEPOSITION. I OS
ahead, but through the intervention of Sigismund it
was agreed to gloss over difficulties and to hold the
session as arranged in order to avoid a graver scandal.
Accordingly the Council sat for the fifth time on
April 6th, with Cardinal Orsini again presiding. Only
seven cardinals attended. D'Ailli and three others,
though known to be near at hand, were again con
spicuous by their absence, and the rest were biding
their time at SchaffTiausen in the belief that without
the Pope the Council would be nil. Zabarella was
present but preferred not to father the articles that
had been postponed from the previous sitting, so they
were taken over and read out by the newly elected
Bishop of Posen, who explained that they had been
discussed and adopted by the four nations, with the
significant addition that Pope John's departure was
held to be prejudicial to the good of the Church, and
that if he did not return within a given time he might
be deposed and judged as a schismatic. After the reso
lutions had been passed Sigismund rose and offered
to write to the Pope, or even to go himself and bring
him back, whether he would or no, for he had reason
to believe that he could not now return even if he
would. It was subsequently agreed to allow him to
remain a cardinal after he had resigned, and to have
the county of Venice for his maintenance, together
with 300,000 florins per annum secured upon the
tithes of Venice, Florence and Genoa, though it was
not long before doubts began to arise as to the possi
bility of collecting such an enormous sum. Two days
14

I06 LECTURE IV.
after the sitting had closed Sigismund put forth an
order cancelling all safe-conducts that had been issued
in Constance in order to check departures, and on
the same day a paper was fastened to the doors of
the Apostolic Palace lauding him for his courage in
strengthening the Council, and fiercely attacking the
cardinals for their craftiness in devising delays in
order to wear it out until it died of toil and cost and
weariness, Zabarella being specially made the object
of attack for mutilating documents that had been
passed officially at open sittings. " Come out from
among them," cried the author, " for they knew what
they were about when they chose as Pope this tyrant,
murderer and simoniac, who has set up the tables of
the money-changers in Christ's temple and sold every
dignity and office in the Church like pigs in the
market ! Let not the Council be seduced by their
cunning promises ! Be men and fight the old ser
pent ! and if in Constance ye be constant ye shall
see the help of the Lord upon you and hereafter
receive everlasting life ! "
The sixth session opened on April 17th, The ab
sent cardinals finding that the kitchen was not good
at Schaffhausen were beginning to filter back with
excuses, but very few were in their places yet. Four
delegates of the nations (the English being represented
by Bishop Caterick) then mounted the rostrum and
read out the following decision. Taking the absent
Pope at his word each of the nations had nominated
four proctors to carry out his resignation for him.

DEPOSITION. 107
the English four being Bishops Bubwith, Caterick
and Hallum and Abbot Spofforth. These again had
deputed Cardinals Fillastre and Zabarella with two
representatives of each nation to interview the Pope,
requiring him to ratify the above nominations and
either to return to Constance or conduct negotiations
from some other imperial town such as Ulm, Ravens-
burg or Basle, but he must make his choice within
two days and be there in ten more, otherwise he would
be proceeded against as a schismatic. The envoys
themselves were only allowed twelve days to go and
return, and they were strictly forbidden to have any
private interviews, but required always to transact
their business collectively in a body. They started
on their journey on April 19th, and while they were
away a sermon was preached in the cathedral by
Gerson, who undertook the duty at short notice as
a substitute for an emeritus doctor who had failed at
the last moment owing to a hoarse throat. The great
Frenchman preached about the efficacy of prayer, es
pecially if many persons joined in a praying procession,
and most of all if it were offered on behalf of the
united Church. The sermon is florid and crowded
with imagery, but it contains no local touches, and on
its completion a vast procession passed across the
bridge to Petershausen, praying that the messengers
might come back with joy bringing sheaves of blessed
answers with them. But, as we shall see, the sheaves
of blessed answers were far from corresponding to
these high expectations.

I08 LECTURE IV.
When the envoys reached Breisach on the evening
of April 23rd, they found that Pope John was staying
there, and they sent three times to try and get an
interview. But he gave a rough reply to their request,
accompanied by a very unseemly gesture, saying that
he was ill in bed, though the ushers said they did not
know whether he had not actually left as they had
not looked into his room. Then he made a difficulty
about admitting the whole of them, though he did
not mind seeing the two cardinals by themselves.
But the cardinals said that could not be, so the whole
party managed to secure an interview on the morrow,
at which after "many words" the Pope promised every
thing and agreed to start with them for Constance on
the next day as soon as he had had his breakfast.
With this they went back to their lodgings and slept
in peace. But before the sun was up Pope John had
put on a peasant's dress, dropped down from the
castle by a ladder with one attendant and got to the
bridge before the gate was open. The captain warned
him that the road was not safe, and advised him to
try another way, which he did, but found the gate
there also closed.' Here he was recognised by two
large Germans who called out that the Pope was
trying to be off, and he had to step into a grange
and shut himself in amid the gibes of a gaping crowd
of men and women until the town gate was opened
and he was able to pass out. A bowshot outside the
town he waited for some forty armed followers, who
went with him along the river bank up to Neuenburg.

DEPOSITION. 109
But the garrison of Basle threatened to batter down
the place and carry him off, so the captain told him
that he had better go back to Breisach. No ! said
the Pope, let them rather put him over the river to
Miinster in the Vosges, whither the Duke of Burgundy
had sent 2,000 troops to receive him and take him on
to Avignon ; and when the captain represented the
danger he would run, being a fat man however much
they might disguise him, he said that he did not care
as he had often been among soldiers before. But
the sun had now set and there was nothing else for
it ; so at 8 o'clock in the evening they dressed him in
a white smock, threw a black cloak over him, set him
on a little black horse and sent him back to Breisach,
which he reached after midnight, only gaining ad
mittance after an hour and a half spent in passing
from gate to gate, and scrambling over rocks and
stones. Meantime the Council's envoys were dumbfounded
at the news of the escape. Finding themselves fooled
again they determined to return at once to Constance,
but meeting at Freiburg with Duke Louis of In
golstadt, who was acting as a go-between for Sigismund
with the Duke of Austria, they were induced to send
two of their number with him back to Breisach to see
what could be done. By means of this pressure they
got the Pope to Freiburg, where he was received by
a threatening crowd, the women weeping and tearing
their hair, for they expected that Sigismund's army
would besiege the place as soon as they knew that he

no LECTURE IV.
was in it. For three days the envoys talked with
him and showed him the risks that he ran, until at
length, on April 27th, he promised to do everything
that they wanted. On the 29th he issued a bull in
which he again declared that he was ready to resign,
but over and above the old conditions as to his rivals
resigning first he now required an assurance from
the Council as to his personal liberty and future
maintenance. But his insincerity was incurable, for
before long he made a last despairing attempt to
escape, though after three hours' search he was found
half-dressed in a cellar before his intended disguise
could be completed. After this j^asco he was strictly
watched night and day. In .some quarters it is true
he had his money value yet, for it was reported that
an Italian changer had offered 300,000 florins for him
even as he was.
But all hope of solid support from any responsible
quarter had now to be abandoned, and his prospects
for the future were for ever overcast. In England
a large sum of money had been gathered for him in
the usual way and placed in a hutch in St. Paul's till
his collectors should arrive, but when his fall wa*s
known the locks were broken open and the money
" spent in better use ". The letters that he had sent
from Schaffhausen to the King of France had been
carried by the Cardinal of St. Angelo, but the mes
senger had been captured and detained in Savoy.
The University of Paris wrote to him disapproving
of his flight and pressing for his immediate return to

DEPOSITION. in
Constance, while they assured the members of the
Council that the King of France supported them and
urged them to act firmly as men of one mind ; and
the University of Vienna decided to follow in the
footsteps of their "mother" in Paris. His repre
sentatives had been kindly received by the Duke of
Burgundy, who at first promised protection to him in
his flight, but when envoys from Sigismund and the
Council also arrived at Dijon and stated the true
facts as to his tergiversations the duke decided to
throw him over, and wrote a letter to the French
nation at Constance in which he declared that he
would countenance no opposition to the wishes of the
Council and that all statements to the contrary were
false ; that some persons of great dignity at Constance
were trying to fasten a charge of heresy upon him, but
that though he was no theologian and quite unversed
in the subtleties of the schools, he was ready to shed
his last drop of blood in defence of the Catholic
faith. But the greatest blow had fallen upon the fortunes
of the Pope by the helpless breakdown of his former
friend and instigator the Duke of Austria. What
ever may have been his purpose in planning the
escape from Constance Duke Frederick had seriously
miscalculated his chances in a single-handed struggle
against the Empire and the Church. In the first
outbreak of his rage Sigismund proclaimed him
under the ban, and posted notices on the cathedral
doors summoning him to his presence and calling

112 LECTURE IV.
upon all his towns and vassals to renounce their
fealty and allegiance. From the outset he had re
fused to accept his fiefs from the King's hands and
he was now proscribed as a traitor, all his honours
and lands were forfeited, the Council put him under
the curse of Judas and 400 of his vassal lords defied
him. Forty thousand troops were soon collected
and Duke Louis of Bavaria was despatched to attack
his possessions in Alsace, where Thann, Ensisheim,
Altkirch and Heiligkreuz soon gave up the game.
But his weakest spot was in his Swiss possessions,
where his hold was ever weakening with the growing
strength of the great confederated towns. It was
true that they had just concluded a fifty years' peace
with him and were loth to break it, but the Council
dispelled their scruples by telling them that such a
course would be quite Christian and right, as the
duke was now the Church's enemy, and to keep faith
with him was therefore out of the question. So when
the Burgrave Frederic of Niirnberg overran the Thur
gau, and handed it over to Constance, the Swiss
confederates were let loose without remorse against
their old enemy, and troops poured out from Bern,
Lucerne, Schwyz, Thun, Ziirich and Zug, with siege
trains to capture any place they could. One by one
the duke's towns and fortresses gave in. Seventeen
of them fell in as many days, and the whole of the
Thurgau, Aargau, Arlberg and Alsace was soon
lost to the House of Austria for ever. Hence
forward their late possessor was known as Frederick

DEPOSITION. 113
Empty-Purse, and by April 19th it was understood
in Constance that he was making overtures for
peace. Sigismund in the meantime had been out to Ra-
dolfzell to receive the submission of some of the duke's
Swabian towns, and on his return he was welcomed
with florid speeches amidst a crowd of 10,000 people
assembled on the bridge, which it was feared would
break down beneath their excessive weight. Nego
tiations then proceeded with the repentant Duke of
Austria, and it was not long before he agreed to
throw himself altogether on the King's mercy. Sigis
mund required that he should first make his peace
with the Council and bring the Pope back or his lands
would be forfeited for ever. He agreed to put Frei
burg at once into the King's hands, and he himself
entered Constance on April 30th.
In the afternoon of the following day the deputation
returned from Breisach and it was clear that the
fugitive Pope was totally abandoned by God, and
had not a friend remaining. Thursday, May 2nd,
was fixed for the seventh session of the Council, and
before the proceedings began Sigismund met the
envoys in the sacristy of the cathedral, where they
related their adventures and produced the latest
schedule in which John had offered his resignation.
But the offer was only laughed at, and they did not
pretend to defend it, and when they told about the
attempt to cross into France Sigismund cried out :
" Let him go ! and if he gets to Avignon I'll drag him
IS

114 LECTURE IV.
back by the hood with my own hand even from the
palace on the hill ! "
The session opened at nine o'clock and eleven
cardinals were present, but they had been allowed
very little notice of what was coming on and could
only talk it over for form's sake in the sacristy. The
chief business was to cite the Pope to appear within
nine days. The decision was read out by four dele
gates from the nations, and the citation was straight
way posted up on the city gates, and on the doors of
the palace, the cathedral and St. Stephen's Church.
On May Sth Duke Frederick came before Sigismund
at the Grey Friars, where he went down on his knees
and submitted himself wholly to his grace and favour,
undertaking to remain himself as a hostage in Con
stance till Pope John should return, while Sigismund
turned with a triumphant air to the assembled envoys
from Florence, Genoa and Venice, saying : " Now
you can see that I am a mighty prince above all other
lords and cities ! "
The nine days' grace allowed to the Pope would
expire on May nth, but two days before that date
envoys again started for Freiburg ; and as fat hens
will not come to market by themselves but have to
be carried with their feet tied, they were accompanied
this time by 600 armed men under the command of
the Burgrave of Niirnberg. The Pope received them
all smiles, saying that there was nothing he desired
more than to be back in Constance once again. But
this could not stay the pending judgment, and at the

DEPOSITION. IIS
ninth session held on May 1 3th, after Mass had been
sung by Bishop Hallum, the proceedings began by a
heated controversy as to who should go to the door
and see if the Pope was there. Fifteen cardinals
were present, but not one of them would do it, and so
Bishop Bubwith and four others walked down the
cathedral to the west door and called the Pope's name
out three times, returning afterwards to their places
to certify that he was nowhere about. A commission
was then appointed to try his case, including Bishop
Caterick and Abbot Spofforth, and a smaller one
again, of which Bishop Hallum was a member, was
deputed to pass judgment when the facts had been
formally ascertained and reported.
The next day the fateful tenth session was held.
After Zabarella had explained that all preliminaries
were now formally complete, the Preside;il,.speakrhg ' '
in the name of the Council, declared that Pope John
by his wicked life and detestable ways had set an
example of bad living to the world ; that from his
youth up he had been of evil disposition, irreverent,
immodest, untruthful, disobedient to his parents, and
addicted to every vice ; that he had led Boniface IX.
astray, had bought his way into the College of Car
dinals, had cruelly misgoverned Bologna and poisoned
Alexander V., and that even after he became Pope he
had neglected Mass, Hours and fasts like a heathen,
or that whenever he did celebrate he ran through the
service like a sportsman or a soldier, and had often
said that he believed neither in a resurrection nor in

