Mi YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY SELECT BIOGRAPHY, CONNKCTED WITH EUROPEAN HISTORY THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. JAMES MUEEAY, ADTHOR OF "SKETCHES OF ANCIENT HISTORY," ETC. ETC. VOL. ir. LEO X. ERASMUS. LONDON: JOHN CAMDEN HOTTEN, PICCADILLY. 1867. l_AU rights reserved.} LONDON: PItlNTED UV .IAS. WADE, TAVISTOCK STUKIST, COVENT GARDEN. LEO X. CONTENTS, CHAPTEE I. FROM HIS EIRTH UA'TIL THE DEATH OF HIS FATHEE. The rise of the Medici ... i Lorenzo de' Medici 3 Marriage of Lorenzo — Birth of Leo X 4 Conspiracy of the Pazzi 6 Indignation of the Pope 8 War breaks out g Lorenzo proceeds to Naples 10 Death of Sixtus IV. and Election of Innocent VIII., 1484 ... 11 Character and Policy of Innocent 12 General State of Italy 14 John de' Medici is made Cardinal, 1433 15 Admission of John to the honours of the Cardinalate 18 John proceeds to Home and iixes his residence there 20 Letter from Lorenzo to his son 20 Death of Lorenzo, 1492 21 CHAPTER II. FR05I THE DEATH OF LOREXZO UNTIL THAT OF ALEXANDER VI. Death of Innocent VIII 31 Election of Alexander VI. ... 32 General state of Italy 34 Florence and the Medici Si Foreign policy of Peter de' Medici 36 He visits the French camp 36 Charles VIII. enters Florence 38 A new Government established at Florence 39 Character of the New Constitution 41 The great Council 42 CONTENTS. Progress of Charles VIII ^* General Combination against Charles State of Florence, 1496 ^^ The attempts of the Medici to reinstate themselves at Florence 47 Persecution of Savonarola, 1498 Savonarola's Theological Opinions ... *'' State of Florence °^ A great Tumult takes place while Savonarola is Preaching ... 52 Savonarola resumes his Preaching, 1498 65 The causes of the diminished Popularity of Savonarola ... 56 The Fire Test ^^ The test is not carried out "" Imprisonment of Savonarola ol The Character of Savonarola 6* Cardinal de' Medici ^^ The Cardinal visits Germany Alexander VI. and Cseser Borgia 68 69 Death of Alexander VI 71- CHAPTBE III. FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER VI., UNTIL THAT OF JuLlUS II. 1503—1613. Election of Pius III., and of Julius II. ... ... ... '6 The Accession of Julius II. produces a favourable change in the prospects of the Medici 77 The Cardinal's life at Rome 79 Conduct and Policy of Julius II 81 The Pope is reconciled to the Venetians .,> 83 The Emperor and the King of Franco threaten the Pope with Deposition 84 Progress of the War in Italy 1511 84 Cardinal de' Medioi placed at the head of the Papal Army ... 85 Battle of Eavenna, 1512 86 Capture and Escape of the Cardinal de' Medici 89 Progress of the Wai- — State of Florence 90 Conditions offered to Florence by the Confederates 92 The eiJect produced at Florence by the Capture of Prato ... 93 Sestoration of the Medici, 1512 — ' essential to the security of the Medici. To to Lorenzo, therefore, it seemed a desirable policy 1492, to connect his family with the church ; and, con sidering ,his own age and influence, it was by no means improbable that his infant son might attain the highest dignity of the priesthood while he himself was still able to aid and profit by his elevation. In 1475 Lorenzo, in spite of his utmost efforts to conciliate him, found in the reigning pope his most inveterate and implacable enemy. Sixtus IV. was in the highett degree hostile to the Medici, and so fierce was his enmity against the two brothers Lorenzo and William tliat he did not scruple to give his sanction to a conspiracy against their lives. Conspi- Next to the Medici the Pazzi were the most racy of the Pazzi. powerful family in Florence. This relative position naturally rendered the Pazzi jealous of the vast influence possessed by their rivals. But however, strong this jealousy might be, there seemed no legitimate means of assailing the power of Lorenzo and his brother. They were not only very wealthv, but extremely popular within the city, while in other states they enjoyed an extraordinary reputa tion. While they lived it seemed impossible to attack their party with success. The Pazzi and their partisans therefore perceived that the assassi nation of the two brothers was an indispensable LEO X. preliminary to the execution of their designs. Chapter But they did not shrink from this atrocious measure, and Sixtus IV. eagerly took part in ^t^ the plan. The Cardinal Riario, the nominal ^*^^' nephew, but in reahty the son of the pope, v.as directed to do his utmost in order to promote the success of the Pazzi. Salvati, Archbishop of Pisa, was not only engaged in the plot, but might be regarded as its leader, and the pope directed his son to act under the prelate's orders. At the same time the captain of the papal guard was directed to proceed to Florence at the head of two thousand troops, in order to be ready for any emergency which might occur. The 26th day of April, 1478, was that ap pointed for the execution of the design formed by the Pazzi. It was to be carried into effect in the cathedral, and at the moment when the elevation of the host took place. In company with the Cardinal Riario the two brothers, Lorenzo and William, proceeded to the cathedral. At the appointed moment they were attacked by the conspirators. William was slain by Francisco de Pazzi, but happily Lorenzo received only a slight wound in the throat, and was able to escape into the sacristy, of which the doors were barred by his friends. Lorenzo after wards succeeded in reaching his own palace. As soon as these events became known throughout the 1475 to 1492. 8 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter city the people flew to arms in order to defend the ^^ Medici. In the meantime the archbishop, ac companied by many followers, had proceeded to the state palace in order to instal himself there as soon as he should hear of the death of the two brothers. But his hopes were signally blasted. Instead of being raised to supreme power, he was suspended from one of the windows of the palace, and executed like the meanest criminal, two other chief conspirators sharing his fate. The lay leader of the conspiracy, Francisco de Pazzi, with seventy of his partisans, were also ignominiously put to death. It was with the greatest difficulty that Lorenzo could save from the popular fury the Cardinal Riario, who loudly protested his inno cence. indigna- In thus exerting himself Lorenzo was no doubt tion of the Pope. anxious to conciliate the pope, but Sixtus dis dained to conceal his anger and disappointment. The death of an archbishop under circumstances so shameful enabled Sixtus to protest loudly against the indignity offered to the church, and he visited the Florentines with the heaviest ecclesiastical censures. But he did not confine himself to these spiritual weapons, and did his best to excite a general combination against Florence. The King of Naples was his firm friend, and the pope and king confiscated in their respective dominions all the goods belong- LEO X. 9 ing to Florentine citizens. But this was far too Chapter little to appease the thirst of vengeance felt by ¦ — . — ¦ the pope; It was his grand object to excite against to Florence a war which should lead to her speedy ruin. Ferdinand of Naples was quite ready to give his utmost aid to the pope, but other princes were less complying. Louis XL of France ex pressed his sympathy with the Florentines, and the Emperor and the King of Hungary remonstrated with the pope against his intended war. Nor were Venice and Milan backward in denouncing the meditated attack upon Florence. But Sixtus had too high an opinion of his own War power, spiritual and temporal, to brook what he deemed an insult, and those who interposed between his wrath and its intended victims were denounced as the enemies of religion. He even stirred up the Swiss and the Genoese to attack Milan, but they were shamefully defeated. How ever, the contest against the Florentines, which was of more Immediate interest to the pope, seemed likely to terminate successfully. While the war was proceeding Italy was assailed by other and more unwonted evils. The plague prevailed in many quarters, and a flock of locusts, forty miles long and four broad, destroyed the produce of the land more eff'ectually than the most ruthless human enemy could have done.* * Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, vol. xiii. p. 581. 10 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter The obstluacy of the pope and the success of the papal Neapolitan army almost reduced the 1475 to Florentines to despair. Attempts had been made to obtain peace from Sixtus, but he would listen Lorenzo ^ ^ proceeds to to no Conditions unless Lorenzo was not only Naples. _ _ _ expelled from Florence, but delivered up Into his hands. Sore pressed as the Florentines were, they disdained to listen to such a demand, but their situation became every day more difficult and dangerous. In this state of things, Lorenzo adopted a resolution which was certainly honour able to his courage and patriotism, but which was also In some degree forced upon him by imperious necessity. From the demand made by the pope It appeared that Lorenzo was the great obstacle to the cessation of a war which was likely to bring ruin upon his country. In this extremity it was necessary to do something to prove that he attached no importance to his own safety and prosperity. In comparison with the welfare of the state, of which he was the virtual ruler. To have delivered him self up into the hands of the pope would have been to bring disgrace upon Florence, without doing much to save her from the calamities of a foreign conquest. But if submission to the pope was out of the question, the only other alternatives were to obtain the aid of some powerful foreign prince, or to 'appeal to the King of Naples. Great moiuirchs had already expressed their sympathy 1475 • to LEO X. 11 with the Florentines, but it had become quite clear Chapter that none of them would interpose by force In their favour. There was, then, no hope of safety for Florence unless she could obtain favourable ^''^^' terms of peace from Naples. In order to effect this Important object Lorenzo threw aside all regard to his mere personal safety, and proceeded to Naples. The king, instead of taking advantage of the generous confidence displayed by his enemy, treated him with the greatest consideration. The engaging manners and profound political sagacity of Lorenzo made a most favourable impression upon Ferdinand, and he became at last convinced that the enterprise in which he was engaged might involve Italy and himself In the most serious dangers. While the war continued the emperor or the King of France was furnished with a plausible ground for sending an army into Italy, and Ferdinand knew well that in such a case he, not the pope, would be the suff'erer. The result was that the Neapolitan troops received orders to discontinue their attacks against the Florentines, and as soon as this was done the war was virtually at an end.* Although the designs of the pope against Lo- Death of renzo and Florence were thus baffled, neither could and eiec- ' feel secure while Sixtus lived. After the conclu- innocent sion of the Florentine war he gave a new proof of 1484. ' Muratori, Annali, &o., vol. xiii. pp. 586 — 592. 12 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter his violence and folly, by excommunicating the ^-^ Venetians, and attempting to form a kind of holy "r league against them. But the Venetians, while "^^' always professing an ardent devotion towards the Holy See, never allowed its enmity to Interfere with the prosecution of their own designs. On this oc casion, instead of seeking to concihate the pope, they appealed to a general council. Their firm ness was rewarded by a peace highly favourable to their own interests. This peace, which he was ¦forced to make, was said to have been so displeas ing to Sixtus as to have occasioned his death, out of sheer vexation. Be this as it may, he died on the 12th of August, 1484. His successor was Cibo, Cardinal of Santa Cecilia. The new pope assumed the name of Innocent VHL* Character Nothing has tended so much to rescue the oFinM-"^ papacy from temporal dangers as the fact that °^'^^ its enemies could always hope to find a friend in a new pope. As the reigning pope was gene rally a man very far advanced In life, the hope was always strong, and was very often realised. It was so in the present Instance. Sixtus IV. had been the implacable enemy of the Medici. Inno cent VIII. became their firmest friend. Although, like his predecessor. Innocent was bent on ag grandising his own relations, he had nothing of that love of war which had rendered Sixtus a * Muratori, Annali, &c., vol. xiii. pp. 603—607. LEO X. 13 curse to his neighbours. Still, In spite of his Chapter attachment to peace. Innocent became Involved ' — r~' in a war with the King of Naples, the natural to ally of the Holy See. The cause of this war seems to have been, at least indirectly, the op pressive Internal government of Ferdinand. The tyranny of this prince appears to have been of the most crushing kind, and to have produced such fierce discontent throughout his kingdom that when, a few years later. It was attacked by Charles VIII. of France, It submitted almost without a blow. On the present occasion Aquila, a rich city of Calabria, Irritated beyond en durance by the misgovernment of its sovereign, offered its homage to the pope. This homage Innocent accepted (1485). However, in the fol lowing year peace was concluded, the pope on this occasion acting In opposition to a majority of the cardinals. The debate which took place in the consistory In regard to this matter Is said to have been so violent that two eminences, Balue, a Frenchman, and Borgia, afterwards Alexander VL, almost came to blows. Borgia had termed Balue a drunkard, while Balue denounced Borgia as a man of disgraceful birth and scandalous life. * * Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, &c., vol. iii. pt. ii. Infessuri Diarium, pp. 1204 — 1205 : " Inter cetera diotus Dominus vice cancellarius Borgia dixit non esse standum illius Abalii (Balue) tanquam ebrii, et quod ebrius esset, una alus ampuUosis verbis contra quern similiter' dictus Abalius retulit verba vituperosa, 14 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter After having been brought to the brink of " — r— destruction Lorenzo had now become the most to powerful and popular prince In Italy. This as- ' cendancy he owed not more to his own prudence state of than to the crimes and odious qualities of con- Ita'y- . -Til temporary sovereigns. Innocent, Indeed, could not, In these evil times, be termed a bad pope ; but then his nepotism was of the most unblushing kind. This weakness, however, was of advantage to Lorenzo ; for his daughter, Madeline, was mar ried to one of Innocent's sons. By this alUance Lorenzo had secured a fast friend In Rome so long as it was governed by Innocent. Next to the pope Ferdinand, King of Naples, was the most consider able sovereign In Italy. The cruelty and bad faith of this prince were so consplcubug that, In speaking of the misfortunes which befel him and his family, Muratori observes : " If It Is ever per mitted to interpret the judgments of God it is when they fall upon the cruel."* Nor was Louis Sforza, the ruler of Milan, a man of better charac ter than Ferdinand of Naples. He governed Milan In the name of his nephew, whom he had pro claimed as of full age when he was only twelve videlicet ilium esse maranum, et filium meretricis quod et vitam suaminhonestam, propter quodmaximus tumultus factus fuit in dicto. Consistorio ita quod unasquisque credebat eos ventures ad manus." * Annali, vol. xiii. p. 625 : " Dio non paga sempre iu questo moudo 6 souo occulti i guidizii'^suor Ma se e mai peermisso d'inter- pretarli e allora ohe si tratta del gastigo della crudelta." LEO X. 15 years old. In order to deprive his mother of any Chapter I. 1475 pretence for Interfering in state aff'airs, Louis ironically informing her that she might now de- ^to vote herself exclusively to religious exercises. The poor duchess understood the hint, and left Milan. This usurpation on the part of Louis was only the prelude to a darker crinie, by which, many years, after, he made himself the nominal as well as the virtual master of Milan. Louis was not a man destitute of ability and , vigour, but, according to Muratori, he had one most serious defect, that of believing himself a far abler man than he really was ; Indeed, the ablest man In the world.* The views which had induced Lorenzo to de- John de vote his second son to the church seemed to be made ear- now in a fair way of being reaUsed. At seven years of age the boy had received the tonsure, and from that time benefice after benefice was bestowed upon him. In the following year the King of France made him abbot of Fonte-Dolce, a place near Saintes. Nor was Sixtus IV., how ever hostile to Lorenzo, disposed to thwart the career of the boy abbot, and he conferred upon him the rich abbey of Passignano. At last, while still a mere child, Louis XL of France conferred upon him the archbishopric of AIx. When this * Annali, vol. xiii. p. 617 : " Credeva se stesso la piu gran testo deir universo." 16 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter appointment was made known at Rome some ob- "—w jection was urged on account of the youth of the to archbishop elect. But all trouble on this score ^*^^' was put an end to by the important intelligence that the archbishop ¦ in whose room the young Medici had been appointed was still living. Still all this did not directly promote the darling object of Lorenzo's ambition. Until John became a cardinal there was no chance of his being made pope, and there can be little doubt that this was the goal at which Lorenzo aimed. The history of the papacy had furnished Instances of very young men being elevated to the papal throne by the influence of their relations. Lorenzo was still In the prime of life, was daily increasing In fame and power, and could reasonably anticipate a time when he might secure, in favour of his son, the votes of a conclave. He cultivated the strictest alliance with the church, and in these uncertain and distracted times might soon become her most efficient protector. But this was a comparatively distant prospect ; the great present object was to secure the cardinalate for John, since until he was one of its princes he could not asplr^ to become the ruler of the church. But the attempt to make a boy of thirteen a cardinal sufficiently proved that Lorenzo would allow no slight ob stacles to Interpose between himself and thfe lofty schemes which he had formed for the aggrandise- LEO X. 17 ment of his son. Indeed, nothing but the favour Chapter of Innocent VIII., cemented by a family connec- "^ — r-^ tion, could have inspired Lorenzo vrith the hope of to . . 1492. overcoming the strong objections which opposed the elevation of a child to the highest dignity except one In the church.- Even Innocent shrunk from a step so calculated to expose him to public odium, and, when he did at last consent, it was on the express condition that John should neither assume the dignity nor exercise the functions of a cardinal for three years after his appointment. Lorenzo was compelled to rest content with this limitation, but great efforts were made to prove that John's qualities fully entitled him to the exceptional honour which had been conferred upon him. In a letter to Innocent the eminent scholar Polltlan dilated at great length upon the promising qualities of his pupil : " None was more likely to do credit to the sacred office. Even from the earliest period of life he had been distinguished by the absence of all levity or impropriety. While still a mere boy he had arrived at such matmity of understanding, that old men discovered In him the dispositions of his great-grandfather, the venerable Cosmo, while to the young he appeared to have • inherited the spirit of his father, the magnificent Lorenzo. So great was John's love of religion that he might be said to have drunk it In with 18 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter his mother's milk."* These eulogies became some- ' — , — ¦ what suspicious when the writer adds that John's 1475 to good and pious character had been so conspicuous as to Induce the most wise and pious Louis XL, King of France, to consider him worthy of an archbishopric when he was only ten years of age. No doubt, Louis XL was wise, If fraud and cun ning constitute wisdom, and pious, if abject super stition constitutes piety; but whatever might be the nature of his piety. It never led him to bestow favours without a due regard to his own interests. It was the power of the father, not the virtue of the son, that obtained for John de Medici the offer of an archbishopric while still a child. How ever, there Is no reason to doubt that In very early life John was distinguished by love of study and propriety of demeanour, for his father, whatever might be his own moral character, was anxious that his son should do credit to the profession which had been chosen for him. Admission Lorenzo, having secured the great obiect of his of John . ° •> to the ambition, was disposed to complain of the long honours of , . . ° the cardi- probation imposed upon his son. But Innocent was Inflexible upon this point. However, the appointed period at length arrived, and In his eighteenth year John was formally installed as a member of the sacred college. Burchard, in his diary, gives a long account of the ceremonies • Gennerale Gli Scrittori, E. I. Monumenti, della Storia Italiana, &c., &c. (Florence, 1855), p. 169, note. LEO X. 19 which accompanied this important event in the Chapter life of John de' Medici. On the evening of the I. 1475 1492. 9th of March, 1492, John proceeded to one of his to abbeys, which was situated close to Florence, and spent the night there. On the following morning, which was Saturday, he first made confession, and then received the sacrament. Afterwards the abbot in whose church this had been done took. from the altar upon which they had been placed the cap, ring, and hat of a cardinal, and Invested John with them. This done, he solicited from the new cardinal the accustomed indulgences. After dinner the servants of John and many hundreds of the most eminent Florentine citizens came to congratulate him. In spite of a violent rain, which continued during the remainder of the day, the cardinal proceeded to Florence, and, alighting at the Convent of the Annunciation, entered the church attached to it, and returned thanks. Then,, remounting his mule, he rode to the palace of the Gonfalonlere, and, after ex pressing his gratitude to the Florentines assembled there, for all their past kindness proceeded to his father's house. On the following day (Sunday) he attended church, accompanied by many persons, richly clothed. On the same day there was a solemn dinner at his father's, at which were pre sent the chief persons in Florence.* * Diarium Burchard (In Gennerale), pp. 164 — 166. c2 20 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter Having received in his native place the honours ¦-"Y^ due to his new dignity, John, now the Cardinal to de' Medici, proceeded to Rome, where a fresh course of tedious ceremonies awaited him. He John pro ceeds to took up his residence in a convent, and Burchaxd, Rome, and '¦ ^ fixes his the diarist, was sent by the pope to furnish the residencethere. cardinal with suitable directions as to his future conduct.* Burchard narrates at great length all the forms which preceded the entrance of a new cardinal into the conclave. One of these forms .was that the person who was about to become their colleague should visit all the cardinals in succession. One of these cardinals was Riario, who had taken part In the conspiracy of the Pazzi, so that to call upon him was a matter of some- delicacy for the Cardinal de' Medici. But at the time when the visit was to take place Riario contrived to have another cardinal with him, so that the interview passed off" well enough. Letter These ceremonies must have been somewhat from Lo renzo to tedious to the new cardinal, although he was his son. " naturally attached to form and pomp. About the same time he received from his father a let ter. In which affection, respect, and advice were mixed In the most skilful manner, as was to be expected from so accomphshed a man as Lorenzo. He reminds the young cardinal that In his person his family had attained a higher dignity than It * Burchard (In Gennerale), pp. 160—161. LEO X, 21 had ever before reached ; so much the more neces- Chaptbk sary, was it that his conduct should do credit to the '^ v^ exalted office which had been conferred upon him, to His extreme youth imposed upon him the duty of modesty, and until he had become acquainted with his new functions, and reached a maturer age, his wisest course would be to leave to others the chief place, and to solicit rather than to offer advice. Above all, it was of the last importance that his moral conduct should correspond with the sacred office which he fiUed. His future career depended upon his present conduct ; If that exposed him to odium the chief part of that odium would fall upon those who had been the means of raising him to so great a dignity at so early an age.* But this iudiclous advice was the last service Death of •^ _ _ _ Lorenzo, which the young cardinal was destined to receive 1492. from his father. Although still in the very prime of life, Lorenzo had fallen into a state of decline and weakness, which his physicians were unable to explain or to assign to any specific disease. But it soon became evident that this illness was mortal, and Lorenzo, sensible of his danger, prepared for death. A memorable circumstance connected with his last hours was his Interview with Savonarola, the great preacher and religious reformer. In order to understand this Interview, and subsequent events connected with the history of the Medici, it ' Gennerale, pp. 167—169, note. 22 SELECT BIOGRAPHY, Chapter Is pecessary to devote a few words to the previous ^—^ life of Savonarola. His grandfather, a celebrated to physician, had settled at Ferrara, and there his son 1492. jsficolas continued to reside. Nicolas was a man of extravagant habits and trifling character, but his wife was a woman of ability and of great moral excellence. Their family was large, and Girolamo, or Jerome, the future preacher, was their third son. He was born on the 21st Sep tember, 1452. He was destined by his friends for the medical profession, and his grandfather, who survived until 1462, did his best to prepare the boy for this vocation. From an early age Girolamo was devotedly attached to the study of philosophy and general literature ; but a strong feeling of piety accompanied and presided over this Intellectual development. At that period Ferrara, under the government of the D'Estes, was a city of magnificence and pleasure. As Savonarola advanced towards manhood he formed a strong attachment to the daughter of a Floren- tile exile named StrozzI ; but the lady disdainfully rejected his addresses. This disappointment made a strong Impression upon his mind, and he re solved to retire from the world. At the age of twenty-three, and on the 24th of April, 1475, Girolamo withdrew from Ferrara, while his parents were engaged at a public festival. He proceeded to Bologna, and, presenting himself 1492. LEO X. 23 at a convent of the Dominicans, solicited ad- Chapter I. mission Into the order, desiring that the most >-v^ humiliating duties might be assigned to him. to His request was granted, and he then wrote to his parents, declaring that the chief motive of his conduct was an aversion to an age in which vice was honoured and virtue despised. In a paper which he left behind him at Ferrara he described the manners of the time, and com pared them to those of Sodom and Gomorrah. From the period of his becoming a monk his self-denial was extraordinary, and his superior found it necessary to check his extreme rigour. He remained at Bologna seven years, and was chiefly employed in the instruction of youth. In 1482 Savonarola was sent to Florence to preach, but his preaching attracted little notice. However, he finally settled in Florence, and took up his residence in the Convent of St. Mark, which had been richly endowed by Cosmo de' Medici. From the time of his settlement at Florence and, perhaps long before, Savonarola seems to have regarded the Medici, and Lorenzo especially, with extreme dislike. Villari, the most recent biographer of Savonarola, devotes a chapter of his work to the character and actions of Lo renzo, and treats them with extreme severity. Unbounded licentiousness, reckless prodigality, and oppressive tyranny are laid to the charge 1492. 24 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter of the man whom his own contemporaries re- ' — r-' garded with the greatest admiration, and who 1475 . . to seems to have been an object of sincere attach ment to the mass of the Florentine people. That Lorenzo was far from being a virtuous man, in the stricter sense of the term, may be admitted. There is no doubt that he spent money very freely, since his private fortune, great as it was, became so embarrassed that the state was compelled to in terfere In order to save him from bankruptcy ; and we may well believe that he did his best to repress the attempts of those who sought to endanger or lessen his political influence. But granting all this, it may still be maintained that Lorenzo was not only a highly accomplished man, but also a wise and moderate ruler, whose foreign policy increased the external influence of Florence, while his internal administration, without being cruel or oppressive, maintained peace and order within the city. But it is easy to understand how Savonarola regarded Lorenzo with mingled dIsUke and disdain. To a man of pure and saintly manners vice, even in its least repulsive forms, was abhorrent ; to one who fancied that he had the gift of discerning, with a prophetic eye, the judgments which God was about to pour out upon Italy In punishment of her sins, even the pursuits of literature and art seemed frivolous, if not criminal, while to an enthusiastic lover of liberty, the predominance of 1492. LEO X. 25 a single individual appeared an odious tyranny. Chapter From the commencement of his career in Florence >— w 1475 Savonarola, therefore, kept jealously aloof from to Lorenzo, disdained to treat him with the usual marks of respect, and rejected his proffered favours. Lorenzo could not fail to be displeased with the conduct of Savonarola towards himself, but, at the same time, he entertained a profound con viction of the sanctity of the monk. Thus, when death approached, he expressed an anxious desire to receive a visit from the Dominican. The lan guage which he employed was most emphatic, for he said, "I know no true monk but him."* Savo narola obeyed the summons sent to him In the name of Lorenzo. In confessing himself to Savo narola the sins on which Lorenzo dwelt most strongly were the sack of Volterra, the confisca tion of the ftmds set apart for providing young girls with portions, and the blood shed in conse quence of the conspiracy of the Pazzi. Lorenzo was much agitated, while Savonarola continually exclaimed, " God is good, God is merciful, but you must do three things." " What are they, my father?" Savonarola then, with a grave aspect, and stretching forth the middle finger of his right hand, said, " You require to have a true and * Villari, vol. i. ch. ix. p. 136: "To non conosco altro vero frate, se non questo." 1492. 26 SELECT , BIOGRAPHY. Chapter hvely faith in the mercy of God." The reply — ^ was, "This I have in the highest degree." "In to the second place you require to restore every thing which you have unjustly seized, or to instruct your sons .to do so." On hearing these words Lorenzo appeared melancholy and hesitat ing, but at last signified his assent by a motion of the head. Then Savonarola, rising to his feet with an air of indescribable sublimity, said, " In the last place you require to restore liberty to the people of Florence." On hearing this demand, Lorenzo turned disdainfully away, without re plying a word. Savonarola then left the apartment without granting absolution.* ¦ This solemn interview between men so re markable as Lorenzo and Savonarola naturally awakens deep interest, and suggests many re flections. The result of these reflections Is more likely to be favourable to the prince than to the monk. There can, indeed, be no doubt that Savonarola was a man of the purest sincerity, and that he believed himself to be acting under ' * Pico (Giovanni Francesco vita, E, P. F. Hier, Savonarola, Paris, 1674), ch. vi. pp. 23-4; Burlamaohi (Vita Gioriamo Savona rola, Lucca, 1764), pp. 28—30 ; Villari, vol. i. pp. 136—8. Roscoe, relying upon the authority of Politian, discredits the details given in the text, based upon that of contemporary historians. But the letter of Politian (In Gennerale, pp. 171—175, note) scarcely amounts to a denial of these details ; and, in a note, Villari seems to estab lish in a satisfactory manner the truth of his own naiTation (Villari, vol. i. pp. 155—8). 1475 to 1492. LEO X. 27 a divine Influence when he addressed Lorenzo Chapter in the manner which has been described. Finding himself placed, as it were, between God and a man whose political and moral character was the ob ject of his deepest reprobation, he cast aside all earthly considerations and subjected his Illustrious penitent to a test of unexampled severity. To the enthusiastic mind of Savonarola nothing appeared more simple than to restore liberty to Florence; but, to the sagacious and experienced statesman, such a course must have appeared ftiU of difficulty and danger. Under Lorenzo, Florence had en joyed great prosperity and political Influence, and there Is no proof that the people generally were dissatisfied with their ruler. To the austere and self-denying Savonarola the rule of the Medici, however favourable to the material well-being of the people, and to the promotion of literature and art, appeared a corrupt and galling tyranny. But there is no proof that the citizens of Florence shared his opinions, or that the Medici had lost that popular favour which they had enjoyed for so many years. Apart from these considerations It can scarcely be denied that Lorenzo acted with manly firmness and dignity when he scornfully repelled the at tempt of Savonarola to mingle religion and poli tics. Neither the terrors of an alarmed conscience, nor the weakness of approaching dissolution, coUld 28 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter wring from Lorenzo a concession which might ' — 'r-^ have entailed ruin upon his children and his to friends, when he himself had passed beyond the ¦ reach of earthly calamity. This fact Is greatly to his honour, and is a striking proof of that mental superiority which had enabled him to guide his country safely through so many perils, and which did not forsake him at a time when the strongest minds are often shaken, and yield to Influences which at other times would have been repelled with contempt. On the part of Savonarola, It was an abuse of his spiritual functions to attempt to wring from the fears of a dying man conces sions intended to produce a political revolution. If Lorenzo was not a worse man than the mar. jority of his contemporaries, his moral conduct fell very far short of the gospel standard, and his confessor could have been at no loss to suggest reasons for deep penitence without meddling with questions about which good men might form dif ferent opinions. It would, indeed, be unjust to accuse Savonarola of rendering his sacred office subordinate to his political predilections, for poh- tics were really a part of his religion, and always viewed through that enthusiastic medium which brings every subject within the spiritual domain. But this excuse constitutes the defence of Lorenzo when he refused to make sacrifices which the law of God did not demand. 1492. LEO X. 29 It was on the 8th of April, 1492, that the death Chapter of Lorenzo took place. On the 10th messengers ^^> — ¦ arrived at Rome, announcing the sad event to the to Cardinal de' Medici. Peter, the eldest son and successor of Lorenzo, wrote to his brother Inform ing him of the irreparable loss which they had sustained. In the letter from Politian, already re ferred to, there is some account of the last hours of Lorenzo. His lUness, at first apparently trifling, suddenly assumed an alarming aspect. When aware of his danger Lorenzo submitted without a murmur, and engaged in the offices of rehglon with the warmest devotion. When the host was brought into the room he Insisted upon rising to meet his Lord. In his prayer to Christ he spoke of his own vileness, professing to have no hope but in the mercy of Him who had endured so much for sinners : " O, Jesus, let thy most precious blood, which thou didst shed to bring men Into life, plead and avail for me." It was while gazing on the crucifix and kissing it that he expired.* Politian proceeds to pass the warmest euloglums on the character of Lorenzo, His equanimity was so great that It could not be decided whether he was best fitted to bear prosperity or adversity. His capacity was vast ; his knowledge almost universal. Nor were his moral qualities Inferior to those of his Intellect. His » Politian (In Gennerale), pp. 171—176. 1492. 30 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter probity, justice, and fidelity were universally — t—' known. His courtesy, humanity, and affability to had endeared him to all classes of the people. But his liberality and magnificence were so far beyond parallel as almost to raise him to the level of the gods.' The obvious exaggerations of this eulogium do not require to be pointed out, but authors less prejudiced than Politian concur In awarding to Lorenzo very high praise. Ammirato says that he was in many respects a very extraor dinary man, and that, although he owed something to birth and fortune, his greatness was chiefly to be ascribed to the sense and prudence which distin guished him from boyhood.* In relating his death Muratori gives great praise to the govern ment of Lorenzo; and he is a writer who never loses an opportunity of denouncing oppression and injustice,! Machiavelll also bestows great commendations upon Lorenzo : — " He was most eloquent, formed his designs with wisdom, and carried them Into effect with rapidity." % * Ammirato, vol. iii. pp. 186 — 187. t Muratori, Annali, vol. xiii. p. 639. J Machiavelll, Opere, vol. iii. p. 382—384. LEO X. "31 CHAPTER II. FROM THE DEATH OF LORENZO UNTIL THAT OF ALEXANDEE VI. 1492—1503. The death of his father, in addition to the natural Death of grief which It occasioned to the Cardinal de' Medici, viii. was a serious blow to his worldly prospects. If Peter could maintain his position at Florence it was as much as he was Hkely to do, for he was utterly unfitted to obtain that external infiuence which had rendered Lorenzo so powerful In Italy. But the death of Innocent VIII., which followed that of Lorenzo in little more than three months, was, in its immediate effect, a still severer blow to any hopes of advancement which might be entertained by the cardinal. The connection which existed between the families of Innocent and Lorenzo had made the former the active friend of the young Medici, who, as he became older, might expect to receive many substantial marks of the pope's favour. A cardinal disliked by the pope becomes almost obscure, and in the 32 SELECT BI06EAPHY. Chapter sixteenth Century the property and even the life ¦ — r-^ of an obnoxious cardinal was in some degree at to the mercy of a hostile pope. The death of Inno cent was, therefore, a heavy misfortune to the Cardinal de' Medici, and subsequent events ren dered that misfortune still more irreparable. For the moment the character of Innocent's successor was the chief matter to be considered, and in that there was little consolation to be found. Election The election of a new pope was the first occasion of Alex- . . ander VI. ou whIch the Cardinal, John, had an opportunity of exercising the most important privilege of his office. One of the candidates for the high dignity now vacant was Cardinal Roderlgo Borgia. He was a native of Valentia, in Spain, and, after having exercised the profession of a notary, saw fit to adopt that of a priest. To Borgia this change of vocation was of the greatest worldly advantage. As a notary he might have amassed money, but in the church he might gain not only wealth but honour and even sovereign power. He was destitute, indeed, of aU those moral and spiritual qualities which ought to distinguish a priest; but then he possessed great aptitude for business, and no inconsiderable degree of mental vigour and foresight. The great abilities of Borgia became gradually known, and the result was that, after fiUing many important and lucra tive offices, he was created a cardinal by Sixtus IV. LEO X. 33 Having secured the cardinalate, the papal crown Chapter became the great obiect on which Borgia's ambi- ^--v— - . . . . 