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WASIIN&TON'S-iJ

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FAREWELL ADDRESS

TO THE

PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

' PUBLISHED SEPTEMBER 17, 1796.

10,OtO topics orderod to b« printed by the House of Bepieaeatatiree, Febrnar/ 22/189S>.

HAKEISBURG:
A. BOTD HAMILTOir, STAIB PRIKTBK.
1855.

C\:i2>C,.e'SlTi

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATEb.

Feiends and Fellow Citizens: —
The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executiM .
government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually
atrrived when youir thoughts must be employed in designating the person wKb
is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially'
>s it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I'
should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline beibg
ocaisidered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that tHi»
reStflution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations
appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and
that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might
imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest ; no
deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness ; but am supported by a
fidl conviction that the step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your
(Mjtffrageshave twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to
the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire
I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, coa-
sistently with motives which 1 was not at liberty to disregard, to return to
that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of
my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the
preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but mature reflection on th«
then perplexed and critical posture of our aflairs with foreign nations, and the
unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon
tbe^idea. ifrfijoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no
kiiagpr renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of
duty or propriety ; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained fof
my services, that, iii the present circumstances of our country, you will not
djpapprove my determination to retire.
The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, wer»
explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only
e&y that I have, with good intentions, contributed towai ds the organization *
and administration of theigovernmentj the best exertions of which a velry
fallible^judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset, of the infew- ,
ority of my qualifications,, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more ia
the eyes of others, has strengthened the motive to diffidence of myself ; and
CTery day the increasing, weight of years admonishes. me more and more, that
the shade of retirement is as necessary to me, as it will be welcome. Satisfied
that if any eircumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were
temporary, L have ither consolation to believe that, while choice and prudi^n«e
i&yite Jdoe to quit the political scene, patriatism does not forbid it.

4 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL .iDDEESS.
In looking forward to the moment which is to terminate the career of my
public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment
of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many
honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with
which it has supported me ; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed
of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering,
though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our
country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and
as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which
the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead; amidst
appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging ;
in situations in which, not unfrequently, want of success has countenanced
the spirit of criticism — the constancy of your support was the essential prop
of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were effected.
Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave,
as a strong incitement to unceasing vows, that Heaven may continue to yoB
the choicest tokens of its beneficence ; that your union and brotherly affection
may be perpetual ; that the free Constitution, which is the work of your hands,
may be sacredly maintained ; that its administration, in every department
may be stamped with wisdom and virtue ; that, in fine, the happiness of th«
people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete,
by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will
acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection^
and the adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, whieh
cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that
solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like'the present, to offer to your solemn
contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments
which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and
which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a
people. These will be afforded to you with the more freedom, as you can only
see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly
have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encou»-
agement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not
dissimilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no
recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.
The unity of government,- which constitutes you one people, is also now
dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real
independence; the support of your tranquility at home; your peace abroad {
of your safety ; of your prosperity ; of that very liberty which you so highly
prize. But as it is easy to forsee, that, from different causes and from dif
ferent quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weakea
m your minds the conviction of this truth ; as this is the point of your
political fortress, against which the batteries of internal and external enemies
will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insiduously)
directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the irti-
aaense value of your national union to your collective and individual hap|Ti-
pesB : that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment
to- it ; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of
your political safety and prosperity ; watching for its preservation with jealoBS
anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it cayt,
in any event, be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning
of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to
enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by
birth, or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate
j'OBi affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 5
capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appel
lation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference,
you have the same religion, manners, habits and political principles ; you
have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together ; the independence
and liberty you possess, are the work of joint counsels and joint efforts, of
common dangers, sufferings p,nd successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to
your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more imme
diately to your interest. Here, every portion of our country finds the most
commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the
whole. The Jforth, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the
equal, laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter,
great additional resources of maritime and co.mmercial enterprise, and precious
materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercot^rse,
benefitting by the agency of the Jforth, sees its agriculture grow and its'
commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the
Jforth, it finds its particular navigation invigorated ; and while it contributes
in different ways to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navi
gation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which it
self is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West,
already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communication
by land and water,, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodi
ties which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West de
rives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort — and what is
perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secwre enjoy
ment of indispensable o«^-/e?* for its own productions, to the weight, influence
and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed
l)y an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by
which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its
own separate strength, or from any apostate and unnatural connection with any
foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
Wnile, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particu
lar interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united
mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionably
greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their
peace by foreign nations : and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive
from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves,
which so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the
same government ; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to
produce, but which oppcisite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues
would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they virill avoid the necessity
of those overgrown military establishments, which under any form of govern
ment, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly
hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your union ought to be
considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought
to endear to you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and
virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object
of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can em
brace so large a sphere 1 Let experience solve it. To listen to mere specu
lation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper
organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the
respective sub-divisions, wiJl afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well
worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to
union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have
demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the
pairiotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands.