Il6 LECTURE IV.
a world to come ; that in spite of solemn and frequent
remonstrances his life was given up to fornication,
sleep and animal pleasures, and that he was commonly
known as the Devil Incarnate ; that he had sold clerical
offices to laymen and children and put up every kind
of benefice for a stated price, so that the whole Church
was fouled with the taint of simony, filled with un
worthy prelates, rent in every grade and scandalised
beyond recovery, all of which charges had been proved
by the testimony of many witnesses, including car
dinals, archbishops, bishops and " great men ". Where
fore the commissioners now pronounced him to be
suspended from his papal office as a murderer, a
sodomite, a simoniac and a heretic and that all
Christians must henceforth withdraw their obedience
from him. To this each of the nations recorded its
solemn Placet, though John Hus was right when he
guessed that if Jesus had been present and had said :
" He that is without simony amongst you let him cast
the first stone," all present must have left their seats
and walked out of the church.
In the meantime the Pope had been brought
down to Radolfzell on the Unter See, whither five
cardinals were despatched to induce him if possible
to accept the inevitable. They found him in an inn
weeping bitterly and saying that he was very sorry
for the past and that he begged the Council to have
cdmpassion on him. On May 19th other representa
tives went over and dismissed all his attendants
except two, one of whom was his cook and both of

DEPOSITION. 117
whom had been with him since his student days in
Bologna. The rest took their congi with loud out
bursts of grief, as their master accused his counsellors
of giving him bad advice and lamented that he had
now nothing that he could call his own. On May
24th he signed a paper in which he agreed to submit
to the decision ofthe Council, whereupon he was locked
up and placed under a guard of 300 of Sigismund's
Hungarian troops, and on the same day letters were
sent out requiring papal collectors to act as under
the authority of the Council and no longer in the
name of the Pope.
On May 2 sth the Council held its eleventh sitting,
at which the charges against the Pope were again
publicly declared to have been proved, and on the
day following five commissioners were appointed to
interview him again. They presented themselves in
his room at Radolfzell early in the morning on May
27th, where he received them standing while the
charges were read aloud. Asked if he admitted them
to be true, he pleaded that he had already offered
his resignation for the sake of union, adding with a
sorrowful look that he acknowledged that he had
done wrong in leaving Constance, and that he now
wished he had died rather than have so basely run
away. As to the other charges he offered no defence,
but accepted the judgment of the Council, which he
said was most holy and could not go astray. They
then gave him the chance of appearing before the
Council on the next day to listen to his doom, but

II 8 LECTURE IV.
he preferred to stay where he was, and to lay down
his biretta there. The commissioners then returned
to Constance, and made their report to the nations
the same afternoon, bringing with them also a letter
written by the Pope to Sigismund, in which he ap
pealed pitifully for mercy.
His conduct at this interview has been represented
on the one hand as that of a saintly penitent, deserv
ing of an immortal crown, while others have called
him a whining supplicant who merely cried quarter
when the knife was at his throat. But whichever be
the favourite view to-day, it is certain that his tears
made no impression on the feelings of his contem
poraries. The Council held its twelfth session on
May 29th, and pronounced the final deposition. The
steel die in which his arms were cut was broken up,
a leaden bull of his was formally defaced, and the
Council declared that no fresh election should take
place without its express consent. The next day the
whole town was en fete with the Corpus Christi pro
cession, and on the morrow the momentous decision
was announced to the fallen Pope at Radolfzell. He
received the news with thankfulness and after two
hours' reflection laid his hand upon his breast and
signified his assent. All papal arms, robes and em
blems were removed from his dwelling, and on June
3rd he was transferred to Gottlieben, where for a day
or two perhaps he had John Hus as a fellow-prisoner
under the same roof. Here he would be within easier
reach and under stricter guard, his letters were all

DEPOSITION. 119
intercepted and the Council could point with triumph
to a very God on earth whom they had bound in
prison ! In the following month when Sigismund
left Constance, the ex-Pope was entrusted to the
care of Duke Louis of Bavaria, who removed him to
his castle at Heidelberg and after three years to
Mannheim. During all this time he was treated
with respectful kindness, his prison was roomy and
pleasant, he had two chaplains to say the offices for
him and some nobles to wait upon him at table,
though as they knew nothing but German he could
only communicate with them by nods and signs.
After a futile attempt to escape, he ultimately re
covered his liberty by paying 30,000 crowns to Duke
Louis, was reconciled to his successor, made Cardinal
of Frascati in June, 1419, and died at Florence on the
22nd of December in the same year.
I cannot find that in his lifetime he had a single
defender, and the case was so bad against him that in
the next generation it used to be said that if the
Council had not put him on his trial God would have
certainly done so Himself. In course of time, how
ever, it began to be asserted that though his moral
character was very far from what a Pope's should be,
yet he showed great skill and talent when regarded as
a man of the world, and especially in having justice
done on malefactors during his nine years' government
of Bologna. But some better defence than this is
obviously wanted if the character of a Pope is to be
rescued from charges of " perfect worthlessness " and

120 LECTURE IV.
"indescribable depravity" ; and accordingly it has been
urged that slanderous tongues have a tendency to ex
aggerate a man's defects when he is down, and we are
bidden to remember that he had been a soldier before
he was a Pope, and that if he had a habit of lying in
bed all day and keeping awake all night it was really
acquired when he was a pirate in his earlier life, in
connection with which habit there was a story that
when he was tired with reading at night, and had to
get through his Hours with a luke-warm conscience,
instead of following the Roman ordinal he would call
out to one of his chaplains in his broad NeapoUtan
dialect : " Fetch me a saint to read about and look
sharp in a hundred devils' name ! " Some apologists
cannot believe that any Council would have used
such hard words about an opponent after he had
submitted, and think therefore that the official docu
ments can only represent the revengeful feelings of
some individuals who made improper use of the
Council's name to circulate mere private abuse, while
others again, though thinking that it was " perhaps a
mistake " to publish the scandalous details of his
evil life, are nevertheless not much concerned about
his moral character, because they regard him as an
anti-pope, yet they derive some satisfaction from
reflecting that at least no dogmatic heresy was ever
proved against him. And when every other defence
has been abandoned there are those who put in a plea
in extenuation of his crimes that he was not worse
than others of his age. And certainly his age must

DEPOSITION. 121
have been bad enough to have tolerated such a Vicar
of Christ for a single day, for it is clear beyond the
possibility of dispute that his frightful character was
well known before his election, and that, although he
was frequently expostulated with, he never mended
after. Thus was removed one of the three main obstacles
to the union of the long-disunited Church, and the
way was made clearer for dealing with the remaining
two. On May 30th Sigismund announced to the
nations that he had received an autograph letter from
King Ferdinand of Aragon, declaring his readiness to
work for the union of the Church from the point of
view of Benedict, and on the same day news came in
that Carlo di Malatesta, Lord of Rimini, might soon
be expected with overtures on the part of the well-
meaning but deserted ex-Pope Gregory. Malatesta
had long been his one faithful protector, and at a
meeting with Sigismund at Piacenza in the winter of
1 41 3 had held out hopes that he would be able to
induce his prot^g^ to appear before the Council in
person. In this hope it is true he failed, and the
restrictions attached by Gregory to his first mandate
were considered so unsatisfactory that his partisan,
Duke Louis of Bavaria, despatched a messenger to
Rimini explaining that fuller powers must be issued
if any solid result was to be attained. The messenger
was back in Constance by March loth, but even be
fore that date no doubt was felt that Gregory would
ultimately resign, and the Council had already made
16

122 LECTURE IV.
up their minds that this difficulty would certainly
clear itself away. On March 13th Gregory issued a
bull authorising Malatesta to act for him, and soon
afterwards the envoy started from Rimini on his
journey. He reached Constance on the 15th of June,
accompanied by 250 horsemen with twelve sumpter
mules. It was during his stay that he was one day taking
breakfast with Sigismund and many of the great
German lords, who were bragging of their thousands
upon thousands of horses, when the King turned to
him and asked him how many horses Italy had.
" Perhaps from 32,000 to 40,000," was the reply.
" Then why are you Italians so conceited," said
Sigismund, " seeing that your people are only the
dregs of the earth ? " " Because," said Malatesta
who had a ready wit, " we once conquered the whole
lot of you together," and the guests looked at each
other and promptly turned the subject.
The day after his arrival Malatesta made a speech
at the Austin Friars, in which he said that though
Gregory still refused to recognise the Council, yet he
had sent him to negotiate with King Sigismund in
his name in order to bring about peace in the Church.
On the following day he was received by Sigismund
and showed his credentials. Some days were then
spent in conferring with the nations, to whom he
explained that he had been authorised by Gregory to
renounce all his claims to the Papacy if the Council
should decide that such a course was necessary.

DEPOSITION. 123
Nevertheless there were still difficulties, for Malatesta
wished the formal withdrawal of Gregory to be post
poned till he had seen what Benedict was going to
do, and the cardinals wanted all details as to the
future to be arranged by the Council itself But
Sigismund showed his usual zeal and urgency and
the obstacles forthwith vanished away.
But midsummer was already upon them. The
heat was oppressive and business was suspended for
the great annual ride or St. John's Watch on Mid
summer Eve. At two o'clock in the morning on June
23rd Sigismund went out to Ueberlingen, whither
Queen Barbara and several of her ladies had already
preceded him. He had previously given orders that
no one was to leave Constance in the meantime
without a written permit from the burgomaster certi
fying that the bearer had satisfied the claims of all
his creditors. At Ueberlingen such business as was
absolutely urgent was transacted during the hours
of daylight and the summer nights were given up to
dancing in the open air. The festivities were pro
longed till June 28th, when the whole party returned
to Constance for more serious work.
So there was a large attendance when the Council
held its fourteenth session on Thursday, July 4th.
Sigismund himself presided with Dominici and Mala
testa seated at his side. The former rose and spoke
shortly but eloquently on the words of St. Peter :
" Be ye all of one mind in prayer," and one of the
representatives of Cologne University then started a

124 LECTURE IV.
sermon, but the heat was so great and the church so
thronged that he was not able to finish it. Then a
bull of Gregory's was produced in which he convoked
and approved the Council with all its subsequent trans
actions, and after this large diplomatic fiction had
been swallowed in silence it was agreed that there
should be unity and fusion between the cardinals of
Gregory's obedience and those of John's, that the
Pope should be considered as the head ofthe Coun
cil, but that Sigismund's name alone should appear
as president until one Pope should have been finally
accepted by all.
Here then was the very opportunity that Gregory
had long waited for. He had raised no objection to
the Council being convoked by Sigismund, but he
would not agree that John should preside, and now
that the two walls had come together with the King
as the head-stone of the corner his resignation was
forthwith proclaimed. Dominici received the kiss
of peace and took his seat as a legally appointed
member of the Sacred College. Five other cardinals
who had been irregularly nominated were likewise
now formally recognised. Gregory himself was to be
henceforward Cardinal of Frascati, and the Marches
of Ancona were assigned to him for his maintenance
as long as he lived, together with the administration
of the vacant see of Recanati, where he died on
October 19th, 1417, and where his monument may
be seen in the cathedral to this day.
As soon as it was announced that Gregory had

DEPOSITION. 125
" buried his synagogue," the bells rang out in Con
stance and all the partisans of union rejoiced with
exceeding joy. The hosts of heaven danced ; the
devils trembled ; the past was to be forgotten ; all
curses would be revoked ; and the Church would
make a fresh start with a clean sheet, only instead of
three Popes and a tri-vided faith she had no longer
any visible Head at all, while her pilot was about to
depart on a distant voyage leaving her to the care of
an infallible Council which had just awakened to the
discovery that they had been worshipping a mole
and that the man whose feet they had lately kissed as
their Most Holy Father was a rogue and a liar, who
had run away from his post with shame and dis
honour and whose record was so bad that contempo
rary chroniclers would not pollute their pages with
describing it for fear of imperilling their readers'
souls. And now that the difficulties were so far cleared
away, the time seemed ripe for Sigismund to make his
promised journey to Nice, the date for which was
already overdue. For although John and Gregory
were considered safe, there could be no peace in the
Church so long as "the moon" (De Luna, i.e., Benedict)
endured. On July nth the Council appointed four
teen proctors to accompany the King and represent
them at the coming negotiations with Benedict, two
Englishmen {viz., John Wells and Hugh Holbach)
being included in the list. No representatives were
to be allowed to leave Constance till the King's re-

126 LECTURE IV.
turn, except with special permission which could only
be obtained from four specially authorised bishops
(among them being Bishop Hallum), and arrange
ments were made for relieving the necessities of any
needy cardinals or bishops who might find themselves
unable to bear the strain of a prolonged stay.
On July 15th the Council held its seventeenth
session, at which Sigismund was present " in his every
day dress ". At the word he kneeled bareheaded
before the high altar, while the Council prayed that
God would take care of the most serene and most
Christian prince on his journey and bring him safely
back. For Duke Frederick of Austria had let out the
fact that a plot was hatching between the Duke of
Burgundy and the Count of Savoy to kill him on his
way, though Sigismund had publicly declared that
he could not believe such a thing to be possible, and
the Duke of Burgundy had denied that such a plot
had ever existed, and called the Duke of Ingolstadt
a firebrand and a coward for not daring to attack
him to his face while abusing him like a callet behind
his back. Processions were accordingly ordered for
every Sunday while the King was away, excommunica
tion was pronounced against all who should impede
him on the road, and Gerson preached a send-off
sermon in which he prayed that the angels would
bear him up in their hands lest at any time he should
dash his foot against a stone. The duty of protecting
the Council during his absence was entrusted to Duke
Louis of Bavaria, to whom the Burgomaster and the

DEPOSITION. 127
Town Council had already sworn promises of assist
ance on the previous day. At two o'clock in the
afternoon of July i8th Sigismund met fifteen of the
cardinals and several bishops in the Black Friars,
where the kiss of peace was ceremoniously exchanged,
and on the following day he took his departure from
Constance, attended by 4,000 mounted men, in the
expectation that the union of the Church would now
be finally completed before four months were out.
No sooner had he left than a letter was posted
on the church doors, purporting to have come from
the Holy Ghost, informing the Council that they must
take care of themselves as best they could for the
present, as He had important business to attend to
elsewhere.