1492 tion was fixed; but his unbridled licentiousness, to and the shameful means which he adopted to Increase his wealth, seemed for ever to preclude him from reaching that high dignity. Borgia, however, was not a man to be driven from his purpose by any obstacles which admitted of being overcome, and experience had taught him that a man with money at his disposal could overcome the most formidable obstacles. Thus, on the death of Innocent VIII., he became a declared candidate . for the vacant tiara. All accounts agree that the cardinals were bribed wholesale ; but the prize at stake was worth any sacrifice, and It was won by Borgia. His joy on the occasion Is said to have been extreme. As soon as his election was announced he exclaimed, " Am 1 Pope, Pontifex, Vicar of Christ ? " Some fears seemed to mingle with his rejoicings, for he could not rest until he was invested with the pontifical robes, and his election proclaimed to the people. It must be mentioned to the honour of the Cardinal de' Medici that he was among the few opponents of Borgia, or rather, one of the few cardinals who refused a bribe. He was fully aware of the danger to which his independence exposed him, and when the election was completed said to a brother ardinal who shared his sentiments, "We are the D 34 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. . Chapter prey of the most rapacious wolf In the world, who, "— v^-' If we do not fly, will devour us."* 1492 to After the death of Lorenzo de' Medici and In- ; nocent VIII. dark davs began to impend over General .. o x state of Italy. It is possible that the genius and experi ence of Lorenzo might have taught the Italian states the necessity of union, or, at least, peace among themselves, if they wished to escape the danger of foreign Interference. But now there lived no man possessed of influence enough to remove the jealousies and fears which threatened to make Italy a prey to Internal discord. The new pope, from some family reasons, had become hostile to the king of Naples ; while Louis Sforza, surnamed the Moor, the regent of Milan luider his grand-nephew, regarded the same monarch vrith dread and aversion. The cause of these 'feelings was the fact that the wife of the young Duke of Milan was the granddaughter of Ferdi nand, the King of Naples, and there was reason to fear that he might interpose to protect her and her husband should Louis make any attempt to possess himself of the ducal throne. It was generally beheved that he would scruple at no means to do so. In the meantime. In order to secure himself agamst future dangers, he thought it prudent to raise up an enemy against the King of Naples, in order to prevent him from disturbing ' Burchard (In Gennerale), pp. 208—210, and note. LEO X. 35 his neighbours. This enemy was Charles VIII. Chapter of France. That young monarch, vain and am- " — * — ' bitious, was early persuaded to resuscitate to his dormant claim to the crown of Naples, and to prepare to maintain It by force. Charles, although feeble in body, and still feebler in mind, was dazzled with the prospect of coming glory, and his boyish fancy was fascinated by the hope of winning a new crown, and of becoming, if fortune was favourable, emperor of the East. In the meantime he set out at the head of a considerable army In order to attack Naples. This event forms an Important era In the I'lo/mce ¦¦ and the history of the Medici. Upon the death of Medici. Lorenzo the government of Florence had de volved upon Peter, his eldest son. This young man had none of the great qualities of his father, and was vain, licentious, and arbitrary. Lorenzo, in describing his three sons, had said of them, that William, the youngest, was good, John, wise, and Peter a fool,* Peter, when he became his own master, gave daily proofs of his father's discern ment. He soon made himself extremely un popular, and completely weaned the Florentines from their hereditary attachment to the Medici. In justice to Peter, however, it must be re membred that he and his Government experienced * Eelazioni degli Amb. Veu. (Florence, 1846), 2nd series, vol. iii. pp. 51—62. d2 1492 to 15U3. 36 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter the flercest opposition from Savonarola and his partisans. After the death of Lorenzo the In fluence of Savonarola had increased to an extra ordinary degree. He was continually denouncing the rulers of Italy, and warning them that their sins were about to meet with signal" punishment. Foreign When It became knovm that Charles VIII. had policy of Peter de' crossed' the Alps, and reached Milan, the alarm Medioi. .^ _,, and consternation at Florence became extreme. The blow had been long Impending, but Peter had taken no kind of precaution against the danger which was now at his door. While Savonarola was proclaiming that Charles VTII. was the messenger of God, commissioned to execute judgment upon the people and rulers of Italy, Peter and his counsellors could not make up their minds whether to oppose or wel come the French monarch. Resistance seemed hopeless, and the only course left was to make the best terms they could with Charles. He visits The task of proposing such terms as might camp!^'^'"' satisfy Charles, without compromising Florence, was confided to, or rather assumed by, Peter. He set out for the French camp, but he was coldly received, and Charles seemed little disposed to desist from the attack which he had already commenced against the Florentine territory. He had in the first instance sent an embassy to Florence, and receiving an evasive reply to his 1503. LEO X. 37 demands, had assaulted and captured a castle Chapter situated on the Florentine territory. Peter, In ^^v^ these circumstances, deemed It his wisest policy to to make the most unlimited concessions to Charles, on condition that he himself, as ruler of Florence, should receive the support of the Idng. Tn pur suance of this policy Peter surrendered to the French the most important fortresses belonging to the Florentines, and then returned to the city, be lieving that he had consolidated his own tottering authority. But he was soon undeceived. No sooner had his proceedings become known at Florence than a universal ferment took place In the city. The hatred with which the Me dici had been for some time regarded now broke out Into open Insurrection. When Peter entered the city, and attempted to make his way to the palace, he was prevented from doing so, but no actual violence was offered to him. However, the hourly Increasing agitation filled him with such alarm that he resolved to seek safety in flight. His two brothers, the Cardinal John and William, were then residing in the city, and en joyed a considerable share of popularity. But the feelings of the people had been altogether turned against the Medici, and the two younger sons of Lorenzo had no resource but to follow the example of their brother. Jovlus, In his life of Leo, asserts that the cardinal was so unwilling 38 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter to leave the clty that he remained In it until his w-' danger became so great that he was compelled to ^to^ fly in the disguise of a monk.* This sudden revo- ^^"^^ lutlon must have been a terrible blow to the car dinal, then only nineteen, although prudent far beyond his years. He found himself an exile, without resources, and almost vrithout hope, to whatever side he turned. He had made the pope his enemy, and It soon became obvious that If Charles VIII. had made any promises to Peter, he was not disposed to fulfil them In the altered condition of aff'airs. Charles As soon as the Medici had been expelled from VIII. . enters Florence, Savonarola become the virtual ruler of the city. In spite of his religious enthusiasm he was perfectly convinced that any attempt on the part of Florence to oppose Charles would be ut terly futile, and could only terminate in the ruin of the city or the restoration of the hated yoke of the Medici. In these circumstances his great ob ject was to conciliate the French monarch, and to induce him to grant such terms to Florence as to leave her at liberty to regulate her own govern ment without foreign Interference. When, there fore, the distracted people repaired to the cathedral to hear their prophet-preacher, and to listen to his counsels, he urged them to cultivate union, peace, and charity, and to submit to the provi- ' Jovius, Vita Leouis, p. 65. LEO X. 39 dence of God. For the moment the King of Chapter France was the messenger and the representative ^y--' of Heaven, so that to fight against him would be to to fight against God. No advice could have been ^^^^' better suited to the circumstances, and, in token of their full approbation of It, the jeople sent Savo narola as one of their ambassadors to Charles. This embassy was successful, and Savonarola, In predicting the complete triumph of the king, pro bably made him more disposed to treat the Flo rentines with leniency. The treaty which was concluded left Florence practically Independent; while, on Its part, the city agreed to pay a large sum of money to the king. As soon as this treaty was concluded Charles proceeded to Florence, and made his entry Into the city with great magnifi cence. He took up his residence in the palace of the Medici ; but his visit was of short duration, and within a few days the Florentines were re lieved of their unwelcome guest.* No sooner had Savonarola and his friends got a new go- rid of the French king than they proceeded to estab- remodel the government according to their own Florence. notions. The Florentine constitution had under gone many changes, but it had always been of a popular character, — a character which It had os tensibly retained, even under the Medici. The SIgnoria, consisting of eight persons termed Priors, * Villari, Vita de Savonarola, bk. ii. chaps- ii. \ iii. 1492 to 1603. 40 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter and of a Goiifaloniere, or Standard Bearer of Jus- II- . tice, held office for two months, and exercised the chief executive power. But it is obvious that the nature of the government entirely depended upon the manner in which the members of the SIgnoria were elected. Some obscurity rests upon this point during the first ages of the republic, but it had been at all times the custom for the whole body of the people to meet together and confer • upon cer tain persons the balia — that Is, the power of elect ing magistrates and changing laws. Besides this occasional parliament there always existed a per manent council, to which was confided the task of electing the various magistrates. Under Lorenzo this council consisted of seventy persons belonging to the chief families in the city. In consequence of their long-established influence and general popularity the Medici always commanded a Urge majority in this council. As the members of the Signoria were chosen by this council they were in variably firm friends of the Medici. This kind of government could scarcely be termed a popular one, but neither was it a despotism, for the power of the Medici depended In a great measure upon their general popularity and their influence with the chief citizens. Thus, when Peter had lost the favour of the people, he could do nothing against his enemies, and it was to foreign aid that he looked for his restoration to power. The rule LEO X. 41 of the Medici was not, therefore, an arbitrary Chapikk tyranny, or a legalised domination like that of a '— /-^ King of Naples or a Duke of Milan, but a power to resting upon that permanent influence which indi viduals or families sometimes acquire In a free state. When Savonarola and his partisans undertook character the task of remodelling the Florentine constitution ^^^^ ^g^. it was their object at once to build upon the old ^*i*"*'°'^- foundations, and to guard against the abuses which had gradually grown up. Savonarola Is said to have been an admirer of the Venetian constitution, and was anxious that that of Florence should be assimilated to it, so far as the circumstances of the two states allowed.* It is probable that he, like many religious enthusiasts who have directed their attention to politics, had formed an idea of a go vernment which should, consist of the best men in the state, chosen by the citizens of established respectability. It was not the object of Savonarola, and has never been that of men of his character, to found a government, which, being dependent upon the masses of the people, must blindly obey their vnshes, whether they take a good or an evil direction. In his estimation, the chief duty of a government was to encourage piety and punish vice ; while in regard to taxation and other civil matters it was bound to act upon principles of * Villari, &c., bli. xi. oh. iv- 1492 to 15U3. 42 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter justice and equality. The will of the people was to be supreme when that will was in favour of what was good, but If that will was Ill-informed or perverted it was necessary that it should be opposed and constrained. The fair vision of a government representing God upon earth, en couraging and rewarding the righteous, and punishing the wicked, lay at the root of Sa vonarola's political opinions. To him the notion of a pure and all powerful democracy would have been, if possible, more repulsive than that of a personal domination entirely Independent of those whom it ruled. JouuSr*' '^^® composition of the great council to which, after the expulsion of the Medici, the government of Florence was confided, sufficiently proves that in our sense of the term Savonarola was very far from being a democrat. This council was a select body, not elected by the people,, but consisting of the most respectable citizens in the state whose eligibility was determined by certain tests. Those who had held high offices in the state, or who were descended from such, were members of the great council. A council constituted in this manner may appear very limited and exclusive, but In reality it was not so. Public offices in Florence were always held for a very hmlted period, that of the Gonfaloniers being vacated every two 1503. LEO X. 43 months, while others were so within six months Chapter . II. or less. The result of this arrangement was > — , — ' that all the respectable citizens of Florence, either to in their own right or that of their ancestors, were members of the privileged class. The number of the members of the great council when it was established under the auspices of Savonarola gives us an interesting clue to Its real character. When the list of those entitled to sit in It was drawn up It was found that out of a population of ninety thousand more than three thousand possessed the necessary qualification, that is, one in thirty, or If we estimate the adult male population at one-fourth of the whole, one in seven. Thus one Florentine citizen out of seven was a member of the great council. When assembled together these three thousand coun cillors must have formed a very promiscuous body. Among them there could not fail to be many poor persons, but the aristocratic element no doubt greatly predominated. But a tyrannical aristocracy would have been as hateful to Savo narola as a tyrannical commonalty ; the men whom he wished to make rulers of the state were those who were as much distinguished by their personal merits as by their social position. What he panted after was a reign of justice, purity, and righteousness, and if this could be secured it 44 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter mattered not to him by what machinery It wa^ '~-<-~' effected. * to After his departure from Florence Charles pro ceeded to Rome, which he entered peacefully. Progress ' . of Charles When the pope and king met they did so with heads uncovered, but Charles kissed neither the feet nor the hands of the pontiff. After concluding a treaty with the pope Charles marched southward. Naples was Ill-prepared to resist so powerful an enemy, and, indeed, general discontent prevailed throughout the kingdom, rendering the people more disposed to welcome than resist an Invader, Ferdinand, who was thoroughly hateful to his subjects, died this year ; but his son Alfonso was little better liked, and soon gave a proof how unable he found himself to contend with the difficulties which surrounded him by resigning the crown in favour of his son Ferdinand. The new monarch was very popular, but it was too late to repair the evil which had been done, and Charles VIII. met with general submission, and without a battle won a splendid crown. General This easy conquest aroused the Italian states combina tion to a sense of their danger, and a general com bination was formed against the invader. The chief members of this confederacy were Louis the * Villari, bk. li. chaps, iv. & v; Ammirato, vol. iii. pp. 206—207; Relazioni degli Ven. Arab. 2nd series, vol. i. pp. 60—67 ; Burchard) in Tlccard, vol. xi pp. 205!>— 2066. LEO X. 45 Moor, now Duke of Milan, the pope, and the Chapter Venetians. It was not likely that Charles, having ¦ — , — ¦ •' 1492 conquered the south of Italy, would allow the to • • • 1 • •/• • TJ3 1503. north to retain its independence, since, it it did so, it could easily Interpose a barrier between him and his new kingdom. The confederates assembled a large army in order to oppose the return of Charles to his own country. As the army of the king was far inferior in number to that of his enemies, he was sensible of his danger, and hastened his march as much as possible. In order to escape without a battle. But this he was not able to do. However, in a conflict which took place he was so far successful that he was able to continue his retreat, and to reach France In safety. But Naples was as quickly lost as It had been won. The Duke of Montpensler, whom Charles had left as governor of Naples and general of the French army, was compelled to capitulate, and soon after died. Ferdinand II. was restored to the throne, and on his death, soon after, was succeeded by his uncle Frederick. On his return homewards Charles VIII. had State of Florence, passed through Florence, and come into communi- 1496. cation with Savonarola. The monk spoke with his accustomed courage, but he also manifested the usual prudence of self-appointed prophets, that of making prophecies correspond with ex isting probabilities. The prospects of Charles 46 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter had become gloomy, and it was necessary to ex- V— v-' plain how this new Cyrus, commissioned by God, ^tr had done so little, and was likely to do still less in ^^"^^ future. The extraordinary and rapid success of, the French monarch had done much to increase the self-confidence of Savonarola, and his belief In his prophetic powers, but the events which had since taken place were in an equal degree calcu lated to discourage him. However, the man who has persuaded himself that he has been Intrusted with a divine mission is always able to explain the facts which seem to prove that he has been labour ing under a delusion. It was on account of his sins that Charles was now Involved in difficulties. Instead of having brought his undertaking to a permanently glorious issue. He was, however, to effect his retreat in safety ; but, If he did not re pent, God would visit him more severely, and raise up another In his place. Both predictions were fulfilled, and, no doubt, Savonarola believed that it was by a special divine influence that he had been enabled to utter them, but his own human sagacity may have unconsciously suggested them. All circumstances were in favour of the French making their way to their own country in safety, and the delicacy of Charles made his early death an extremely probable event, while If his life was prolonged, It might always be alleged that he had repented. LEO X. 47 While the French king remained in Italy Peter Chapter de' Medici and his brother the cardinal remained ^y^ inactive. But when Florence was left to her own to resources, and had become unpopular in Italy on ^^^ ^^^ account of her alliance with Charles VIII., the J?™?'? °^ ' the Me- two brothers deemed It a favourable moment ^'^i^ t° reinstate to attempt their restoration. Forces were col- themselves at lected, their partisans within the walls of Florence Florence. were warned to hold themselves in readiness, and every means was adopted to make a successful assault upon the city. But Savonarola was upon the alert, and from the pulpit In the cathedral denounced. In the most terrible manner, all those who should attempt to re-establish a tyranny in Florence. Death would be their merited punish ment. In this emergency the duty of every good citizen was to support the great council, which was the work of God, not of man. The actions of the government corresponded with the language of Savonarola. The property of the Medici and their known partisans was confiscated, and prices were set upon the heads of Peter and the Cardinal de' Medici, The result of this energy was the failure of the projected enterprise. This success rendered the government at Florence more confident and enterprizing, and It embarked In a war with Pisa. Florence had always regarded Pisa as a dependent state, and this claim it was now determined to main tain by force of arms. The war which ensued was of 48 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter long duration, and of no Interest except to the TT ^ -^^ parties engaged. But It Is undeniable that the to war was an exceedingly impolitic one on the part ^^"^' of the Florentines, and was one of the causes which led to their future misfortunes. Perseon- While thIs War still raged events occurred which Srivona- threw It completely Into»the shade. For a time ' Alexander VI. had treated the proceedings of Savonarola with indifference, and, perplexed by the political difficulties in which Italy was, involved, had neither time nor inclination to attend to a mere theological dispute. Be sides, the pope. If not a declared enemy, was a very lukewarm friend to the Medici, and It was as their foe that Savonarola was chiefly known. But In 1494 the partisans of the Medici had to some extent gained the ear of Alexander, and, at their Instigation, he sent a letter to Savo narola, inviting him to visit Rome. This letter was expressed In courteous and even respectful terms, and Savonarola replied to it in a similar spirit. HowevBr, he excused himself from accept ing the invitation on account of bad health, and of the danger which he ran from his enemies if he left Florence. The pope returned no answer, but Savonarola was led to believe that his excuse had been admitted. However, his enemies at Rome were determined to crush him if they could, and a meeting of Dominican LEO X. 49 friars took place In order to examine into the Chapter doctrines of Savonarola. The pope was present, ¦ — , — ' and manifested great bitterness against Savona- to . . . 1603. rola and his partisans. The majority of the meeting condemned Savonarola, but he was zea lously defended by" one young man.* This de cision encouraged the pope to adopt a more deter mined course, and he sent a brief to Florence denouncing Savonarola as a heretic, and. In a second brief, ordered him to desist from preaching. To this injunction he submitted ; but, during the carnival of 1496, he was permitted to address the people. This indulgence was followed by a hint that the monk. If he showed suitable respect and obedience to the pope, might be promoted to the cardinalate. f There seems no reason to suppose that Savona^ Savona rola was an enemy to the Cathohc Church or her theoio- dogmas. His theological opinions, so far as they opinions. can be made out, appear to have been perfectly orthodox. It was the evil lives of the clergy and the political pretensions of the court of Rome which he denounced, rather than any of the re ceived doctrines of the church. The result was that many most zealous Catholics regarded him with the highest reverence, and the imputation of * Arohi. Stori. Itali. vol. viii. Appendix p. 146. This account is given in a letter from the Florentine ambassador at Rome. t ViUari, bk. xi. ch. ii. E 50 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter heresy was regarded as a mere pretence to justify ' — ^ his persecution. His partisans and the mass of to the Florentine people regarded him not only as a faithful preacher, but as a prophet sent to re prove and warn the ministers of the church. With a man thus generally reverenced, and whose spotless and austere life was regarded as a practical testimony to the truth of his pretensions, it was difficult for such a pope as Alexander VI. to deal. Even bad popes — and Alexander enjoys the evil pre-eminence of having been the worst — have generally exercised their spiritual authority vnth prudence and moderation, when they had to deal with men who formally ad hered to the church, and did not assail any of the dogmas embodied in her infallible decisions. The prophetic pretensions of Savonarola, which were ultimately made the ground of his persecution and death, were not of themselves an offence in a church which maintained the continuance of mi raculous powers. No doubt the monk was one of those men whom all invested with spiritual or temporal pre-eminence regard with Instinctive dis like and fear. He was an honest man, whose con victions were dearer to him than his interests, and who sincerely believed that he wag. charged with an express mission to reform church and state. A pope like Alexander VL, sunk in the mire of profligacy, and devoted to self-aggrandisement,' LEO X. 51 must have regarded with mingled contempt and Chapter dread a man for whom the highest honours had ^^> — • 1492 no attraction, and to whom not only vice, but all to forms of self-indulgence, were abhorrent. In pro portion as he became aware that it was Impossible to conciliate such a man the pope began to regard him as a deadly enemy, whom he must crush In order to save himself. But, in such a case, the tortuous policy of the lawyer, rather than the ir resistible commands of the Vicar of Christ, was required. Savonarola was zealously supported by the government of Florence, and the Signoria wrote to the pope, bestowing the highest euloglums upon the stainless character and the pure and holy teach ing of the monk.* Alexander was wily and un scrupulous, and his great object was to get rid of this dangerous man without exciting general dis content. Nor were the friends of Savonarola un able to oppose the pope with his own weapons. His orders they treated with the greatest respect, and, when he threatened to place the city under an Interdict, unless Savonarola desisted from preaching, the Signoria intimated to its am bassador at Rome that it had directed Savona rola to cease from preaching, and that he had done so.f The government established in Florence, under state of ° Florence. * Archi. Stori. Itali. vol. viii. Appendix, pp. 165 — 7. t Archi. Stori. Itali, vol. viii. Appendix, pp. 167—70, and 172—3. e2 52 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter the auspIces of Savonarola, enjoyed for a time w-- great popularity, but it gradually became less ^to^ agreeable to the people. The city was visited ^^"^^ with famine and pestilence, and its peace began to be disturbed by continual struggles between contending political parties. The Medici had still many secret partisans, and, trusting to their pro mises, Peter de' Medici, In 1497, approached the city at the head of fifteen hundred well equipped men. But either his courage failed him or the strength of his enemies was so great as to render an attack upon the city hopeless. This attempt, therefore, like the one which he had previously made, came to nothing. The result was an ap parent triumph for Savonarola, but, unhappily for him, a new faction had arisen under the name of the Arrabiati, and this faction, while hostile to the Medici, was not less so to himself. The pope, although lending a nominal support to the Medici, was only less hostile to them than to Sa vonarola, and now lost no time In making common cause with the Arrabiati. The grand object of this compact was the ruin of Savonarola. But the task was no easy one, and the first plan formed sig nally failed. A great For a time, in obedience to the papal prohibl- takes place tion, Savonarola had abstained from preaching, vonaroiais ^nd confined hlmsclf to his cell, never appearing preac mg. ^^ p^^jijc^ g^^ qq Ascenslou Day, the 4th of May, LEO X, 53 1497, he again appeared in the cathedral, resolv- Chapter ing to preach once more, in spite of the remon- ' — , — ¦ strances of his friends. The sermon which he to delivered was upon the power of faith, and he took the opportunity of asserting In the strongest terms his claim to prophetic inspiration, exclaim ing, " I call to witness the Lord, the Virgin, the angels, and the saints, that the things revealed by me come from God, and that I have received them through divine Inspiration during the vigils which I have undergone for the good of this people which now lays snares for me."* These words excited a great tumult, and in the midst of it his enemies attempted to put Savonarola to death. But his partisans were still more eager in his defence, and he escaped unhurt to the convent of St. Mark. But this was only the commencement of the struggle ; for neither Savonarola nor his enemies could remain quiescent. The great object of those who wanted to ruin the monk was to obtain the active co-operation of the pope. This they at last succeeded In doing, and Savonarola was formally excommunicated. But for a time many of the clergy of Florence refused to publish this sentence. At last It was openly announced in * " lo chiamo in testimonioil Signore, la Vergine, gli Angeli, ed i Santi, che le cose da me rivelate vengono da Dio, e ohe io le ho avuto per divina inspirasione, neUe vigilie durate per bene di questo populo, ohe ora m'hisidia." Villari, vol. ii. p. 18. 1503. 54 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter the cathedral, in the presence of a vast multi- ' — r^ tude. Great agitation ensued ; ' Savonarola was to scarcely safe in his cloister, for the magistrates were unfavourable to him, and refused to pro vide for his security. But the next government which was Installed was more friendly to the monk, and no attempt was made against his person: Official efforts were also employed In order to Induce the pope to withdraw the sen tence of excommunication. In the meantime Savonarola had established new claims to the attachment of his fellow-citizens. The plague was then raging at Florence, and many friends had urged him to leave the city, but he was re solved not to forsake his flock,* He not only remained In the city, but attended upon the sick with untiring ardour and fearlessness. The disease committed terrible ravages, fifty to seventy dying in a day. Savonarola employed all his influence and eloquence to calm the minds of the people, and thus render them less liable to Infection. Happily, the plague did not long retain its viru lence, and about the middle of August had almost entirely disappeared. After the cessation of the plague Savonarola again confined himself to his convent, and took no part In public aff'airs. About the same time the city was greatly agitated by the ' "Non hovoluto abbandonare le pecorelle.'' Arohi. Sto. Ita. vol. viii. Appendix, p. 131. LEO X. 55 trial of seven Important persons accused of having Chapter taken part in the late attempt of Peter de' Medici. '—~^ 1492 Certain partisans of Peter, dissatisfied with the to treatment which they had received from him, had communicated to the Florentine government the names of those persons who were now upon their trial. Their guilt seemed clear, and they were condemned to death. Their friends made eager efforts to procure a suspension In the exe cution of this sentence, but in vain, and it was carried Into effect without delay.* In February, 1498, Savonarola again began to Savona- preach, and his tone was even more resolute andsumeshis uncompromising than it had formerly been. He 1498? ^°^' denounced In the severest terms the vices of the clergy, and boldly declared that the pope was liable to error, not only as a man, but as su preme head of the church. In all other respects he displayed his pristine zeal and self-confidence. On the last day of Lent In 1498 he distributed with his own hands the sacrament to great num bers of people, and after doing so ascended the pulpit. While the people kneeled before him he thus prayed aloud, " O Lord, if I do not act with sincerity of mind. If mj words do not come from thee, strike me this moment with thy thunder."t * Villari, bk. iv. chaps, ii. & iii. f " 0 Signore, se io non opero con sinoerita di animo, se le mie parole non vengono da te, fulmena mi in questo memento." Villari, vol. ii. p. 84. 56 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. t Chapter This deep persuasIon of his divine mission grew IL 1492 stronger from day to day, and he urged the imme- t^ diate assembling of a general council as the only ¦^^'"' means for punishing the vicious clergy and curing the multiplied disorders of the church. The pope again attempted to impose silence upon the bold monk, and Savonarola deemed it prudent to obey, although he preached one more sermon, the last of that series of discourses which he had delivered during eight years, and which had led to such im portant results. Thocauses There can be no doubt that from this time the of the di minished popularity of Savonarola rapidly diminished, and popularity i i -i , i . . ' i of Save- those who had been his warmest partisans became hostile or indifferent to him. It Is not easy to discover the causes of this change In pubhc opinion, but whatever these might be they had no connection with the personal character of Savonarola. His life was pure, as It had ever been ; and, as his conduct during the plague had amply proved, he was as ready as ever to sacrifice himself for the people. He had braved the power of the Arrabiati, as he had done that of the Medici; he had rejected the highest honours of the church, and the papal authority had not constrained him to forsake the cause of liberty or of religious reformation. Why, then, had he lost that popular favour which neither as a private or pubhc man he had done anything to forfeit ? The LEO X. 57 fickleness of the multitude— ?a multitude in this Chapter II. case consisting of nobles, clergy, burgesses, and ¦— ^— ¦ artisans — seems to be the only cause to which we to can ascribe the change of public opinion In regard to Savonarola. Such a multitude is sometimes swayed by the best, far oftener by the worst, of men ; and no permanent power or influence can be built upon its support, for It soon grows tired of Its favourites, and far sooner of the good than of the bad. The startling denunciations, the fearful prophecies, and the pure zeal of Savonarola had made a profound Impression upon the most care less, and had apparently led to a genuine religious reformation. But these effects were transient, partly because they rested upon no new doc trines, recommending themselves at once to the understanding, the conscience, and the heart, and chiefly because the emotions occasioned by the preaching of Savonarola were rather those of wonder and awe than of conviction, changing the current of Ideas as well as the moral character. During the period of Savonarola's preaching a succession of pohtlcal revolutions had supplied the people with constant excitement, and had led crowds to the cathedral to gratify their curio sity and pohtlcal passions rather than to obtain spiritual instruction. Savonarola, like his fellow citizens, was swayed strongly by the feelings of the moment, and his deep-seated belief that he 58 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter was favoured with direct spiritual communlca- ~— r~' tlons from heaven, rendered his discourses more 1492 to calculated to excite than to Inform and convert his hearers. Thus, when the times became com paratively calm, and Savonarola could no longer appal or delight his hearers by Imparting to his words the interest attaching to current events, the people still flocked to hear him, but were quite as ready to engage in an attack upon the preacher as to listen to his impassioned exhor tations. The fire In this State of things a Franciscan friar made tesf. . . a proposal which strongly excited pubhc curiosity. As Savonarola belonged to the Dominican order his vast popularity and influence had not been very agreeable to the Franciscans. Now, when Savonarola had ceased to be the Idol of the people. It seemed safe to make an attempt to de stroy his remaining influence, A Franciscan friar, whose name was DI Puglla, after having de nounced in the strongest terms the pretensions of Savonarola, concluded his harangue by de claring his readiness to pass through the fire In order to prove the truth of his assertions. This challenge was accepted on the spot by a Domi nican friar, who was an eager partisan of Savo narola, Savonarola seems to have been averse to the experiment, but then he had so strongly main tained the divinity of his own mission that to LEO X 59 refuse an appeal to heaven, in order to test Its Chapter reality, might have exposed him to ridicule and ' — . — ' contempt. Altogether, he found himself In a to false position, and at last gave his consent to the trial by fire, expressing the strongest confidence in the success of his own champion. On the 7th of April, 1498, and in the presence of an immense multitude, the two champions appeared in order to appeal to heaven in favour of their respective doc trines, or rather, in regard to the truth or false hood of the prophetic pretensions of Savonarola. The Dominican who maintained the cause of Sa vonarola, placed between two of his brother monks, and carrying a long cross in his hand, advanced towards the destined place, followed by Savonarola and two hundred Dominican monks, shouting "Let the Lord arise, and let His enemies be scattered." It is difficult to form a satisfactory judgment re- The test garding the circumstances which took place when carried the fire test was to be carried into effect. The partisans of Savonarola alleged that all the objec tions and delay came from the Franciscans, while they retorted the charge. The Franciscan who had giyen the challenge had withdrawn from the contest, and his place had been supplied by another monk of his order. It is said that this substitute began to shrink' from the trial when it appeared inevitable. He objected to various 1503. 