6 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as a mat
ter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for charac
terizing parties by geographical discriminations— ^'VbrMerw and Southern — '¦
.Atlantic and Western ; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief
that there is a real difference of local interests and views. 'One of the expedi
ents of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent
the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too
jrnuch against the jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from these mis
representations: they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be
bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western coun- '
try have lately had a useful lesson on this head ; they have seen, in the nego->
tiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate of the
treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the
United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated
among them, of a policy in the general government and in the Atlantic States^
unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi. They have been
witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that
with Spain, which secure to thera everything they could desire, in respect to
our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their
wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which
they were procured 1 Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if
suph there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them
with aliens 1
To the efficacy and permanence of your union, a government for the whole
is indispensable. No alliance, however strict, between the parts, can be an
adequate substitute ; they must inevitably experience the i^ifractions and inter
ruptions which all alliances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible of this
momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption
of a constitution of government, better calculated than your former, for an
intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns.
This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed,
adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its
principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and
containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim
to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance
with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the funda
mental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the rio-ht
of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the
constitution, which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authen-
.tic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea
of the power and the right of the people to establish government, pre-suppose
the duty of every individual to obey the established government.
All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associa
tions, under whatever plausible character, with the real desio-n to direct con
trol, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted
authorities, are destructive to this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendencv
They serve to organize faction, to give it an aitificial and extraordinary force
to put in the place of the delegated wHll of the nation the will of a party'
often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community ; and
according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the publia
ttdmmistration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous proiects of fae-
tion, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested br
common counsels, and modified by mutual interests. " ' s> , j
However combinations or associations of the abpve description may now
and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and
things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious and unprinci-
>4,.L^r' Ti, ''^^"'^^i^'^ ^° «"^^e" the power of the people and to usurp for
^ icn nave lifted them 1o unjust dominion. °

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 7
Towards the preservation of your government and the peimanency of your
present happy state, it is.requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance
irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist
with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the
pretext. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the con
stitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to
undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which
you maybe invited, remember that time and habit are, at least, as necessary
to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions; that
eicpepence is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the
eiciSting constitution of a country ; that facility in changes, upon the credit of
mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change from the endless
variety of hypothesis and opinion: and remember, especially, that for the
efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as
ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security
of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government,
with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, in
deed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand
the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the
limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranqiiil
enjoyment of the rights of persons and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with
particular reference to the founding them on geographical discriminations. Let
me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you, in the most solemn
manner, against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in
the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in
all governments, more or less stifled, controlled or repressed ; but in those of
the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst
etiemy. The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the
spirit of revenge natural to party dissention, which in different ages and coun
tries, has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful des
potism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism.
The disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men
to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual ; and, sooner
or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate
than his competitors, turns this despotism to thepurposesof his own elevation,
on the ruins of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which, nevertheless,
ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of
the spirit of party are sufficient to, make it the interest and duty of a wise
people to discouuage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public ad
ministration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false
alarms ; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally
riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption,
which finds a facilitated access to the government itself, through the channels
of party passions. Thus, the policy and the will of one country are subjected
to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the
administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of libe?-
ty. This, within certain limits, is probably true ; and in governments bf a
monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor,
upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in govern
ments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural
tendency, it is certain there"'will always be enough of that spirit for every
•alu(ary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ough^

8 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.
to be, by forc^ of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be
quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent it bursting into a feme,
lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
It is important, likewise, that the; habits of thinking in a free country should
inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine them
selves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise
of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of
enctoachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one,
and thus to create, whatever the- form of government, a real despotism.' A
just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse it which predominate
in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the, truth of this position. ^ The
necessity of reciprocal checks, in the exercise of political power, by dividing
and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guar
dian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by
esperiments, ancient and modern ; some of them in our owncountiy and under
our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them.
If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or rnodification of the consti
tutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amend
ment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no
change by usurpation ; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument
of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed.
The precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any partial
or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion
and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the
tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human
happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere
politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them.
A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity.
Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for
life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instru
ments of investigation in courts of justice'? And let us, with caution, in
dulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. —
Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of
peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national
morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principles.
It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popu
lar government. The rule indeed extends, with more or less force, to every
species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with
indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric 1
Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the gen
eral diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government
gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be en
lightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit.
One method of preserving it, is, to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding
occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also, that timely
disbursements, to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater dis
bursements to repel it ; avoiding, likewise, the accumulation of debt, not only
by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions, in time of peace,
to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not un
generously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to
bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it
is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the
performance of -their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear i*
mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue ; that to have
.¦'evenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more
-\less inconvenient aiid unpleasant ; that the intrmsic embarrassment insepa-
*>: from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a chQ,ic0 ef