128

LECTURE V.
JOHN HUS.— TRIAL.
When the Council had been originally summoned,
it was understood that its attention would be directed
to three main topics, and from its earliest meeting
the air at Constance had re-echoed with the three
great catchwords of Peace, Faith and Virtue. Peace
was now in a fair way of being assured. Virtue,
though regarded even by Sigismund as the chief
purpose for which the Council had been called, had
been by consent postponed, for he knew that they
would have to begin, as he said, not with the Min
orites, but with the Majorites, otherwise it would
only be a case of the big thieves hanging the little
thieves, while Peter's stomach could only be really
purged by getting the twenty-three cardinals, 300
archbishops and bishops, and the same number of
curials, and dropping them all together for three days
into the Rhine. But under the remaining head,
before Sigismund started on his journey west. Faith
had already received her official prop at the stake of
John Hus the heretic.
In 141 2 the clergy at Prague had appealed to
Pope John to protect their flocks from the ravage of

JOHN HUS.— TRIAL. 1 29
the wolf, and Hus was excommunicated and forced
to fly from the capital. But though separated from
his friends in Prague he never ceased to send them
" some little words," calling upon them to fear no
excommunication but that of God only, for no other
could really do them any harm. His energies in the
meantime were all wide awake. In the following
year he wrote his book on the Church, and his bark
against Indulgences was heard through all Bohemia,
Moravia, Poland and Hungary. In the same year
the theological faculty of the University of Prague
condemned Wycliffe's forty-five articles, pronouncing
all who held them to be dishonourers of the Church
and enemies of the kingdom of Bohemia. These
decisions were posted up in Prague in the Czech
language, but many even among the clergy said that
the condemnation was unjust and would not admit
that Popes and cardinals were judges of Catholic
truth, but that the Scriptures were the real standard,
while Queen Sophia pleaded for her "faithful, devoted
and beloved chaplain " and the Bethlehem Chapel
where she had often listened to the word of God.
It is no wonder therefore that the friends of Hus
would not be silenced. They sang songs in the streets,
jeering at the King and the skevins ; they shouted out
that simony, luxury and avarice were the real cause
of dissension amongst the clergy, that Hus had been
unjustly driven out, and that the interdict was that of
the Devil against Christ and ought not to be enforced
against them if they allowed their Bethlehem preacher
17

130 LECTURE v.
to come back. Riots were frequent ; priests were at
tacked, churches plundered and many persons killed.
Wenzel wished heartily that these disputes should
cease, and Pope John wrote to Sigismund exhorting
him to root out the heresies that were distracting the
fair kingdom over which he would be one day called
upon to rule, while Gerson sent a letter on behalf of
the University of Paris to the Archbishop of Prague,
urging him to stamp out Wycliffry with fire and sword
and not to waste time over cumbrous argumentation.
In the summer of 1414 Hus was at the castle of
Krakowicz, a little to the west of Prague, whence he
paid occasional visits to the city. None ventured to
molest him, for, in addition to his powerful friends at
court and some learned scholars in the university, he
had on his side the cobblers, tailors, websters, skinners
and other " vulgar mechanics " of both sexes, whom he
found to be stronger champions of the Truth than the
doctors of sacred letters. On August 26th, 14 14, he
drew up a document and fixed it upon the door of
the cathedral at Prague, stating that he was ready to
appear before the new archbishop at a coming con
vocation in the Grey Friars to give a reason for the
faith that was in him and to meet any who should
charge him with heresy face to face. No one appeared
against him and the inquisitor, Nicholas, Bishop of
Nazareth, accordingly gave him a clean sheet, certify
ing that after having talked with him, supped with
him and heard him preach, he had found in him no
trace of heresy at all.

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. 13 1
But long ere this Sigismund, as heir presumptive to
the throne of Bohemia, with a view to finding some
remedy for the dangerous passions that were threaten
ing his future kingdom, had resolved to allay them if
possible by diplomatic , means, and with this purpose
had sent two Bohemian nobles from Lombardy to
sound Hus as to his willingness to come to Constance
and make a public statement of his faith before his
accusers, offering him a safe-conduct and imperial pro
tection that he might defend his opinions before the
Council when it met, and adding a personal promise
to the Lord of Krakowicz that he should return in
safety to Bohemia after his views had been heard.
The two Bohemian envoys were Wenzel of Duba and
John of Chlum, and when they brought their message
Hus accepted the offer gladly. They subsequently
had an interview with Sigismund at Friuli in the
spring of 141 3, and brought back word that the pro
fession of faith should be made only after Sigismund
had himself arrived at Constance.
When Hus had made up his mind to appear before
the Council he published his decision both in Czech
and Latin on the church doors at Prague. From his
boyhood he had made it a rule gladly to give up an
old belief whenever he found a better, and on August
30th, 1414, he wrote a letter to Sigismund with his
own hand in which he said that he had never hitherto
done anything in secret but always publicly in presence
of all, that he would not fear to confess Christ and if
need be to die for his most true Lord, that his only

132 LECTURE V.
wish was to bring both clergy and people to imitate
Him and that for this he had incurred the hatred of
those whose lives were not as Christ's. They had
cited him and summoned him but had failed to meet
him, and he now thanked his protector for his kind
remembrance, expressed himself as very grateful for
this chance of publicly making profession of his faith
before the assembled Council, and asked for a safe-
conduct, adding that he was willing to submit to the
punishment if heresy should be proved against him.
His letter was received by Sigismund at Rothenburg
on October 7th, and on the following day a reply was
sent to him promising the necessary safe-conduct in
order " that he might make his journey to the Council
in greater security " and in the hope that the fair fame
of Bohemia might be cleared of suspicion in the eyes
of the nations of the world. Accordingly on October
I Sth the famous safe-conduct was issued for him at
Spires, whereby Sigismund took him under the pro
tection of the Empire, and called upon all rulers of the
parts through which he journeyed to render him the
usual assistance in going, staying and returning. The
news soon spread throughout Bohemia and Moravia,
but even before the safe-conduct was made out the
traveller was already well on his way.
Before Hus left Prague many friends had told him
to beware of Sigismund and his safe-conduct, for he
would certainly deliver him up to his enemies, and
a poor Polish cobbler, while shaking him by the hand
and warning him that he would never come back.

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. 133
said that he must look for his reward to the King of
Heaven and not to the King of Hungary. He had
often before said that he expected martyrdom and
in one of his earliest letters, written to the friends
whom he had left behind, he told them that he might
never see them again for he was going into the midst
of enemies, most of them of his own household, where
he would have bishops, masters, princes and clergy
all against him. But he trusted in his wise and
mighty Saviour even though he should be called
upon to suffer temptation, reviling, imprisonment
and death. With such forebodings in his heart he
wrote a letter to a young follower called Master
Martin with an injunction that it should not be
opened till he was sure that he was dead. In this
he warned him against being fond of finery in clothes,
as he himself had once been, and cautioned him to
avoid the company of women and especially to be
on his guard when they came to him for confession.
If he should ever get a cure let him not have a young
woman as his cook, and not spend his money in
feasting. For himself he lamented that in the days
of his own youth before he was ordained he had often
wasted his time in playing chess, but for this and
countless other faults he commits himself to the Lord.
He then begs his friend to accept a grey cloak as a
memento, and if he was not satisfied with the colour
he might give it away to anyone he liked. He
left him also a white one to give to his parish priest,
and he bequeathed another fur gown and a schock

134 LECTURE v.
of groschen to a scholar named George because he
had served him well.
Hus set out from Prague on October nth, 1414,
accompanied by Wenzel of Duba, Henry of Lacem-
bok, John of Chlum, who went as one of the repre
sentatives of Prague University, and his secretary,
Peter of Mladenowicz, who kept a full record of the
scenes through which Hus now passed, and preserved
the great series of letters (many of them addressed to
John of Chlum) which cast so priceless a flood of light
on the last months of the master's life.
The party consisted of thirty mounted men and
two carts, in one of which Hus sat with his books
and his chaplain. He was clad in his priest's dress ;
his head was bare and he wore no bright-coloured
hood. At Beraun they were met by the parish priest
who took them to a tavern where they drank a big
beaker of wine together. As they passed through
the towns and villages Hus cried out who he was in
a loud voice and posted up notices in Latin and Ger
man, giving copies of them to the host when they
stayed for the night, or fastening them on the mill
wherever there was one. After crossing the Bohmer-
wald they were well received by the Germans at
Neustadt and Weiden. Entering an inn at Sulzbach
they found the town officials seated round the stove.
Hus made himself known as the man about whom
they had probably heard a good deal that was dread
ful, but they all had a talk together and parted on
the best of terms, in spite of sinister rumours spread

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. 13S
by a bishop who had preceded them on their route,
telling everybody that John Hus was coming chained
in a cart, and that they must beware of him for he
had a dangerous power of reading men's thoughts.
This made the people turn out in crowds everywhere
as if there was really something to see, but they in
variably took kindly to the travellers and everywhere
gave them a ready hearing. Thus they passed on
through Hersbruck, stayed a night at Lauf and
reached Niirnberg in the morning of October 19th.
The market folks had already reported their ap
proach and the people were all in the streets, curious
to see which was Master Hus. The chaplain of St.
Laurence' Church wrote to request an interview, and
while the strangers were still at breakfast the magis
trates sent to ask if they might see Hus privately.
But he declined to talk in private. He must speak,
he said, in presence of all or none. So they accepted
his terms and he talked on till evening. He was con
fronted by a Carthusian doctor and by the priest of
St. Sebald's, but he was able to report that the towns
people were pleased and that he had not made a
single enemy. At Niirnberg he heard that Sigismund
was on the Rhine, and as he did not wish to travel
sixty miles off his road for the sake of the promised
safe-conduct, he decided to make straight south for
Constance without further delay, though, as events de
veloped, all who had any regard for fair play said that
he would have done better to wait at Niirnberg till
Sigismund himself had arrived. So they moved on

136 LECTURE V.
through Ravensburg and Biberach (where the people
were so struck with the ready tongue of John of Chlum
that they thought he must be a doctor in theology),
and entered Constance on Saturday, November 3rd,
where Hus took up a lodging at the house of a widow
named Faith who kept a bakery with the sign of the
White Pigeon in St. Paulsgasse, just as you enter the
city by the Schnetzthor, and from this lodging he
never once ventured out until the day of his arrest.
Thus far he had been entirely unmolested, but he
soon found that the Bohemian and Moravian clergy
had not only been keen in poisoning men's minds
against him as he travelled on the road, but had seen
to it that he should be narrowly watched as soon as
he reached his journey's end. Chief among these was
Michael of Deutschbrod (generally known as Michael
de Causis or " Process-Michael" from his appointment
as a proctor in heresy cases), parish priest ofthe church
of St. Adalbert in the Tawery in the New Town at
Prague, who boasted that he would bear witness
against his own father if he were against the Faith,
and Stephen Palecz who had before been an intimate
friend of Hus, but had violently opposed him since
his action on the question of Indulgences. Palecz
had made extracts from Hus' book On the Church,
and with these had approached the Dominicans at
Constance as experienced heresy-hunters and paid
daily visits to cardinals, archbishops and others high
in authority, urging that the writer should be promptly
seized and brought to trial.