60 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter portions of the dress of the Dominican, who there- " — , — ' fore made several changes in his attire, and laid 1492 . . . . to aside the crucifix which he had hitherto borne In his hand. But then, at the suggestion, as "it is said, of Savonarola his champion took the host which Savonarola held in his hand, and insisted upon taking it with him Into the fire. This at tempt elicited loud complaints from the Francis cans, who maintained that if the Dominican carried out his purpose his defeat would bring disgrace not only upon Savonarola, but upon the faith Itself, The dispute upon this point was carried on with the greatest virulence, both parties obstinately refusing to make a single concession, while the people looked indignantly on, fearing that after all they would be disappointed of their promised sport. Nor were they mistaken, for the SIgnoria, which was present In state, gave the signal for breaking up the assembly,* The popular in dignation was extreme, and vented itself exclu sively against Savonarola, whom It regarded as the cause of the experiment having failed. This fire test was well fitted to awaken the interest and curiosity of a vain mob. The masses of men are ever greedy of a carnal wonder, while they can never appreciate the spiritual miracle, which trans- * Burlamachi, pp. 76—79 ; Pico, 76—79 ; Villari, bk. iv. ch. vii. ; Ammirato, vol. iii. pp. 241—248 ; Archi. Stori. Ita. vol. viii. Ap pendix, pp. 176 — 177. LEO X, 61 forms sinful men Into living temples of God. The Chapter piety, zeal, and disinterestedness of Savonarola ^— r— ^ had been so conspicuous as to win for him the to respect and confidence of all classes, but now every voice was raised against him because he was suspected of having shrunk from allowing a vain appeal to be made to heaven on his behalf. The result of the attempted fire test was of the Imprison- utmost advantage to the enemies of Savonarola, Savona- and enabled them to carry out their plan for his destruction without Impediment, An attack was made upon the convent of St. Mark, and Savo narola and two monks — his particular friends — were seized, and conducted to prison. But it was not easy to bring any substantial charge against Savonarola, for his doctrines were orthodox, and his bitterest enemies could not assail his moral character. It was at last resolved to accuse him of deluding the people by pretending to prophetic inspiration. This was, no doubt, the point upon which Savonarola was most vulnerable, but what ever might be thought of the truth of his preten sions, no one could question that he himself sin cerely believed in them. This was obvious to his persecutors as to others, and their great object was to obtain from himself some confession of the charges made against him. But it seemed im possible to obtain this unless by the application of torture, and in the case of an ecclesiastic torture 1603 62 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter could not be employed without the express consent ' — ,— ' of the pope. This consent was asked for and ob- 1492 . to tained.* Even if the attempt to extort a con fession from a supposed criminal by any kind of torture was not in Itself utterly odious and wicked, a sufficient objection against It would be the un equal manner in which it operates. The guilty man may by mere physical strength weary out his tormentors, while the innocent man, having a weak constitution and susceptible nerves, may be forced into a false confession by bodily agony. This was unhappily the case with Savonarola. For days the ingenuity of his tormentors failed to shake his constancy, but nature at last broke down, and he confessed whatever they dictated. Even then they were not satisfied, and continued to torment their victim until they made him lay open his inmost heart, f The temperament of Savonarola was particularly sensitive of pain, and his long continued austerities had greatly weak ened his frame. In the midst of his agonies he is said to have cried out, "Lord, take, take my soul to thyself." J This affecting exclamation, • Arohi. Sto. Ita. vol. viii. Appendix, pp. 184 — 186, contains a letter from the Signoria thanking the pope for having given this consent, and describing the process by which some kind of confes- gion was at last wrung from Savonarola. t Continue que id agimus, ut vertamus hominem penitus. Archi. Stori. Ita. vol. viii.- Appendix, p. 185. t " Tolle, Domine, telle animam meam." Burlamachi, p. 146. "Iterum at que jterum efferre voluit Tolle, tolle, Domine auiraam meam." Pico, vol. i.' p. 77. 1492 to 1503. LEO X. 63 instead of touching the hearts of his tormentors, Chapter . . II- only encouraged them to greater severity, in the hope of attaining their end. This end they did at last obtain, and could assert that some kind of retractation had been made by Savonarola. But the weakness which yields to mere bodily pain gives place to firmness In the hour of death. The enemies of Savonarola could point with triumph to his torture-extorted confession, but the calmness with which he met death was little fitted to gratify their malignant hatred. The process against Savonarola had hitherto been carried on by the local authorities ; the pope now appointed commissioners to review this pro cess. These commissioners also made use of torture, and In the end confirmed the original sentence, which doomed the monk, to death. Before delivering over a person convicted of heresy to the secular arm, that is to death, it was necessary, if he was a priest, that he should be formally degraded from his sacred office. In the case of Savonarola the performance of this task was confided to one of his old friends and disciples. This man was now Bishop of Vasona, and perhaps it was not in his power to avoid the hateful duty which he was called upon to dis charge, but a significant circumstance proved that he viewed Savonarola with the bitterness of an apostate follower, or was anxious to disclaim all 64 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter sympathy with him by endeavouring to add to his ^^ last sufferings. In the formula of degradation the 1492 to words employed were, " I separate thee from the church militant." The bishop added to the for mula the words " and triumphant." Savonarola replied, vrith perfect composure, "militant, not triumphant, for over that you have no power."* The conduct of Savonarola until death put an end to his, sufferings was consistent with the calm dig nity with which he made this protest. His mar tyrdom took place on the 23rd day of May, 1498, and in the forty-sixth year of his age. t Thecha- The Career of Savonarola forms a memorable racter of ^ ^ _ Savona- epIsodc In the history of Florence, and even of Italy, and is intimitately connected with that of the Medici. Many have supposed that under more favourable circumstances Savonarola might have become the Luther of Italy. But this notion is founded on imperfect knowledge of the character and opinions of Savonarola. No man could be more zealous on behalf of what he beheved to be the truth ; no man regarded with greater ab- * '¦' Separo te ab ecclesia triumphante Cui Hier onymus mili- tante non triumphante, nee enim id potes." Pico, vol. i. p. 91. " Io ti privo della chiesa di Dio trionfante e militante ma egU subito rispose della militante, si : ma della trionfante, no : questo a voi non si appartiene.'' Burlamaohi, p. 159. f VUlari, vol. ii. ch. ii. ; Muratori, vol. xiv. pp. 692 — 694 ; Am mirato, vol. iii., pp. 246 — 248 ; Giuociardini Historia d'ltalia, vol. ii. pp. 152—158; Archi. Stori. Ita. vol. viii. Appendix, p. 191; Burlamachi and Pico. LEO X. 65 horrence the corruption of the church In its head Chapter and members, but, at the same time, no man was • — ^ 1492 more devoutly attached to the dogmas and prac- to tices of Catholicism, His example proves, if proof was needed, that many men imbued with the purest spirit of devotion find In the doctrines and usages of the Romish church the only nu triment which is adapted to their spiritual ne cessities. In his rigid self-denial, his stern con demnation of the ordinary pleasures of hfe, and the fond devotion with which he appeals to the Virgin and the saints, as ever present, and ever ready to aid the struggling sinner, we distinguish the characteristics which mark the Catholic saint. To the title of a theologian, in the ordinary sense of the term, Savonarola had no pretension ; it was as a preacher of righteousness in a most corrupt age that he is entitled to grateftd remenlbrance. He holds a high place among those men who, belonging to all creeds, have imparted life and energy to dead beliefs by the heartfelt earnest ness with which they have acted upon and en forced them, Savonarola was fitted to become the reformer, not the destroyer, of the Romish church, and, had he enjoyed the opportunity, might have performed for it that service which, in the latter part of the subsequent age, was ac complished by those who combined with a strong attachment to Catholic dogmas an Intense abhor- P 66 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter rence of that licentiousness and sceptical indif- "-^v^ ference which had provoked the denunciations of 1492 to Savonarola. , ' The transactions to which attention has been Cardinalde' Medici, directed must have been highly interesting to the Cardinal de' Medici, both personally and profes sionally. All the hopes of his family were bound up with the history and destiny of Florence ; his own ambitious dreams had their centre in the unimpaired greatness of the papacy. As a Me dici and a cardinal he was the natural enemy of Savonarola, and could scarcely witness his ruin without satisfaction. But there are no materials accessible to show what part. If any, the cardinal took in the persecution directed against Savona rola. The cardinal was tolerated rather than liked or trusted by Alexander VL, and he lived in as private a manner as his high station and family connections permitted. The reports of the Venetian ambassadors, which have thrown so much light upon the chief personages who flourished during the sixteenth century, contain one or two remarks upon the Cardinal de' Me dici. In 1500 the Venetian ambassador at the court of Rome gives an account of aU the car dinals. He says that the Cardinal de' Medici had little Influence, but was much praised for the decorum of his manners.* This account In- * II reverendissimo Medici ha poca reputazione e lodate di modi singolari." Eelazioni deg. Amb. Ven. 2nd Series, vol. iii. p. 5. LEO X. 67 dicates that the cardinal considered it good policy Chapter to refrain from interfering in public affairs, and w-' his youth was a plausible reason for this reserve. to But he could not abstain from taking an active part In the aff'airs of his family, for, although not its head, he was Its chief hope, not only because he was much more prudent and much better liked than his elder brother, but because his resources and high ecclesiastical position rendered his aid indispensable when Peter made any attempt to regain his lost authority at Florence. Peter lived at Rome, and his moral character seems to have formed a striking contrast to that of his brother.* But John was both now and at all subsequent times thoroughly devoted to the aggrandisement of his family, and uniformly treated Peter with all the respect which was due to its head. But failure after failure In their en deavours to regain a footing In Florence was fitted to convince the Medici that the former attachment of the Florentines to their house had given place to an inveterate antipathy. This antipathy was no doubt In part owing to the character and past and present conduct of Peter, but it had been con verted into a kind of passion by the invectives of Savonarola. In a word, under Alexander VI. the prospects of the Medici became more gloomy from day to dayj and there seemed scarcely * Villari, vol. ii. ch. i. p2 68 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter to remain a chance of their restoration to II. _, ' — , — • Florence. to The cardinal seems to have been of this opinion, rrx, ' and in 1503 left Rome, and made a tour in Ger- 1 he car- ' dinaivisits many and other countries. He was accompanied- Germany. -' ' by his cousin, Julius de' Medici, afterwards Pope Clement VII., and other friends. They travelled in the disguise of merchants, and a detailed ac count of their journey would have proved highly interesting. But Jovius and others give a most meagre narration of it. Jovius, Indeed, mentions that the cardinal was arrested in France, but this is almost the only particular of the tour which has been recorded. It Is from Burchard that we learn that the cardinal and his companions travelled as merchants. If we form our judgment upon the conduct which Leo X. adopted towards Luther and Germany, we must conclude that the Cardinal de' Medici did not take much pains to acquire an acquaintance with the countries through which he passed. An Italian who had never been out of Italy might be excused for despising the Germans, and treating their religious discontent as a matter of little moment, but a man so able and so ac complished as the cardinal should have been ca pable of discerning under the rough Teutonic exterior of the Germans that honest piety and stern obstinacy, when they thought themselves in the right, which make men invincible in a reli- 1492 to 1603. LEO X. 69 gious quarrel. Unhappily for himself, and for the Chapter church of which he afterwards became the head, the Cardinal de' Medici was too careless or too short-sighted to distinguish between the coarse ness which offended his polished taste, and the sterling virtues which, in the hour of confiict, are sure to obtain the mastery. On his return to Italy the Cardinal de' Medici, Alexander . . ' VI. and after a short delay, fixed his residence at Rome. Csasar He found Italy as he had left it, disturbed by the ambition of the French monarch, and disgraced by the crimes of the pope and his son Caasar Borgia. The account which Burchard gives of the conduct of Alexander VI. is so horrible as to be scarcely credible.* But although doubts have been thrown upon the trustworthiness of the diarist, to whom we chiefly owe the account of Alexander's gross Ucentlousness, there seems no good ground for rejecting his testimony, and his tone Is that of a man who simply relates what fell under his own notice. Be . this as it may, all authorities agree that Alexander VI. was a most wicked man, and that In this respect his children did their best to outstrip their father. Alexander was the flrst pope who acknowledged his chil dren, instead of bestowing upon them the deco rous names of nephews or nieces, f He seemed • Burchard, in Eccard, vol. ii. pp. 134—135. f Guicoiardini, vol. i. pp. 25 — 26. 70 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter to regard this acknowledgment as a kind of jus- ^—^ tification for exerting his whole power and influ- to ence in order to aggrandise his family. It was ^^"^^ upon his eldest son that he first fixed his hopes of establishing a princely house In the person of a Borgia. This son was created Duke of Gandia, and invested with various high offices. He was extremely licentious, and was perhaps on that ac count dearer to his father, who heaped upon him honours and riches. But the young duke had In his brother the most dangerous of rivals and the deadliest of enemies. Csesar, the younger son of the pope, had adopted the ecclesiastical profession, and had been elevated to the cardi nalate. But his profession was hateful to him, and he fancied that if his brother was removed he might be able to adopt the secular life, and win for himself a principality, perhaps a kingdom. At all events, he was anxious to prove that no unwillingness on his part to commit the most heinous crimes would stand in his way. One night, by his orders, the Duke of Gandia was murdered, and his body throvm into the Tiber. When the body was found it was at first chari tably supposed that the duke had been assassinated In consequence of some amorous intrigue, but It soon became known that the assassin was his own brother. This horrible affair produced great ex citement throughout the city, but to the father it LEO X. 71 was hke the stroke of death. Burchard states that Chapter the pope was so profoundly moved that he could -—^ neither eat nor sleep.* But although for a time to ' 1 f^n^ Alexander bent under this terrible blow It awoke no repentance, and his evil nature soon resumed its ascendancy. He now lavished upon the fratri cide the favours which had hitherto been reserved for his victim. Cassar was released from his priestly vows, and resigned the cardinalate. He succeeded his brother as standard bearer of the church, and prosecuted his ambitious views with an ardour and an indifference to all moral con siderations such as the world had never before vritnessed. His evil deeds are chronicled In every history, and were upon such a gigantic scale, that it seems almost ridiculous to apply to him ordi nary terms of reprobation. His wickedness was so great, and committed with such apparent un consciousness of Its real character, that we come to look upon him as a moral monster, to whom the ordinary rules of judgment are Inapplicable. The pope might have feared that the hand Death of • 1 • 1 Alexander which had been stained, with a brother's blood vi. would not much respect the life of a father. But then Csesar never committed a crime ex cept it was for his interest to do so, and nothing would have been more fatal to his hopes than the death of his father. The pope seemed to be f Burchard, in Eccard, vol. ii. pp. 2081 — 2083. 1503. 72 SELECT BIOGEAPHY, Chapter convinced of this, and on all occasions made com- II ^-v*' mon cause with his son, employing the whole to power of the church to aid him in his nefarious designs. Perhaps the most infamous act of which father and son were guilty was their attack on Faensa and their treatment of Its young duke, a boy of seventeen, Faensa at first made a de termined resistance to the assaults of Csesar, but at last submitted on the express condition that the duke should be left at liberty, and retain his pri vate fortune. This condition was shamefully vio lated. The duke was sent to Rome, and ultimately murdered, after he had been the victim of atroci ties which can find neither a name nor a place In history,* But the foulest crimes seemed to offer no impediment to the success of their perpetrators, and Alexander and his son encountered no ob stacle In their career of triumph. There is a natural desire in the human mind that great crimes should meet with a signal retri bution, even in this world. That such a monster as Alexander VI. should die a natural death was regarded as a thing scarcely consistent with the existence of a divine providence. Thus, it has become the general behef that at last Alexander perished, the victim of his own wickedness. It Is said that he and Csesar Borgia, ever greedy of money, entered into a plot to poison a certain rich * Guicciardini, vol. iii. p. 26. 1503. LEO X. 73 cardinal, whose wealth, If he died in Rome, must Chaiter II. descend to the pope. In order to carry out this ¦— v— ' design the cardinal was Invited to an entertain- to ment by the pope and his son. With one cup of wine poison had been mixed, and it was in tended that this cup should be handed to the destined victim. But by some mistake it was given to the pope, and fi'om him to his son. The plotters were too skilful and experienced not to render the dose strong enough for Its purpose, and the pope died almost immediately. Csesar, by the aid of his youth and strong anti dotes, preserved his hfe, but was for some time so weak as to be unable to attend to his aff'airs, at a moment when his utmost bodily and mental vigour was necessary In order to provide for his own security. This story Illustrates In so remarkable a manner the useful doctrine, that even In this world crime does not go unpunished, that we cannot be sur prised that it soon became popular, and passed from historian to historian without question. Jovius, a contemporary writer, in his life of Leo X., states the circumstances of Alexander's death as they have been now related, and his authority was considered sufficient to authenti cate the story. But when that story was more minutely examined It was found to rest on no solid foundation, Sardi, also, a contemporary 1503. 74 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter writer, and speaking on the authority of the s_Y— ' ambassador of the Duke of Ferrara, who resided to at Rome at the time of Alexander's death, asserts that the pope's Illness was a slow fever, and that the marks on his body, which were thought to indicate poison, were the result of a general cor ruption of the blood. Muratori gives a detailed account of the commencement, progress, and ter mination of the pope's disease. On the 12th of August he was seized with fever, was bled on the 15th, took medicine on the 17th, and died on the 18th, Raynaldus, the church annalist, gives substantially the same account as Mura tori ; and It must be remembered that both these writers, in common indeed with the great mass of Catholic as well as Protestant authors, have denounced, in the strongest terms, the wickedness of Alexander VI, Nor is there anything at all improbable in their narration of the pope's death. He was seventy-two years old, and had certainly not led a life calculated to promote longevity, so that even a shght attack of illness was hkely to prove fatal to him. It was Indeed a curious coincidence that Csesar Borgia should have been seriously, even dangerously, ill at the time of his father's death, and this fact not improbably gave rise to the current story about the poisoning. No doubt the ready belief which this story ob tained was in no small degree owing to a kind of LEO X, 75 reluctance on the part of the world to admit that Chapter so bad a man as Alexander VI, should have died ^— y--' 1492 peacefully at a good old age, full of years and of to honours. But we cannot set aside facts because they jar with our moral sense of what Is just and fitting,* * Jovius, bk. ii. p. 33 ; Sardi, in Muratori, vol. xiv. p- 29, and pp. 24 — 30 ; Raynaldus, Annali, vol. XXX. p. 415. 1503. SELECT BIOGEAPHY. CHAPTER m, FEOM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER VI, UNTIL THAT OF JULIUS III, 1503—1513. Election of The conclave which assembled after the death and of " of Alexander VL, as if to make some com- "^ ¦ peiisation to the world for having placed so bad a m.an upon the papal throne, chose as his successor the Cardinal of Siena, who took tlie name of Pius III. The new pontiff" was a man of sincere piety, virtuous life, and mild temper, and In all these respects a striking contrast to his predecessor. But, unhappily, Pius had no oppor tunity of displaying his excellent qualities, for his reign lasted only twenty-six days.* The conclave was resolved that the world should have good cause to lament the untimely decease of Pius III., for It chose as his successor the Cardinal de St. Pletro, in VIncula. He took the name of Julius IL The new pontiff was an old man ; but in age, as In youth, he was rash, impetuous, and irascible. He and Alexander VI. had been * Guicciardini, vol. iii. pp. 162—164 ; Muratori, vol. xiv. p. 31. LEO X. 77 deadly enemies, and while Alexander VI. lived Chapter Juhus had deemed it prudent to remain at a '— v — ' 1603 distance from Rome, He now, however, made to , 1613. common cause with Csesar Borgia, and it was to his influence that he In some degree owed the tiara. But no sooner had he been elected than It became his chief object to deprive Csesar of the states which he had alienated from the patrimony of the church, or otherwise usurped. Csesar was universally hated, and now, when the pope had become his enemy, aU his craft and want of moral scruples availed him nothing. In 1504 his ruin became complete, and he was dehvered up as a prisoner into the hands of Consalvo, the Spanish viceroy of Naples. Pie was sent to Spain, and detained in prison for three years. He, however, contrived to escape, and took refuge In Navarre, where he was soon after slain in some petty engagement. • The accession of Julius IL, although a great Theacces- calamity to Italy, was a fortunate event for the Julius ii. Cardinal de' Medici. The cardinal had been ex- Favourable tremely Intimate with Galeatto, the nephew oftC^o™ Julius H., and had been always regarded as a ^eMedioi. partisan of the new pope. He now became an object of special favour at the papal court, and the death of his brother Peter left him more fi'ee to adopt judicious measures for the restoration of his house. Peter was drowned while attempt- 1603 to 1513. 78 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter ing to ci'oss the Garlgllano.* It may be truly said that his death, which was to a great degree the result of his own rashness, was the only benefit which he had ever conferred upon the family of which he was the head. He had been a dead weight upon the friends of the Medici, of whom there were many in Florence, and of every class. But the remembrance of Peter's tyranny rendered him hateful to those whom he had formerly governed, and any attempt to restore him to his supremacy was resolutely opposed by all moderate men. But even when disembarrassed of Peter, the Medici had to wait many years for their reinstatement at Florence. In 1502 Piero SoderinI had been elected Gonfalonlere, or standard bearer of justice, for Hfe,t and the powerful party by which he was supported was not likely to yield without a severe struggle. Still, even at Florence, the death of Peter ren dered the prospects of the Medici much brighter. A Florentine historian states that, while Peter was detested by every body, the cardinal and his brother William were loved by many.| At Rome the presence of Peter had been a continual embarrassment to the cardinal, encroaching upon his resources, and bringing discredit upon the • Ammirato, vol. iii. p. 273 ; Guicciardini, voh iii. p. 207. t Ammirato, vol. ii. pp. 269 — 270. X " Pierro uomo a ciascuno come all inoontro el cardinale e Guiliano erano amati da molti," Pitti Historia de Florence, p. 87. LEO X. 79 common cause. Besides, Peter although fond of Chapter . ® III. pleasure, was never satisfied unless he was or- >— ^ — ' ganising some expedition against Florence, while to the failure of his successive attempts Irritated his friends, and convinced the world that he was an outcast of fortune, destined never to succeed in any enterprise which he undertook. The cardinal was far less impatient than his The car- 11 1 T n .11. • final's lite brother, and as to the future was willing to wait at Rome. the course of events, without attempting to pre cipitate them. In the meantime his life at Rome was in full accordance with his tastes, and afforded him the opportunity of appearing to the best ad vantage. He lived in a splendid manner, and became the generous patron of literature and art. The pope cared little about either, so that the palace of the Cardinal de' Medici became the resort of all those who had distinguished or sought to distinguish themselves in classical studies or paint ing and sculpture. The cardinal, ¦??ithout being a very learned man, greatly admired those who were so, and ' was always ready to aid them with his purse and influence. That influence was great, and from causes highly creditable to the young cardinal. His private manners formed a remark able contrast to those prevalent among the clergy, as well as the laity. The purity of his moral conduct was generally admitted, and It would be extremely unjust to deny that this was in the 80 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter highest degree creditable to him. He was still >— V — ¦ in the vigour of youth, and was placed under no 1503 . . , . to restraints except those imposed by his own sense of duty. On the other hand. If the cardinal was untainted by gross vice.s, it cannot be denied that his general life was rather that of an accomplished noble than of a high ecclesiastic, who attached due Importance to his office, and sought to fulfil Its sacred obligations. He never omitted, indeed, to observe the external rehgious duties which his station imposed upon him ; but his delight was in a magnificent estabKshment, literary and artistic cultivation, and free social intercourse, not always kept within the bounds of decorum. So far as his personal inclinations were concerned a life of luxurious lettered ease appeared to suit him best ; but he was at the same time ambitious, fond of political intrigue, and capable, on occasion, of acting with skill and vigour. If the account of Jovius can be reUed upon, the future pope pos sessed one essential quality of successful ambition, great self-confidence. It was impossible for him to maintain the establishment which he did at Rome without incurring great expenses, and those expenses far exceeded his means. When his friends remonstrated with him on this score, his reply was, " that great men were the work of Heaven, and could never want anything if they did not lack courage." A very convenient LEO X. 81 doctrine no doubt for great men, or would be Chapter . III. great men, when they require to draw bills upon ¦ — r-^ fortune, and give as an adequate security their to own mounting hopes. However, If the Cardinal de' Medici was not exactly a great man, the sub sequent events of his hfe in some degree justified his self-confidence. From the advanced age to which the new pope Conduct , J • 1 • . 1 ""^^ policy had attained it nught have appeared probable of Julius that he would have chosen a life of luxurious ease, such as that to which his young IHend the Cardinal de' Medici was attached. But no youthfid monarch burning to acquire military fame ever displayed more warlike ardour than the aged priest who had mounted the papal throne. He com menced his military enterprises on the plausible ground of freeing the papal states from the domination of tyrants. Powerful families had contrived to acquire an almost princely authority in different cities which were nominally subject to the pope. The chief of these families were the BaglionI, in Perugia, and the Bentivogli, in Bologna, Against these two families Julius directed his first efforts, and In both cases vrith success, for he entered Perugia and Bologna in military triumph,* But it was not only against his refractory vassals that Julius displayed his warlike energy ; he soon assailed a more formidable * Muratori, vol. xiv- pp. 63 — 9. G 1513. 82 SELECT BIOGRAPHY., Chapter enemy. Disputes had often taken place between >— Y.-' successive popes and the Venetians. The Vene- to tians were accustomed to treat vecclesiastical cen sures with a kind of contempt; and, possessing great resources, generally contrived to maintain their ground against the Holy See. To a man so proud and self-willed as Julius this appeared an indignity, which it became the church to revenge, as well as put an end to. He accused the Vene tians of having usurped certain portions of papal territory, and demanded the surrender of these. With such a peremptory demand the Venetians were the last people in the world likely to comply ; but the pope prepared to enforce his claims by means for which the Venetians were not prepared. The wealth, power, and pride of Venice had made her many enemies, and, indeed, she had no sincere friends. The pope, aware of this, set himself to concoct a league against the republic, and his ob ject was to render this league so formidable that its necessary result would be the ruin of Venice. Under the auspices of Julius II. the league of Cambrai was formed, and It Included among its members the chief potentates of Europe. The emperor, Ferdinand King of Aragon, and Louis XII., King of France, took part in the pope's scheme for crushing the Venetians. It seemed Impossible that such a confederacy could fail of success in the enterprise which they had LEO X. 83 undertaken, and those engaged in It had made a Chapter division of the spoils of the republic. For a time "— ^ all went favourably with the league, and the days to of Venice, as an independent state, seemed num bered. Desperate as their situation was the Venetians The pope did not lose heart or hope, nor that statecraft died to which had befriended them on so many critical tians. occasions. They clearly discerned that the pope was the soul of the league, and that to separate him from it would Inflict upon it a fatal blow. There was only one way of propitiating Julius, that of sacrificing the territories in dispute. A solemn embassy was sent to Rome to supplicate for the removal of the Interdict which the pope had launched against Venice, This request was at last granted, and, to the great indignation of the con federates, Julius deserted their cause, and warmly espoused that of the Venetians. The cause of this sudden change on the part of the pope was that, so far as he had any settled policy. It was that of excluding foreigners, or, as the Italians proudly termed them, barbarians, from the peninsula. His pride made it necessary that the Venetians should be humbled ; but, that object accomplished, the pope became sensible that the preservation of Venice was necessary to the safety of Italy. To surrender to France or the emperor any portion of Italian territory would be treason to the country, g2 84 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter and Jullus, however rash and passionate, was too ' — 1 — ' good an Italian to commit such a crime. to The emperor Maximilian and Louis XH, of 1513. • . The em- France viewed the desertion or treachery of the IhTkina P°P^ ^*^ ^^^ greatest indignation. They suddenly of France became alive to the fact which none but those threaten the pope wilfully blind could have failed to discern, that withdepo- '' ' sition. Julius was far inore of a soldier than of a priest. It was a scandal to Christendom that the common father of the faithfiil. Instead of being the resolute enemy, should be the unwearied instigator of war. Hints were thrown out that a council should be assembled, and invited to depose from his office a pontiff who so openly set at nought the duties of his sacred office. It was even whispered that Maximilian, always hable to be attracted by new and extraordinary schemes, was ambitious of ex changing the imperial diadem for the tiara, or even of uniting the two. A council actually met at Pisa, but It was attended by very few prelates, and its proceedings were regarded with general contempt. This attack upon his authority inflamed to the utmost the violent passions of Julius, and he forthwith excommunicated Louis XII. At the same time, in order to counteract any effect which might be produced by the council of Pisa, he summoned one to meet at the Lateran. rftwar ^^^^^ exerting his spiritual authority, in order in Italy, to Strike terror into his enemies, Julius did not lay 1511. ' •' 1503 to LEO X. 85 aside his mihtary ardour, and this year displayed Chapter it In a remarkable manner. Among his enemies was the Prince of MIrandola, and the papal army, under the command of the pope's nephew, besieged ^*^*' MIrandola. But Julius was not satisfied with the manner In which his nephew discharged his duty, and he himself assumed the chief command. The winter was extremely severe, but the aged pope moved about everywhere, not only indifferent to the snow and cold, but careless of the more serious dangers to which his rashness exposed him. He was continually urging his troops to increased energy, but it was at the close of the siege that he gave the most striking exhibition of his proud and impetuous character. The city at last deemed further resistance hopeless, and agreed to open its gates. But Juhus disdained to wait until he could enter the city in a peaceful manner; it appeared to him far more honourable to pass as an enemy through a breach which had been made in the wall ; of course no resistance was made, and the pope entered and rode through MIrandola as a conqueror.* In the midst of his warlike occupations, Julius Cardinalde* Medici n. became daily more attached to the Cardinal de' placed at Medici. He was about this time made legate of of the Bologna, and in that character took the command ^riy. of the papal troops. Florence, forgetful of the ^ * Muratori, &c., vol. xiv. pp. 108 — 123. 86 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter danger which It had run when it had incurred the III >— Y^ enmity of Pope Sixtus IV., now manifested hosti- ^to^ lity to Julius IL, who was still less likely than his-predecessor to forgive an offence. His anger against the Florentines, and his friendship for the Cardinal de' Medici, led him to favour the attempts which were making to restore the Medici to their former predominance in Florence. Circumstances had now become much more favourable to these attempts : the death of Peter had removed a pre tender whose name was hateful, and the cardinal and his younger brother had left none but agree able remembrances between them. The Floren tines, after having created a gonfalonlere for life, had begun to get tired of him. Besides, the war with Pisa was a continual drain upon their re sources, without leading to any important result. There seemed, therefore, good hope that the Me dici might, without resorting to violence, regain their former position at Florence. But these hopes were deferred for a time by important events whici took place in the north of Italy. Battle of -A-s legate of Bologna the Cardinal de' Medici ^^ivmna, ^^g present In the confederate army of Spanish and papal troops, which endeavoured to oppose the progress of the French, who were commanded by Gaston de Foix, Duke of Nemours. The Spanish papal army laid siege to Bologna. The French considered the rehef of this place a matter 1513. LEO X. 87 of essential importance, and a body of troops under Chapter Nemours succeeded In entering the place without ^— , — ' 1 503 attracting the notice of the enemy. The night of to the 5th February was extremely stormy, and, partly from this cause, Nemours was able to conduct his march without raising an alarm or provoking any opposition. Some hours elapsed before the confederates heard of this skilful exploit, and, when they did, they considered it advisable to raise the siege of Bologna without delay. After the two armies had made various movements, in order to provide for their safety, or to render an engagement, if It took place Immediately, favour able to one or other of them, Gaston de Foix re ceived urgent orders from Louis XII. to give battle immediately, since a victory was necessary in order to guard against new dangers likely to arise in Italy. Raymond de Cardone, the commander of the con federate army, had stationed himself near Ravenna, and, by attacking this important city, the enemy might be compelled to fight in its defence. Car- done determined to do so, and at last De Foix's eager desire for a battle was gratified. After he had relieved Bologna he had captured Brescia, and the loss of this place gave so much alarm to the confederates that they deemed it necessary to arrest the progress of De Foix at all risks. As they were more numerous than the French, the confederates had some reason to anticipate a 88 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter happy Issue to the battle in which they were ^^-w prepared to engage. This battle took place near to Ravenna. The conflict was severe and bloody, ^^^^' almost beyond precedent. The Spanish infantry fought with their usual courage, and, after slaying multitudes of the French, retreated in good order. But the Italian infantry acquitted themselves less resolutely, or the irrepressible ardour of the French, seconded by the heroic example of their youthful leader, made resistance impos- , sible. The leaders of the confederates set the example of flight, and the scene became one of general confusion and useless carnage. Gaston de Foix, in his eagerness to complete his victory and avenge the slaughter of his troops, pressed on the retreating Spaniards, and, while doing so, was wounded and thrown from his horse. The Spa nish soldier who had struck De Foix afterwards thrust his sword into his bosom, although the French general, Lautrec, exclaimed, " Do not slay him, he is om' viceroy, the brother of your queen." Gaston was the brother of Ferdinand of Arragon's second wife. The general slaughter In this battle was very great, amounting to eighteen or twenty thousand on both sides, according to the highest calculations ; and, by the lowest, the losses reached ten thousand. Two-thirds of the slain belonged to the confederates, but to the French the death of De Foix was a LEO X. 89 greater calamity than the loss of many thousand Chapter men. * ¦ — , — ¦ During the battle which terminated so disas- to . . . 