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 9
difficulties,) ought to be a decisive motive/ for a candid constrtfction of the
conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in
the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any
time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations ; cultivate peace and har-
mooy with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct, and can it be that
good policy does not equally enjoin it 1 It will be worthy of a free, enlight
ened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the mag
nanimous and too novel esample of a people always guided by an exalted
justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things,
the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which
might be lost by a steady adherence to it ; can it be that Providence has not
connected the p^srmanent felicity of a nation with its virtue '? The experi
ment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human na
ture. Alas ! is it rendered impossible by its vices 1
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that perma
nent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attach
ments for others, should be excluded; and that in place of them, just and
amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges
towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree
a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is
sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one
nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury,
to la^ hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable
when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent col
lisions, obstinate, envenomed and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by
ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to
the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in
the national propensity, and adopts, through passion, what reason would re
ject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to
projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and per
nicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps, the liberty of nations,
has been the victim .
So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation to another, produces a
variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of
an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists,
and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a par
ticipation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement
or justification. It leads also to concessions, to the favorite nation, of privi
leges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the
concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained,
and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties
from whom equal privileges are withheld ; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted,
or deluded citizens, who devote themselves to the favorite nation, facility to
betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, some
times even with popularity, gilding with the appearance of a virtuous sense
of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal
for public good ; the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or in
fatuation. As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments arc
particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How
many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to prac
tice the art of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the
public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great
and powerful nation, dooms the former to he the satellite of the latter.
Against the insiduous wiles of foreign influence, (I conjure you to believe
me, fellow citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be comtantly awake ;
since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most

10 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.
baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must
be impartiaf, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided,
instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation,
and excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate, to see danger
only on one side, and serve to veil, and even second, the arts of influence
on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are
liable to become suspected and .odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the
a|;plause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is in extend
ing our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection
as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be ful
filled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
-Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very
remote relation. Hence, she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the
causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it
must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary
vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collissions of
her friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation, invites and enables us to pursue a dif-
ferent course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the
period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoy
ance : when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may
at any time resolve upon, to- be scrupulously respected; when belligerent na
tions, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly
hazard the giving us provocation, when we may choose peace or war, as our
interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation 1 Why quit our own,
to stand upon foreign ground 1 Why, by interweaving our destiny with that
of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of Euro
pean ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice 1
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion
of the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it ; for let
me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engage
ments. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs,
that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engage
ments be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unneces
sary, and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable e'stablishments, on a re-
specta;ble defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for
extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by
policy, humanity and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold
an equal and impartial hand : neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or
preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversify
ing by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing ; establish
ing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define
the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them,
conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mu^
tual opinions will permit, but temporary, and liable to be, from time to time,
abandbned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate ; constantly
keeping m view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favow
from another ; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever
It may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place
Itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet
of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can beno
greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to na
tion. It IS an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 11
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affection
ate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I
could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or pre-
vent our nation from running the coursc'which has hitherto marked the desti
ny of nations ; but if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of
some partial henefit, some occasional good ; that they may now and then re
cur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of for
eign intrigues, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this
hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which
they have been dictated.
How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the
principles which have been delineated, the public records, and other evidences
of my conduct must witness to you and the world. To myself, the assurance*
of ray own conscience is, that I have, at least, believed myself to be guided by
them. In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the
22d of April, 1793; is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving
voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the
spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any at
tempts to deter o'r divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain,
1 was well satisfied that our country, under all, the circumstances of the case,
had a right to take, and was bound, in duty and interest, to take a neutral po
sition. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to
maintain it with moderation, and perseverence and firmness.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not ne
cessary on this occasion to, detail. I will only observe that, according to my
understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of
the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything
more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every na
tion, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of
peace and amity towards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct, will best be refer
red to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive
has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet
recent institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of
strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanely speaking,
the command of its own fortunes.
Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious
of intentional error, 1 am nevertheless too sensible of my defects, not to think
it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be,,
I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they
may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never -
cease to view them with indulgence ; and that, after forty-five years of my
life, dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent
abilities, wiljl be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions
of rest.
Relying on its kindness in^this as in other things, and actuated by that fer
vent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native ¦
.soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with
pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, with
out alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow citizens,
the benign influence of good laws under a free government — the ever favorite
object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, la
bors, and dangers. GEORGE WASHINGTON.
United States, 17^/i September, 1796.

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