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. 1 37
On the day after Hus' arrival a process was posted
on the cathedral door by Michael de Causis against
him as suspect of heresy, to which he replied by putting
up a written challenge to any of his opponents to meet
him in argument, while Chlum and Lacembok went
straightway to the Pope and obtained from him an
assurance that in spite of the non-arrival of the safe-
conduct nothing should be done by force, and that
Hus should be safe from violence in Constance even
though he had killed Pope John's own brother. La
cembok then set out to meet Sigismund, urging Hus
in the meantime to take no steps in reference to the
process till the King should come in, and to keep
a good horse ready as he might have to ride out
presently himself
From the day of his arrival Hus had said Mass in
Widow Faith's house, at which some ofthe neighbours
attended in spite of an order from the Bishop of Con
stance calling upon them to desist. On November
6th Hus wrote that he had many powerful enemies at
Constance, but that he cared not, for the greater the
fight the greater the victory. Already the Pope had
shown himself willing for compromise and approaches
had been made to get him to submit quietly, but this
he took as a sign of fear, looking forward as he
did to the chance of publicly defending his position
on the arrival of Sigismund. On November 9th the
Bishop of Constance accompanied by a papal auditor
called upon him with an intimation that the Pope
was willing to suspend the interdict and allow him
18

138 LECTURE V.
to attend any of the churches, provided that he did
not appear at the great official Masses. But Hus
would hear of no such terms. The goose was not
cooked yet and did not mean to be, for goose was
not eaten that Martinmas Eve, and he preferred to
stay where he was.
The news of this negotiation was received with
great indignation by the cardinals. Here was a man
excommunicated by the Church living quietly at
Constance under the favour of Sigismund and so
secure in the affections of his fellow-countrymen that
it was becoming positively dangerous to speak against
him for fear of fisticuffs and the Bohemian appeal to
the stick. Every day he was going through his offices,
and it was even believed that he was to be allowed
to preach in the cathedral on the following Sunday,
and that many persons had been offered a ducat each
to come and hear him inveigh against bad priests
who were ruining their flocks with their garish glitter
and stagey dress, their spurs and saddles and golden
bridles, their horses' halters better decked than the
church's altars, their groaning platters, bursting
larders, brimming presses, crammed pouches, jars of
pigment, feasting, drinking, harps, pipes and gitterns,
busy only with emptying men's pockets instead of
rooting out their sins.
On November i6th Hus wrote to his friends in
Bohemia, exhorting them to be prepared for stripes
and bonds and even death for the sake of Truth, and
to pray that God would grant him wisdom, patience

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. 1 39
and humility, with strength to persevere And much
he would now need these virtues, for this was the last
letter he wrote while still at large. Three weeks had
elapsed since his arrival in Constance, and attention
had been attracted to a certain hay-cart that kept
passing in and out of the town. The first time or
two the load was covered with a cloth, but at the
third journey no covering was used, and a rumour
spread that Hus had got away under the cloth before
it was removed. This is the statement of Peter of
Mladenowicz, who asserts that the rumour was after
wards proved to be altogether untrue. Another ac
count represented that Hus was actually in the
cart provided with a flask of wine and a white loaf
when his friends Chlum and Lacembok ran and told
the burgomaster, and that Lacembok then stopped
the cart and charged Hus with having broken his
safe-conduct, afterwards taking him to the Apostolic
Palace himself for examination.
This story undoubtedly comes to us on the authority
of a contemporary, Ulrich Richental, who was in Con
stance at the time and on this ground might claim to
be of equal authority with that of Mladenowicz, though
it was not written down till about twenty years after
the event. But the two are so absolutely contradictory
that both cannot be true at once, and it therefore
becomes necessary to choose between them ; and
apart from the fact that Richental dates the supposed
attempt to escape on March 3rd, after Hus had been
more than three months in prison, his imputation of

I40 LECTURE V.
treachery to Chlum and Lacembok is so entirely
inconsistent with their subsequent loyalty to their
friend, that I have no hesitation in joining the very
large number of modern writers who have altogether
rejected the account, which I believe to be merely one
of the many attempts to rebut the charge of perfidy
in the matter of the safe-conduct, though had it been
true, there can be no question that it would have been
worked in by every defender of Sigismund and the
Council at the time.
^ On November 28th the town gates were closed,
Hus' lodgings were surrounded with armed men, and
the burgomaster and two bishops then entered and
requested that he would come across and make his
statement before the cardinals as they wished to
avoid a disturbance in the city. After some time he
consented, bade farewell to Widow Faith, mounted a
small horse and rode over with them to the palace, a
vast crowd estimated at 12,000 persons turning out
into the streets to catch a glimpse of the man whom
all had so long been talking about. After a short
audience the cardinals withdrew and Hus found
himself surrounded by a guard and forbidden to
return. When they met again after dinner to decide
what should be done with him, Stephen Palecz and
Michael de Causis urged that he was already formally
condemned as a heretic, and exclaimed with delight
as they stood by the fire : " Ha ! ha ! we have got
him now and he shall not get away till he has paid
the uttermost farthing ! " while some, like the Eng-

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. 141
lishman Thomas Polton, pressed for his immediate
execution out of hand.
That same afternoon John of Chlum had an audience
with the Pope, who asked if Hus had a safe-conduct
from Sigismund. To which Chlum replied : " Most
Holy Father, you know that he has " ; but no one
asked him to produce it, although he had had it in his
possession for more than three weeks. The Pope
protested that the seizure was none of his doing. The
cardinals had done it and he had only to undertake
the custody of the accused as soon as he had been'
delivered up. Two days later Chlum made a further
complaint to the Pope and read the safe-conduct
aloud to a number of bishops, knights and nobles.
In the meantime Hus had been removed to the
house of one of the cathedral priests, where he re
mained for eight days until a proper place could be
made ready for his detention. Workmen were at
once sent to repair and strengthen the prison in the
Black Friars' Monastery on the island near the bridge
at the outflow of the lake. Bolts, locks and irons were
fitted for his reception, six beds were hired for his
gaolers, and as there was no fire in the place a stove
was afterwards fixed up for the comfort of the latter,
the money being all provided from the Papal Registry.
To this dismal place Hus was transferred on December
6th, and here he was kept a close prisoner for more than
three months, chained in a dark cell, being from time
to time examined by some of the keenest theologians
in Christendom acting under the authority of the

142 LECTURE V.
Patriarch of Constantinople and the Bishops of Liibeck
and Civita Castellana, who had been commissioned to
report upon his sayings, doings, preachings and writ
ings and his life in general. During these months he
was allowed occasional visits from a few of his Bohe
mian and Polish friends, by which means and through
the connivance of his gaolers when bringing and re
moving his food he was enabled to pass letters secretly
in and out, so that he got to know the progress of his
case and some of the events that were happening in
the outer world. As a consequence of this we still
have wonderful first-hand glimpses into his sad prison
life, in which he buoyed himself up with a hopeful
trust in the God of Truth and urged his friends to
constancy. The cell in which his time was now passed was
close to some stagnant water fouled with sewage, and
as he had been previously suffering from an internal
complaint, this, together with the meagre diet and the
want of warmth, brought on a vomit and a fever and
for a time they thought that he would die. But the
Pope's physicians came and administered clysters and
his life was saved. On January 19th he wrote that he
had been very ill, but that God had raised him up
again, though, as he afterwards grimly said, he would
be better still when he was dead, but whether God
would deign to take him to Himself or restore him to
his friends he knew not — only God's Holy Will be
done ! — and he begged them to send him a Bible, a
little penner, some pens and ink and another shirt.

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. I43
Amongst the books that he had brought to Con
stance was a Bible and a copy of the Sentences, but
these had been removed and he now applied himself
without books to frame replies to the long list of
articles charged against him. His friends had urged
him not to worry, but he spent whole nights in writing,
and during this time he composed several tracts on
such subjects as the Body of Christ, Marriage, Sin, Re
pentance and the Love of God. At other times when
he had leisure he would while away the hours writing
Latin or Czech verses, and we have still some very
structureless rhyming hexameters in which he feels
sure that the Lord could bring " the goose '' out of
prison if He would, as He had before done with Jonah,
Daniel, Peter, Susannah and the Three Children.
Or in a lighter little poem written to a Bohemian
friend, in which he left him a bag and a horse-cloth,
he asked him to think of the donor whenever he
tasted cheese. At times he had a spell of dreams in
which he saw serpents with faces in their tails, but
none of them had power to bite him. He dreamed of
the Pope's flight before it happened, of the capture of
Jerome and of the different prisons to which he would
himself be moved, and early in March he had a dream
that all the pictures he had placed on the walls of the
Bethlehem Chapel were destroyed, but that other
painters came and put up better ones and the crowds
were delighted and said : " Now let the bishops and
priests come and rub these out ! " and he laughed so
much that it woke him up. He took this to mean

144 LECTURE V.
that the picture of Christ which he had written on the
hearts of his people at Bethlehem might be effaced,
but that better preachers than he would restore it and
he would rise again to feel joy in their labours.
Sigismund in the meantime had arrived and found
the town in a ferment over the question of the safe-
conduct. As soon as Hus had been seized his friends
had sent to lodge a complaint with the King, and
when the news was known in Bohemia and Moravia
all classes, princes and barons, rich and poor, pro
tested loudly and despatched remonstrances to Con
stance that the Most Holy Father should have so
acted against law and right and the King's letter of
protection. As soon as Sigismund heard of the out
rage he sent a peremptory message to the Pope and
the cardinals that their prisoner must be allowed his
liberty, but the mandate was disregarded and on the
very Christmas Eve on which the King arrived in
Constance John of Chlum had posted a notice on the
cathedral doors charging the cardinals with having
seized Hus in defiance of the safe-conduct — a thing
which they would not have dared to do had Sigismund
been near at hand ; and now that he was coming any
one could see that his promised protection was being
laughed at and treated with contempt. On New
Year's Day a deputation from the Council met the
King in the Rathhaus, where Cardinal D'Ailli repre
sented that it was not safe for any one to say a word
against Hus for fear of violence, to which Sigismund
graciously replied that the question of Hus and all

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. 145
such minor matters must not be allowed to interfere
with the larger question of Church reform. But this
shifting did not lay the ghost, for on January 17th
the envoys from Cologne reported that on that very
day a violent disturbance had arisen about the safe-
conduct, and on January 19th Hus begged his friends
to speak again to Sigismund, at whose express wish
he had come to Constance under a promise that he
should return again in safety to his own land. He
urged them therefore now to interfere and secure his
release from prison that he might make his defence in
public, though he had reason to think that this favour
would cost him 2,000 ducats, as the commissioners
affected to believe that he had 70,000 florins stowed
away somewhere in a gown.
All through the month of January the Bohemian
and Moravian lords had pressed Sigismund to have
Hus released, or his reputation would be seriously
endangered, and he so far countenanced their petition
as to promise that the accused should certainly be
heard after the more pressing question of union had
been got out of the way, and if he failed to submit to
the Council he would see that he was sent back in
safety to Bohemia to be judged by King Wenzel and
the clergy there. But though it was generally known
that he would gladly have helped the captive and had
actually uttered threats about smashing in the prison
doors, and though as he afterwards said he was heart
broken about the case and so mad that he frequently
left the meetings at Which it was discussed in a rage,
19

146 LECTURE V.
and never ceased to regret that Hus had been so
foolish as to travel to Constance before he himself
got there, for if he had waited things might have gone
very differently, yet he found the opposition on all
hands too strong for him. The nations acting under
the lead of Gerson warned him that error unresisted
was error approved ; the theologians reasoned from the
canon law that he had overstepped his powers in grant
ing protection to a heretic at all, that he had no
right to put himself above God and that therefore the
safe-conduct could not be valid ; all pious churchmen
prayed that he might not give way to the " subtleties
and hes " of the Wycliffists ; while Ferdinand, King
of Aragon, wrote expressing his amazement that Hus
was still allowed to live. He quoted from the Old
and New Testament and argued that there could be
no breach of faith with a man who had himself broken
faith with God. No matter what safe-conduct had
been granted to him, " Don't let him have a public
hearing," he wrote, " but kill him straight off, for God
has found him guilty 1 " So Sigismund lent an ear
first to one side and then to the other, and though he
did sometimes pretend to be influenced so far as to
intercede for the prisoner, yet he ended by doing
nothing at all for fear the Council might break up.
Early in March the hopes of Hus' friends went up
on the arrival of the Bishop of Nazareth, who had
certified him free from heresy as inquisitor at Prague
in the previous year, and had now come on behalf of
Wenzel and his Queen to secure his release if possible.