1513 trously for his own friends the Cardinal de _ ' •^ Capture Medici was taken prisoner, and conducted to his andescape own rival, the Cardinal of San Severine, whom Cardinal . . . de' Medioi. the council of Pisa had appointed legate at Bo logna — an office to which Medici had been nomi nated by Julius II. The imprisonment of a member of the sacred college was loudly pro tested against by the pope, as soon as he had recovered from the consternation Into which the news of the battle had at first plunged him. But the treatment which the imprisoned cardinal experienced, at least from the people, was calcu lated to convince the pope that his enemies had as yet done nothing to shake his spiritual autho rity. The council of Pisa had, for greater secu rity, removed its sittings to Milan, and when the Cardinal de' Medici was conducted to that city he was received with the greatest demonstrations of respec;t. He had received from the pope autho rity to absolve those who had incurred ecclesias tical censures, and now crowds of soldiers re sorted to him in order to obtain forgiveness for having fought against the Holy See. The council complained of this, as an act > of open contempt * Ammirato, vol. iii. pp. 309—312 ; Jovius, bk. vi. pp. 62—66 ; Muratori, vol. xiv. p. 140. 90 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter to Its authority, but the French generals paid on ' — <—' attention to Its remonstrances. The general re- to verence with which he was regarded was pro bably one of the causes which led to the escape of the Cardinal de' Medici ; at all events he soon contrived to regain his liberty, without being In debted for It to the remonstrances of Julius or the generosity of the French. Progress Before the cardinal, by the aid of the peasants State of of the country through which the French were passing, had escaped from the guard set over him, his captors had been compelled to leave Milan, and were surrounded with difficulties on every side. The victory of Ravenna had proved a barren triumph, and. Instead of having gained any advantage by It, Louis Xli. had lost the duchy of Milan, upon the possession of which he set so much value. Maximilian Sforza, son of Louis the Moor, whom the French king had con quered and made prisoner, was now proclaimed Duke of Milan. The French were compelled to evacuate Italy like fugitives, and the inhabitants of the districts through which they passed, irri tated by past oppressions, or eager to maltreat and plunder the unfortunate, regarded every French soldier as their natural enemy, and, whenever the opportunity occurred, despoiled and murdered him. In the cities an equally cruel spirit of vengeance was manifested. In Milan, after the departure of 1503 to 1613. LEO X. V'l the army, an Indiscriminate massacre of the French Chapter took place, and\ fifteen hundred are said to have perished. The French, when - they obtained pos session of Ravenna, had shamefully pillaged It, after a capitulation had been agreed to ; now this act of perfidy was dreadfully punished, and made the pretence of a still greater breach of faith. The Bishop of Cittadi Castelll, lieutenant of the pope, granted an honourable capitulation to the French troops which occupied the citadel of Ravenna. But, after having done so, he delivered up the four chief officers into the hands of the populace. This populace, under the eyes of the bishop, took those four officers, buried them In the ground, with only their heads uncovered, and left them to perish miserably. If the French were thus treated, their allies could not expect much mercy ; and, while differing upon other points, all the confede rates agreed that It was necessary to act with the utmost severity against the republic of Florence. Florence, although it Inclined to the French, had not tal^en a decided part on either side, but Its policy had been of a timid trimming character — a natural result of the feebleness of its internal go vernment. SoderinI, the gonfalonlere, was not a man capable of inspiring his fellow citizens with that ardent love of liberty and independence which the preaching of Savonarola had infused into the humblest of the people. The city was a prey to 92 SELECT BIOGEAPHY, Chapter faction, and the partisans of the Medici became III. . >--, — ' every day more desirous and more confident of a to revolution In their favour. The pope and the emperor, who now acted In tions concert, demanded, as the price of peace, that the offered to ' ' i, -,.... \ . Florence Florentines should depose Sodermi, jom the league confede- agaiust France, and recall all their exiles. The emperor, indeed, offered them his protection on condition that they should pay him a large sum of money ; but MaxImlHan was not exactly the man to whom any one would give money in return for a promise. As negotiations proceeded it became more obvious that the confederates, reduced to great straits for want of money, were disposed to leave Florence independent, if she paid the re quired sum, forty thousand florins. Perhaps it would have been prudent for Florence to have yielded upon this point, but her government had neither the sagacity to submit to the terms pro posed by her enemies, nor the energy to prepare for resistance should it become necessary to fight in their own defence. The result was that the Spa^ nish troops, with the Cardinal de' Medici at their head as legate of Tuscany, received directions to march upon Florence, and to change the govern ment. Raymond de Cardone, the commander of the Spanish forces, marched without opposition to within fifteen miles of Florence, and then proposed conditions, which, under the circumstances, ap- LEO X. 93 peared very moderate. His demands were that Chapter SoderinI should be deprived of his office, and that '¦—r^ the Medici should be permitted to return to Flo- to rence, not as princes, but as citizens. In reply to these propositions the Florentines expressed their willingness to admit the Medici, provided So derinI remained at the head of the state, and no change wbs made in the government or the laws. This concession not being sufficient to satisfy Cardone, he advanced to Prato, which the Flo rentines were disposed to defend. The Spaniards being in great want of provisions, and not better provided vnth money, their leader Intimated to the government of Florence that it might obtain peace in return for furnishing his troops with sup- pUes and paying a considerable contribution. But SoderinI seems now to have dreamed that a suc cessful resistance was possible, and, as he rejected the terms proposed by Cardone, the attack upon Prato was continued, and the city was at last carried by assault, or rather. In consequence of the cowardice of its defenders. The atrocities com mitted by the Spanish soldiers are said to have been dreadful, the number of those slain in cold blood being from two to five thousand persons. When the citizens of Florence heard of this The effect terrible disaster their dismay and perplexity was at Fio- T 1 • n T • 1 n rence by great. In this state of things a number ot young the capture men, descended from the most distinguished fami- 94 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter lies, and who, while anxious to save SoderinI, were TTT • w-r-^ also partial to the Medici, formed a combination in ""^to^ order to protect Florence from the fate which had ^^^^- befallen Prato. On the morning of the 31st of August, the day after the capture of Prato, these young men entered the apartment of So derinI, and threatened to slay him if he did not conform to their wishes ; -v^hlle. If he did so, they undertook to preserve him from all per sonal danger. After having conducted the gon falonlere to a place of security, the conspirators summoned the existing authorities of the state, in order to adopt measures suited to the present emer gency. When the assembly took place those by whom it had been summoned proposed the depo sition of the gonfalonlere ; but only a very small number of votes was given in favour of this pro posal. Then Vellarl, the nephew by marriage of SoderinI, and who was also the leader of those who wished to overthrow him, exclaimed, " Those who vote in favour of the gonfalonlere seal his doom, for his enemies, if they cannot obtain his deposition, are determined to slay him." This threat had the Intended effect : SoderinI was for mally deprived of his office, and during the night he set out for Rome ; but, on hearing that the pope had confiscated his property, he did not im mediately proceed to that city.* After this in- * Jovius, bk. ii. p. 64 ; Giuociardini, vol. ii. bk. xi. p. 15 ; Nardi, bk. V. p. 253 ; Ammirato, bk. xxviii. p. 207. LEO X. 95 ternal revolution ambassadors were sent to the Chapter ¦Spanish commander to express the willingness of ¦^-r-' the city to agree to the conditions which he should to see fit to enforce. The conditions which Cardone specified were severe enough. He demanded eighty thousand florins for the Spanish army, forty thousand for the emperor, and twenty thousand for himself. Besides, he required that a Spanish -officer and two hundred Spanish troops should be taken into the pay and admitted within the walls of the city. All that he demanded for the Medici was that they should be permitted to return to Florence as citizens, and should be permitted to repurchase their property, which had been confis cated. These conditions, however hard, were submitted Restora- to, and, in the last of them, patriots discerned Medici, some hope of retaining their internal liberty. The brothers Medici, especially the youngest, were men of known moderation and mildness of character, and It appeared not Impossible to reconcile their restoration not only with the forms but with some portion of tho reality of liberty. Julian de' Me dici entered the city on the 2nd of September, and. In conjunction with the chief citizens, pre pared a law by which the democracy was modified without being destroyed. This law was presented to the grand council, and received its sanction. The chief changes proposed were, that the gonfa- 1513. 96 SELECT BIOGEAPHY, Chapter lonlere should hold office for a year, instead of for III. . . . . ¦ — I—' life ; that the majority of the elections should be to made by the balia. Instead of by the great coun cil ; and that that council, although with reduced powers, should be preserved. The gonfalonlere who was appointed under the new constitution was John Baptist Ridolfi, who, although a near rela tion of the Medici, had always shown himself a zealous friend of liberty. The conciliatory man ners of Julian de' Medici contributed greatly to reconcile the people to this new order of things, and It was obvious that under it the liberties of the people might be effectually preserved. It was un likely that the Medici should regain the unlimited influence which they had enjoyed under Lorenzo, and without that influence they could not exercise the absolute control over the government which had been formerly the chief complaint alleged against them. But if the friends of hberty saw in the diminished power of the Medici the best guarantee for the maintenance of a free constitu tion, the partisans of that family saw in this fact a strong ground for alarm. The desire which Juhan manifested to gain the favour of all classes, and even of the men who had been the greatest enemies of his house, was distasteftil to those who were more Medlcean than the Medici themselves, and who saw in the present conjuncture an admi rable opportunity for placing upon a firm basis the LEO X. 97 power of their patrons and their own. 'ihey were Chapter afraid that this opportunity might be lost if mild ^— y-^ counsels prevailed, and, therefore, they appealed to to the Cardinal de' Medici, In order to warn him of the danger, and to urge him to guard against It by adopting a more resolute policy.* The cardinal, although no friend of violent Policy and 1 . Ti- • 1 ' -i conduct of counsels, was a sagacious pohtician, and was quite the Cardi- sensible that, if things remained as they were, the Medici. restoration of his house might soon be followed by a second expulsion from Florence, The grand point was to convince the enemies of the Medici that they had completely lost their power; the next so to modify the constitution as to take from them all chance of regaining the ascend ancy. The constitution which had been estab- hshed under the auspices of Julian was far too liberal in the estimation of the cardinal, and almost invited the friends of the old state of things to form designs for regaining what they had lost. When the Spanish army was removed, when the pope and other Italian states ceased to concern themselves about Florence, then the patriots might resume their courage, and repeat the revolution which they had accomplished in 1495. Influenced by such considerations, enforced by * Nerli Commentari (Augusta, 1728), pp. 114 — 120; Nardi (Le Storie della citta di Firense), bk. v. pp. 251 — 268 ; Giovanni Cambi (in Ildefonso Delisie degli eruditi Toscani), vol. ii. pp. 312—322. H 98 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter the counsels of the most devoted friends of his " — r-' house, the cardinal resolved to avail himself of to the presence of the Spanish troops in order to „/^l, ¦ strike terror into Florence. He entered the city The Car- •' dinai do' on the 14th of September, surrounded by, Italian Medioi ¦¦• ' enters troops, agalust ,whom no attack could be made Florence r J o .¦ , „ • i 1 1- in military without provokiug reprisals from the tried soldiers who occupied the Spanish camp. In spite, how ever, of his offensive military demonstration, the cardinal was received with great joy, and so far as the masses of the people were concerned, this joy was probably sincere. But the steps which the cardinal almost immediately adopted were calculated to alarm the intelligent friends of liberty. The cardinal at first proceeded to his family palace, where he received the visits of the most distinguished citizens ; but on the following day he removed to the public palace, on pretence of visiting the signoria. Ridolfi, the gonfalonlere, had at his disposal no guard, either to defend him self or the national palace, so that the partisans of the Medici early made themselves masters of the latter. From this vantage ground they proceeded to carry out their ulterior designs, and the authori ties were called upon to summon a parliament of the people. Changes To demand such a measure as this was to made in -, ., i • mi • n -i. the Flo- demand a revolution. Ihe summoning of a parlia- constitu- ment composed of the whole people was always tion. 1513. LEO X. 99 the first measure resorted to by those who wished Chapter . IIL to introduce violent changes In the state. If the ^— y~' innovators were favom-ed by the people, this to parliament was ready to grant all the demands of those by whom It had been summoned; if not, general terror as effectually secured the object as popular passion could have done. How far the parhament now assembled was a fair representa tive of the masses of the people is a matter for doubt, for it has been asserted that very few citizens attended the meeting, and that it was chiefly composed of foreigners and soldiers. At all events it did the work which was required of it, by abolishing old laws and enacting new ones. All those passed in 1494 were abrogated, while a balia was appointed to which the whole adminis tration of the repubhc was to be confided. This balia was to consist of the gonfalonlere, eight new priors, and twelve persons from each of the four quarters Into which the city was divided, and eleven others, named arruoti or adjoints. This balia had the right of adding to itself new members, as also of prolonging its own power from year to year. Since the election of the gonfalonlere and the other magistrates was con fided to this balia. It was evidently nothing less than a self-elected exclusive ohgarchy. Once constituted. It became by its various powers the absolute ruler of the republic, and in the first h2 100 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter elections none but devoted friends of the Medici ^— Y-^ were permitted to be chosen.* Thus the Cardinal to de' Medici renewed the policy which had been so skilfully pursued by his father, that of estabhsh ing a government absolutely devoted to himself, while to superficial observers the people might still appear to retain a large share of power. The work of Savonarola was completely unmade, and his grand council, composed of all the elect or qualified citizens, was swept away in favour of a balia or body of men whose only merit was that of being devoted partisans of the Medici. But while the grand council, however numerous, was a strictly privileged body, the members of the balia might belong to any class, so that it was less likely to become a permanent oligarchy. But at the same time It was a most convenient Instrument for a tyrant, and under the Medici retained its vita lity until 1527, when the chief citizens again succeeded in restoring the republic. Death of Although Julius had^'^in a great measure suc- Julius II. 1 1 . 1 . -, . . . ceeded in his ambitious projects, having not only extorted important concessions from the Venetians,' but obtained from the Milanese possession of Parma and Placentia, he found it much more difficult to restore peace, than to excite war. Maximllhan Sforza had by the aid of the Swiss been installed • Giovanni Cambi, vol. xxi. pp. 324—320 ; Nerli, pp. 114—120 ; Nardi, bk. vi. pp. 259—269. 1613. LEO X. 101 as Duke of Milan, but Louis XII. was not Chapter disposed to rehnquish a possession to which he ^— y-^ attached an inordinate value. All the allies to whom the pope had united in the holy league were jealous of each other, and unwilling to make any concessions in order to facilitate the restora tion of peace. Ferdinand of Aragon wanted to extend his dominions, or at least, his influence in Italy; the emperor, in addition to that portion of Venetian territory which he still possessed, wished that his former conquests should be re stored to him, while on their part the Venetians were determined neither to surrender territory nor to pay money in order to conciliate Maxi mllhan. Julius also had projects of his own to carry out, and was especially anxious to crush the Duke of Ferrara, but he was sincerely desirous of putting an end to the war among the great powers. By the obstacles which he encountered his haughty and violent temper was irritated to the last degree. At one time he threatened to drive the Spaniards from Naples, at another, proposed to deprive Louis XII. of the title Most Christian, and transfer It to Ferdinand, while he claimed for the emperor all the advantages which had been secured to him by the treaty of Cam bray. At other times his old desire of expelling foreigners from Italy dazzled his imagination, and he beheld in the Swiss the men by whose aid this 1513. 102 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter great revolution might be accomplished. But, ' — r—' while his mind was distracted by these various to projects, he was seized with a slow fever, not violent, but obstinate. . The pope soon discerned that the 'hour of death approached, and he per- pared to meet it with firmness. His faculties remained unimpaired, and, in the directions which he gave to the cardinals who stood around him in his last moments, he manifested his ordinary pride and inflexibility of character. Those cardinals who had taken part in the council of Pisa were to remain excluded from the conclave, so far as Julius could secure this object when he was no longer alive to enforce it. It was not until he had Kngered a considerable time, and endured much suffering, that the pope died, during the night of the 21st February, 1513, at the age of seventy-two. LEO X. 103 CHAPTER IV. FROM THE ACCESSION OF LEO X. UNTIL THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE REFORMATION. 1513—1517. Hitherto it had been the general practice of Election the cardinals to select as pope a man far advanced in hfe, so that rival candidates might be the more disposed to relinquish their pretensions, In the hope that an opportunity of reasserting them would speedily occur. As the Cardinal de' Medici was only thirty-seven, his election as pope seemed extremely unlikely. Jovius, Indeed, insinuates that, in the opinion of some cardinals, Medici was not hkely to live long.* But, if such an opinion existed, it was confined to very few, and the election of Leo was owing to causes in the highest degree creditable to himself and the other car dinals. All historians testify that the elevation of the Cardinal de' Medici to the office of supreme pontiff gave universal satisfaction, and was regarded as a just tribute to his high cha racter. There is no proof that he himself took * Jovius, book iii. p. 68. 104 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter any active measures to promote his own election, ^-^Y— ' although he may not have been without hopes to that he should obtain, even thus early, the great 1617 . ... . object of his ambition. But, at all events, if he did adopt any means to advance his own preten sions, it has never been alleged that these means were unfair or corrupt.* The pro- Jt was the custom that ten days should elapse ceedings ¦' -^ of the after the death of the pope before the conclave conclave. _ '¦ ^ met to elect his successor. On the day of the pope's funeral a formal sermon was preached, and after its delivery the conclave met. The cardinals went In procession to the place of meeting, and each was accompanied by a servant. For a few days then* eminencles were allowed to enjoy their usual comforts, but in proportion as they delayed coming to a decision these comforts were abridged. Until at last the choice lay between an immediate election or semi-starvation. On the occasion of the vacancy caused by the death of Juhus n, the conclave met on the 3rd of March, but the Cardinal de' Medici did not join his colleagues until the 6th, The number of car dinals then assembled amounted to twenty-five. After their deliberations had lasted seven days the Cardinal de' Medici was elected pope by a majority of two thirds, f He himself says that he * Muratori, vol. xiv. p. 155 ; Jovius, book iii. p. 68 ; Guicciar dini, vol. vi. p. 78. t Raynaldus, vol. 31, pp. 4, 6. LEO X. 105 was elected unanimously.* This probably means Chapter that when It was ascertained that he had the great ^~~y^ . . 1513 majority of votes even the dissentients formally to concurred in the choice. The new pope took the name of Leo X., but before he could be fonnally crowned he had to go through certain cere monies. Although he had been a cardinal for more than twenty years he had never yet taken priest's orders. On the 15th of March these orders were conferred upon him ; on the 17th he received episcopal consecration ; and on the 19th he was crowned. After he had celebrated his first mass the tiara, or triple crown, was placed on his head by two cardinals, f For many years past the character and conduct ExpecU- of the men who had successively held the office formed re- of supreme pontiff had filled the Christian world fl^e new with sorrow and shame. But with the accession ^°^^' of Leo X. a new era was confidently anticipated. He was in the prime of life, and men fond of drawing parallels between past and present history recalled the fact that Innocent III. had also as cended the papal throne at the age of thirty-seven. When Innocent became the spiritual ruler of Christendom heresy threatened to dismember the church, while many sovereigns exhibited a dis position to cast off their dependence upon the • Bembi Epis. Leonis decimi, book i. Epis. i. f Raynaldus, vol. ixxi. pp. 6, 6 ; Jovius, b. iii. 1617. 106 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter Holv See. To save the church from those multi- IV. . . ' — r~' pUed dangers it was necessary that its government to should be directed by a ruler of strong religious convictions, firm will, and endowed with the faculty of governing men. All these quahtles were combined In Innocent In an eminent degree ; and although, considering his age, his reign was short. It lasted long enough to enable him to repress the outbreak which had taken place against the doctrines and discipline of the church, while it added dignity to that exalted office which the weakness or immorahty of preceding popes had discredited. The task which his elevation to the papacy Imposed upon Leo X. was in appearance less arduous than that which Innocent III. had to encounter, but in reality it was far more so. Heresy had not as yet taken up an attitude of formal opposition to the church, but discerning men perceived in the signs of the times the advent of a great religious contest or revolution. The eager desire manifested in favour of intellectual culture by the higher classes, and the general In dignation which the gross abuses of the church had provoked, had led many to disbelieve In her doctrines, or to regard her as so sunk in the mire of corruption that none but the most violent remedies could save her from destruction. In such a state of things the very foundations of the faith appeared to be In danger, while the outward LEO X. 107 fabric In which it was enshrined seemed to be Chapter IV. doomed to destruction. Leo X., however, was "^^ ^ — ' regarded as a man every way fitted to overcome to those perils. His age afforded a reasonable pros pect that if he originated plans of reform he would live to complete them ; while the political power which he enjoyed In Italy afforded him peculiar faculties for enforcing his views upon princes and people. But neither his youth nor his pohtlcal influence appeared so well calculated to contribute to his success as a religious reformer, as his literary reputation and the purity of his manners. A pope on whose moral character, even, in the ardour of youth, no stain had been cast, was well entitled to reprove the disorders which had long disgraced all orders of the clergy, not excepting the supreme pontiffs themselves. But the hcentlousness of her office bearers was even less dangerous to the sta bility of the church than the spirit of scepticism diffused among all men of intellectual cultivation and enlarged knowledge. Against this danger, which became daily more urgent, what better safeguard could there be than in the election of a pope who was himself a man of literary tastes and culture, and who associated on the most intimate terms with all who had most contributed to the revival of letters. The general testimony as to the hopes which Leo x. . . 1 . 111-11 1 "1 fitted to Leo s accession excited is equally decided as to tho fulfil their 108 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter disappointment which ensued. The qualities of >— ~r^ Leo were showy and attractive, and he also ^to^ possessed solid virtues which entitled him to re- ^^^^' spect. But there was one defect In his character, which neutralised its other excellencies, at least, ' so far as the duties of his high office were con cerned. It would be unjust to allege that Leo did not believe in that faith which it was his chief duty to maintain and extend, but neither did religion possess In his eyes that supreme impor tance which it had in those of Innocent III. and other great pontiffs, who had beejj the means of rescuing the church from its greatest perils. Innocent III. was a great prince, but he was also a zealous preacher and a skilful theologian. He no doubt attached a high value to his temporal sovereignty, but for him his spiritual authority had an unspeakeably greater value. No man possessed more of that practical sense which Is required to deal wisely with the exigencies which take place in human affairs, but then he was at the same time animated by profound religious enthusiasm and a deep-rooted conviction that he was the very vicar of God upon earth, and as such bound to maintain the cause of truth and righteous- > ress against the most powerful monarchs. He ac complished great things for the church and for society, because he was pre-eminently a religious man — that is a man governed by the persuasion 1513 1617. LEO X. 109 that the claims attached to his high office were Chapter . . IV- well founded, and could not be relinquished with out denying God and bringing destruction upon ^to the world. The three greatest names which adorn the history of the papacy — Gregory I., Gregory, VII., and Innocent IH., were those of men especially distinguished by their profound religious convictions. The difficulties which they en countered they overcame not so much by their intellectual pre-eminence, as by their unshaken belief rising continually to the pitch of a fervid enthusiasm, that the cause which they maintained was indeed the cause of God. It was the constant manifestation of this belief which subdued the multitude and awed the mightiest monarch, investing those popes with moral supremacy, which no mere earthly force could resist. But to this strong faith, this religious enthu siasm, Leo X. was a compile stranger. His moral and ai-tlstlc qualities were a sufficient guarantee that, under him, the external services of the church would be performed with becoming splendour and decorum, and that he himself would participate in them with that frequency and pro priety which became his high station. But Into that world, of which religious emotion Is the moving spring, Leo had no insight. He was familiar with the ordinary motives by which men are influenced, but entirely Ignorant that the spi- 1517. 110 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter ritual element In human nature, however gross ' — , — ' may be the form which it assumes, is in reahty 1613 . . to not only the loftiest but the most practical part of man's existence. The discussions which to mere intellect appear vain and frivolous have in them germs of reahty and truth, capable of rousing mil lions, and of effecting the mightest revolutions in human character and history. Leo X, could have filled a secular throne with credit to himself and advantage to his subjects; but, as a spiritual ruler, the most fanatical monk would have been more likely to be successful. The Romish church has on many occasions escaped from great diffi culties by the prudent and •temporising policy of its rulers ; but at every time of real peril it has been rescued from destruction by the ardent zeal and unshaken obstinacy with which Its ministers maintained doctrines which, to themselves, were the sources of spiritual hfe and hope. When a church has to be founded or defended, the one thing needful is zeal, founded upon a faith which has became a portion of a man's nature, and can be shaken neither by argument nor fact, becoming only the more powerful in proportion as it is above or against reason. When this zeal is united, as It often is, with great intellectual capacity, it be comes an instrument of power, compared with which the most consummate statecraft is mere child's-play. The utter absence of this zeal, or LEO X. Ill ; to it, is the chief cause why Leo's reign proved so disastrous to the church of anything approaching to it, is the chief cause why Chapter which he was the head, to -r 1 . „ , . . . . 1617. Leo lost no time after his accession m proving t > g^ ^ to the world that he was determined to continue proceed ings. that patronage of Hterature and art which had distinguished him while a cardinal. He named as his secretaries Bembo and Sadoleto, the two most learned men and learned writers of the age. Both were subsequently made cardinals. Men of letters and artists of all kinds looked upon the accession of Leo as a kind of jubilee, or fore runner of a golden age, in which genius should receive rewards which had been hitherto reserved for military success or rehgious bigotry. The new pope had celebrated his accession with unexampled magnificence, and, no doubt, his prodigality was agreeable to all those who find their advantage in the lavish generosity of a prince ; but by aU impar tial men this prodigality wa,s regarded as a bad omen of those reforms of which a judicious eco nomy lay at the root. But economy was not one of Leo's virtues, and, in his eyes, the chief value of money was that it enabled him to reward suit ably those who adorned the city with splendid buildings, or who, by their rare excellence in lite rature and art, might Immortalise his reign as a new Augustan era. This ambition was laudable, and, kept within reasonable bounds, was worthy of 112 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter a great prince, and fitted to promote the welfare >— , — ' of those over whom he reigned. But then Leo 1613 . . to extended his generosity not only to men of rare merit, but to all those who contributed to the amusement of his vacant hours. He was fond of conferring favours, and Jovius says of him that when he was compelled to refuse an application he was always eager to soothe the disappointed one by tender excuses, and especially by holding out the hope that he might be more fortunate at another time. Grace In refusing, as well as in conferring favours. Is, no doubt, an attractive quahty in a prince, but It is closely allied to that vanity which leads him to squander upon worth less favourites resources which are wrung from the tears of a nation. ¦ Leo's Ita- At Rome, and In the midst of his court, filled an po icy ^j(.]j ^j^g most distinguished men of Italy and other countries, Leo appeared to great advantage ; but his Italian policy exhibited him In a less favour able light. Like all patriotic Italians he was anxious to deprive foreign powers of the terri tories which they possessed in Italy, but then this desire was Intimately connected with views of family aggrandizement. The nepotism which preceding popes had displayed in favour of their natural children was by Leo directed towards his brother and nephews. His brother was the ruler of Florence, but Leo Indulged in the dream of 1617. LEO X. 113 making him King of Naples. His own age Chapter naturally led the pope to anticipate a long reign, "^ — r-' and. If Naples and Florence were placed under to members of his family, he himself, as head of that family and Pope of Rome, would become supreme in Italy. Had Leo been a secular prince this am bitious vision could not have been much censured, but he was the spiritual ruler of Christendom, as well as an Italian and a Medici, and the charge to which he Is justly liable is that he preferred the less to the greater, and thought more about pro moting the interests of the Medici than about the welfare of that church of which he was the head. Leo concerned himself so much about the Medici and Italy that he forgot that, as pope, he had neither relations nor a country, and that it was only in strict subordination to his higher duties that he could trouble himself about the temporal interests of families or nations. Nor, even when the church was directly concerned, did Leo ever rise above the grovelHng considerations connected with its temporal possessions.* No doubt this was a venial offence, even In the eyes of zealous churchmen, but then It continually led the pope to quarrel with one or other of his crowned children. It was the eldest son of the church against whom the pope first directed his hostility. The * Muratori, vol. xvi. pp. 176—180. I 114 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter desire of annexing to the patrimony of St, Peter ^— ^ the cities of Parma and Piacenza was the chief to motive which led Leo to range himself among the ^^^'^' enemies of France. These two cities belonged to the duchy of Milan, but the Holy See had always laid claim to them as originally wrested from her dominion, Julius II, had obtained temporary possession of them, but they had now reverted to Maximilian Sforza, as Duke of Milan. To obtain the surrender of them from this prince was now the leading object of Leo's policy, and there appeared a probability that he might suc ceed. The French had been driven out of the Milanese and Lombardy, but Louis XH. had by no means given up his pretensions to' the duchy, and would probably attempt to enforce them as soon , as a favourable opportulty occurred. In these circumstances the friendship and the support of the pope were of great importance to Sforza, and he at least consented to relinquish Parma and Piacenza. This was a great triumph for Leo, but a sad reverse soon followed, Francis I. ^^^ 1515 the death of Louis XII. placed Mii^^^ Francis upon the throne of France. He possessed ^^^^- the same right to Milan as his predecessor, and soon intimated his intention of maintaining it by force of arms. Francis was In the prime of early youth, full of military ardour, and surrounded by a nobility as eager as himself to engage in some LEO X. 115 warlike enterprise which might redound to the Chapter glory of the new reign. To a young man vain '— y— ' and ambitious it appeared an act of pusillanimous to folly to relinquish a splendid inheritance to which he had an undoubted claim. Nor If the under taking was glorious and profitable, did there appear any chance of its failure. With what hope could Italians oppose an enemy which had won so many triumphs in their country. Had not Gaston de Foix obtained a signal victory over Italians and Spaniards united, and there was now no danger of the Spaniards interfering to protect Milan. As soon as it had become known that the new Battle of Maregnan. King of France was preparing to attack Milan, the pope and the duke became fully sensible of the danger which impended over them. Little confidence could be placed in any troops which they themselves could raise, but then they could depend upon the aid of the Swiss, who were reckoned the bravest soldiers in Europe, and al most Invincible. It was by the support of the Swiss that Sforza had obtained the duchy, and he retained a large number in his pay. The intelli gence of his danger was likely to bring many more into the field. Semler, Cardinal of Sion, the implacable enemy of France, and the devoted friend of the Holy See, had vast influence among the Swiss cantons, and wherever he unfurled his standard great numbers of recruits flocked to It. i2 116 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter The cardinal was, like Julius IL, more a soldier ^-y—' than a priest, and constantly appeared at the head of ^ to the Swiss troops, animating them by his harangues, ^*^''' and sharing In their dangers. In consequence of the efforts of the cardinal on the present occasion, a large force was assembled, and prepared to dis pute the passage of Francis. The king was not a little embarrassed by these movements, and en deavoured to open negotiations with the Swiss, Money generally exercised an irresistible influence over them, but on this occasion they were deaf to the most splendid offers, and a battle became Iq- evitable. The hostile armies encountered each other near Maregnan, and the conflict which ensued was one of the flercest and best contested which has ever taken place. It was termed the battle of the giants, and after two days' fighting It terminated In favour of the French. The Swiss, however, retreated in excellent order, and the enemy did not deem it prudent to pursue them. The defeat of the Swiss led of necessity to the conquest of the Milanese, and Maximilian Sforza exchanged his dukedom for an annual pension. Embar- The vlctory of the French at Maregnan placed of^Le™ Leo in a position of great difficulty. A Venetian ambassador who at the time resided at Rome gives a graphic account of the varying emotions of the pope as news arrived from the field of 1513 to 1417. LEO X. 117 battle, and on hearing of the final catastrophe. Chapter The first Intelligence received at Rome was to the effect that the Swiss had gained a great victory. It was the disagreeable duty of the ambassador to dispel the joy which this news had occasioned to Leo and his courtiers. The pope was not an early riser, and when the ambassador reached the palace his holiness was still In bed. But so anxious %vas he to hear the news, that before he was fully -pressed he gave the Venetian an audience. He affected to discredit the intelh- gence, but when the ambassador read dispatches from his senate, announcing the French victory, there was no longer room for doubt. The Venetians were favourable to the French, and the ambassador did not mince his terms when he informed the pope of the real facts : " Holy Father, yesterday your Holiness gave me news which were disagreeable and false, to day, I furnish you with intelligence agreeable and true. The Swiss are beaten." * The pope, after reading the letters presented to him by the ambassador, said, " What will be the consequence to us and to you? " The reply was, that the Venetians were in alli ance with the most Christian king, and that his success must be of advantage to them. In order, "Padre Santo, ieri, Vostra Santita mi diede de una cattiva nuova o falsa ; io glieno diro oggi una buona, e vera : gli Svizzcri sonit rotti." Rclaz. dcq;. Amb. Ven. 2nd scries, vol. iii. p. 43. 118 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter howevcr, to soothe the evident alarm of Leo, the IV . . '-^ , — ' ambassador added, " Neither will any harm befall 1513 to your Holiness." * On a subsequent occasion the 1517 pope said, " We shall place ourselves in the hands of the most Christian king. Imploring his pity." The consoling reply made by the ambassador was, " Neither your Holiness nor the Holy See will suffer any harm ; the king Is the eldest son of the church." t Leo makes The consolatlous of the ambassadors were well peace with Francis, founded. An alliance with the pope was always him at courtcd by the most powerful sovereigns, and, if they Bologna. ,, -, , . , . ., were compelled to make war against him, they were always eager to bring It to a close. The French monarch was no exception to this rule, although he was not disposed to carry his complaisance for the pope so far as to relinquish territories which he regarded as inalienable parts of the duchy of Milan. It was necessary, then, to relinquish Parma and Piacenza, which the pope, having no remedy, did with a heavy heart. But, this matter arranged, the two sovereigns testified towards each other the most cordial friendship. They agreed to * " Quod ergo de nobis et quid de vobis L'oratore rispose di iioi sara bene, che siamo col Christianissimo re e vostra santita non an-a male alcuno." Relaz. deg. Amb. Ven. 2nd series, vol. iii. p. 43. t " E il papa disse poi; domine orator vedremo quel che fara el re Chris tianissimo : oi metter emo nelle sui mani dimandando misiricordia. L'oratore rispose, Padre Santo, vostra Santita noa avra danno alcuno, ne questa Santa Sede: il re e figliuolo di essa." Rela. deg. Amb. W-n. 2nd series, vol. iii. pp. 44, 45. LEO X. 119 meet at Bologna. On his journey to that place Chapter Leo passed through Florence, and was received "— ^i — ' vrith great splendour and general joy in his native to city. The Bolognese were not so well disposed towards him, but their hostility or Indifference was amply compensated by the kindness and respect which Francis manifested. The pope did his utmost to please the French monarch and his courtiers, and as .Francis, if not learned^ himself, delighted In the society of those who were so, he must have found a man so accomplished and re fined as Leo an agreeable companion. But the meeting at Bologna was also devoted to more Im portant matters than the pleasures of social inter course. The pragmatic sanction, by which the power of the pope was greatly curtailed, and, the independence of the Galilean church placed upon a legal foundation, had, from the time of Its enactment, been protested against by successive popes. But the parliaments and clergy of France were strongly attached to the pragmatic, as the safeguard of their religious liberties against the continual encroachments of the papacy. Now, however, Francis I. and his chief minister, the Chancellor Duprat, were disposed to sacrifice the pragmatic sanction, on condition of receiving In favour of the crown certain important privi leges. After much deliberation it was resolved to substitute for the pragmatic sanction a con- 120 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter cordat, which, while It conferred upon the crown ' — -r^ the right of appointing persons to fill the blshop- to rics and higher ecclesiastical dignities, entitled the pope to receive, as formerly, the annates, or first fruits of every vacant benefice. This was a great triumph for Leo, and on this occasion, as on so many others, the papacy benefited by its misfor tunes, and obtained from its triumphant enemies concessions which force could never have wrung from them. Death of The triumph which Leo had obtained in his ne- brother. gotlatlous with France was embittered by a severe domestic calamity, Julian de' Medici was the son whom his father, Lorenzo had termed the good, and his disposition seems to have been more amiable than that of either of his brothers. For this brother, who was himself unambitious, the pope had formed the most splendid projects. Until a kingdom could be obtained for him it was desirable to place him in a position of high dignity, and to endow him with the wealth by which that dignity might be maintained. A suitable matrimonial alliance would also prove of great benefit to Julian in his upward career, and this alliance was obtained. He was married to Philiberta, sister of the Duke of Savoy, and of Louisa, mother of Francis I. The lady brought no dowry ; as for that her high rank was regarded as an ample substitute. The pope took upon him- LEO X. 121 self the charge of providing for the new married Chapter couple. This he did in a manner creditable to his > — ,~' 1613 generosity, but burdensome to his subjects. An to income of forty-eight thousand ducats was as signed to Julian, In addition to the large salary which he received as captain-general of the church. Nor was the bride forgotten, for the pope bestowed upon her a separate Income of three hundred ducats a month. It was intended that Julian and his wife should hold a court in . Rome, so that It might be assimilated to other royal cities. As a foretaste of the future the pope made the most lavish preparations for the reception of his brother and his sister-in-law. On these preparations he Is said to have expended one hundred and fifty thousand ducats.* But the death of Julian, which took place on the 17tli March, 151 6,t put an end to all the projects which had been formed in his favour. But the death of his brother did not lead Leo The pope to relinquish those schemes of family aggrandise- the d^uchy ment which Involved him in such vast expenses, l^^ con°°' and led him to engage in Intrigues and enterprises u'!^ou ^ig disgraceful to his sacred character. Lorenzo, son ""P^^®^- of Peter de' Medici, was now adopted by Leo as the lay head of the family. The desire to make this young man the founder of a princely house * Muratori, vol. xiv. p. 180; Guicoiardini, vol. vi. p. 211. f Bembi, Epis. b. xi ep. iv. 122 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter led the pope to engage~in an undertaking deeply wv-^ discreditable to hiin. In former times, when the 1513 to fortunes of the Medici were at their lowest ebb, they had found a firm friend in Marie de la Rovere, Duke of Urbino. If Leo did not care about incurring the sin of ingratitude, his brother Julian had viewed the matter in a different light. The Venetian ambassador at the court of Rome states that Julian, two days before his death, sum moned the pope to his bedside, and implored him not to do any evil to the Duke of L'^rbino, or to deprive him of his states, reminding him that after they had been banished from Florence they had found In this duke a steadfast friend. The pope's reply was, " Julian, think .of nothing but getting better. I cannot consent to give any promise; but this is no time to speak of these things." * But Leo was as indifferent to the request of his, dying brother as he was to a feehng of gratitude or a sense of justice. Some pretence was found for siimmoning the duke to Rome, but as he had good reason to fear for his owm safety, he refused to obey the summons. He was then ex- * " Quel magnifico Guiliano, che mori, era degno uomo, e due giorni avanti ohe morisse, chiamato il papa, lo prego che non volesse fare alcun male ne privar dello state il duca d'Urbino dal quale la casa sua aveva ricevuto tanto benefizio, dope la sua cacciata de Fiorensa, supplioando il papa di questa grazia. Sua Santita diceva, Guiliano attend! a guarire : ne mai gli voile promettere, aggiun- gendo, non e t^mpo da parlaro di queste cose." Relazi. deg. Amb. Ven. 2nd scries, vol. iii. p. 53. LEO X. 123 communicated, his territories were confiscated, and Chapter a papal army was sent to enforce the sentence. ' — , — ¦ The duke, although popular with his subjects, was to In no condition to resist this army. Urbino sur rendered, and the whole duchy followed the ex ample. The duke yielded to his fate with apparent submission, and only requested the pope to relieve him from the ecclesiastical cen sures which he had pronounced against him. But this Leo refused to do. The duke was driven to desperation, and, in January, 1517, attempted to recover his territories. The capital and the whole duchy received their old master with open arms. He thus regained his posses sions far more quickly than he had lost them. But Leo was not to be so baffled. • He was ex tremely annoyed, indeed, and appealed to the sovereigns of Europe, as if he himself was the aggrieved party. At the same time he made the most vigorous efforts to complete the ruin of the duke. Rovere, sensible that he could not main tain by open war the advantages which he had won by surprise, challenged Lorenzo to decide their quarrel In single combat. The messengers whom he employed to convey this message were his own secretary and a Spanish officer. Lorenzo Imprisoned both, but afterwards released the Spaniard, and sent the secretary to Rome. There he was put tu the torture, and so compelled to 124 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter reveal the secrets of his master. At last the >— V--' duchy was reconquered, but, according to Mura^ io tori, at a cost of eight hundred thousand ducats ^^"- of gold.* Conspi- While Leo was pursuing with daily increasing agamst the i o J n pope's life, ardour his schemes of family aggrandisement, some cardinals entered into a conspiracy against his life. At the head of this conspiracy was the Cardinal of Siena. He belonged to the Borghese family, which Leo had deprived of Its authority and driven from Siena. •(• This event had naturally rendered the Cardinal of Siena most hostile to Leo, and so fierce was this hostility that it Induced him to form a con spiracy against the pope's life. He induced various cardinals who had grievances of their own to take part with him In this nefarious design. The plan was to poison the pope through the instrumentality of Vercelll, a celebrated surgeon. The pope had long been troubled with a painful complaint, for the alleviation of which the cares of a surgeon were necessary. Vercelli resided at Florence, and was not the ordinary surgeon of the pope, who now, although urged to do so, declined to avail himself of his services. The Cardinal of" Siena was only twenty-five, and seems to have been utterly incapable of acting with * JIuratori annali, vol. xiv. pp. 215 — 59. t Archivo Storion Italiaiio, vol ii. p. 17. 1617. LEO X. 125 the secrecy and skill required to bring to a success- Chapter ful issue the infamous design which he had formed, '¦^y— ' Ultimately the conspiracy was discovered, at least to to some extent, and the cardinal fled from Rome. Leo was very anxious to obtain possession of his person ; and, by granting him a safe-conduct, guaranteed by a promise made to the Spanish ambassador, induced him to return to the city. No sooner had he done so than he and four other cardinals were arrested. One of these other cardinals was the Cardinal Georglo, who had held his office for forty years, and who, by his great wealth, and splendid mode of living, was regarded as the chief person In the sacred college. Two cardinals confessed their guilt, and, on paying each a large sum of money, were pardoned. They did not, however, place much confidence in the good faith of Leo, and soon withdrew from the city. The three cardinals chiefly implicated, Siena, Saull, and Georglo, were less leniently treated. They were all degraded, and delivered over to the secular arm. Siena was strangled in prison; the hfe of Sauli was spared ; and Georglo was ultimately restored to his dignity.* To some this conspiracy appeared unaccountable, and, according to Jovius, there were persons who regarded it as a mere flctlon in order to obtain money to defi'ay the * Jovius, bk. iv. pp. 91—94; Muratori, vol. xiv. pp. 219—220; Giuociardini, vol. vi. pp. 50 — 56. 126 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter vast military expenses In which the pope had been - — A' involved.* However, there seems to have been no fo doubt about the reality of the conspiracy, although its importance may have been magnified, and comparatively Innocent persons involved, In order to extort money from them. A new The detection and punishment of this mysterious cardinals?* Conspiracy was followed by a new creation of car dinals. The number elevated to this dignity was thirty-one. Many of the persons thus honoured were not, in general estimation, well entitled to the dignity conferred upon them. It is said that the chief motive which induced the pope to In crease the cardinalate so lavishly was the large sums which he received from some of the per sons admitted to the sacred college. Muratori expressly states that the money received by the pope on this occasion amounted to two hundred thousand ducats of gold.f Peter Martyr asserts that the existing cardinals opposed this large In crease In their number, and he also notices the prevailing rumour, that the necessity of raising money had prompted a creation of cardinals so unprecedently numerous. J This accusation, serious as It was, was rendered credible by the notorious fact that the pope was in continual want of money, * Jovius, bk. iv. p- 94. t Muratori, vol. xiv. p. 218 ; Jovius, bk. a. p. 94 ; Guicciardini, vol. vi. p. 57 ; Ammirato, vol. iii. p. 330. t Epis. 596. 1513 to 1517. LEO X. 127 and compelled to resort to every shift in order to Chapter provide for his vast expenditure. The Venetian ambassadors, in their reports to the senate, enlarge upon the generosity and prodigality of Leo, He was constantly besieged by crowds of Florentines, upon whom he bestowed offices or money. His hand was ever open to supply the wants of his personal fi'iends, or of the learned men and dis tinguished artists who adorned his court. The in evitable result of this extravagance was that, great as his ordinary revenues were, they proved utterly Inadequate to meet his enormous expenses. So urgent did his necessity become that he was com pelled to pawn the papal jewels, and to forestall his revenue by borrowing money on the credit of Its expected produce.* Economy was a virtue which Leo either disdained or was unable to practise, for, in spite of his increasing pecuniary difficulties, no diminution was made in his ex penses, and, whenever his ambition or love of art could be gratified, he cared not what money was spent, nor by what means it was obtained. His position as head of the church, combined with this wanton prodigality, led him to adopt the most reprehensible practices in order to procure money. The general behef that he had sold the highest offices in the church naturally raised the suspicion that the vast influence and patronage of the * Relaz. deg. Ven. Amb. 2nd series, vol. iii. p. 71. 1513 to 1617. 128 SELECT BIOGRAPHY, Chapter papacy was exercised slmonalcally, and with a total disregard of all those considerations which, in such matters, ought to have guided the head of the church. It was this greed of money which led Leo into that fatal error which, however be neficial to the world, was well nigh fatal to the papacy. When money was so urgently wanted what readier means of obtaining it than by dis tributing in greater profusion those indulgences by which the pope claimed to grant the pardon of sin, or to announce It, as God's vicar, to those who were willing to pay money in order to obtain this inestlmabh favour. 129 CHAPTER V. FROM THE RISE OF THE REFORMATION UNTIL THE FORMATION OF A GENERAL LEAGUE AGAINST FRANCE. 1517—1520. When Leo X. ascended the papal throne the Leo's ec- council of Lateran, which had been summoned by adminis- his predecessor, was still sitting. This council, like previous ones, denounced and lamented the cor ruptions which prevailed in the church, but took no effectual measures to remove them. Leo also professed his earnest desire for the reformation of the church, but his own example did not offer much encouragement to those who wanted to awaken a spirit of fervent piety and self-denial among the clergy. Even the most sanguine re former must have regarded with something like despair the gross abuses and shameful licentious ness which brought disgrace upon the church and the clergy, rousing the disdain or Indignation of all classes of the people., Leo himself was, indeed, un stained with those grosser vices from which compa ratively few of the clergy were exempt, but then he K 130 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter was Indolent and self-indulgent, and utterly destitute ' — r-' of those strong convictions which would have en- to'^ abled him to oppose vyith resolute will the evils ^^^"^ which existed around him. The regulations made by a council were of no avail unless the pope was determined to carry them out, by encouraging the good and punishing obstinate transgressors. In order to reinstate the church in the affections and respect of the people a recurrence to dis cipline long since obsolete was absolutely neces sary; and how could a man who lived in luxurious ease, and was continually occupied with schemes of family aggrandisement, be expected to remove abuses by which he himself so largely profited? He might, indeed, have assisted others in performing a task which he himself was unable or unwifllng to accomplish. But he was more disposed to sneer at the zeal and earnestness of other? than to en courage them by the support of his supreme power. As future events sufficiently proved, the church contained many men who sincerely mourned over her corruptions, while they were firmly attached to her doctrines, and regarded with horror any attempt to disturb her unity. But in the midst of a clergy either licentious or sceptical, and very often both, and under a pope who respected the outward observances and formal truisms of reli gion, but knew nothing of Its living energy, good men saw no way of reforming the church without LEO X. 131 endangering her existence. Savonarola, ftdl of Chapter faith, and Imbued with an intense abhorrence not ^~~^ only of gross vice, but of all those pleasures which, to in his opinion, led the way to that vice, had done ^^^**" his utmost to rouse and reform clergy and people, but had miserably failed, dying a martyr to his zeal. What Leo thought of Savonarola we know not, but it may be suspected that to him the Flo rentine preacher appeared little better than a mad man, since he did not, like the majority of his contemporaries, render his religion subservient to his ambition. But if the zeal of a reformer was not to be The bull . . . of indnl- expected from Leo X. it might have been antici- gences. pated that wordly prudence would have preserved him from increasing the dangers of the church by an abuse of her most equivocal powers, such as that of absolution. No doubt the scriptures seem to confer upon priests the right of formally absolving men from their sins, but this absolution was obviously contingent upon repentance. How ever, the right once admitted, it is easy to under stand how popular credulity and priestly craft con verted this right Into a source of vast profit and scandalous immorality. There is in most men a vague sense of sin ahd guilt, although the feeling Is seldom strong enough to produce true repentance and change of life. Still, those In whom this feeling exists are generally willing to make con- it 2 1520. 132 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter slderable sacriflces in order to obtain such pardon V. — r^ as may soothe their consciences and remove their 1517 to fears. In proportion as th"e church became power ful and the pope was regarded as a kind of God upon earth, invested with absolute authority over the Invisible world, the belief in his right to pardon sin became strong and universal. It was easy to foresee the consequences of such a belief; It In creased to an incredible degree the influence of the pope and clergy, and placed in their hands a ready means of raising vast sums of money, which could have been in no other way wrung from the people. This profitable power could not fail to be abused in the grossest manner, and from generation to generation indulgences became a more fertile source of imposture, cor ruption, and gain. Still, the popular faith in the efficacy of these Indulgences seemed Inex haustible, and it was no wonder that new pre tences were continually invented In order to justify an appeal to this exchequer of faith. A pope so continually in want of money as Leo was not likely to overlook this ready means of relieving his necessities. In the year 1516 he had entered upon a great undertaking — that of completing the church of St. Peter at Rome, He was surrounded with men whose genius would en able them to render this structure the most mag nificent in the world, conferring immortal honour 1520. LEO X, 133 upon the pope by whose zeal the work had been Chapter finished. But where were the necessary funds to ' — ^ . 1617 come from? Leo had none to spare ; but It was to suggested that an appeal to the faithful. In the old way, would not only produce the money wanted, but perhaps a considerable surplus. It was, how ever, deemed prudent that a distant country should be selected as the scene of the first operations. The Italians regarded the Germans as barbarians, peculiarly liable to be imposed upon, and upon whom almost any trick might be practised with out fear of detection. This new bull of Indul gences was, therefore, to be preached in Germany, and, in order to render its success still more cer tain, Albert, prince bishop of Mayence, was to be admitted to a share of the profits. A Dominican friar, named Tetsel, was intrusted with the task of setting off to the best advantage the wares of which he had to dispose. Tetsel does not seem to have been an Immoral or irreligious man, but he was one of those persons whose ardour leads them to overdo every affair which they undertake. Tetsel, in his eagerness to drive a good trade, stopped at nothing ; and. If lying and blasphemy could secure his purpose, they were freely employed, almost without the consciousness of doing anything re prehensible. His faith In indulgences grew warmer as he enlarged upon their efficacy, and he des canted with so much fervour upon their won- 134 SELECT BIOGRAPHY, Chapter derful excellencies that he deluded himself as well ¦ — ^ as others. to No assertions were too absurd for the credulous ^^''' mob which surrounded Tetsel when he offered his Tetzel's success. Indulgences for sale. Some ventured to dispute with him, many laughed at him ; but the money flowed In more abundantly every day. No doubt Tetsel and his employers congratulated themselves upon the facility with which they obtained money from persons to whom any appeal except one which concerned their own safety and peace of mind would have been addressed in vain. But while the indulgence mongers were making money and waxing fat at the expense of their dupes a sudden storm burst upon them. This Is not the proper place to enter into a hls- preaches tory of Luther's early life, or to explain In detail dutgeuces." the gradual manner in which he had been pre pared for the great part which he was now to take in public life. He had been early awakened to a deep sense of religion, and In opposition to his father had become a monk. He performed the duties which then devolved upon him with all the earnestness and rigour which an awakened and a tender conscience suggested. But by the perusal of the bible, of which he Is said to have remained perfectly Ignorant until after he had reached man hood, and by the exercise of that sound prac tical sense which was his most marked characteristic, 1520. LEO X. 135 the religious views of Luther became more en- Chapter . . V. larged and rational than they had hitherto been. >— .., — ¦ . . . . 1517 The superstition by which, for a time, he had to been subdued gradually gave place to that clear Insight which enabled him to distinguish between forms and things, so that while the strength of his religious convictions was increased, he was set free from a thousand trammels which a fond devotion imposes upon Its votaries. With an Intense reve rence for the literal words of scripture, he exer cised his own judgment as to their meaning, with out accepting the Interpolations of pope or council. To an understanding naturally powerful, and taught by culture to unravel the sophisms by which men are self-blinded and seek to blind others, Luther added an honesty which scorned falsehood or evasion, especially when it was employed to obscure the plain truth or delude the simple and sincere. ' To such a man the proceedings of Tetsel were, beyond measure, odious, as at once insulting com mon sense and bringing genuine religion into contempt. To Luther the burden of sin had been intolerable until he had satisfied himself that the doctrine of justification by faith alone was the one grand and only remedy for the remorse and fear which had distracted his mind. That this con soling doctrine should be profaned and exposed to ridicule by a vile monk, who pretended to sell for 136 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter money the pardon which had been purchased by •—^ the most precious blood of the Son of God, was to equally offensive to the understanding and moral ^^^"^ feelings of Luther. In his opinion no Christian man could or ought to keep silence while the monstrous doctrines preached by Tetsel were re garded as those of the Catholic church. He therefore protested, in the most open and solemn manner, against the assertion that any man or body of men had power to forgive sin ; the church could remove the censures which it had imposed and proclaim remission of sin to those who re pented and believed In Christ, but beyond this her power did not extend. The learning and strong popular instincts of Luther admirably fitted him for a controversy In which the sophistries of a false philosophy were to be refuted, not only by legitimate logic but by that common sense which enables men to whom a syllogism Is a word with out a meaning to come to a true decision on points which elaborate reasonings only tend to obscm'e. The best customers of Tetsel were simple, pious men, to whom the pardon of their sins was a boon which they were ready to purchase. If need was, with their lives. To such men the preaching of Luther was an entrance Into a new world, where there was no place for those notions to which they had hitherto trusted for their eternal safety. That God alone can forgive sin, that a simple belief in LEO X. 137 Christ at once atones for guilt, however great. Chapter were doctrines not novel certainly to educated ' — ^ 1517 men, but to the masses of the people were as new to and refreshing as the discovery of a spring of water in a sandy desert. Humanly speaking, the success of Luther's preaching was due far less to the novelty of his opinions than to the perspicuity, the sun-like clearness, with which he stated dogmas which, although discussed by theologians, had never been made known to the people except through a maze of superstition, which had alto gether obscured their character. No man was better acquainted than Luther with the habits of thought among the masses of the people ; no man was more familiar with that homely and forcible language which, by Its simplicity and power, relieve those who hear it from the necessity of reasoning, and renders abstract truths as clear as axioms, which by their very terms preclude doubt. The preaching of Luther could not fail to ex- Conduct asperate to the utmost Tetsel and his supporters ; regard to but it was far easier to find a market for indul gences .than to prove their value. Luther did not deny that they had some value: but Tetsel well knew that if his wares were ticketed at Luther's estimate they would be left upon his hands. An appeal to the pope became Inevitable, since those who pretended to speak In his name were every where discredited, and had become objects of public 138 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter derlslon. The disappointed indulgence sellers de- ¦— Y^ clared that unless Luther was put down by the 1517 . to strong hand of power not only their trade, but the church herself, would be destroyed. All felt that it rested with the pope to decide what was to be done with Luther. On no occasion of his life did Leo so unequivocally prove his unfitness for the high position which he occupied than in his views and conduct regarding the proceedings of Luther. To a man gifted with an eye able to discern spiritual things it would have been obvious that the popularity of Luther's preaching was not a transitory isolated fact, but the commencement of a great struggle, which would shake the church to its foundations. A man of less sagacity than Leo ought to have discerned that the discovery of printing and its necessary result — the wide dlffii- sion of knowledge — would raise questions most dangerous to the security of the papal power. One, and the most important of these questions, would be the relative authority due to scripture and to the church. It is probable that Leo was very Imperfectly acquainted with the sacred volume, and could form no conception of the vast Influence which its general perusal would exercise over current opinion. The pontificate of Leo was a misfortune to the Romish church, because he was destitute of the attainments even of an ordinary theologian, so that dangers which would, 1520. LEO X. 139 have been at once apparent to many of his pre- Chapter decessors were to him absolutely incomprehensible. ' — r-' He was a zealous patron of classical learning, to and was especially anxious to promote the study of the Greek language, but he either failed, or cared not to perceive, that this study was as inti mately connected with theological as with general learning. When scholars became familiar with the New Testament in the original was it likely that they would conceal its contents from the people, or retain their own faith In church doctrines which no ingenuity could extract from the teaching of Christ and his disciples. The grand defect of Leo was his inability to perceive that the Christian faith, unlike that of heathenism, was fitted to engage the attention and gain the belief of enlightened men. Cicero's augurs might find it difficult to retain their gravity when they thought of the miserable delusions by which they gulled the masses of the people ; and, no doubt, many priests In Leo's time regarded the Christian mysteries with similar contempt. But what man adequately acquainted with the New Testament could venture to do so. Leo himself was not a scoffing augur, but then he was surrounded with men of that stamp, who confounded the mum- merles of a degraded church with the pure, although mysterious faith, on which it had been established 140 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter However strange It appears, when read in the V— ^ light of subsequent events, Leo regarded the pro- to ceedings of Luther vrith an Indifference closely allied to contempt. In his eyes the whole affair Leo con- ' ¦' demns -v^as nothing more than a quarrel among monks Luther. . " ^ . . • He admitted that Luther was a man of ability, but clever men are always ambitious, and should it appear necessary this new reformer could be bribed into silence by a bishopric or a cardinal's hat. Nothing leads the rulers of the world Into greater mistakes than the notion that every man has his price, and that, as soon as it becomes ex pedient, a troublesome zealot may be bought off by an appeal to his self-interest. Had Leo taken adequate means to become acquainted with the character of Luther, he would have learned, as he did at a later period, that, splendid as were the gifts which the chm'ch had at her disposal, not the richest of them could tempt Luther to abjure opi nions in the truth of which he sincerely believed. But, even had the case been otherwise, Leo fell Into a signal mistake in believing that the new re ligious movement depended for its vitality and permanence upon any single person. That move ment was the result of causes operating throughout all parts of Christendom, and the quarrel about .indulgences was only the spark which lighted a fire of which the materials had been long pre paring. In every countrj' there had arisen a 1520. LEO X. 141 spirit of resistance to the claims of the papal Chapter church, and a determination to seek for the will ' — , — ¦ 1617 of God, not in the decisions of popes and councils, to but in that written word which, practically hurried for many ages, was now coming Into general cir culation, and everywhere acting upon individual consciences. While Leo, however, concerned himself little about the dangers that threatened the church, there were others more clear sighted, who dis cerned that not a moment was to be lost in putting down a movement which became every day more formidable. A pope, if nominally in fallible, is, like an ordinary monarch, constrained to act in accordance with the opinions of his counsellors. Urged on by the theologians, Leo, when roused to action, was as rash as formerly he had been dilatory. He summoned Luther to Rome, and imposed silence upon him until his case had been heard and decided upon by the Holy See, But by this time Luther was no longer an isolated individual ; he was now sur rounded with adherents who, actuated by various motives, were determined that Luther should not be delivered up to the tender mercies of the church. Even the Emperor Maximilian, always revolving new projects In his busy brain, deemed it advisable to protect Luther, in case his services might be one day required to abate papal pre- 142 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter tensions. Then, the Elector of Saxony, who en- V. joyed a greater reputation than any other German ^ to'^ prince, was, if not an entire convert to the doc- ^^^"^ trines of Luther, so favourable to him that he was determined that he should have a fair hearing, and that if tried at all he should be tried in Germany, Other princes concurred in this view, and. In the meantime, the opinions maintained by Luther were diffusing themselves with aston ishing rapidity through all classes of society. The flame was extending to other countries, and before Leo was roused from his apathy the time for re pression had passed away for ever. The pope found that the world no longer received his spiritual mandates with Implicit reverence, and that the settlement of the matter was virtually taken out of his hands. Cardinal When Leo was forced to rehnquish the hope sent to of drawing Luther to Rome the only alternative m Ger- " ^^^ to condemn him formally, or to yield to his ™*"^' own request and that of his protectors, that the case should be tried in Germany. This last was the course adopted. The pope selected as his representative the Cardinal Cajetan. The car dinal was a learned theologian and also a practical man of the world, and of insinuating manners. But neither the learning nor the courtesy of Cajetan was of any avail in bringing his mission to a successful issue. When the cardinal and LEO X. 143 Luther engaged In discussion they found that Chapter the more they canvassed the matters In dispute ¦ — , — ¦ the wider became their divergencies. The car- to dinal dwelt much upon the authority of the pope and the duty incumbent upon all good Catholics of submitting to his decisions. Luther did not expressly repudiate this duty, but from this time until the end of his career he stood upon the clearly defined principle that the written word of God was the only test of rehgious truth, and that he could never renounce his opinions until it was proved that they were contrary to scripture. Luther, with that directness of understanding and practical good sense which distinguished him, instead of openly assailing the dogmas of the church or the power of the pope, confined himself to the assertion that in religious matters the verdict of scripture was the only supreme authority, and that in order to ascertain this verdict it was ne cessary to interpret the scripture, like other books, by the plain literal meaning of its words. Luther had no aversion to argument, and was thoroughly versed In the modes of logic then in vogue ; but when mere authority was alleged against him he always fell back upon the grand maxim that he could acknowledge no other binding authority than that of scripture. Cajetan soon discovered that he was over- Cajetan's matched in the controversy which he had un- 1617 to 1620. 