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. 147
As soon as the bishop arrived he was pressed to give
his evidence, but he sought to be excused. Then they
brought him before Cardinal D'Ailli as the leader in
matters affecting the Faith, who got from him an
admission that Wenzel gave no support to Wycliffry
but had only sent Hus to Constance in order to purge
Bohemia from infamy. The statement gave the keen
est satisfaction to the clericals. For though there was
nothing new in it, yet the fact that Wenzel had so
far sent no representatives to the Council left him
and his Queen under a heavy cloud of suspicion,
and very few ventured to speak a good word for him.
And so from the orthodox point of view the emissary
of Satan was transformed into an Angel of Light, and
" Bishop With-the-Devil," as he was called from
having ate and supped with Hus before giving him
his certificate, had to slip away home in disguise in
order to escape from the rage of the baffled Hussites.
During these weeks of vacillation Hus had been
buoyed up by the expectation of a coming hearing,
and he begged that when his statement had been
heard he might not be put back into prison again.
But all these hopes were soon dashed. For though
many visited him to question and examine him, yet
the King sent him no word of assurance ; he began to
see that he might be sentenced before any sign of
protection was uttered on his behalf, and he could
only pray that God would put it into the heart of
Sigismund to range himself and the princes on the
side of Truth. Even the promise that he should be

148 LECTURE V.
removed to a less noisome prison appears to have
been forgotten. For though there are some contra
dictory statements as to a transfer to the Grey Friars
on January Sth or March 3rd, yet it is clear, from the
strict precautions that were afterwards taken at his
actual removal when it did come, that he must have
remained at the Black Friars till after the flight of
Pope John. Visit after visit was made to him in his
prison by experts in theology, and fifty or sixty
doctors in all are said to have tried to convince him,
some of them going so far as to advise him to say that
he had only one eye if the Council wished him to say
so. At the end of January, 141 5, one of these experts
announced that Hus' replies to the charges laid against
him had been submitted to Cardinal D'Ailli who de
puted several masters to report upon them. These
pressed the prisoner with all courtesy to allow his case
to be argued for him by twelve selected theologians,
but he answered that he would commit his cause to
none but God, and that he had chosen the Lord Jesus
as his Advocate and Protector who would one day be
their Judge.
In the panic that followed on the flight of the Pope
some of Hus' guards fled from the city, those who
remained were not to be relied upon, and there was a
a fear lest in the prevailing confusion he should be
rescued by his friends. But the keys of the prison
were promptly handed over to Sigismund, who accepted
the responsibility for his custody and made no effort
for his release. On March 24th he wrote begging

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. 149
the Bohemian lords if they loved their unhappy goose
to approach Sigismund and ask him either to release
him or send some of his own men to guard him where
he was. So long as the Pope had remained in Con
stance payments varying from ten to twelve florins
per week were regularly made by his registrar for
meat and drink for Hus and his gaolers, the latest
amount being entered on March 5th. But when the
Pope and the gaolers fled the friars undertook no
responsibility on Hus' behalf, and he was left entirely
without food and feared that he might be removed at
any time.
And, indeed, on that very night (March 24th) a
boat was brought round to the Black Friars into
which he was placed in his chains. He was then
rowed round in the darkness to the Unter See under
a guard of 170 armed men and lodged in the Bishop
of Constance' castle at Gottlieben. Here he was
shut up in a room in one of the towers, in which he
was allowed to walk about with his chains on, though
at night he was handcuffed and fastened to the wall.
At Gottlieben he was even more isolated than before,
and he cried out in the bitterness of his despair that
he would rather be burned alive than stealthily stifled
in a cell where all would forget him as out of sight
and out of mind. He had been spitting blood and
his old complaint had again been plaguing him, but
he took this as a sign of God's love for him, and he
still had hopes that God who had brought back
Lazarus and Jonah from the dead would yet deliver

ISO LECTURE V.
him out of his enemies' hands, and in the meantime
he would cleave to the Truth with the help of the
saints — even unto death.
On April 6th the Council appointed Cardinals
D'Ailli and Fillastre, together with several doctors of
theology and canon law, to inquire into his case,
the representative of the English being William
Gorach or Grach, who, I believe, was Principal of
Hart Hall at Oxford in 1425 and Vice-Chancellor of
this university in 1439. Further appointments fol
lowed on April 17th, and the commissioners were
wishful to proceed to a definite sentence forthwith,
but the absence of the Pope presented a technical
difficulty and D'Ailli was shy of granting a process on
the ground that the question was one for the lawyers,
and so the deadlock continued in a cloud of words.
But if Hus was for the moment shelved, yet a
distinct step was taken when the Council held its
eighth session on the 4th of May, to pronounce upon
the opinions of John Wycliffe. The matter had been
in the hands of experts during the previous winter, but
little progress had been made owing to the passionate
disputes that had raged round the greater battle of
voting by heads or nations. In February, 1415, the
question had come up again and a resolution was
drafted for acceptance, but it was again postponed
till the difficulty as to the Pope's cession should be
settled. The Council now formally condemned over
again Wycliffe's 45 and 260 heretical articles, and
decreed that his bones should be exhumed and cast

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. 151
out, provided that they could be properly identified
and separated from those of Christian men buried
near. Every one agreed with perfect readiness, the
spokesman for the English nation being Abbot Spof
forth of York.
On May 13th some Bohemian and Polish nobles
presented a strong remonstrance to the nations in
which they set forth that Hus had come to Constance
under safe-conduct from the King, but that before
either the King himself or the envoys of any kings,
princes or universities had arrived he had been
seized and imprisoned, and no opportunity had yet
been given him to defend himself ; that he had been
already kept for months in chains and with insufficient
food ; that Sigismund had pressed very urgently that
he might be allowed to defend his cause in public,
but so far without effect ; that they themselves were
being severely taken to task by their own people for
remissness in not interfering long ago, and that the
blame for any disturbances that might arise would
probably fall on their shoulders. And they further
complained that stories were afloat to the effect that
in their country cobblers were administering the sac
raments and hearing confessions, while the consecrated
wine was being carried in bottles to private houses to
be drunk in the evening at disorderly suppers. Some
of the audience were for postponing any reply, but the
Bishop of Leitomischl, John of Bucka, the Man of
Iron, who had taken up not only the shield but the
arms of Faith, insisted that the matter should be

152 LECTURE V.
settled without delay, for he was certain that the
rumours referred to were true. He knew for a fact
that a woman had snatched the Host from the hands
of a priest and communicated herself, saying that a
good layman was better able to consecrate and ab
solve than a bad priest, and though he had as yet
no proof that cobblers heard confessions, still he felt
sure that they would soon if these practices were not
promptly stopped. So on May i6th a reply was
formulated in the name of the Council that Hus had
no right to rely upon the safe-conduct, seeing that it
had not reached him as they said till he had been
a fortnight in prison. They expressed amazement
at the statement that Hus had not been heard. He
had been heard through his representatives at Rome
four years before, and been condemned and excom
municated, and yet had dared to come there and
wanted to preach. To this John of Chlum replied
with a flat denial, which was read out by Mladenowicz
in the Refectory ofthe Grey Friars. The safe-conduct
he said was received long before Hus was seized
and they had produced it two days later. It was no
answer to say that he had been already judged a
heretic, for the Council of Pisa had pronounced both
Gregory and Benedict to be heretics and yet their
case was being generously considered, and for their
own countryman the Bohemians now asked no more
and would be satisfied with nothing less.
And indeed it was getting daily more and more
evident to all that this brutal treatment of the

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. 1 53
prisoner was bringing a storm of indignation about
Sigismund's own ears. On May 12th 250 Bohemian
and Moravian nobles had met at Prague and affixed
their seals to a warning memorandum addressed to
their future sovereign, calling upon him to use his
power, as he easily could do, to protect Hus from
further imprisonment, grant him a public hearing
and send him back to Bohemia as he had promised.
But before this remonstrance could be received the
public hearing was over and the victim had been con
demned. On Whitsunday, May 19th, Hus was visited in his
prison by D'Ailli and eight deputies from the nations,
and it was believed that he would be judged on the
following Wednesday. Soon afterwards he received
an intimation that the charges against him would be
condensed, and that he would soon be publicly heard
in his own defence. For months he had been longing
to reply to the " bagful of lies " that Gerson and the
Parisians had been bringing against him, and he now
expressed his delight that all Christendom would
hear his latest words. In the beginning of June he
was brought in chains from Gottlieben and lodged in
a tower adjoining the Grey Friars at Constance, and
on June 5th a vast gathering of cardinals, archbishops,
bishops, abbots and nearly all the theologians who
were at the Council assembled in the Grey Friars'
refectory, and the evidence of witnesses was read
over, together with several extracts from Hus' book
On the Church. The witnesses had deposed to having
20

154 LECTURE V.
heard him say, either in preaching in the Bethlehem
Chapel or speaking in private houses, or having heard
others say that they had heard him say : — that the
material bread remained after consecration though
God was in the bread, like a man in a coat or a soul
in a body ; that if the consecrating priest was in a
state of grace the bread became Christ's Body, but
that if the priest was bound in mortal sin nothing at
all happened to the bread and the priest had no
power to release the penitent ; that St. Gregory's
words were to be treated as you would treat the
poetry of a troubadour ; that many of the clergy were
rampant bulls ; that Wycliffe was a good Christian
and a Catholic, and that he would not desert his
teachings for the Bethlehem Chapel full of gold.
They asserted also that he had made bad blood
between the Bohemians and the Germans by saying
that the former were worse off than snakes or dogs,
for dogs would fight if any one stole the straw on
which they lay, while his countrymen let the Ger
mans take all their good things and were dumb, not
daring to bark ; that he had called Boniface IX. a
heretic, and maintained that men could be saved
without any Pope and that no one could be excom
municated except by God Himself, especially if it
was for refusing to pay up money. On the strength
of these statements, which had really all been threshed
out in Prague the year before and declared by the
inquisitor to be insufficient to support a charge of
heresy, they were preparing to proceed to judge him

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. 155
unheard, when some of his friends hurried off to
Sigismund and secured his intervention in so far that
matters were not allowed to be so summarily settled.
Hus was accordingly brought in and called upon to
answer to the depositions seriatim. But when his
book upon the Church was mentioned they cried out :
" Burn it ! " if he attempted an explanation he was
met with mocking shouts of, " Stop your sophistry
and say Yes or No ! " and when he would not answer
they said: "Now you are silent — that means consent".
Then the sitting was adjourned for two days, and as
he passed out he smiled and told his friends not to be
afraid, and they watched him mount his prison stairs
stretching out one hand as if in the act of blessing.
Back in his cell again he wrote them a hopeful
letter, for God had given him a stout heart, though
all but two of the priests present had been against
him. He had certainly expected to find more self-
control and dignity in the meeting, but he still looked
forward to his second hearing, when those who now
shouted would be put to silence.
The second hearing was fixed for June 7th, and on
that day the Grey Friars' Monastery was surrounded
by the town guard armed with swords, crossbows,
spears and axes. The members assembled at an
early hour, and while the Mass was proceeding the
sun was eclipsed and a panic fell on all, the friends of
Hus feeling that the sun of justice was darkened in
the hearts of his judges who were thirsting for his
death. At eight o'clock the accused was brought

156 LECTURE v.
into the refectory and soon afterwards Sigismund
entered with Chlum, Duba and Mladenowicz, and
listened to a long tangle of scholastic subtleties as
the heretic was questioned by Cardinal D'Ailli, Master
Stokes and Bishop Hallum. Then Zabarella asked
how he could get over the evidence of all these
witnesses that had been brought against him ; but
he answered that it did him no harm so long as God
and his own conscience witnessed on his side. " But,"
said D'Ailli, "we cannot go by your conscience when
we have such evidence against you as that of Gerson,
the greatest doctor in all Christendom ; " and when
they taxed him with saying that he would like his
soul to be with Wycliffe's, and he replied that he had
only expressed a wish, for he did not know where
Wycliffe's soul really was, there was much wagging of
heads and a loud outburst of scornful laughter, which
was repeated when they had charged him with ap
pealing to Christ without first getting permission and
he told them that he knew of no fairer or more effec
tual appeal. Then Sigismund commanded silence,
and D'Ailli took the accused man over, testifying
that when he was examined at the Apostolic Palace
he had said that he came to Constance of his own
accord and that otherwise neither Wenzel nor Sigis
mund could have made him come. To which Hus
replied that it was perfectly correct, for there were
many nobles in Bohemia who would have let him
stay in their castles, and nobody could have forced
him out. " Such effrontery ! " cried the cardinal, his

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. 157
face reddening with anger ; upon which Chlum stood
up before the court and said : " It is quite true. I am
myself only a poor knight in my own country, but I
would have kept him for years whoever said me nay,
and there are numbers of great nobles in Bohemia
who would have done the same — even in defiance of
two Kings."
Throughout the long seven months of his imprison
ment Hus had never lost hope that Sigismund would
after all stand up for him. He had often begged that
he might see his protector if only for once, and that
he might be placed near him when he made his
defence, while on the very day before he came up for
his second audience he had expressed a hope that
Sigismund might be present to hear with his own
ears the words that the Saviour would put into his
mouth. And now at length the King spoke out. He
had heard it said that he had first granted the safe-
conduct fifteen days after Hus had been imprisoned,
but he was prepared to prove that he had issued it
before he left Prague with orders that none should
injure him while on his way, and that he should have
a public hearing when he arrived, though there were
some who denied that he had any right even to
promise so much as that in the case of a man sus
pected of heresy. Be that however as it might, the
accused had certainly had his promised hearing, and
he advised him now to submit to his judges, for if he
did not the Council would know how to deal with
him. For his own part he would have nothing to

158 LECTURE V.
do with protecting a heretic, though not so many
months before he had given a written assurance to
Pope Gregory that if the Council should pronounce
him or any of his followers to be heretics he would
protect them and guarantee their safe return. " But
now," said Sigismund, " so long as one heretic remains
I am ready to light the fire myself, and burn him with
my own hand." " I thank your majesty," said Hus,
" for the safe-conduct that you have deigned to grant
me, but I came here of my own free will to learn
in what respect I have gone astray, and humbly to
accept correction." Whereupon it was agreed that
he should have a brief summary in writing of the
charges that he had to reply to ; the sitting closed
and Hus was put back in his cell.
On the next day, Saturday, June Sth, the refectory
of the Grey Friars was again crowded. King Sigis
mund presided, and Hus was brought in pale and
worn, for he had passed a sleepless night, his teeth
chattered and his head ached, and another fever
seemed to have taken hold of him. He was first
called upon to own to the correctness of certain
extracts from his books, and when these did not
exactly correspond D'Ailli read out from the originals
to show that the text was even more dangerous than
the extracts. Here and there the audience broke in
with mocking laughter, and when they came to a
point in which Hus was charged with saying that no
heretic ought to be punished with death, but with
spiritual censures only, and he quoted the text : " He

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. 159
that delivered Me unto thee hath the greater sin,"
the whole room echoed with vociferous shouting.
At this part of the examination King Sigismund
stood talking with Duke Louis of Bavaria at one of
the windows, and just as he said that Hus was the
greatest of heretics Hus was defending his statement
that a Pope in mortal sin was no Pope at all by the
example of Samuel, who declared Saul to be no
longer king because he had spared Agag. Thereupon
some one shouted out : " Tell the King that he is
attacking him now ! " Sigismund then turned to
listen and said sententiously : "John Hus, no man
living is without sin ! " and then D'Ailli and Palecz
argued that neither Pope nor King could be deposed,
for their offices were too sacred. " Then why have you
just deposed a Pope ? " said Hus ; " and yet Christ has
not ceased to guide the Church though she has no
head now, and may not have for two years or more."
To which Sigismund replied that John XXIII. was
still a real Pope, though he had been deprived of his
office for his notorious evil-doing. Then followed
shouts and tumult, and Sigismund called upon him
to submit to the Council's grace and the sooner the
better. But he only answered : " I stand before the
bar of God who will judge both you and me justly
according to our deserts ". The Archbishop of Riga
then took him into his charge, and as he passed out
between files of armed men John of Chlum saluted
him and he was greatly touched that he had still
one friend who was not ashamed to reach out a

l60 LECTURE V.
lonely hand to the poor chained heretic, whom all
others howled at, rejected and despised.
When the sad procession had disappeared from the
hall Sigismund proceeded to address the Court. He
told them that it was evident that a hundredth part
of the charges that had been proved would be suffi
cient to ensure a condemnation, that it would not do
to accept an offer of submission, for Hus would then
go back to his own land and scatter more errors of
which the last would be worse than the first. Let
him then not return, but let them write to the Kings
of Bohemia and Poland that the bishops should punish
all who held these errors and have them plucked up
root and branch. " When I was a boy," he went on
to say, " I remember the first start of this sect and
see what it is now ! But we shall make an end of
the master in a single day. I shall then have to go
away ; but when I get back we will take up with that
other man — his pupil — what's his name ? " and they
called out, "Jerome ! " " Yes, Jerome," said Sigismund,
and they all broke up in delight, Michael de Causis
saying to the gaolers : " Now, by God's grace, we shall
soon burn this heretic who has cost me so many
florins," for 3,000 florins had already been supplied
by the orthodox in Bohemia to have the case carried
even so far.
And dearly indeed did they pay for getting their
cake thus fired. For at the next session of the
Council, held on June iSth, was passed the Article
of the Faith which deluged Bohemia with blood.

JOHN HUS. — TRIAL. l6l
Stirred by the preaching of some of Hus' followers
in Prague, the people there were passionately claim
ing the right to partake of the consecrated wine and
not to be restricted to communion in the bread alone,
and one of these bold preachers who had made his
way to Constance had been seized and pronounced
to be even worse than Hus himself. Flushed with
their progress against heresy, the Council now canon
ically declared that though it was true that Christ had
originally instituted the Eucharist after supper, and
given both the bread and wine to all at table alike,
yet the wine must not now be drunk by any layman
and the bread must only be received fasting, because
this had been an established custom and that to say
otherwise was heresy. Upon both these points the
Council was unanimous, the placet on behalf of the
Enghsh nation being pronounced by Bishop Ragget
of Cork.

21

1 62

LECTURE VI.
JOHN HUS.— DEATH.
John Hus was now standing in his chains upon the
very verge of life and waiting hourly to be burnt.
Unlike so many other martyrs who have passed to
their death in obscurity or yielded at the last for love
of dear life, the facts of his last days are dearly
known to us either from the Council records or from
his own letters, in which he prayed that God who had
suffered death and shame and spitting for him would
give him of His spirit to stand for Truth although
his flesh was weak. He had learnt not to put his
trust in princes, and though he thanked Sigismund for
any good that he had done him, he now knew that
his word savoured not of Truth, for he had condemned
him even before his enemies had spoken, and he
could no more trust his promise of another hearing
than he could his safe-conduct. No friends were
now admitted to see him, not even the gaolers' wives
being allowed within the prison walls. He was ap
proached however in his cell by many deputations
from the Council who tried to coax or threaten him
into submission. But he stood out now as he had
done before, praying that God would keep him con-

JOHN HUS. — DEATH. 163
stant even unto death. Once he received a separate
visit from his former friend Stephen Palecz, when
with tears in his eyes Hus begged pardon for having
called him a forger, and Palecz wept to find that his
pleading was of no avail. A form of recantation
was submitted to him by a friendly hand, but he
answered : Why should he, the priest of the New
Law, go back from Truth and sin against God for fear
of the death-pain which was but for a moment?
and when they urged that the sin would not be his,
but theirs who pressed this recantation upon him, he
replied that he would rather have a millstone hung
round his neck and be cast into the deep sea than
give offence to those to whom he had once preached
the Truth.
On June loth he wrote what he believed would be
his last message to the scriveners, doctors, tailors,
cobblers and all other Bethlehemite friends of Truth
in Prague. In this he begged them — rich and poor
alike — to love that Divine Truth that he had preached
to them, to pray to God to forgive him if there had
been aught amiss in his words or deeds, to follow
and respect those priests who lived an honest life,
but beware of wicked priests as they would of raven
ing wolves ; to help the poor and govern justly ;
citizens to be upright in trade ; workers to be trusty
in their craft ; servants to be loyal ; masters to teach
their pupils to God's honour and the profit of the
town, and students to study for the common good of
all. Especially he commended to them his few faith-

l64 LECTURE VI.
ful friends, Chlum, Duba and other lords of Bohemia,
Moravia and Poland, who had been to him as angels
sent from God and had stood by him when the whole
Council had shouted him down, and to pray for those
of his countrymen who had been his bitterest enemies,
for Sigismund and for Wenzel and his Queen, that
God would grant them His favour both here and in
eternal bliss hereafter. How good God had been to
him they would only know when they should meet
again in Him. Of Jerome, his dear comrade, he
could hear nothing except that he was in a cruel
prison, expecting death for the Faith that he had
always stoutly upheld, and with his last words he
begged them to guard their sacred shrine of Bethle
hem though he knew that God would Himself shield
it against Satan's rage and prosper it through other
and worthier hands than his.
His last remaining letters, written a very few days
before his martyrdom, show. him praying for a brave
heart and a ready spirit, that he might face death with
joy and patience, firmly trusting that Jesus whom he
had followed would grant him the Crown of Life.
They had ordered his books to be burnt, but he called
upon his friends in Prague not to give them up, for
the Council would not travel from Constance to
Bohemia, and before they could wrench all his books
away many of its members would be dead or scattered
over the world, like the storks and the butterflies, and
when the winter came they would have time to reflect
on their summer's work which would last no longer

JOHN HUS. — DEATH. 165
than a spider's web. For he trusted that God would
raise up others after him stronger than he, who would
expose the wickedness and simony that he knew were
everywhere to be found.
Even as late as June 26th, when he thought he
would be taken out and burnt the next day, he had
not given up hope that God would intervene to save
him. Still the death-summons did not come and he
believed that God was giving him more time to reflect
on the tortures that His martyred saints had endured
of old. On June 27th he wrote two farewell letters,
one to his old university at Prague, assuring them
that he had not retracted one item of his faith, and the
other to his constant friends, Chlum and Duba, in
which he charged them to trust no more in princes,
for Sigismund (God pardon him !) had done all by
craft, but in that God who never deceives a man with
a safe-conduct. His very latest letters of all were
written on June 29th, and in these the Council is still
the scarlet woman of the Apocalypse, a gathering of
greedy, proud and impious men, but he welcomes the
coming torment as a cleansing of his sin and a passage
to a crown of eternal glory and inexpressible joy. He
urges his Bohemian friends to see to it that good
priests shall not be put down, that all shall stand firm
in God's truth, and having nothing else that he could
call his own, he leaves his furred cloak to Peter
Mladenowicz to keep in memory of him.
But the end was evidently not far off. Sigismund
had declared that he must have the matter done with

I 66 LECTURE VL
before starting on his journey, and on the ist of July
the prisoner was visited by the Archbishops of Riga
and Ragusa, who once more vainly tried to extract a
recantation, and on July 5th, which was to be the last
day of his life, he was again interrogated by Cardinals
D'Ailli and Zabarella, the Patriarch of Antioch and
five bishops, including Bubwith and Hallum, but he
answered that he would rather be burnt a thousand
times than give offence to those whom he had taught.
A confessor had been already sent to him and he had
made his last shrift, but in the evening of the same
day Sigismund made a final effort to save him. He
sent to him Duke Louis of Bavaria, accompanied by
his staunch friends Chlum, Duba and Lacembok, to
see if a last trying interview would break down his
resolution — but in vain.
At six o'clock in the morning of Saturday, July 6th,
Hus was taken from his prison to the cathedral where
he was kept waiting at the door until Mass was over.
He was then brought in and placed in the middle of
the church. Beside him was a table on which they
had placed a set of sacramental vestments, and after
he had kneeled for a short time in prayer, he was told
to mount and stand upon it in full view of Sigismund
and the whole assembled Council. Then the Cardinal
of S. Pudenziana preached a " short, compendious and
laudable " sermon, in which he dwelt on Sigismund's
duty in destroying the " body of sin " and worked up
the old metaphors about the rotten flesh and the
scabbed sheep and the little spark that spreads into a

JOHN HUS. — DEATH. 167
big flame. The worse the poison, the swifter should be
the cautery, and what more holy task or more pleasing
to God than to root out heresy, which is robbing
churches, crushing cities and slaying Christian men ?
God help the ship that is being run on rocks by
pirates ! Here was the glorious triumph, the eternal
crown reserved for Sigismund, to whom God had
given the wisdom of Divine Truth, that he might
smite this obstinate heretic with the imperial sword
and receive the praise of babes and sucklings and the
blessing of Jesus Christ for ever.
Four representatives of the nations, of whom the
Bishop of Cork was one, then mounted the rostrum
and read out the sentence of the Council, after first
warning the assembly that any noise or clapping of
hands or stamping of feet would be punished with
excommunication and two months' imprisonment. It
was then declared that certain articles, which had been
preached by Hus in Bohemia and elsewhere, were
heretical and that the books containing them must be
burnt. Some of these articles were then read out, and
the rest were taken as read. They contain the old
familiar tangle about accident without subject, future
for present, entities, liberty and necessity, and all the
fine-spun cobwebs of Wycliffry, that no wit of man
has ever been able to grasp either then or since, besides
the downright attacks upon tithes, endowments, priests
in mortal sin, and the Pope as Antichrist.
When the first of the charges was read out, Hus
begged leave to speak, but the beadles were ordered

l68 LECTURE VI.
to silence him, and at the close he was formally
declared to be a heretic and subjected to public
degradation from the priesthood. For this purpose
they robed him in an alb, stole and chasuble, put a
chalice in his hand and then solemnly removed it and
stripped off the vestments one by one in presence of
the whole assembly. The degradation was performed
by six bishops including the Bishop of Bangor ; but
Hus told them, with a sly look towards Sigismund,
that he would rather it had been done by some of
Pilate's knights. Before they began to strip him, he
had cried out in a loud voice that he had three
reasons for refusing to recant. He feared to offend
God, to perjure himself, and to harm the people to
whom he had preached, and when they came to spoil
his tonsure, and paused to discuss whether they should
use a razor or have it all cut off with a clip like a
sorcerer's, he turned to Sigismund and said : " These
bishops cannot agree even over such a blasphemy as
this ! " They next committed his soul to the Devil,
placed on his head a tall crown of white paper with three
black, clawing demons and the word " Heresiarch "
painted on it, and the work of the Church was done.
Sigismund then turned to Duke Louis of Bavaria, as
the sword-bearer, saying, " Go and take him ! " and
the duke handed him over to the town catchpolls,
who took off his black cloth gown and jacket, stripped
him of his shoes and stockings, and removed his girdle
with two knives hanging in a sheath and a leathern
satchel in which he kept his money.