144 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter dertaken with so much confidence, and that this controvesy itself was contributing materially to the spread of Lutheran opinions. In the end he confined himself to two objects — at one time seeking to conciliate Luther by flatteries and promises, at another threatening him with ecclesiastical censures, and all the evil conse quences which they Involved. Luther was a jovial companion, no man delighting more In social intercourse, enlivened by beer or wine, nor was he insensible to flattery. But Cajetan found that in his lighter as well as In his more serious moods Luther had but one reply to every effort made to induce him to recant, "Bring scripture to prove me wrong, and I shall be the flrst to confess my error, and to submit to what ever penance the church may think fit to Impose." If gentle means were unavailing to withdraw Luther from the ground on which he had planted his foot threats were still more useless. The re former had his weaknesses, but want of courage was not among them, and he treated the menaces of the cardinal with contempt. The failure of Cajetan's mission might have shown to Leo the greatness of the danger which Impended over the Church, but he had neither the genius nor the energy to meet new perils with new remedies. He issued a bull, claiming for himself the right of granting indulgences, and condemning the pro- LEO X. 145 positions which Luther had published on this Chapter subject. This bull Luther treated with scorn, ^-w and appealed against its decisions to a free to council. On his part, Leo gladly turned from the field of theological discussion to the more congenial one of Italian politics, and, since he could not restore the peace of the church, he was resolved to do his best to aggrandise the Medici. The great obiect of Leo at this period was to Marriage " . and death increase the consequence of his nephew, now ofLorenzo rv 1 i> TT 1 • A n ¦ de' Medici. -Uuke ot Urbmo. A treaty ot marnage was con cluded between the duke ,and Madeline de la Tour, a relation of the royal family of France. When Lorenzo proceeded to France to carry this marriage into effect he was entrusted with another mission, that of representing his uncle as godfather to a new born son of Francis. On the occasion of his godson's baptism Leo acted with his usual magnificence, and the presents which were distributed in his name were valued at three hundred thousand ducats.* The marriage of Lorenzo was celebrated with great splendour, the pope fondly dreaming that his nephew might be come the founder of a princely. If not a royal house. But within little more than a year after his marriage Lorenzo died, so that all the schemes formed in his favour came to nothing. There was no Medici who could be substituted for Lorenzo, * Guicciardini, vol. -vi. p. 78. L 146 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter and his duchy was annexed to the Holy See, and v-Y-' the Cardinal de' Medici, afterwards Clement VII., 1617 to was made governor of Florence. The wife of Lorenzo had died before himself, leaving an infant daughter, the well-known Catherine de' Medici. But Lorenzo had also left a natural son, who afterwards became Duke of Florence. The pope Ever since the Turks had captured Constanti- vourrto ^°pls their power and progress had created forma constant alarm throughout Christendom. The league o against the popes, as the spiritual ' rulers of Christians and as Italian princes, had most cause to dread the Turkish arms, and were constantly endeavouring to rouse the other Christian powers to a sense of their danger. Leo, perhaps, ~ In order to prove his Christian zeal, did his best in 1518 to form a general combination against the Sultan. Indeed, the pope himself had had painful experience that no man was secure unless means were found to check the ravages of the infidels. In 1516, while he was residing at Civita Vecchia, a band of Moors landed, took many prisoners, and had al most captured himself.* Leo had escaped this misfortune, but the Turks had often threatened to attack Rome, and their possessions on the Afiican coast furnished them with great facihties for as sailing Italj'. The pope now sent ambassadors to the different courts, proposing a general league * Muratori, &c., vol. xiv. p. 212. 1517 to 1520. LEO X 147 against the common enemy. At the same time Chapter he directed that for three successive days suppli cations should be made in all the churches for success against the infidels. At Rome he him self took part in a procession, with uncovered head and naked feet.* Nor did he neglect more earthly means of insuring the triumph of the great ex pedition which he meditated. By consulting experienced soldiers he was able to draw up an outline of the measures which it would be proper to adopt when the • territory of the Turk was assaulted. But the first and most urgent matter was to provide funds, and when it became a ques tion of raising money papal zeal was always re garded with peculiar suspicion. Leo, however, endeavoured to remove this jealousy, by giving a detailed account of the various parts of his scheme, showing that money was really needed, while he proposed that when raised it should be strictly and exclusively devoted to the pm-pose intended. Sovereigns, as well as their subjects, were to be called upon for pecuniary aid, but with this important distinction, that the contributions of princes were to be voluntary, while those of meaner persons were to be extorted by force, f But events of nearer interest withdrew the Death of « , . . , , .tho Em- pope s attention from his projected crusade against peror Maximi- • Raynaldus, vol. xxxi. p. 207 ; Ciaconius (vitse et Gesta Sum Haa. Pontif Rome, 1677), vol. iii. column 310. f Raynaldus, sub anno 1518, passim. T, 9 1520. 148 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter the Turks. The death of Maximilian left vacant w-' the highest dignity in Europe, and its two chief to princes aspired to the imperial throne. The election of a new emperor had been at all times a matter of deep concern to the reigning pope, for since the foundation of, the German empire there had always been a latent struggle between pope and emperor. Each had claimed the right of electing or confirming the election of the other, but this long struggle was at last terminated . apparently in favour of the pope. With his election the emperor was not at liberty to meddle, but until the emperor was crowned by the pope his title was only that of King of the Romans. But still the popes continued to regard the emperor with mingled fear and jealousy. His vast pretensions, which. In regard to other countries, had fallen into abeyance possessed a kind of reality so far as Italy was concerned. Even Maximilian, who had no direct connexion with Italy, was always advancing claims which. If ad mitted, would have placed the "peninsula at his feet. However, the pretensions and enterprises of Maximilian were a. subject of derision, not of serious apprehension, but the case might be different if he was succeeded by a King of France or of Spain. These two monachs were the com petitors for the vacant throne, and as both of them had rich possessions In Italy, the success of either LEO X. 149 might Involve a serious danger to the pope and Chapter other Italian princes. > — ^ 1517 The pope at first professed to favour the preten- to sions of Francis, but with little sincerity. If a ^ ¦' _ Leo urges choice was to be made a Duke of Milan might be tte Ger man eiec- a safer emperor, so far as the pope was concerned, tors to than a King of Naples, but either was to be emperor dreaded in the highest degree. The emperor them- who suited Italy and the pope best was a Ger man prince like Maximilian, whose resources were too limited to enable him to undertake any im portant military enterprise. When It became obvious that Francis had no chance of success Leo endeavoured to persuade him that his wisest policy would be to give his support to some Ger man prince, who could not endanger the security of his neighbours. This was, no doubt, sound advice, but Francis was either unwilling to re linquish his own pretensions, or there was no longer time to organise an effectual opposition to Charles, King of Spain. The Germans themselves, who were more directly concerned in the matter than Frenchmen or Italians, had not failed to perceive that their internal liber ties might be endangered by the election of a monarch so powerful as Francis or Charles. In fluenced by this consideration, many princes had made overtures to the Elector of Saxony, but that prudent prince declined to be put in no- 150 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter pjinatlou, and gave his support to the King of -—v^ Spain. That monarch was unanimously elected, to and. under the title of Charles V., became the * ¦ most Important person in Europe. Leo con- , -^ eludes a However averse Leo had been to the election treaty with p >,, , . -,.-,. . , Charles, ot Charles, it was his obvious interest to be on good terms with a prince so powerful In Italy and other parts of Europe. With Leo the most urgent object was to provide for his own security and to promote the success of his Italian policy. In spite of the apparent friendship between himself and Francis I, the pope was always secretly hostile to that prince. The chief cause of this hostility was that Francis, as Duke of Milan, held pos session of Parma and Piacenza, which Leo was bent upon annexing to the Holy See, By a strict alliance with Charles V, this darling object might be achieved, and time might open up a way for the execution of other projects, which had refer ence to Naples, Whatever Charles might think of the sincerity of Leo, an alliance with the pope was always honourable and useful, A treaty be tween Leo and Charles had been concluded some time before the latter succeeded to the imperial throne. This treaty is dated at Rome the 17th day of January, 1519, and was to exist for life, and for mutual defence. The possessions of the two contracting parties were to be guaranteed, and in case either was attacked the amount of LEO X. 151 assistance to be rendered by the other was spe- Chapter cified. The government of Florence was to be ¦ — ^ 1517 maintained as at present constituted, and Lorenzo to de' Medici, Duke of Urbino, was to be protected.* The death of Lorenzo three months after the con clusion of the treaty rendered this last article su perfluous. The election of Charles as emperor made the provisions of this treaty still more useful to the pope, especially with reference to the great religious movement which was distracting Ger many. The progress of Lutheran opinions had now be- Progress ., ._- , of the re- come so great as to alarm even Leo, whom none formation. but immediate dangers could rouse from his apathy. Luther became from day to day more decided In his opposition to papal pretensions, and many who did not share or were Indifferent to his theological views deeply sympathised with his denunciations of papal usurpations and exac tions. The Elector of Saxony, to whom Charles had been so deeply indebted for his elevation to the imperial throne, was the declared protector of Luther, and might persuade the young emperor that his temporal interests required him. If not to support, at least, to tolerate the reformer. His education had rendered Charles a devout believer in the dogmas of the Romish church, but it was not difficult to prove that the assumptions of the * Archivo Storioo Italiano, vol. i. pp. 379—383. 152 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter papal court formed no part of Cathohc doctrine, , w^ The most learned and pious theologians had main- to tained that the supreme authority rested with a " "¦ council, not with the pope. The councils of. Pisa and Constance had maintained the doctrine that the pope was responsible to the church, and might be deposed by its assembled representatives. No doubt to those who were capable of understanding the matter it was clear that Luther's chief opinion, that the letter of scripture was the exclusive au thority in matters of religion, was as hostile to the dogmas of the church as to the assumptions of the pope. But it was not to be supposed that a young monarch of twenty was deeply versed in theology, and, provided the notions and practices which he had been accustomed to reverence were not interfered with, he might be brought to regard the religious movement in Germany as favourable rather than hostile to the welfare of the church. The re- ^^^ ^ time Luther had spoken with respect, and appeaUo ^^^^ reverence, of Leo, and he did so sincerely, a council. ]^^^ ^^q progress of events necessarily produced a change. If the pope's supremacy was admitted there was an end of controversy, and the traffickers in indulgences must be allowed to pursue their career unmolested. This dilemma Inevitably com pelled Luther and his followers to investigate the grounds upon which, in matters of doctrine and practice, the pope claimed the right of final appeal. 1520. LEO X. '^ 153 It was easy to prove that the most orthodox theo- Chapter logians had denied the infallibility of the pope, ^— y—" and his claim to be supreme and final judge, when to controversies arose In the church. Councils had generally maintained their own supremacy, and some of them had given practical proof of it by trying and deposing popes. But the doctrine that there was only one true church, and that its deci sions were binding upon all Christians, had still a strong hold over the minds of the reformers, and over that of Luther In particular. When, there fore, Leo issued a bull condemning the opinions of Luther, and calling upon him to recant, on pain of being punished as a heretic, the reformer seemed to be laid under the necessity of for saking the church or of relinquishing opinions dearer to him than life. By the former course many of his followers would have been alarmed. If not alienated, and by the latter he would have lost all his Infiuence over the people. But between these two extreme courses there lay a safe middle one, that of an appeal to a free council. This appeal was agreeable to civil rulers, while it ter ribly alarmed the pope. Every successive pope regarded a free council with horror and fear, for If such a council persecuted heretics It was at the same time certain to adopt measures for re straining papal power. Thus, for years after the commencement of the reformation, its partisans 154 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter constantly appealed to a council, while pope -— Y^ after pope sought to elude this demand. The 1517 1 1 o to new emperor, however, seized upon the idea of ^ ¦ a council as the measure best fitted to restore peace to the church, and put an end to his own embarrassments. Other monarchs concurred with him, and In order to resist their Importunities the papal court was compelled to resort to evasion after evasion. Leo's ef- -^^t Lco did not live long enough to be much extend the embarrassed by the demand for a council, and he territones y^r^g gagcr to withdraw his attention from eccle- of the ° Holy See. siastlcal broIls to secular politics. After the death of his nephew Leo's great object was to extend the temporal dominions of the Holy See. His eagerness to accomplish this purpose was accom panied with an utter want of principle, and he who should have been an example to other mo narchs was the most ambitious and faithless prince of his age. On the most frivolous pretences the Duke of Urbino had been deprived of his heredi tary possessions, and after the death of Lorenzo those possessions were annexed to the Holy See. In the last years of his life the conduct of Leo in this respect was even more disgraceful than It had hitherto been. He fixed his heart upon obtaining possession of the town of Perugia, which was governed by a soldier of fortune named Gian Paoll Boglionl. The courage and 1520. LEO X. 155 resources of this person made it imprudent to Chapter attack him openly. Leo therefore resorted to '—^ craft. On some pretence Boglionl was invited to to Rome, but received the protection of a safe- conduct. When he reached the city, however, he was seized, and subjected to the torture. It is said that his bodily agony extorted fi-om him a confession of the most heinous crimes. That he had been really guilty of many of these is probable enough, but this Is no excuse for the bad faith and cruelty of Leo. The pope wanted to get possession of Perugia, but some decent pretext was necessary in order to justify its seizure, and none could be better than to prove that its ruler was a man not only unworthy of retaining his principality, but even of life itself. Boglionl, on his own confession, was condemned to death, and beheaded.* Having killed him, the pope lost no time In taking possession, and Perugia was formally annexed to the Holy See. The seizure of Perugia was only the prelude to other attempts of a similar land. On pre tence of some antiquated claims on the part of the Holy See, Fermo and other petty states were confiscated. Some of the princes thus driven from their patrimonial seats, and thrown upon the world, were so Ignorant of Leo's character as to resort to Rome, in order to * Muratoi-i, vol. xiv. pp. 233—234. 156 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter make complaints and obtain redress. But, in- ¦ — r— ' stead of obtaining this redress, they were cast to into prison, and various crimes laid to their charge. Their trial, conviction, and execution followed. Under a fair exterior Leo concealed a cruel and treacherous heart, and some of his actions were worthy of Alexander VI. The pope was intoxicated with prosperity, and. In spite of the family misfortunes which had baffled his fairest schemes, still pursued with as much delight and avidity as ever the increase of his temporal power. This kind of conduct might have excited comparatively little reprehension when the church was popular and respected, but It was absolute madness, when the papacy was attacked on every side, and the character of its head strictly and even malignantly scru tinised. But Leo seemed to treat public opinion with utter defiance, and. If he had formed any settled plan, it seemed to be that of placing the papacy, as a temporal power, upon a level with the great monarchies of Europe. It Is scarcely an exaggeration to assert that the conduct of Leo during the last two years of his life was more injurious to the church than the crimes of Alexander or the warlike ardour of Julius II, Leo, indeed, was not licentious in his man ners, nor did he disgrace his sacred office by ap pearing at the head of armies, and entering cap- LEO X. 157 tured towns sword in hand, but his policy was Chapter most unscrupulous, and his indifference to the '¦ — . — ' 1517 spiritual Interests of the church could not be to 1520. exceeded. The world was apparently justified in believing that the virtues of Leo were those of constitution merely, while his crimes did not admit of the poor excuse that they were the result of natural temperament. They were committed In cold blood, from motives the most selfish and the most unworthy of his sacred character. So eager was he to obtain possession of the duchy of Ferrara that he was accused of having sanctioned a plot to murder its duke.* If a pope, who compared with his imm-ediate predecessors was regarded as a good man, was guilty, or could even be thought guilty of such a crime, what conclusion could be drawn except that the papal power was too great to be intrusted to any human being, and made men wdcked when It did not find them so. The church had too often acted upon the maxim that no faith was to be kept with heretics, but Leo seemed anxious to prove that a pope was entitled to break his faith whenever it suited his temporal interests to do so. While despoiling his poorer neighbours. In Leo's poii- order to extend the dominions of the Holy See, schemes. Leo did not cease to Indulge in ambitious dreams, • Muratori, vol. xiv. pp. 235 — 236. 1520. 158 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter which could not be realised without bringing him > — ^ into collision with one or more of the chief states 1517 to of Europe. It is not easy to discover the ultimate aim of Leo, or what he wanted to make of Italy, if foreigners were expelled from her boundaries. While his nephew lived Leo's ruling desire was to place him at the head of a great state, such as Naples. With Lorenzo's death Leo's dreams of family aggrandisement seem to have vanished, but he continued, as before. Immersed In political speculations. Had he been capable of interesting himself about religious matters there was more than enough In the state of the church to em ploy his utmost energies of thought and action, but for this kind of . occupation Leo had neither ability nor inclination. His interest was ab sorbed in secular politics ; if great thoughts ever passed through his mind they had refer ence to the temporal condition of Italy, not to the spiritual welfare of the world. But when the exaltation of the Medici had ceased to be his paramount object it is not easy to see at what ends he aimed in his ceaseless efforts to disturb the peace of Italy and to change her territorial arrangements. No doubt, it was a necessity of his nature to indulge in splendid political visions, and to engage In endless in trigues, some times with one power, and some times with another. In order to realise these LEO X. 159 visions in some practical shape. Still, he had Chapter probably fashioned for himself, in his own mind, > — r^ some form of government by which Italy might to become a united and an Independent power, under her own people. Perhaps he destined Rome to become the centre of a great temporal dominion, reducing to dependence upon itself all the other states of Italy. But Leo, while allowing his imagination to run The pope's ^ overtures riot in visions of the future, was perfectly sensible to Francis that he could not advance a single step in the route which he had marked out for himself unless he obtained the co-operation of Francis I. or Charels V. But the experience and good sense of the pope might have convinced him that in proportion as his schemes developed themselves they would meet with the inflexible resistance of both these princes. The petty acquisitions which Leo had already added to the patrimony of the Holy See were not Important enough to awaken alarm, but the continuance of this aggressive policy could not fail to excite the distrust of the two great powers which were struggling for predomi nance in Italy. Both were willing to avail them selves of the pope's alliance in order to promote their own ends, but neither was willing that the pope should add materially to the extent of his temporal dominion. It was thought convenient and suitable that the papacy should possess a 1520. 160 SELECT BIOGRAPHY, Chapter certain temporal appanage sufficient to secure for ^-^Y^ it a position of external independence, A pope to often found himself on the losing side, but gene rally speaking his enemies respected the patrimony of St. Peter, and did not attempt to diminish Its extent. But had the pope become the temporal , sovereign of Italy, as well as the spiritual ruler of Christendom, complications would have arisen fatal to the balance of power or the unity of the church. In the meantime Leo zealously pursued his aggressive policy, without perhaps aiming at any very definite results. Political activity was essen tial to his happiness, and if he abandoned one scheme or intrigue, It was only to adopt another. But experienced as he was in negotiations, his overtures to Francis I., if correctly reported, do little honour to his sagacity. He proposed that Francis and the Holy See should make a joint attack upon Naples, and the following arrange ments were to take place should this attack prove successful : — Upon certain portions of the Near polltan territory the Holy See had long standing claims ; these claims were to be admitted, and the territory in question annexed to the papal states. But the kingdom Itself was to be held In trust for the second son of Francis, at this time a mere Infant. Until he became of age the kingdom was to be governed, not by a French viceroy, but 1520. LEO X. 161 by an apostolic nuntlo.* No wonder that Francis Chapter received such a proposal with cold- indifference, ¦ — r-' . 1617 and It could scarcely have been made seriously, to Still, as this was not the first occasion on which Leo had endeavoured to secure the aid of Francis in an attack upon Naples, he may have fancied that his new proposal would lead to something, and a treaty was actually drawn up, although it was never ratified by Francis. Then there was no doubt that many circumstances predisposed the French king for an attack upon the emperor, Francis had affected to treat lightly the elevation of his rival to the imperial throne, but his vanity had been deeply mortified. Besides, the extensive territories of the emperor gave just alarm to his neighbours, and especially to France. His posi tion, therefore, made Francis the natural rival of Charles V., so that any proposal for abating the power of the latter was hkely to meet with a favourable consideration. The pope may thus have supposed that the propitious moment for carrying out his cherished design against Naples had at length arrived. But the result did not correspond to his expectations, and the pope, deceived In his hopes of gaining Francis, im mediately turned to the opposite quarter. * Belcarius Rerum GuUicarum, &c. (Lugduue, 1626), bk. xvi. ch. xxii. p. 481 ; Bellay in Petitot, vol. xvii., pp. 295—296 ; Guicciar dini, vol. vii. p. 12§ ; Paruta Historia Venetiana (Venetia, 1606) pp. 267—268, and 277—279 '; Muratori, vol. xiv., pp. 238—239. M 162 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter In Carrying on the negotiations in which he was V. 1517 continually engaged the pope enjoyed one vast to' advantage, that Francis was most unwilling to r ^ ]^ quarrel, and Charles always eager to form an an alliance alliance wlth Mm. Indeed, so far as personal. with ' '^ Charles V, inclination went, Leo seems to have been more ready to unite himself with the emperor than with the French king. The loss of Parma and Plar cenza had inspired the pope with a standing grudge against Francis, although, had he seen his advantage in doing so, he would have been quite ready to enter Into a strict alliance with him. On his part Francis placed little confidence In the professions of the pope ; on the contrary, the duphcity of Leo seems to have been clearly per ceived, and deeply resented by the French govern ment. In a letter written by the English am bassador at the French court these expressions occur : — " And as of the pope all the gentlemen of the court here, and commonly all others, speak as evil of him now as ever they did of the Pope July."* Juhus H, had been the declafed enemy of France, and now throughout that country Leo was regarded with the same feelings as Julius had been. As generally happens to princes who refine too much in their policy, and are careless what measures they adopt In order to accomplish their selfish objects, Leo was viewed with general dls- * state Papers, vol. vi. pp. .77—78. LEO X. 163 trust, although, happily for him his alliance was Chapter too useful not to be courted even by those who had '-^y^ . . 1517 no confidence In his sincerity. Francis did his to 1520. utmost to conciliate the pope, and even allowed a considerable body of Swiss whom Leo had taken into his pay to pass through Milan on their way to Rome. On the other hand, Charles was eager to enter into an intimate alliance with Leo, and as Leo entertained the same dispositions, the two potentates soon agreed jupon the terms of their treaty. The chief object of this new treaty was to The terms. deprive the French of the Milanese, and to expel ""j them from the peninsula. Francis Sforza, brother ( of Maximilian, late Duke of Milan, had taken up his residence at Trent. In their treaty Leo and Charles acknowledged this Francis Sforza as Duke of Milan, and undertook to put him in possession of the duchy ; but this was on condition that two of its cities, Parma and Piacenza, should be sur rendered to the pope.* Maximilian Sforza had for merly made this surrender to gain the support of Leo ; and to Francis Sforza the friendship of the pope was of even more Importance than it had been to his brother. The eager desire of Francis I. to retain Milan extended to all Its parts, and his unwillingness to give up Parma and Piacenza was only equalled by the pope's ardent wish to regain ¦* Guicciardini, vol. vii. pp. 132—134. M 2 164 SELECT BIOGRA'PHY. Chapter them. Had the French monarch been willing to w^ surrender these two cities he might possibly have ^t" made a firm friend of Leo, but his retention of ^'''^*'' them created a barrier between himself and the pope which could never be overcome. Charles V. could have no objection that the Duke of Milan should sacrifice two of his cities, and their acqui sition, however gratifying to Leo, could not add much to his real power. Thus, all the advantages which the emperor expected to derive from his al liance with the pope were purchased at the cost of another. The advantages of this alliance, so far as Charles was concerned, were obvious enough. To him the most favourable arrangement in regard to Italy was that it should be divided Into a number of petty states, so that he himself should become its most powerful sovereign, and, by means of his other resources, the arbiter of its destinies. But, while France retained Milan, the Spanish pre ponderance In Italy was always doubtful and un certain. Francis I, had ready access to Italy as long as he remained Duke of Milan, and might at any time renew that attack upon Naples which his predecessor, Charles VIH. had made, with such speedy and complete success. As an independent duchy Milan could do nothing against the em peror, and, indeed. In order to protect itself against France, would be as subservient to him 1520. LEO X. 165 as if It was a part of his own dominions. It was, Chapter therefore,' good policy for Charles V. to make '—y-' common cause with the Italian states, in order to to concert a combined attack upon the French. No pretence could be more plausible than that of restoring an Italian prince to his rightful inheri tance ; and, to those who did not look beneath the surface, the treaty between the pope and the em peror was highly favourable to Italian Interests, But if Charles V. on this occasion adopted the policy most favourable to his own Interests, Leo seems to have acted with singular Imprudence and want of foresight. As long as France retained a footing in Italy the emperor could not venture to attack any of the small states, but if France should be expelled from the peninsula the state of things would be completely altered. Neither single Ita lian states, nor all the Italian states united, could make any effectual stand against the emperor, whose position would render him the virtual master, if not the nominal sovereign of Italy, The only redeeming point In Leo's Italian policy was his desire to deliver the peninsula from foreign domination ; but he pursued this object with so little constancy and skill that he left his country more effectually enthralled than he had found It. On this, as on former occasions, personal objects interfered with his patriotic views. France had deprived him of Parma and Piacenza, and, in 1520. 166 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter order to recover these places, he was willing to >— ^^ extend the power of the emperor, and to place 1517 to Italy at his feet. Had the Sforzas been restoried to Milan by native forces the event might have been of advantage to Italy; but, when it was brought about by foreign aid, a fatal blow was struck at the Independence of Italy. To that in dependence the emperor was a far more formidable enemy than Francis I. His troops were habitu ated to Itahan warfare, and had long held in thraldom the southern portion of the peninsula. On the other hand the French, In spite of the frequent victories which they had obtained, had never acquired a firm footing in Italy ; and. If they made rapid conquests, generally lost them as rapidly. But the emperor. In assured possession of Naples, and able In the name of the empire to claim Lombardy, was the most dangerous foe whom Italy could encounter, and seemed in a po sition gradually to annihilate her independence. Francis Sforza, restored to Milan, would hold it as the virtual, if not the nominal, vassal of the emperor, although he was even that, since Milan was a fief of the empire, and it was necessary that Its dukes should receive investiture from the em peror. Leo, as ruler of Rome and Florence, was no doubt a considerable potentate, but what, so far as material power was concerned, could he do against the emperor or the King of France. 1520. LEO X. 167 Venice was also a powerful state, but even if she Chapter and the pope made common cause they would "^ — , — ' prove utterly unable to maintain the independence to of Italy against the emperor. The pope's league with the emperor must, therefore, be condemned as in the highest degree impolitic, and must be regarded as one more proof that Leo was as des titute of the qualities of a great statesman as he was of those required for the due discharge of his sacred office. 168 CHAPTER VL FROM THE FORMATION OF THE LEAGUE AGAINST FEANCE UNTIL THE DEATH OF THE POPE. 1520—1521. The pope's Francis I. could scarcely have, been ignorant of France, the storm whlch wa preparing against him, but he remained comj. ^.Tatlvely indifferent and in active. Lautrec was his general in Lombardy, and. If not a very skilful or fortunate commander, might have maintained his position had he been properly supported. He was continually urging upon Francis the necessity of sending him rehef in men and money, since without a large supply of both he could no longer hold his ground. At this period the Swiss contingent formed the chief strength of the French army, but with out good and prompt pay no reUance could be placed upon the Swiss. If these troops returned home or entered the service of Francis Sforza the safety of Milan would be seri ously endangered, Francis at last became sensible of the danger which threatened him In Italy, and gave directions that a supply of money LEO X. 169 should be sent to Lautrec. But, satisfied with Chapter . .VI. giving orders, he took no pains to ascertain ' — , — - whether they had been carried into effect. The to 1521 money was not sent, and the superintendent of the finances asserted that the king's mother had taken possession of the funds which had been destined for the army of Italy, The position of Lautrec thus became most difficult. The con federates had taken into pay large bodies of Swiss troops, and there was great reason to apprehend that if those in the service of France remained unpaid they would either join the enemy or return to their own country. Leo took the deepest interest in preparing for Themove- the struggle which his own Intrigues had provoked, the'aiiies. To him, indeed. It was a critical occasion, for if another Maregnan occurred his position would be very unenviable. The duplicity with which he had been treated by the pope must have ex cited the serious Indignation of Francis I., and Frenchmen regarded Leo with detestation. If, therefore, victory crowned the French arms a second time Leo could no longer expect the immunity which had been granted to him in 1515. Rome itself might be assailed, and Flo rence could scarcely fail to regain her liberty while a French army marched in triumph through fhe country. Then, the Italian states looked coldly upon the pope's alliance with the 170 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter emperor ; the Venetians held aloof, and, as they • — , — ¦ had done before, would probably support the to French if they could do so without risk. The 1521. smaller principalities, which the pope by force or treachery had annexed to the Holy See, were ripe for revolt, and eager to welcome back such of their deposed princes as still lived. Leo, In his eagerness to recover Parma and Piacenza, had isolated himself, and his position had become dangerous whatever turn events might take. Vic tory would be of doubtful advantage, since it would establish the ascendancy of the emperor, and defeat would be utterly ruinous. That defeat was possible, even probable, could scarcely be denied, since frequent experience had proved that Italian troops were unable to resist the French. In the open field. The Spanish troops were, no doubt, admirable, but then their number was small, and before they could reach the scene of conflict important and disastrous events might have oc curred. Then, besides furnishing as many troops as he could, it was always expected that in any Italian war in which he took part the pope should spend his money freely. In the present war. In which he had so much at stake, the pope did his best to raise both troops and money, but his prodigality rendered the last a difficult operation. Progress The Prlnce Colonna, who was placed at the war. head of the confederate army, had a great military 152L LEO X. 171 reputation, and on this occasion he was greatly Chapter favoured by circumstances. The evils which Lau- ^— r— ¦ tree had dreaded now fell upon him. He had, to indeed, received intelligence that the money which he had demanded was about to be remitted, but it never came. The Swiss might probably have remained faithful had they received their pay regularly, but to fight while this was In arrear, and in a cause to which they were not cordially attached, was a test too trying for Swiss virtue.* Between the Dukes of Milan and the Swiss can tons the most intimate relations had always sub sisted, and the unwearied efforts of the Cardinal of Sion had done much to render the Swiss hostile to France and favourable to the church. It has been already stated that a considerable body of Swiss troops which the pope had enlisted Into his service had been allowed to march through Milan to their destined quarters within the papal territory, Francis Sforza had also raised large numbers of Swiss, and, although it was no unusual thing for the Swiss to occupy opposite camps, this circumstance was attended with serious danger to one or other of the contending parties. The Swiss disliked much to be upon the losing side, and when it appeared Inevitable that some portion of them must be so they generally fell upon one expedient or another to avert such a catastrophe. * Guicciardini, vol. vii. p. 194. 