JOHN HUS. — DEATH. 169
It was now nearly eleven o'clock and almost the
whole city was in the streets as the victim passed out
from the church, unbound and barefoot, and walked
to the place of torment with a warder on either side,
and followed by Duke Louis, who rode with an escort
of 1,000 (or according to another account 3,000) armed
men. In the adjoining churchyard the crowd was
watching the burning of his books, and he told them
not to believe the stories about errors contained in
them. Many weeping friends were posted at the city
gate, but the vast throng that followed was not
allowed to pass the drawbridge lest it should break
beneath their weight. The group of tipstaffs then led
him on past some sheep-cotes to the marshy ground
which lay beyond the western wall till they came to
the fields stretching along the south side of the Zurich
road, a little beyond the spot where the Capuchin
monastery afterwards stood. This was the public
execution-ground known as the Devil's Place and
formed a part of the open space called Paradise from
the fertility of the surrounding gardens. Here three
carts piled with straw and faggots were awaiting
them, and when they halted at the spot the doomed
man shed tears, then kneeled for a while and prayed.
As he bowed his head the paper crown fell off and
the bystanders saw him smile when some one cried
out to put it on again the wrong way up. Then
the executioner tied his hands behind his back and
fastened him to an upright stake which had been
driven into the ground just over the spot where the
22

170 LECTURE VI.
body of a worn-out old mule belonging to one of the
cardinals had been lately buried.
At first they placed the victim with his face towards
the East, but the crowd shouted to have him turned
the other way. This done they laid two faggots
beneath his feet, wound a sooty pot-hook chain about
his neck, cleared a wide ring around him and paused
for one last effort while the chronicler Ulrich Richental
called a priest who offered to confess him, but he only
said: "There is no need. I have no mortal sin."
Then Duke Louis approached to see if he would recant
at the last moment, to which he answered : " God is
my witness that I have but preached and written to
restrain men from sin, and in the truth of that Gospel
I will gladlydie". Thereupon he would have addressed
the crowd in German but the duke gave the word to
stop him, and while they piled the straw and wood
about him up to the chin and poured pitch upon it
he sang : " Have pity on me, Christ, Thou Son of the
Living God ! " When the fire was lit he shrieked and
writhed, and as the wind blew the flames in his face
they saw him move his lips and bow his head, and ere
his friends could say three hurried Paternosters he
" died in the Lord ".
As the flames flickered down, the beadles knocked
over the stake with the charred body still dangling
by the neck, heaped on more wood, poked up the
bones with sticks, broke in the skull, ran a sharp stake
through the heart and set the whole ablaze again
amidst a sickening smell from the carcase ofthe buried

JOHN HUS. — DEATH. 171
mule, as the ground cracked and lifted under the
scorching heat. Duke Louis then told them to throw
in the shoes and jacket which would otherwise have
been the executioner's perquisite, lest the Bohemians
should get possession of them and keep them as relics,
and when the second fire had died out the jumbled
embers were thrown into a barrow together with some
shovelfuls of earth and tipped into the Rhine.
So they spitted and roasted the poor goose, and the
guests for whom they served him up rejoiced with
what they believed to be a lasting joy. But the bird
was only burnt, not crushed. The Rhine was too
small to quench his ashes and his death-note swelled
on from a harsh, homely cackle till it rose to the wild
music of a white swan which forced both Church and
world to listen lief or loth, and one of Sigismund's
successors was constrained to say that they had
done a good man wrong. Our countryman. Abbot
Spofforth, was certainly present on the ground, but
beyond the fact that he often used to speak of it on
his return to England we have no record of what he
thought or said. To the few devoted friends who
watched the frightful scene the memory of " the
martyr " grew daily brighter as of the Friend of God,
the Victor Champion of Gospel Truth, the Hercules
who had overcome the world, the comrade who had
fought a hero's fight for Jesus' cause, the leader who
had breathed the virtues of the saints and taught his
fellows how to die, the master who had mounted like
Elijah in the flames and whose soul the Lord had

172 LECTURE VI.
joined with the ranks of Heaven crowned with an
everlasting crown. But though there were here and
there some signs of compassion in the crowd, yet
there is little evidence of any real protest from those
who saw him march to the fire like one who is walking
to a feast. His purity of life extorted praise from
those to whom his creed was an abomination, but his
claim that death was not Christ's punishment for
heresy found no echo there at all. It is certain that
no twinge of remorse ever reached the official clerical
mind, and when visitors to the cathedral at Constance
are shown the tomb of an English bishop who is said
to have died of grief over the fate of Hus they may
be sure that it was really something quite different
that brought that bishop to his end. Even the saintly
Gerson, the " most Christian doctor," whose praise
was then and is now on everybody's lips, and who
had urged that heresy must be stamped out with fire
and sword, now pronounced Hus' death to be fortu
nate and fruitful ; and three weeks after the brutal
inhumanities of July 6th the Council formally re
corded its belief that nothing could have been more
pleasing tb God, or more acceptable to all Christian
people. To them Hus and Jerome were the vilest,
the wickedest and the most dangerous of men, and
the sight that Constance had just witnessed was
nothing but a riddance of depravity. As to Hus, he
was a dragon to be slain, a wicked turncoat, a brazen,
lying scoundrel, who was making fools of his country
men, flinging poison into the wells of God's know-

JOHN HUS. — DEATH. 173
ledge and bringing the whole world into doubt and
jeopardy. But the good Council had found him out
and given him the punishment he so richly deserved,
not only in this big blazing heat, but in the flames
of Hell for evermore. To the average citizen who
had heard of plundered churches and street rioting
in Prague, and had been told that Hus had called
himself the Fourth Person in the Trinity, and had
started a new Lord's Prayer and a new Faith, in which
people were to have all their wives in common, the
man seemed a stupid, babbling fool, a viper who had
been suffered to live too long and whom God had
now quite properly removed. All felt satisfied that
the devils had got him with Dives in Hell, and the
man in the street was most impressed with the filthy
stench from the carcase of the rotting mule.
Time did not clear the air nor mellow the judg
ment, and since the day on which Hus died a turbid
stream of controversy has never ceased to flow around
the drama of his dreadful fate. It was not till 100
years later that Martin Luther hit upon a volume of
his sermons in the library at Erfurt, and found out
that he and his fellows had really all along been
Hussites though they had never known it, and that
their gospel had been purchased for them by Hus
and Jerome with their blood. Hence he was led on
to proclaim that, if Hus was a heretic, there was no
true Christian on the face of this earth, and that in
burning him the Council had publicly condemned the
Gospel of Christ. From that day forth the story

174 LECTURE VI.
of Constance was again in everybody's mouth and
became the battle-ground of the fiercest theological
rancour. Luther was answered by Dobneck, who,
without wishing to show any personal ill-feeling
towards a man who had been a century dead, never
theless produced a number of reasons for maintaining
that Hus was a slippery snake, worse than any Turk,
Jew, Tartar, Sodomite or other pagan, with special
inclusion of Cain, Herod, Thyestes, the Laestrygonians,
Cyclops and some peculiarly depraved types of Per
sians who were steeped in incest and parricide.
Thus was built up throughout Europe a bulky,
barren bibliography of alternate encomium and abuse,
and it took nearly 200 years more before attention was
forced to the repulsive fact that the Church had dealt
leniently with an orthodox Pope of scandalous life,
and hardened herself into savage cruelty towards a
misbeliever whose moral life was beyond all shadow
of reproach. Nor is the controversy dead yet, for
while this present century has produced many Catholic
writers who have recognised that no impostor could
have died as Hus died, yet with all their admira
tion for his courage, he is still to them nothing but a
martyr to the cause of disobedience and lies. Even
Art has not escaped the taint, and the flames of
Constance still import the storm of passion into a
domain that should be sacred to neutrality.
But from the heat of controversy two points have
emerged which have been very differently dealt with,
according to the religious standpoint of the critic, and

JOHN HUS. — DEATH. 175
each of these may well deserve a short examination
here. It has become evident from a closer study of Hus'
tracts and letters that though he was confessedly
troublesome on the question of Indulgences and the
Lay Cup, upon which there was still much diversity
of opinion, even the University of Oxford protesting
against the former as making men prone to sin and
slow to repent, yet on such essentials of Catholic
doctrine as Confession, Absolution, the Invocation
of Saints, Purgatory and the Mass Hus and Luther
were poles asunder. In the sixteenth century the
Hussite regarded the Lutheran as a heretic, and time
after time in the lengthy controversy has Catholic
twitted Evangelical with inconsistency in claiming
Hus as a Protestant. But after all this is a question
more of theology than of history and we may safely
accord to Hus the oft-repeated title of a " Reformer
before the Reformation ".
But if doubts have arisen even in the minds of
Roman Catholics as to whether Hus was not really
sound in essential doctrine, as he himself always
maintained that he was, it is of interest to inquire
why he was officially condemned.
To this question various answers have been sup
plied, all of which were grouped under three main
heads by a Church historian in the early part of the
eighteenth century, viz. : —
I. Because he had helped to drive the Germans
from the university at Prague.

176 LECTURE VI.
This point has been much laboured by some
modern writers, but it receives little countenance from
a perusal of the documents of the time. Certainly
his most vehement opponents were not Germans but
Bohemians and English, and there is no evidence that
the decision of the Council was influenced by national
pique at all.
2. Because he showed up the vices of the clergy
and called for a general reform.
But in this he was only doing what scores of
zealous preachers did, who laid a very pungent finger
on the sore to the complete satisfaction of most lay
men, and all parties were agreed that if the Council
was to do any good it must be through the channel
of Church reform.
3. Because he was a Realist in philosophy while
his antagonists, Gerson, D'Ailli and many of the
German and Prague doctors, were Nominalists.
But though these abstract questions certainly stirred
the usual amount of school-hate, which doubtless
played some part in securing his condemnation, yet
the charge-sheet against every heretic was always
overloaded with many such minor issues, while the
pressure was mainly concentrated on a few. In the
case of Hus they picked out thirty-nine extracts from
his writings, but metaphysics and academic subtleties
did not fill the forefront of the attack.
Further it is said that Hus was politically dangerous
in Bohemia.
But had the question been mainly one of Bohemian

JOHN HUS.— -DEATH. I77
politics it could not have aroused the solid interest of
all the nations at Constance, nor moved the whole
College of Cardinals and stirred the representatives of
every section of the Universal Western Church.
And so we come to the final reason assigned, viz.,
that Hus resisted the discipline of the Church, and
could not therefore with prudence be allowed to live.
And herein, as I believe, lies the kernel of the whole
matter. The teachings of Wycliffe were directed to
bring both Church and Pope into contempt, and the
goose's song was naught but Wycliffry. Hus like
Oldcastle had attempted to carry out Wycliffry into
practice and both were wrecked in matching them
selves against the strong man in possession. A
perusal of the official records can lead us to no other
conclusion. While waiting his trial Hus was spoken
of as " imprisoned on account of the errors of John
Wycliffe " ; when the day for his hearing drew near
he was told that he would be charged with : —
{a) Obstructing the preaching of the crusade
against Ladislas ;
{b) Continuing to officiate as a priest after sentence
of excommunication had been passed upon him ;
{c) Appealing from the Pope to God ;
and when they degraded him from the priesthood,
it was because he was "scandalous, seditious and
dangerous to the Church of God ".
All this is only Wycliffry in action, and when the
Council had condemned the English master the death
of his Bohemian disciple was bound to follow as a
23

178 LECTURE VI.
matter of course. As Balzac said, he had " put his
hand into the dish unasked " ; they threatened to
bum him if he did not take it out, but he preferred
to burn rather than admit that he was wrong. To
say that he brought his death upon himself by his
obstinacy is surely beside the mark, for herein lies
the grandeur of every martyr's courage, and Hus'
heroism in death has forced even his opponents to
admit that his obstinacy was based upon deep and
genuine conviction.
Of far more interest historically is the vexed ques
tion of Sigismund's alleged breach of faith, and on
this thorny point later writers have attempted dif
ferent lines of defence.
In the first place, it has been urged that as Hus
left Prague before the safe-conduct was issued and
arrived in Constance before it was received, the safe-
conduct of October iSth did not apply, and that
consequently he had no safe-conduct at all. To
meet this difficulty the other side had recourse to
various devices. Being staggered at Hus' own state
ment that he came to Constance " without a safe-
conduct," they either altered " without " into " with" or
when this did not seem quite consistent with the
date, the date got altered to October Sth, or if Hus'
words were to stand it was urged that he must have
meant " without a safe-conduct /row the Pope ". But
the real answer is on the face of it. Hus did come to
Constance, as he said, literally without a safe-conduct ;
but the safe-conduct was actually issued while he was

JOHN HUS. — DEATH. 179
on his way ; he received it a few days after his
arrival ; it was never repudiated or withdrawn, and
neither Sigismund himself nor any one else in Con
stance ever denied that it had been validly issued or
shirked the consequent responsibility.
But when these facts have been firmly established
we are still confronted with several other propositions
upon which the defenders of Sigismund and the
Council have endeavoured to rely. It has been
urged that the safe-conduct merely guaranteed se
curity on the road and not in Constance itself, and
that when Hus had finished his journey thither the
obligation was at an end. But the words of the
document expressly granted protection not only for
his journey but for his stay and his return, and
although it is true that these or similar words usually
formed part of the ordinary phrasing of all passports
and safe-conducts, yet those who argue thus have
overlooked the fact that, apart from the personal
promise given by Sigismund to the friends of Hus,
Constance itself was expressly chosen as the meeting-
place for the Council because it was an imperial city,
where the King could guarantee full protection to all
comers during their stay, and that in wording this
particular safe-conduct he had expressly taken Hus
under the protection of the Empire. Moreover it is
certain that the Council itself never adopted the mere
passport theory, for when Sigismund wanted to drive
out a Milanese envoy who had come with an autho
rised safe-conduct, the cardinals withstood him and

l80 LECTURE VI.
insisted that all who came so protected were to be
considered as privileged, not only to come and go,
but to speak and act with perfect fearlessness during
the whole time that they were there.
But granting this fact, the battleground was changed
yet again, and it was sought to prove that the safe-
conduct was conditional and that the conditions under
which it had been issued had not been fulfilled. To
cover this ground a theory was started in the seven
teenth century that the safe-conduct was issued
" without prejudice to Justice and the orthodox
Faith," and as no such saving clause is to be found
in Sigismund's document it was assumed that there
must have been another safe-conduct, issued perhaps
by the magistrates of Constance, making the protec
tion contingent upon Hus clearing himself from the
charge of heresy. But although those who pinned
their faith to this belief considered that it was " as
clear as the day," not a particle of evidence has ever
been produced to warrant it, and it may well be
dismissed as "idle guessing," while a theory that
there were three kinds of safe-conducts, and that
Sigismund's was one that ought to have been vio
lated, could only commend itself to the palate ofthe
polemical theologian and did not indeed long hold
the field.
But when all these fancies have been tried and
rejected and the fact remains that Sigismund did
grant Hus an unconditional protection for his journey,
his stay and his return, we reach at length the last

JOHN HUS. — DEATH. l8l
line of defence and the reasoning is altogether changed
again. It has been confidently argued that Hus was him
self the first to break faith, and that he forfeited his
claim to protection by trying to run away. But as
the story of his supposed flight is proved to be ficti
tious, all arguments based upon it must necessarily
fall to the ground ; and even if it had been true, it is
certain that no one at the time availed himself of it
to justify the violation.
Or it is sometimes said that Hus had broken faith
by celebrating Mass in defiance of the Pope's excom
munication. But the obvious answer is that he had
defied the excommunication from the first, and that
the safe-conduct was issued long after the defiance
had been patent to the whole Christian world.
Others have insisted that no wrong was done by
Sigismund because Hus made no formal complaint
of breach of faith when actually before his judges.
But it is admitted that his Bohemian friends fre
quently did, and we have only to read Hus' own
letters to see how bitterly he himself complained of
Sigismund's treachery.
And even when all this was admitted to the full
we used to be told that his complaints were either
baseless, as the accused must not be believed before
the judge, nor the heresiarch before the Catholic
Emperor, or illogical, because he came prepared for
death and distrusted Sigismund's word from the
outset.

1 82 LECTURE VI.
Again it is said, that like Baal's prophets with
Elijah, Hus deserved death by the law of retaliation,
for he had staked his life in his challenge that he
would prove his case, and had been beaten in the
game. But this is to beg the whole question, for he
never admitted that he had lost.
Such arguments have long been in the air and have
done alternate duty any time these last 300 years,
since Luther championed the martyr's cause and
worked the drama up to blacken the name both of
the Council and the King ; and over and above these
ingenious sophistries there are charges resting on
mere malice and personal abuse, as that Hus was not
the man to reform the Church, because before Beel
zebub can drive out Satan he must first reform him
self But as no one has ever seriously impugned his
moral character this argument seems to imply that
the real reformer must hold his hand until he is pro
nounced to be acceptable to those whom he has set
himself to reform.
But the only safe ground in examining the question
is to set aside the after-thoughts of later controver
sialists, and to see what answer the "perjured King"
himself made when the infuriated Bohemians charged
him with entrapping their innocent sheep into the
midst of ravening wolves.
It is certain that Hus himself understood that his
personal safety had been guaranteed before he arrived
in Constance and that Sigismund accepted full re
sponsibility for it, for when he heard of the arrest he

JOHN HUS.— DEATH. 1 83
sent peremptory orders that the prisoner must be at
once set free. So that it will not do to brush aside
the charge of breach of faith against him as " a wholly
groundless invention of party hatred". But when
the Churchmen told him that he had gone beyond his
powers in granting any protection at all to a heretic
and warned him that he would commit sin if he put
his sickle into the Church's corn, he wavered lest the
Council should break up and all his cherished plans
be wrecked. He pointed, it is true, to his own pledged
word, but they told him that he need not argue that,
as the Council was above him and the Council had
not pledged itself at all. Whereupon he left hi\sprotigi
to their mercy, insisting only that he must at least have
his way as regarded his promise of a public hearing.
This done, he washed his hands of the business, and
when the pamphleteers lampooned him, to his lasting
shame, he pocketed the infamy like a giddy girl and
left it to the Church to vindicate his honour if they
would. And the Church was not slow to undertake the
task. For before Hus had been three months dead the
Council passed an official declaration that according to
all law, natural, human and divine, no safe-conduct or
promise is to be kept if the keeping of it is prejudicial
to the Catholic Faith or the Church's jurisdiction,
and that every man was a supporter of heresy who
should henceforth say that Sigismund had done any
thing but what was right and suited to his kingly
majesty.

1 84 LECTURE VI.
When the dangerous possibilities of this immoral
doctrine began to dawn upon the Christian world
many later writers spent infinite pains to prove either
that the passage is spurious, or that it was a mere
protest against encroachment upon the Church's juris
diction, or that whatever its origin it did not mean
what it said. But the passage is contained in a
manuscript which is justly regarded as of exceptional
authority, whose author was himself present at the
Council, and there is every ground for believing that
it is a faithful reflex of the official mind of the medi
aeval Church in the day of her short-lived triumph over
the arch-heretic of Bohemia.
And now after centuries of heated disputation the
old methods of attack and defence seem to be growing
stale and out of vogue. Research has placed within
our reach the means of picturing the man as he really
was, with all his greatness and his littleness ; the old
weak methods of defence have been one by one
discarded, and the story has been ingeniously trans
formed until it has been considered safe to place it
in the hands of children in a cheap and palatable
form. In this latter-day dress the Council is exonerated
from any blame, because they acted legally throughout,
or if they did break the law it was really in favour of
the accused by allowing him to be publicly questioned
while ordinary heresy cases were heard in camerd
only. If the Pope said that Hus should be quite
safe in Constance that was his affair, and the Council

JOHN HUS. — DEATH. 1 85
could not be officially bound by it. King Sigismund
was certainly wrong in pledging himself to grant a
protection which he was of course unable to carry out,
and if Hus said that he gave a personal promise that
he should return in any case to Bohemia, Hus must
have told a lie. He may not have really tried to
escape in a cart, but at any rate the cardinals believed
that he wanted to, and were therefore quite right in
coaxing him over and locking him up. It is true that
Sigismund was angry at first, but less than a week
sufficed to pacify him when he heard that Hus was
going to be charged with heresy. It was certainly a
violation of the imperial protection to imprison him,
but then the prison in which he was lodged was really
quite a comfortable place where he could write books
and letters and chat with his gaolers, while as to the
sewage, that must be an exaggeration, and if he fell
ill it must have been due to mental excitement com
bined with want of exercise. He never complained
about his treatment, being certain that he would easily
be able to convince the Council and' everybody else
that he was in the right. The Church never recom
mended breach of faith with a heretic, but quite the
opposite, for the decree which is the foundation of
this odious charge is merely a declaration that if a
safe-conduct has been issued which contravenes the
jurisdiction of the Church, the prince who issues it is
bound to do everything in his power to see that it is
carried out, while the document in which it is declared
that human and divine law require that such a safe-
24

1 86 LECTURE VI.
conduct ought to be broken must be a forgery, or at
best a rough draft of a proposed declaration which
never actually received official sanction.
And yet, after all, there seems to be an uneasy
feeling that there is something faulty somewhere in
this otherwise neat presentment, for we are still called
upon invariably to remember that the action of the
Council is not to be judged by the standard of the
present day. So be it ! and let the warning count
for what it is worth with those who need it. But it
should not be forgotten that judgment was pronounced
by those who lived amidst the events and they
at least may be believed to have understood them
as they should. The churchmen saw no need for
any apologetic excuses to explain away their cruelty,
while all Bohemia, except the clericals, was stirred
to a pitch of rage which found its vent in a long
and desperate and bloody war against their King
whom they regarded as dishonoured because he
broke his word at the bidding of the Church, and
delivered over to the flames the man whom he had
pledged himself to shield with all the power of the
Empire. But the arguments of all modern defenders of the
Council will be found to be based upon the supposition
that the indefeasible right of the Church to do what
she pleased with a heretic was at that time universally
and unanimously recognised. Yet if this were so, it
is incredible that Sigismund should have required
to be instructed as to his real position before he

JOHN HUS. — DEATH. 1 87
accepted it, and the dilemma from his point of view
will work out somehow thus : —
If he granted the protection of the Empire in ig
norance of his actual powers there must have been a
large number of others besides himself who were in
similar ignorance also, so that the real right of the
Church had yet to be definitely established, and the
fact that the phrase " salva justitid " is in the form of
protection offered to Jerome, but not in that granted
to Hus, indicates that the necessity for greater
accuracy of definition had been forced to the front
during the few months which intervened between the
issue of the two.
But if Sigismund promised his protection in full
knowledge that it might be nullified by the Church,
we can only see in this a direct challenge to a conflict
of authorities into which he deliberately entered
and from which he emerged with dishonour and
defeat. Those writers, therefore, in my opinion, have best
gauged the essence of the story of John Hus who
see in it a struggle for supremacy between the right
of the State to protect freedom of thought and the
right of the Church to repress the heretic, resulting
in an unconditional surrender of the former ; and I
am altogether at one with a modern writer who con
cludes the most convincing defence of Sigismund and
the Council that I have yet read with an admission
that Sigismund undoubtedly had the power to protect
Hus, as John of Gaunt had protected Wycliffe, if he

1 88 LECTURE VI.
had cared to use it, and that it would have been
worthier of a king to stretch his power to the utmost
limit of possibility to rescue the man who had trusted
in him, rather than leave him to his fate when he
found that he could not work him to suit his own
ambitious ends.

189

L EN VOL
In bringing this course of lectures to a close I may
perhaps be allowed to finish with a personal note.
So far as I am able to judge, the reason why the
University of Oxford has done me the honour to
invite me to deliver the course is probably due to the
fact that I have spent a great many years of what
some would call hard labour in producing one solitary
historical book. While many critics have dealt leni
ently with it, to others it has proved a source of
exasperation on account of its over-minuteness and
its want of literary style. Both are grave faults in
any author who wishes to command popularity, and
I can only defend myself by saying that the book in
question was purely the work of an amateur, written
with the sole aim of securing thoroughness so far as
it lay in my power, and that I have to that extent
respected my public that I have striven to supply it,
not with pleasure — but with food.
To begin with the second charge, the want of style
There is no doubt that Literature is Art and Art is
Selection, and that the writer who cannot select with
nicety is neither an artist nor a littirateur. Yet I am
consoled with the knowledge that your great constitu-

190 l'envol
tional historian. Bishop Stubbs, once said of his own
work that the useful part of it was hard reading and
the readable part "trifling," which would soon "go
the way of all fireworks ". But after all, the style, the
art that carries all by storm and wins along the whole
line is a God-given gift. Those who have it cannot
fail to make it felt, while those who have it not would
do well to make no effort to affect it, remembering
that even a De Rougemont may be found out at last,
for all his gift of imagination. So in the matter of
style I can only feel that it must just be left as it is.
That which we are, we are, and there is no use in
trying to be anything else.
But on the other horn — of over-minuteness — I am
prepared to make a momentary stand. Over-dinythmg
is of course a fault and Myjiev arjav is a rule beyond
reproach. But minuteness, if not over-minute, is not
a malady from which history-writing has suffered in
the past, and I am pleased to think that with all its
drawbacks its day is only just beginning. As know
ledge grows, the Weltgeschichte and Histoire Univer-
selle become more and more impossible. The effort
that was once put forth to range over a continent
is now barely sufficient to master the biography of
a single home. We all know the old methods of
the eighteenth century : character sketches and fancy
portraits, Thucydidean in scope and drawn to display
the wordy skill of the draughtsman ; lofty and often
contradictory generalisations, all based upon the same
meagre stock of knowledge ; a modicum of well-worn

L envoi. 191
facts tricked out in varying degrees of picturesqueness.
Indeed, after many years of minute reading I am
almost constrained to say that I know nothing sadder
in literature than the way in which old fictions are
repeated by favourite authors without any attempt
at verification from original sources.
But whether we like it or not we have certainly
now passed into what has been called " the document
ary age " which was recently forecast as " destined to
develop learning at the expense of writing and to
make history independent of historians," and [shall I
add] lectur^^j independent of lecturers. This may not be
a cheering outlook, but it should be remembered that
to our forefathers Rymer's Fcedera was a revelation ;
yet it put fresh life into the treatment of the whole
field of English history, and did not in the end destroy
the delight of students any more than the discovery
of the Assyrian bricks or the Moabite stone, and if
we test and prove and spare no pains in reverence for
our subject there should be no fear for the result,
either in regard to the enjoyment of the student or
the progress of the study.
The Oxford Historical Society was once bravely
told that " dulness is dreadful," but that " there are
worse things than dulness — worse if that which pro
fesses to be history is no history at all ". And therefore
it is something to know from recent pronouncements
on the future of historical inquiry that henceforward
our backs are to be ruthlessly turned on the old barren
generalisations, and that we are to look on no detail

192 L'ENVOI.
as trivial which tends to supplement our scanty know
ledge of the past.
So if the method of the minute researcher does not
yet commend itself as too quixotic to be practicable,
he must just be content to take a lowly place for
the present, consoled with the knowledge that he
sometimes catches out the high-flyer and obtains
occasional recognition in some quarter where he least
expected it.

C'est tout.

ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY PRESS.

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Maunder (Samuel).
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Treasury of Geography, Physical,
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26 LONGMANS AND CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS.

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