172 LEO X. Chapter One of these expedients was to Invoke the action ' — . — ' of the federal government of Switzerland. This 1520 ° . ., ,. ...._, to government occupied a peculiar position in Europe^ ^j^ g '. always remaining neutral in every war which did govern- jjqj; threaten its own security, while its subjects ment re- .t > j calls its were at liberty to enlist in any foreign service from fo- which pleased them best. To a government so reign ser vice, frugal and patriotic as that of Switzerland the practice mentioned appeared an excellent means of providing for its own security at little cost. The country contained a large body of veteran troops, whose valour and discipline rendered them the terror of Europe, and who on any occasion could be called out for the protection of their country. In order to provide for such a con tingency the Swiss government reserved to itself the right of recalling all its troops from foreign service at any time when It was deemed necessary or expedient. In 1 521 the situation of the Swiss troops who were engaged in foreign service was very critical. A great war was on the point of breaking out, and In this war the two most power ful monarchs of Europe would be the real oppo nents. Since the time df Louis XI. an Intimate connection had existed between France and the Swiss cantons, and although misunderstandings sometimes took place France could generally de pend upon recruiting her armies with large num bers of Swiss troops. The King of France was 1521. LEO X. 173 at this time the richest monarch in Europe, so Chapter far as available resources were concerned, and on >— y--' most occasions the Swiss found him an excellent to paymaster, an invaluable quality in their eyes. But now, from the cause which has been men tioned, Francis had become deficient in this es sential virtue, and other causes also rendered the Swiss dissatisfied with the service. They had always preferred that of an Independent Duke of Milan, and, in spite of the progress which the reformation was making among them, they were also partial to the service of the pope. Then they were by no means willing to engage In active hostUities against the emperor, who was also the head of the house of Austria. Thus many causes, beside the dominant one that their pay was not forthcoming, rendered the Swiss disposed to quit the service of France as soon as they had a decent pretext for doing so. This pretext was furnished by the action of the cantonal government, which suddenly recalled all Its troops fi-om foreign service. The Swiss troops under Lautrec declared their Intention of obeying this order, and lost no time in carrying their Intention into effect. Lautrec made the most lavish promises — for threats were useless — to prevent the desertion of the Swiss, but all In vain. To add to his mortification the Swiss attached to the army of the confederates made no movement In ordef to miitatc the example of Milan. 174 SELECT BIOGRAPHY, Chapter of their compatriots. -Not only so, but numbers w-- who had deserted the French standards enhsted ^to° under those of the allies. With his diminished ^^^^' forces Lautrec was no longer in a condition to make head against the enemy. His only alter native was to retreat towards France, in the hope that reinforcements might soon reach him from that country, enabling him to resume offensive operations. He left a considerable garrison in the citadel of Milan, so that the city, if well affected, might have some protection against the allies. Condition But, unhappily for the French, their rule in Milan had been most hateful to the citizens, and another example was afforded that however easily the Frepch might conquer portions of Italy they could never gain the permanent attachment of Its inhabitants. Their pecuniary exactions were most oppressive, but their licentious manners stung to the quick the jealous temper of the Itahans, and inspired them with a greater aversion to their new masters than any other species of outrage could have done. The government of the Sforzas had always been comparatively popular, not only because they were natives, but because In their general administration they consulted the feelings and manners of the people. Whenever they had an opportunity of doing so the Milanese had testi fied in the most unequivocal manner their dislike of their new and their attachment to their old LEO X. 175 masters. The chancellor Morone had been the Chapter VI. chief minister of the Sforzas, and was a man of ' — < — ' 1620 great ability and Influence. Under the French to . . . . 1621. he had continued to preserve an Important position in Milan ; but now he devoted himself heart and soul to the cause of Francis Sforza. He repaired to the allied camp, and as, in spite of his ad vanced age, he still retained undiminished vigour of mind, he became the virtual leader of the confederates. He kept up constant Intelhgence with his friends in the city, and all the par- tlzans of the Sforzas, who might be said to be the whole body of citizens, placed the greatest confidence In his capacity and prudence, Francis Sforza hmself was a man of no weight ex cept from his name, but this name, dear to the people, was a tower of strength. The task of Morone was to animate and direct the general feeling, and to use his best endeavours to excite and maintain the courage of his fellow citizens. Courage was certainly not the virtue by which the Milanese were chiefly distinguished, but as In the impending war they must take one side or another, they might be expected to embrace that which accorded with their own sympathies. The retreat of Lautrec was fitted to Inspire the The al- Milanese with that species of courage which arises possession from the almost certain hope of success. The ° French garrison in the citadel kept Its ground. 176 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter but It could do nothing to maintain the city In '¦—r—' subjection. Colonna entered it without a, struggle, to and was received with open arms by the people. The French had held Milan for six years, and now It was snatched from them in a moment. Milan was a glorious prize, but it was so easily won and so easily lost that Its successive rulers must have experienced as much anxiety as joy when it came into their power. Francis Sforza might well feel gratified by the manner in which the people welcomed his accession to the dukedom, but the same people had received Maximilian Sforza as cordially, and then allowed him to fall without striking a blow to avert his doom. Francis Sforza was not present when the allies entered Milan, and the government of the city was com mitted to Morone, as the lieutenant of the new duke. The long experience of Morone, and his intimate knowledge of the Milanese character, admirably fitted him for the office to which he had been appointed. The more easily the first triumphs had been won the greater reason was there to apprehend future dangers afid difficulties. Greedy allies had to be satisfied, and preparations were necessary in order to resist the efforts which Francis I. was certain to make to repair the late disasters and recover his lost duchy.* Belcarius, b. xvi. ch. xlix.-I. pp. 497 — 498 ; Guicciardini, vol. vii. pp. 203—207 ; Muratori, vol. xiv. pp. 246—249. LKO X. 177 The first point was to satisfy the allies, especi- Chapter ally the most impatient of them, the pope. The ' — <—^ papal troops were therefore put in possession of to Parma and Piacenza. The Duke of Milan had p^^g^^j^^ always claimed these cities as inalienable parts of l'i*<=«D'=* » ^ ^ are re- hls duchy, and nothing but the pressure of urgent stored to ^ tll6 pOp6. necessity could have led to their relinquishment. But it was well known that the pope would admit of no negotiation or delay on the point, and, in his treaty with the allies, Sforza had bound himself in the most express terms that as soon as he had it in his power he would deliver up these two places to the Holy See. But Leo was not content with these acquisitions, and. In pursuance of his instructions, his general, after he had taken posses sion of Parma and Piacenza, marched against Ferrara. The ground on which Leo claimed this duchy was that Sixtus IV. had alienated It from the Holy See, in order to form an appanage for his son. No doubt there existed some ground for the pope's claim, but while his nephew Lorenzo lived Leo had been as willing as his predecessors to endow his family at the expense of the church. Now his ambition had taken a different direction, and his grand object was to extend the domains of the Holy See. He hnd hitherto met with wonderful success in his enter prises, although the manner in which he carried them out was little creditable to his spiritual office. N 178 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter Now It Seemed probable that Ferrara would also >— Y^ be compelled to submit to his victorious arms, but to before it could be attacked Leo X. had ceased to 1521. y The pope's flVe. h'e'^rin of While the mihtary events which have been the success narrated were proceeding so prosperously for the arms. pope he was residing at Magliana, a villa In the neighbourhood of Rome, and his favourite retreat. At this place he received the news of the capture of Milan. All accounts concur In stating that this intelligence filled the pope with transports of joy, to which he found it difficult to give expres sion. He was continually sending messengers to Rome, to give directions as to the demonstrations and fetes which were to celebrate this great triumph.* His excessive emotion left him no taste for his ordinary diversions ; his great desire was to set out for Rome, that he might super- Intend and take part in the rejoicings of his people. The intelligence of Colonna's triumph was received on Sunday, 24th November, 1521, and, although somewhat indisposed, the pope set out for Rome on the evening of the same day. When he reached his capital he summoned a consistory, and Issued ordcirs that for three succes sive days splendid f^tes should take place. Had the Turks been driven froin Europe, or converted to the Christian faith, the event could not have • Peter de Grassis, in Raynaldus, vol. xxxi. p. 357. LEO X. 179 been celebrated with greater external demonstra- Chapter . .VI. tions of satisfaction than was a triumph of which '-^ v--" the only advantage was that it added two cities to to the temporal dominions of the pope. But in truth Leo was beside himself with joy, and as the news of the battle of Maregnan had reduced him to almost unmanly despondency, so that of the capture of Milan threw his mind completely off Its balance. He was not one of those men who can preserve their equanimity in the midgt of great events, but belonged to that numerous class In whose heated fancy fear or hope always assumes exaggerated proportions. The indisposition which the pope had experi- Serious enced before leaving his country villa took a more the pope. serious aspect after he had reached Rome. There can be little doubt that the extreme agitation of his feelings had produced a slight fever, but for a time It was regarded as of little moment. His physicians ascribed the illness to a cold caught in the country, but apprehended no danger. The consistory had been summoned to meet on the 27th November, but in consequence of the pope's indisposition the meeting was postponed. This was the only circumstance which led the public to suppose that the pope was seriously unwell. As to the progress of his malady and the symptoms which It exhibited we have little information. The diarist, Peter de Grassis, gives a minute n2 l.'i2L 180 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter account of what took place after Leo's death, but VI. . . . ^-Y--^ says nothing as to the week during which he was to confined to his room. During that - week he received news of the occupation of Parma and Piacenza by his troops, and the intelligence gave him extreme satisfaction. It seems an unaccount able circumstance that, although the pope's con finement to his bed was protracted from day to day, no alarm w^as awakened on the subject. He was still, of course, in the vigour of life, and there seemed little reason to attach importance to a passing indisposition, but when a person of his high position is compelled to confine himself to his room even for a few days the most alarming rumours generally begin to prevail. On this occasion the most perfect tranquillity prevailed; no whisper of danger was heard, and all seemed to expect that the pope would soon resume his usual life in his usual health. The silence of De Grassis, whose office brought him into constant communication with the pope, is strange when contrasted with the minuteness with which he narrates the cslrcumstances which followed Leo's death. The death of Alexander VI. was ap parently 6wlhg to the same cause which cut short the life of Leo — an attack of fever. But In the first-mentioned case we have a distinct account of the progress of the malady, and of the means adopted to arrest It. But so far as any authentic LEO X. 181 record is concerned not the slightest measure was Chapter VI adopted to mitigate the illness of Leo, and he was ^w left to languish from day to day until he expired. fo" When death Is preceded by a week's Illness the ^^^^' general belief Is that death was the result of that illness, although this is not true In every case. If the pope's illness was generally regarded as The pope's of little moment the news of his death must have death. startled as well as shocked the public. But beyond the fact that on Sunday, 1st December, a week after his return to Rome, Leo had died, no Information was afforded to the world. De Grassis, as quoted by Raynaldus, simply states the commencement and termination of Leo's Ill ness. On Sunday, the 24th, the diarist and the pope had held some conversation as to the ques tion whether public thanks should be returned for the capture of Milan. De Grassis was of opinion that this was never done except when the Interests of the Holy See were directly concerned. Leo thought that In this case they had been so, but it was agreed to defer the decision until the follow ing day, when the cardinals could be consulted. The pope then retired to bed, and, after resting some hours, said that he did not feel well. On the following day he was unable to appear In public. After stating this fact the diari .t goes on to say that, on Sunday, the 1st of December, the pope had died In consequence of a cold, with- 182 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter out any danger having been apprehended. He W^ afterwards states that the cause of the " pope's ^ to" death was a catarrhal cold, and that during his 1111- ^^^^' ness he had often complained of a burning heat. Why such an important fact, instead of attracting alarmed attention at the moment, should only have been remembered when too late to be of any use. Is remarkable. An affection of the throat, accompanied with a burning internal heat, was not surely a symptom to be' neglected.* TheVene- However, the Venetian ambassador to some tian am- . . r t\ /~i ¦ bassador's extent. Supplies the omissions ot ue (jrassis. the pope's ThIs ambassador professes to have derived his death. Intelligence hour by hour from two cardinals and from the pope's physician. His account of the commencement of the pope's illness is somewhat different from that furnished by De Grassis. He states that Leo, after expressing his joy at the success of Colonna, and making some general observations upon the war, was suddenly seized with illness, f Here was just the witness wanted to clear away the mystery which hangs over the death of Leo, but unhappily he does not enter Into * Raynaldus, in relating the pope's death, ascribes it to apoplexy: " In qua apoplexia correptus, nuUis peroeptis sacramentis, aetatis quadragesimo sixto nondum exaoto deoessit inopina morte." Vol. xxxi. pp. 357—358 ; Guicciardini, vol. vii. pp. 208—209 ; Jovius, book vi. pp. 112 — 114 ; Bellay in Petitot, vol. xvii. p. 60. f " B subito il papa si ammado ed esso oratore aveva il Cardinal Trevalu e Bernardino Speroni medico nato Padavano chi di ora in ora lo avzisavano com stava il papa." Relaz. &c., vol. iii. p- '2. LEO X. 183 those details with which he furnishes us on less Chapter VI. important occasions. After having sufficiently ' — f-^ proved that he had ample means of satisfying our to curiosity, he proceeds to say, the pope died on the 1st December, at eight o'clock In the evening.* Still, the particulars communicated by the am bassador, however few, are important The pope's seizure was sudden, and the Illness which followed was In the estimation of the ambassador so serious that he prides himself upon having obtained from the best sources the report of Its hourly progress. It Is to be regretted that he did not tell us what the illness really was, and what opinion regarding It had been formed by his friend the Paduan physician. However, the narrative, succinct as it i.s, would lead us to suppose that the pope had been seized with a very serious malady, perhaps apoplexy, and that, as Raynaldus asserts, its fatal termination was by no means a matter for wonder. There is no expression of surprise at the suddenness of the pope's death, and the manner in which it is mentioned almost Implies that the am bassador had anticipated the event. But whatever may have been the case with the Suspicions of poison. Venetian ambassador, the intelligence of Leo's death was to the general public such an unexpected event that it Immediately suggested the idea of • " II quale mori addi prime dicembre a ore otte qU notte." Relaz. &c., vol. iii. p. 72. 1621. 184 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter poIson. De Grassis secms to have shared this - — ^ suspicion, at least for a time. According to his to own account he had experienced no anxiety re garding Leo's state, when suddenly he was called to perform the duty of his office by preparing for the interment of the pope. He proceeded to the pope's chamber, and found that he was not only dead, but that his body was already cold arid black. The diarist consulted the conclave as to whether a medical examination of the body should take place. This examination was ordered, and the result gave countenance to the suspicion of poison. De Grassis then relates a story about a certain monk who had spread a report that the pope was about to be .poisoned. When once the idea of poison was suggested everything seemed explained. The poisoner had refrained from pursuing his wicked design so long as there existed a chance that nature might do his work; this hope failing him, he lost no time in adminis tering the fatal dose, and Its result was almost instant death, and before the attendants recovered from their alarm all was over. The pope died without having received the last sacraments of the church, and was It likely that this should have taken place in a case of natural disease, when the physicians might have been able to discern the signs of approaching dissolution. But if there had existed a poisoner, who was he % The person LEO X. 185 accused and arrested was the chamberlain of the Chapter VI. pope. His name was Bernardo Malasplna, and ---, — ¦ it was alleged that in the night previous to the to pope's seizure this person had handed to him a cup of wine, of the bad taste of which Leo bitterly complained. After an examination, Malasplna was set at liberty, according to the statement of some historians by the interference of the Cardinal de' Medici, afterwards Pope Clement VII. The reason alleged for this inter ference was the cardinal's apprehension that if the inquiry was prosecuted the name of some great prince might be involved. This story regarding Malasplna is evidently The suspi- entltled to no credit, since It asserts that the pope poison ap- had been poisoned a week before his death. Had Eave'been such been the case the duration of the illness and "°f°"'"i«'l the suddenness of the death would have been un accountable. There was In reality no mystery about Leo's death. He was of a most unhealthy habit of body, and at the time of his election his speedy death had been anticipated by some. His death, when it did take place, was sudden and un expected In appearance rather than In reality. Although still in the vigour of hfe so far as years were concerned, Leo had of late become Indolent and apathetic, and although temperate In eating and drinking, was very corpulent. He was sub ject to complaints which indicated a diseased state 186 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter of the blood or a great weakness of constitution,* VI. ° . . If we suppose that the seizure which the Venetian ambassador records was of an apoplectic nature, its cause seems obvious enough. Before he heard of the success of the allies Leo's anxiety must have been extreme, and the reaction produced by the intelligence of the capture of Milan was hkely to produce a powerful effect both upon mind and body. The mental exhilaration was a subject of universal observation, and the bodily seizure which followed was only what might have been expected. The slow progress and suddenly fatal termination of the malady whatever might be Its nature, are not matters for suprise, and we may rest satisfied with the ultimate conclusion of De Grassis, that a natural disease, not poison, was the cause of Leo's death.f Duration At the tiuie of hls death Leo X. was fortyrsix racter of years old, and had reigned eight years eight months and nineteen days. It was the misfortune of Leo that he was raised to the papal throne at * In a letter written from Rome on the day of the pope's death the English ambassador states, on the authority of Cardinal Cam- peggio, that this event had taken place eight days before that on which it was communicated to the public. This statement, if correct, would be important; but it seems to rest upon no solid foundation ; since Leo had spent the last eight days of his life in the most complete seclusion, the announcement of his death may have given rise to a rumour that the fact had been kept secret for a week ; but this rumour, if such there was, acquired so little consistency, that it seems to have been unknown to every contemporary historian. Ellis's Original Letters, 3rd series, vol. i. pp. 278. -f- Et conclusum not fuisse Papam veuenatuin sed excatharro. Raynaldus, vol. xxxi. Leo'sreign. 1521. LEO X 187 the most momentous period which had ever taken Chapter place In the history of the church. Had Leo ' — , — ' governed that church at an ordinary time his to decorous manners, general accomplishments, and the active part which he took in the revival of letters, would have secured for him an honourable place in the history of the papacy. But the rise and progress of the reformation brought into prominent view Leo's chief defect — his want of religious earnestness, and his consequent inability to deal with a movement which none but a reli gious man could either appreciate or control. There may be a question whether any foresight or prudence on the part of Leo could have pre served the unity of the church, but without doubt his policy hastened on that rupture which ravished from the Holy See some of its most valuable spiritual provinces. Nor was the Italian policy of Leo less Injurious to the church than the va cillating and unskilful manner In which he dealt with the religious movement In Germany. That policy was not only fundamentally opposed to the principle on which the papacy existed, but was carried out in such a manner as to Increase greatly the disapprobation with which the territorial preten sions of the Holy See had been always regarded. The best that can be said for that policy is that it had a vague regard to the establishment of Italian Independence, but so far as the papacy was con- 188 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter cemed this was Its greatest fault. Neither France ¦ — . — ¦ nor Germany was willing that Italy should become to a powerful nation, claiming equal rank with them selves, and able to assert her claim. But that Italy, having become a nation, should be placed under the dominion of the pope, was a notion utterly repugnant to the policy which had annexed to the papacy a temporal principality in addition to its spiritual authority. That that principality should expand Into a mighty kingdom would have been a prospect equally alarming to the chief European states and to those pious Catholics who viewed with suspicion and dislike the territorial pretensions of the papacy. Nothing, Indeed, could be more visionary than the scheme of aggrandis ing the papacy until It became a great temporal state, but there is no doubt that Leo amused his imagination ,with some such scheme, and that vague attempts to promote It gave its distinctive character to the policy of his latter years. The result was a series of transactions which brought the greatest discredit upon the Holy See, and seriously Impaired its spiritual authority at a period when Its utmost energy was required for the support of the church. But from Leo, as pope and prince, let us turn to Leo as a man. - Leo's pri- While the public conduct of Leo was liable to vate life. , , ^ , . . ., . „ tlie severest censure his private life was compara tively free of reproach. He took great delight LEO X. 189 in the society of learned men, and his own attain- ch^ter ments were such as to enable him to sympathise ^^^ with their pursuits, and to relish and take part }° In their conversation. At twelve years of age he could translate Virgil or Homer at sight, and the eminent Instructors whom his father had provided for him did their best to impart to him the stores of their own knowledge. The great respect with which Lorenzo treated learning and its professors was an example to his children, and one which Leo studiously endeavoured to imitate. The teachers of the young Medici were not hirelings whom the noble and wealthy treated with insulting con descension or Ill-disguised scorn : they were men of whose friendship the greatest princes were proud, and who themselves were often called upon to undertake the most honourable public duties. Leo had been thus trained in the best of all schools In which a future patron of literature can be reared ; he had been taught, far less by precept than by example, that the cultivation of knowledge was an honourable pursuit, and that the favours bestowed upon those engaged in it were not alms, or even free gifts, but rewards justly due to those whose labours tended to civilise and refine their fellow men. No expectation could be more natural than that state of 111 -i . J learning at successive popes should encourage learning and Eome on learned men. Without some portion of know- ailjnTfLeo. 1621. 190 SELECT BIOGRAPHY, Chapter ledge the clergy could not discharge their pro- ^-Y^ fessional functions. Latin was the language of to the church, and the book on which it professed to found its doctrines was written In Greek. Thus an acquaintance with two ancient languages was as essential to the priest as a certain techni cal knowledge is to those engaged in ordinary professions and trades. But the clergy had gradually ceased to possess, or even to pretend to possess, knowledge so essential to them. Many could not construe their breviary, and to the vast majority Greek was a sealed book. As this ignorance deepened In Intensity the rulers of the church had made feeble attem]>ts to arrest its progress, and various seminaries had been es tablished In Rome. But for years past these attempts had almost ceased. The popes, im mersed In secular politics, or in schemes for endowing their illegitimate children, were neither learned themselves nor encouragers of learning In others. At the accession of Leo the college of Rome had fallen into decay, and Its remaining professors were little fitted to attract students or aid In the revival of letters. But with the ac cession of Leo a new era commenced, and learned men were invited from all quarters In order to assist the new pope in his attempts to diffuse knowledge among his subjects, at least those of LEO X. 191 them who aspired to high offices in church or Chapter state. ¦~--r—' 1520 The grand obiect of Leo was to furnish the to ' 1521. college of Rome with an adequate number of^^^^^ professors fully qualified for the performance of"'*"?^"" their duties. For this purpose he invited to the study Rome the most eminent scholars of Europe, and, although Erasmus declined the invitation, it was accepted by many who held a distinguished place in the world of letters. Nor was this the only means adopted to attract students to the Roman college. To young men who were Imbued with a love of learning poverty was no bar. Pensions Were freely granted, but those who received them, as well as those students who supported them- selve, were held bound to pursue their studies with unwearied activity. Lectures were to be delivered morning and evening, and were not to be suspended even on church festivals. There was one branch of study which Leo especially en couraged, and which recommended itself equally to the intelligent churchman and the accomplished man of letters. This was the study of the Greek language. In this language were embodied the e^llest and grandest monuments of human genius ; it had also been the medium through which a knowledge of his present duty and future destiny had been communicated to man. In his earnest efforts to promote the study of Greek Leo 192 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter was engaged In a work most suitable to his station ' — ^ and to the sacred duties which it imposed upon to him. If he adopted few active measures to reform the abuses of the church his encouragement of Greek learning did far more to promote that reformation than volumes of decrees could have done. Knowledge . may do little to reform the moral character of an individual, but its influence upon society is eminently regenerating. There are numerous abuses and malpractices which are condemned as soon as they are brought to the test of reason, and which wither and expire by a kind of natural process as soon as they are ex posed to the light. It Is by no chance coincidence that the diffusion of knowledge and the reformation of religion go hand in hand ; the destruction of false opinions and degrading superstitions being sooner or later the result of that free inquiry which crushes everything which refuses to submit to Its test and to abide its decision. Whatever may be the character or motives of the man who seeks to extend knowledge he is engaged In a holy work, upon the success of which the best interests of his fellow men depend. It Is, therefore, the redeeming point in Leo's life that his political projects, how ever unjust in themselves, never interfered with his efforts to encourage learning and learned men. Leo's ^^^ ^^^ ^ ^as.Si.'o. well fitted to delight those who social qua- y^gj.g admitted to his Intimacy. He possessed an 1521. LEO X. 193 admirable memory, had an easy graceful mode of Chapter. expressing himself, and knew how to call out the ^->^ best qualities of his guests, while he himself led the to conversation. His manners were gentle, and even caressing ; he had too much real knowledge to be jealous of those who were superior to himself in this respect, and he encouraged that freedom with out which social intercourse becomes formal and tedious. He had associated too much with learned men not to be aware that, although they feel a pride In addressing to their patrons adroit flat teries, there is nothing which they value so highly as the liberty of expressing their own opinions, even when they are in opposition to those of the prince who entertains them. Leo knew how to maintain his dignity without imposing a painful restraint upon those whom he admitted to his table. But with the better social qualities of Leo there mingled a love of practical joking in consistent with his station, and at variance with his usual good nature. It was his delight to play upon the weaknesses and peculiarities of others. Every person whom nature had distinguished from his fellowsby some prominent defect or monstrous quality was welcome to Leo during his hours of relaxation. Among those In whose exploits he found diversion were notorious gluttons, who in the papal presence performed wonderful but dis gusting feats in the way of eating. His own o 152L 194 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter temperance, perhaps, made these feats more gro- ^'W tesque in the eyes of Leo. He had never been 1520 to addicted to the Indulgence of his appetite, fasted three times a week, and the pleasures of the table seemed to have no attraction for him.* But it was certainly inconsistent with good taste, as well as with the dignity of his office, that the pope should have derived amusement from witnessing acts of brutal self-indulgence, which are generally loathsome to all except the most ignorant and degraded men. Another kind of sport In which the pope in dulged was something more refined. Nothing pleased him so much as to work upon the vanity of some conceited poetaster, by conferring upon him all the honours to which in his crack-brained fancy he deemed himself entitled. One poor man, who Imagined that he was entitled to take rank with Dante or Petrarch, was fooled to the top of his bent. Little persuasion was required in order to induce this outcast son of the Muses to recite his verses In the presence of the pope and the learned men by whom he was surrounded. He was listened to with mute admiration, until some lines, more exquisitely absurd than the others, extorted from the pope or one of his guests the. exclamation that not Petrarch nor Tasso In his^ happiest moments had surpassed this. If Petrarch * Relazioni deg. Amb. Veu. 2nd series, vol. iii. p. 70. LEO X. 195 the capltol why should the same honour be withheld from one greater than had been crowned in the capltol why should the Chapter Petrarch. No sooner suggested than accomplished. to TT . . ^^ , ^ , 1621. Vast preparations were made to carry out the ceremonial, and the joke spread through town and country. The poor dupe himself took all In good faith, but his relations, less credulous, employed their utmost efforts to prevent him from making himself the laughing stock of Rome. But he disdained all their entreaties, and strutted about as If an envious world, overcome by his merits, had at last acknowledged his supremacy. The farce was played out to the end, and just when the unhappy victim was overflowing with gratlfled vanity the tables were turned upon him, and he became the object of universal ridicule. This was, no doubt, a living comic drama, highly diverting to those who witnessed Its various scenes, but it did little honour to Leo, by whom it was sanctioned, and whom it so much diverted. To flatter vanity in order to render its future mortification more bitter is dis creditable to any man, but was particularly re prehensible In one whose lofty position rendered his contempt more painful to endure, and more ruinous in its consequences.* Leo was very tall, far above the common height, Leo's per- and remarkably erect. As he advanced In life he pearanceand de- * Jovius, hook vi. pp. 100—310. meanciur. o2 1621. 196 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter became very corpulent. His head was very large > — ^ and his features were so likewise, although the to general expression of his countenance was dig- nifled and even engaging. His hands vere parti cularly small and well-formed, and he was not a little proud of them. He wore a profusion of rings. His limbs, although elegant, were some what too slender for his body, but upon the whole his external appearance was dignified and com manding. His voice was soft and flexible, and when it was necessary for hiin to speak in public he did so in a graceful and effective manner.* On public occasions, and especially when engaged in the performance of his sacred duties, his manner and bearing were without a fault. He Is said to have excelled all former pontiffs in the way in which he conducted himself during those great , solemnities when the pope appears before aU the people and performs the most sacred functions of his high office. No doubt his Imposing personal appearance added greatly to the dignity of his demeanour in the eyes of the multitude. The pope was also extremely affable and gene rous, and his popularity remained unimpaired to the last. Nowhere is a pope criticised more se verely than at Rome, but Leo stood this test better than the great majority of his 'predecessors * Relazioni degli. Amb. Ven. 2nd series, vol. iii. p. 72 ; Jovius, book, vi. p. 116 ; Ciaconius, vol. iii. col. 331. LEO X. 197 and successors. His good qualities were showy Chapter and attractive ; his defects were not those which '-^^ — ' excite general notice or create popular odium. to He was very fond of hunting, and, when he wanted to indulge in this amusement, he resorted to his country villa of Magliana. His arrival there was the signal for a general festival. His cour teous manners, the ready attention which he gave to their complaints, and the generosity with which he reheved their wants, endeared him to the country people. They were accustomed to say that the pope's visits were their best harvests,* The abilities of Leo were more admired by his Leo's in- contemporaries than they have been by posterity, character. The great catastrophe which overtook the papal church during his pontificate seems to reflect strongly upon his want of skill and foresight. There can be no doubt that Leo X, was utterly unfitted to guide or subdue a great religious move ment, but this was owing to the fact that he neither understood nor sympathised vrith such movements, not to feebleness of Intellect. In secular affairs Leo X. displayed great laxity of principle, but his political skill was equal to that of those with whom he had to contend. His movements were generally attended with success, and the recovery of Parma and Piacenza may be regarded as counterbalanc ing the Impolicy of his league with the emperor. ¦• Jovius, book vi. p.- 117; Ciaconius, vol. iii. col. 326. VI. 1520 1521. 198 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter He might have lived many years, and had his pontificate been extended until the middle of the to" sixteenth century it might have produced a marked effect upon the destinies of the peninsula. His scheme of expelling foreigners may be re garded as a chimerical one, but still it was a con ception worthy of a great mind, and the steps by which Leo sought to prepare for its reahsation were framed with skill and carried out with energy. The truth was that Leo was always in a false position where his pecuhar abilities had no free scrope, and in which he was called upon to perform duties which suited neither his moral nor intellectual character. Had he been Duke of Florence he might have done great things on behalf of Italy, and much that was reprehensible in his conduct, when It no longer presented a shameful contrast to the sacred office which he held, would have been treated with indulgence. It was the misfortune of Leo, as it has been that of many other men, that the profession chosen for him could never become congenial to his nature until it had been divested of its highest charac teristics, and made the instrument of self-aggran disement, instead of becoming the career to which a man's entire energies are consecrated with a willing and complete devotion. SELECT BIOGRAPHY. ERASMUS CHAPTER I. FROM HIS BIRTH UNTIL HIS FIRST VISIT TO PARIS. 1467—1496. In the literary history of the sixteenth century the name of Erasmus occupies a very high, per haps the highest place. He was not a very pro found philosopher or theologian, still less a great poet, but few men have exercised a stronger in fluence over their contemporaries. Throughout Europe princes, divines, and scholars did homage to his merits, and appealed to him for counsel or aid. The sixteenth century was fruitful In great men, and some of them In their own depart ments were superior to Erasmus, but his repu tation eclipsed that of all others. His fame was everywhere diffused, and among all classes B Z SELECT BIOGRAPHY, Chapter of the people. His works were to be met ' — . — ' with in all places, and afforded delight to to scholars, nobles, burgesses, and peasants. Perhaps, Voltaire excepted, no mere man of letters ever acquired such a general Influence over society as Erasmus did. These two great men died as they had lived, without obtaining rank or official dignity, but each, by the mere force of his hterary genius, made himself the most conspicuous person of his age. No doubt in a moral point of view Erasmus was a far more estimable man than Voltaire, but as a writer he possessed many qualities in common with him. He viewed or dinary life with the same keen perception of its ludicrous aspects, its littlenesses, its vain preten sions, and of the hateful vices which lay beneath its affected virtues. Erasmus was a sincere Christian, but then, like the sceptical Frenchman, he regarded pious hyprocrlsy with peculiar dis dain, while he viewed with mingled anger and contempt those superstitious practices which the clergy, and particularly the monks, had sub stituted for genuine religion. The ignorance, Intolerance, and exactions of the monks had, when Erasmus began to assert his place in the world, become a general scandal. He had private reasons for detesting the monks, and as soon as he began to wield the pen he lashed their' vices with the sharpest wit and with the most ERASMUS. O merciless severity. This freedom was displeasing Chapter neither to the regular clergy nor to devout Catholic "— ^ — ' laymen, who, in common with men of the world, to 1496. enjoyed a laugh at the expense of the monks. . The good work which Erasmus undertook to per form was exactly that which suited his genius and character, for he was as unwilling as he was unfit to become the originator of a real religious reform. He was, however, its precursor, by denouncing gross abuses, and especially by leading all classes of men to exercise their own judgment in regard to religion, and not to call evil good because it was inculcated by those who professed to be the teachers of truth. Erasmus did more than any other man to destroy the blind reverence and fear with which the masses of the people regarded their spiritual instructors. In a word, during the first part of his career Erasmus was the faithful re presentative of his age^ — an age not yet prepared for breaking with the old faith, but keenly alive to the abuses by which It was disgraced, and im patient of the daily increasing corruptions which threatened to render the church an object of de testation to every good and enlightened man. But It was the misfortune of Erasmus to survive the period when his vast influence was employed, at least indirectly, in promoting a reformation of religion. The monks alleged that Erasmus laid the egg of heresy, while Luther hatched it, and B 2 1496. 4 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter there was Some truth In the saying. Had ' — ,1— ' Erasmus died In 1517, or had Luther commenced to his preaching twenty years later, the great scholar would have enjoyed the reputation of a religious reformer as well as that of having been the most learned man of his age. But, unhappily for him, the laughter which he had turned against the monks at last led to a sincere desire of such a reformation as w^ould not only check the vile superstitions upon which monkery had fattened, but purify the faith itself fi'om those additions which had obscured its most consoling and in structive doctrines. Of such aspirations Luther became the organ, and men could scarcely spare a smile for the follies of the monks when the great question, " How can a sinful man find acceptance with God ? " had become a matter of pubhc dis cussion and interest. Luther, in his doctrine of justification by faith alone, found an answer to this question, and after this doctrine had brought peace to his own soul he taught It to others with all that ardour and exclusiveness which copvince and convert men. In a moment Erasmus found himself set aside, and, after having been the fore most man of his age, was eclipsed by a rude monk, who had become an object of universal attention. On many accounts the vast and daily increasing Influence of Luther was a source of bitter morti fication to Erasmus, but It was especialy em- ERASMUS. 5 barrassing to him because It compelled him to take Chapter a decided part — to become the supporter or the '—r-' enemy of the Romish church. Either cause was to distasteful to him, because he was averse to all extremes, and wanted that earnestness of convic tion which alone enables a man to maintain, with out regard to consequences, what he believes to be religious truth. No one discerned more clearly thai! Erasmus the errors of the papal church, or regarded with less respect the theory of the pope's supremacy, but then the pope was in point of fact the acknowledged head of the Christian church, and therefore Erasmus was not disposed to assail his pretensions. He was essentially a man of compromise, and would have been satisfied if the church by its own act had removed some of its most glaring 'abuses, and especially if the tricks and cupidity of the monks had been vigorously repressed. The impetuous zeal and practical force of Luther pushed aside ev&ry obstacle which opposed his progress, until he finally cast off the papal yoke. But this ardour was In the eyes of Erasmus a kind of madness, which no sane man ought to admire, far less imitate. For a time, in deed, Erasmus regarded Luther with something like sympathy, but this soon gave place to distrust, and in time to aversion. Between the two men there -was a contrariety of character, which must always have prevented them from acting in com- 1496. b SELECT BIOGRAPHY, Chapter mon, and which at last made them declared I. \ ' — . — ' enemies. The opinions of Luther found a vast to response throughout Europe, but, on the other hand, those of Erasmus were embraced by many eminent churchmen and laymen. These persons were sincerely religious, but then they were men of peace, and lovers of moderation, who were ready to endure many evils rather than seek to remove them by popular convulsions and violent changes. But, as In times of excitement, especi ally when religion Is the source of that excite ment, moderate men cannot make their voices heard, they generally end by taking the part of those who have force on their side. Such was the case with Erasmus ; he was the forerunner of the , Lutheran reformation, but in time became Its declared enemy. Thus the last half of his hfe, while it did not shake his claims to hterary dis tinction, witnessed a great diminution In that popular influence and renown which had for many years made him the most Important man in Europe. Had Erasmus been only the greatest hterary character which adorned Europe during the sixteenth century it would not have fallen within the scope of this work to take a review of his life. But from his close connection with the most distinguished men of his age, and from the nature of his writings, Erasmus was mixed ERASMUS. I up with the events of his time in a far more Chapter particular manner than could have been the case v— y--' with a mere man of letters. A careful consldera- to tion of the career of Erasmus throws great hght upon the causes which prepared the world for the preaching of Luther. The works of Erasmus were in every hand, and their clear tendency was to throw contempt upon the dogmas and practices of the current religion, and this in a way which the dullest could comprehend, by appeahng to what was daily passing before their eyes. The greediness and sensuality of the monks were byewords, and the writer who loaded their vices with ridicule and moral reprobation was certain to make an abiding impression. The results produced went far beyond the hopes and desires of Erasmus, and he, appalled by the spirit which he had raised, began to Inculcate modera tion, and the duty of resting satisfied with things as they were, until those whose proper duty it was made such changes as they deemed safe and prudent. This counsel was approved by many, and when matters cooled down produced a decided effect upon the course of public affairs. During the first half of the sixteenth century the papacy was upon the brink of destruction ; during the latter half it did not indeed regain Its lost ground, but It averted the dangers which for a time threatened its utter ruin. The men bv whom the 1496. 8 SELECT BIOGEAPHY, Chapter Catholic church was guided in this last period ' — y — ' might be termed the disciples of Erasmus ; for, to hke him, they opposed practical abuses, and in point of doctrine steered a kind of milder course upon those mysterious dogmas which regard free will, divine grace, and predestination. Thus, the life of Erasmus has a direct connection with those religious movements which convulsed the six teenth century, and a knowledge of his conduct and oplniotis throws considerable light upon the history of the reformation. Birth of Erasmus was born at Rotterdam, on the 28th of October, 1467. The correctness of this date has been disputed, but there seems no good ground for doubting its accuracy. The parents of Erasmus were not married, and their history is romantic as well as affecting. His father was the youngest except one of ten sons, and as he showed a disposition for a studious hfe, and had been well educated, his relations were anxious that he should become a priest. But to this profession he had a great aversion, chiefly, perhaps, on account of the attachment which he had formed for Margaret, the daughter of a physician at Sevenbergen. We know nothing of the circumstances under which this at tachment was formed, but Its result was the birth of two sons ; of these sons Erasmus was the youngest. Judging of his parents by their subsequent conduct we must conclude that they . ERASMUS. 9 considered themselves married persons in the sight Chapter of God, if not In the eye of the law.* Before ^-^— ' giving birth to her second son Margaret had to withdrawn to Rotterdam. It was the full inten tion of Gerard to marry her In a formal and legal manner, but the continual opposition of his rela tions and his want of resources compelled him to postpone the design. His relations still urged him to adopt the clerical profession, and he saw no way of avoiding their importunities except by leaving his country. Rome was then regarded as the centre of Intellectual cultivation, and am bitious young men flocked to It, as they now do to London or Paris. It was, therefore, at Rome that Gerard resolved to try his fortune. When he reached that city he found no available way of earning his living except by making transcripts of ancient authors, a task which required some degree of classical knowledge. In this occupation Gerard met with so much success that he felt confident of being soon able to marry the mother of his children. But his absence had not induced his relations to rehnquish their purpose of making him a priest, and they took an effectual measure to accomplish their wishes. There seems to have been no cor- * Vita Erasmi Rotterdami, ex ipsius manu, &c. (Sugduni 1609). Compendium suaj vitsa, p. 10. Et sunt qui dicunt inter- cississe verba. 10 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter respondence between the lovers, and thus Gerard, ' — . — ' when he received intelligence that Margaret was to dead, gave full credit to the report. His aversion to the priesthood disappeared, and he took the irretrievable step which shut him out from all hope of enjoying a domestic life. After he had done so he discovered the cruel deception which had been practised upon him. In such painful circumstances Gerard and Margaret gave the best proof of the purity of their attachment by living separate from each other, Margaret re maining single during the rest of her life. The mother of Erasmus seems to have been a pure and - excellent woman, and her son praises her greatly ; and since he was thirteen at the time of her death he could speak from personal knowledge. It has been supposed that Margaret had given birth to only one child, but there can be no reasonable doubt that she was the mother of two sons, the eldest named Peter, and the youngest Gerard. In a letter to Grunnius, who held a high office at the papal court, Erasmus, who was anxious that the pope should relieve him from his monastic vows, relates his own early history and that of his brother, under the assumed names of Flo- rentius and Antonlus.* The particulars men tioned correspond in all respects with those stated by Erasmus in the compendium which he drew ' Opevii, vol. iii. pt. ii. Appendix, Ep. 412, cols. 1821 — 33. ERASMUS. 11 up of his own life, with the exception that he Chapter makes no mention of his brother. But this *— ^ — ' silence does not set aside the general evidence to that Erasmus had an elder brother. There Is extant a letter from Erasmus to Peter, his brother,* and in another he alludes to his death.f The fact that Erasmus had an elder brother seems thus placed beyond dispute, but Hesse, one of his biographers, regards the matter as still doubtful.| In regard to the bearing which this fact has upon the character of Margaret it throws no additional reproach upon her, since she regarded herself as the wife of Gerard, and, when she could no longer hope to become so legally, dissolved her connection with him, while he was still the only object of her affection. But she remained at hberty to lavish her tenderness upon the pledges of this affection, and both parents seem to have treated their children with the utmost care and kindness. Erasmus at first received the name of his father. Early Gerard, but this was subsequently changed Into of "Era&°" Erasmus Desiderlus, the first a Greek and the '^"'^' second a Latin word, synonymous in signification with the Dutch name Gerard, meaning amiable, • Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii. Appendix, Ep. 470. The letter is thus addressed : — " Eras. Eoter. Domino Petro germane suo." It is written -with great kindness, but it seems to prove that Peter did not reciprocate this kindness. t Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii. Ep. 929, col, 1053. I Erasmus nach seinem Leben, by Hesse, p. 26. 12 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter loveable.* The name of Erasmus In subsequent ' — , — ' ages, as well as In his own time, has superseded to every other, and although it is uncertain at what particular period he himself assumed it, it is a matter of convenience to employ It from the first. Erasmus was sent to school when he was about four years old, and his first teacher was Peter Winkle, a man of some scholastic reputa tion, but whose subsequent conduct to his pupil was neither generous nor just. While still very young, and in consequence of the excellence of his voice, Erasmus was made a chorister in the cathedral church of Utrecht. However, when he had reached the age of nine he was removed to Daventer, and placed under the care of Alexander Hegius, who enjoyed a great reputation as a teach er.f Under Hegius Erasmus seems to have made rapid progress. Latin was his chief study, Horace and Terence being his favourite authors ; and his memory was so retentive that he is said to have known the second almost by heart. The death But while 'Erasmus was pursuing his studies ¦of his . , , , ^ '^ ^ parents. With SO much ardour and success a great mis fortune befell him. The plague was then raging In the Low Countries, and the mother of Erasmus was seized with the disease, and died. This event made such a painful impression upon Gerard » opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 633 ; pt. ii. Ep. 1587. t Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 633. ERASMUS. 13 that he soon followed to the tomb the woman Chapter whom he had loved with so much constancy. At w-^ the time when they lost their parents Erasmus to was thirteen years old and his brother Peter six- ^^^^' teen. The two boys were not entirely destitute, for their father had left enough of property to provide for their support and education. Gerard had appointed three guardians, to whose care his children and their property were confided. The chief of these guardians was Peter Winkle. When the future position of the two boys was Conductof to be decided upon Winkle was of opinion that they should become priests. As a preparation for this career they were sent to a monastery. The destiny thus chalked out for him was regarded by Erasmus with detestation, even horror. The fate of his parents, perhaps their instructions and warnings, had inspired him with a most intense aversion to the monastic life. His own strong expression in regard to the matter is, "that he did not dislike religion, but detested the mo nastery." * But he had to deal with a man who either from self interest or obstinacy was deter mined to accomplish his purpose. In the convent to which he was sent Erasmus spent nearly three years, but experience only con firmed his Intense hatred of the monastic life of * " Non abhorrebat a prelate, ceterum a monasterio abhorrebat." Vita exipsius manus and Compendium, p. 2. 14 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter this period ; he says, emphatically, " There he "— V — ¦ lived, that Is lost, almost three years of his life," * 1467 ' ' , •' to The system of Instruction which was pursued in 1496. •' . ^ the convent he regarded vrith contempt, and seems to have viewed the monks themselves with much the same kind of feeling. But In their way they were kind to him, and urged him strongly to be come one of their number. He pleaded his youth as a reason for delay, at least, and the plague breaking out in the district, he left the convent, and took up his residence with Peter Winkle, One of his guardians had fallen a victim to the plague, but unhappily for Erasmus, that victim was not Peter Winkle. Peter and his remaining colleague now strenuously urged Eras mus to enter upon his noviciate as a monk, , but they were generous enough to allow him time for consideration. No consideration, however, could alter the fixed opinion of Erasmus, and when called upon to announce Ms decision, he declared that as he neither knew the world, the monastery, nor himself, the best thing for him would be to continue at school for some years. This declarar tion set Peter In a flame. Peter was a man In great general repute for piety and other virtues, and this attempt to thwart his purpose on the part of a mere child irritated him to the utmost, * " Illic -vixit hoc est perdidit annos ferme tres in sedebus, f ratrum , ut vocant." Vita and Compendium, p. 10. 1496. ERASMUS. 15 In the letter to Grunnius Erasmus states with Chapter great minuteness the efforts which he made to ' — • — ' escape from the fate assigned to him. In the to summary of his own life he is silent as to the history of his brother, but from this letter it appears that the two boys spent their early lives together. In their opposition to a monastic life the brothers made common cause, but to Erasmus, as the most capable, was confided the task of attempting to shake the resolution of Winkle. But Erasmus, however earnestly he pleaded his cause, did so in vain, and even his brother Peter at last took part against him. Erasmus speaks of this desertion in terms of bitter reproach, and says that Peter was so different from himself in Intel lectual and moral character that It was difficult to believe him descended from the same parents.* Winkle, fortified by the adhesion of Peter, broke out Into the most angry expressions against Eras mus, denouncing him as an idle fellow, who had not the spirit of an ox. He concluded his tirade by declaring his Intention of resigning his guardian ship. Poor Erasmus snatched at this prospect of rehef, declaring his readiness and ability to ma nage his own affairs. But, as Winkle was strongly suspected of having grossly mismanaged the property of the orphans, It did not suit his " Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii. Appendix, Ep. 442 : " Adeo minori dis- similis ut sappositius videre posset." 16 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter purpose to caiTy out liIs threat. He therefore, ap- -— ^ plied for aid to a monk for whom Erasmus to had contracted some affection. The entreaties of ^^^ ' the monk, and of all those by whom he was sur rounded, at last prevailed upon Erasmus to take up his residence first at the convent of Sion and then at one near Gouda. Here he found an old companion named Cornel Verden. Verden had visited Italy, but had not added much to his learning, and his chief merit was that of being a good singer. He was very poor, and this. In addition to his love of ease and good living, had induced him to embrace the monastic life. He now represented to Erasmus that life In Its fairest aspects, as securing the means of living in a holy manner, besides furnishing those who belonged to it with an ample supply of books, and leisure and tranquillity to profit by them. At last, when seven teen years of age, Erasmus was persuaded to enter , upon his noviciate. He himself states the motives which induced him to take -this important step. While anxious to leave the monastery, before making the profession, modesty, threats, and ne cessity exercised a resiralning Influence over him, so as to induce him to yield to the wishes of those by whom he was surrounded. * However, the * " Parantem abire ante professionem partim pudor humanus, partim minre, partim necessitas, coercuit." ' Opera^vitse, &c., Com pendium, p. 12. ERASMUS. 17 better acquainted he became with the monastic Chapter life the less did It please him. It was in his own " — r^ ' opinion highly unfavourable to his health, for to he had a great aversion to fish, and considered that it and the usual monastic practices were unsuitable to his constitution. Still, his dissatis faction did not prevent him from pursuing his studies with the greatest ardour. He read with eager pleasure and critical care the most eminent - Roman authors, and acquired an extraordinary knowledge of Latin, so as to be able to compose in it with as much facility as if it had been his native tongue. The eight years which Erasmus spent in the He re- . -1 . n 1 . oeives or- monastery exercised a vast infiuence over his dination. future life. He enjoyed ample leisure and a considerable supply of books, and was animated by the most intense desire of literary distinction. In no other position could he have so completely prepared himself for his future career, or have acquired a larger stock of the knowledge fitted to promote his ambitious views. Now the time had at last come when his attainments were to be put to the test In that world from which he could be no longer excluded. He had reached the legal age for ordination, and as soon as this event took place he would become to some extent his own master. It was at the age of twenty-five, and in the year l/92, that Erasmus was ordained by the V c 18 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter Bishop of Utrecht. But, in submitting to this v—v^ rite, Erasmus seems to have had no intention of to undertaking the duties to which it formally bound him. He confesses that the study of theology was distasteful to him, and seems to hint a fear that free inquiry might lead him to depart from the standard of "orthodox behef* About or before the time of his ordination Erasmus Erasmus had attracted the notice of Henry de takes up '' his resi- Bergls, Blshop of Cambray. This prelate had with the some hope of being sent on a mission to Eome, Bishop of ^ * ' and he was anxious that Erasmus should accom pany him, probably as his secretary. No prospect could have been more agreeable to Erasmus, for he had an ardent desire to visit Italy and Eome, and no opportunity could be more favourable than that which now presented Itself. But his hopes were disappointed, for the design formed by De Bergls was not carried out. In the meantime Erasmus took up his residence in the episcopal palace, and the bishop amused him with many promises of future favour. However, the prelate was more profuse of his promises than of his money, and Erasmus accuses him of parsimony. Still, as the bishop was his only patron, he con tinued to reside mth him until he could see his way to a more advantageous settlement. It seems * A studio theblogioe abhorrebat quod sentiret animum non pro- pensum ut omni illorum fundamenta subvei-teret, delude futurum ut h^retioffl nomen inureretur. Vita, &c., p. 12. ERASMUS. 19 strange that the bishop did not bestow upon his Chapter protege some ecclesiastical preferment which > — , — ' might have placed him in comfort and Independ- to ence. Perhaps, however, this was a kind of favour which Erasmus had no wish to obtain, for although a priest he had no taste for priestly duties. His ruling desire seems to have been to lead an independent life, free to live where he saw fit, and bound by no obligation to employ his time in any manner which did not square with his inclinations. He, indeed, succeeded in keeping himself free of the trammels of a profession, but then he became dependent upon the liberality of patrons, and during his future life this fact exer cised a deteriorating influence over his character. In the meantime he had made up his mind to visit Paris, and the bishop encouraged him. to carry out this purpose by conferring upon him a small annual pension. c2 20 CHAPTER IL VAGRANT LIFE. 1496—1508. Encouraged by this promise of a pension, which His life at would place him above absolute want, and eager Paris. . . „ . . .r-\ to Visit foreign countries, Erasmus set out for Paris at the age of twenty-nine. What his ultimate purpose was in thus throwing himself upon the world it is difficult to understand, and his views as to the future seem to have been vague enough. Literary distinction was his chief aim, but In what manner he was to gain his living appears to have been a matter upon which he had formed no settled opinion. In a letter written at the age of twenty-three he states that his only wish was to lead a life of leisure, devoting himself entirely to mourning over the sins of his thoughtless youth, and employing himself in reading or writing upon the Holy Scriptures.*" He adds, that he was utterly unfit for either the monastic or cohegiate life, since, even when in tolerable health, he could * *' Nihil aliud, cupio quam mild dai-i ocium, in quo possum totus uni Deo vivere, deflere peccata Eotabis inoousultte versari in Scrip- turis sacris aliquod aut legere aut scribere." Opeta, vol. iii. pt- li Ep. 3. 1496 to 1508. ERASMUS. 21 not endure vigils, penances, or other acts of self- Cjiaptkr denial. This early letter throws great light upon the character and career of Erasmus. He was impressed with a deep sense of religion, lamented his early indiscretions, and was willing to spend his life in studying the Scriptures and explaining them to others. But then all this was to be done unprofesslonally — in a way which completely secured his own freedom of action, since nothing could reconcile him to a routine life, in which it was necessary to submit to restraint and act upon rule. Erasmus was, indeed, a born man of letters, esteeming liberty of mind and body as the most precious possession, but then, endowed at the same time with a keen relish for the comforts, conveniences, and refinements of life. It was his good fortune ultimately to realise his own vision of happiness, and to enjoy perfect freedom, without purchasing it at the cost of permanent poverty, privation, and neglect. After Erasmus had made his way to Paris, he His diffi culties in found that he had nothing to expect ft'om the Paris. promised pension, and that he must depend upon his own exertions for a hving. For a man in his position the only way of supporting himself was by taking pupils. It is to be presumed that he had good recommendations ; and it is probable that Dc Bergls, although sparing of his money, did not grudge hi,s young friend a flattering tosti- 1508. 22 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter monlal. At all events, the pupils of Erasmus were ¦ — ^ of a high class. One of them was Lord Mount- to joy,* and this nobleman became subsequently the warm friend and zealous patron of Erasmus. He had also another English pupil, named Thomas Gray. It Is said that, although tempted by the promise of a large pension, Erasmus refused to become the tutor of James Stanley, son of the Earl of Derby. The object of this young man's friends was to qualify him for a bishopric. He lost, indeed, the honour of having been instructed by Erasmus, but he did not miss his chief aim, since he was subsequently made Bishop of Ely, The refusal to undertake the training of this youth was certainly creditable to Erasmus, for at this time his earnings were very scanty. He was neither able to purchase the books which he re quired for his own Instruction, nor to procure those comforts which he deemed necessary for the preservation of his health. Still, even at this early period, he seems to have acquired a con siderable reputation for learning, and to have procured some distinguished friends. However, he found by experience that neither eminent ability nor great acquaintances can do much for a man unless he is the member of a profession by the exercise of which an independence can be obtained. The church was then the generous " Opera, Erasmi, vol. iii. pt. 1, Ep. 6. ERASMUS. 23 mother of learned men, and many, who but for Chapter her might have starved, were placed In comfort ' — , — ' or rose to high dignities. But as Erasmus had to been forced to select the church as his profession so the dislike with which he had originally re garded it never left him. He not only made no effort to obtain church preferment but rejected it when offered to him. While struggling with poverty at Paris an Erasmus is attack of fever rendered this evil more embar- with iii- rassing to Erasmus. He became convinced that leaves it was necessary to leave Paris, and, although he complains much of his want of means, he never found any difficulty In shifting his quarters. In fact, this power of locomotion was one of his chief enjoyments, and after remaining some time at any particular place he always found a good reason for changing his abode. He at first returned to Cambray and took up his residence with the bishop, by whom he was kindly received.* But he did not remain at Cambray for a lengthened period. He had many friends in Holland, and he became persuaded that a return to his native air would prove beneficial to his health. One of his Dutch friends was a lady of high rank, Anne Beisala, Marchioness de Vere. This lady invited him to take up his residence at her castle of Tornenhens. She also allowed him a small • Vita, &c., Compendium, p. 12. 24 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter pension. He seems. Indeed, to have become the - — r-' tutor of her son, while her librarian was his to Intimate friend. In a letter to Mountjoy Erasmus complains much of the hardships which he had suffered in his journey to Tornenhens, and states that such weather as he experienced had never before been witnessed by the peasants of the district though which he passed.* In this letter he also praises the marchioness greatly for her courtesy, kindness, and liberality. Nature, in fact, had never created a woman more chaste, prudent, candid, and benlgnant.f He visits But, however much he admired the marchioness, 14^7 *°'^' Erasmus got tired of her company, as he did of every other body's. He now resolved to visit England. His pupils, as well as general report, had spread his fame in that country. Erasmus was received In England most cordially, and made many new acquaintances, among whom was John Colet, afterwards Dean of St Paul's, Colet's mother lived at Stepney, and besides her general good qualtles was very fond of the society of learned men. While in England Erasmus divided his time between London and Oxford, and associated intimately with all the distinguished men of the nation. Among them were WiHIam * Opera, vol. iii. pt. i, Ep. 6. t " Nihil uuquam rerum natuia aut pudentius, aut prudentius, aut candidius, aut beuiguus." Idem. ERASMUS. 25 Grocyn, Thomas Linacer, and William Latimer. Chapter Grocyn was professor or reader of Greek at > — , — ¦ Oxford, and at that period an intimate knowledge to of Greek was sufficient to raise a man to eminence. Linacer, besides being a skilful physician, was also a good Greek scholar. Latimer enjoyed a high reputation on account of his general learning. It was, however, with Colet that Erasmus formed the warmest friendship, and many letters full of mutual compliments afterwards passed between them. Colet was a man superior to his age ; he was strongly opposed to the scholastic theology, and even ventured to depreciate Thomas a Aquinas. Although much pleased with England, and strongly urged by Colet to make it his home, Erasmus Erasmus could not submit to the restraints of a Pari™^ settled residence, and about the end of this year '^' returned to Paris. In a letter written to Wilham of Gouda, and dated the 14th of December, Eras mus gives a most melancholy account of his con dition at this period. He hved, if he could be said to live, altogether miserably, overcome as he was by every kind of adversity.* At all periods of his life Erasmus represented his circumstances in the worst light, but there Is no proof that he was ever reduced to absolute poverty. However, at " Vivit imo hand scio an vivat, sed vivit prossus miserrimus omuo l.u.-hrymarium ycuere oonfectus;" Opora, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 16. 26 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter this time he may not have much exaggerated the •~-y^ unhapplness of his own condition. He had no to settled Income, and if he was not fond of luxurious living he could ill dispense with the comforts of life. Amidst all his troubles, however, he seems to have retained his cheerfulness ; and in a letter written about this time gives a humorous account of a hostile encounter which he had witnessed between his hostess and her servant girl. The girl was much stronger than her mistress, and at last succeeded in tearing off her cap. Erasmus assumed the office of peacemaker, and advised the girl to replace, by a new head-dress, that which she had injured. This head-dress was an orna ment In which the Parisian ladles took no small delight.* This year the plague broke out at Paris, and Orleans, Erasmus deemed It prudent to remove to Orleans. ^*^®' He had been for some time afflicted with a low fever, similar to that which had troubled him two . years before. The physician whom he consulted was WlUIam Cop, to whom he pays the highest compliments. He was not only most skilful In his profession, but a man of cultivated taste, and a poet.f In what manner Erasmus lived or em ployed himself at Orleans we have no information. His stay there was, however, probably short, as we ' Opera, vol. iii. pt i. Ep. 19. t Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 25. ERASMUS. 27 soon find him again in Paris. Here his chief Chapter ° IL occupation seems to have been the study of Greek. --^> — ' . . 1496 So ardently was he devoted to this pursuit that to he declared that as soon as he procured money he would first purchase Greek authors, and then clothes.* If his own letters can be entirely trusted Erasmus suffered greatly from poverty at this time. In a letter written to Baltus, who occupied a confidential position In the household of the Marchioness de Vere, he makes great lamentation over his want of means. Baltus had invited him to revisit Holland and the castle 'of Tornenhens ; but this he was unable to do unless the marchioness sent him a supply of money.j In a letter to his first patron, the Arch bishop of Cambray, Erasmus makes similar com- plaints.J It Is melancholy to think that so great a man should have suffered the pressure of want ; but It must be remembered that Erasmus' notion of poverty was not literal destitution, but a want of desirable comforts, and of a provision for the future. Although unwilling to settle In England, Erasmus Erasmus seems to have been pleased with the England, country, or, at all events, with the attentions * " Ad Grtecas literas totum animum applicui statim que ut pe- cuniam accipero Grseoos primuni Auotores delude vestes enam." Opora, vol. iiii. Ep. 29. t Idem. Ep. 31. I Vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 34. 28 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter which he received there. He now revisited it ; ^^ — A- but his stay was short, and a circumstance which to occurred at Its close is the only thing which im parts to It a particular interest. In order to recross to the Continent Erasmus proceeded to Dover, but before he was allowed to embark his luggage was searched. There was an Act of Par liament against the exportation of the current coin of the realm, and. In pursuance of this Act, the money of Erasmus, amounting to twenty pounds, was seized.* If we take into account the change which has taken place In the nominal value and purchasing power of money we may regard this twenty pounds as equivalent to more than two hundred of our owti time. As his stay in England had been very short, and as It had been preceded by lamentable complaints of his poverty, we may consider that this visit was made chiefiy with the view of recruiting his finances, and had been successful so far as this matter was concerned. If the money was not returned to him, which it does not seem to have been, at least immediately, he must have possessed other funds with which to pay his current expenses. At this period Paris seems to have been the lirasmus favourite residence of Erasmus. He, no doubt, returns to Paris, and met with mucli attention from learned men ; for afterwards i i i J visits although he had as yet published no work, he had Holland,1-199. ' Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. lil' and 9-1. ERASMUS. 29 acquired a considerable reputation. But, however Chai-ter much attached to any particular place, a love of ^— , — ' change vras one of the characteristics of Erasmus. to About the middle of this year we find him in Hol land. He praises the air as particularly beneficial to his health, but he did not extend this praise to the people, or their mode of living. They were desplsers of learning, but devoted to the pleasures of the table* What particular object he had in visiting Holland, except a regard to his health, we are not Informed ; but his stay was limited to a few months, and in autumn we find him at Paris again. He seems frequently to have visited Or leans — at all events, whenever the plague existed, or was supposed to exist, at Paris. In a letter written from Orleans he expresses in strong terms his great dread of the plague. To avoid It he was willing to fly, not only to Orleans, but to the Straits of Hercules or the Orkneys. He states that his apprehensions arose not from the fear of death, which was the natural Inheritance of man, but from a desire that It should not come upon him by his own fault.f This year was memorable In the life of Erasmus, His first as the date of his first publication. This work tion, 1500. was the " AdagiS, : or Book of Proverbs.'' This book, both in respect of style and matter, not only * Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 59. t Opera, -vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 59. 1508. ,S0 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter confirmed, but added to the reputation of Erasmus v-v— ' In the learned world. The " AdaglS, " also became to popular, was translated into various languages, and obtained a wide circulation. This production proved that if some of his contemporaries had a more profound knowledge of Latin, and could write It with greater purity than Erasmus, none could equal him In the art of making It the vehicle of modern thought, or in adapting it to subjects relating to every day life. Erasmus had made Latin his mother tongue ; knew little of living lan guages, because he would not take the trouble of studying them, while he thought, spoke, and wrote In Latin. Thus he had gained a complete mastery over this language, and imparted to it the ease, vivacity, and force of a living tongue. This Is perhaps a matter of regret ; for, had Erasmus devoted the same attention to German as he did to Latin, he might have anticipated Luther In the honour of rendering the German language at once classical and popular. No one was better fitted for such a work than Erasmus, for he had nothing of the pedant al^out him. He was endowed with strong practical sense, had surveyed all walks of life with a quick and discerning eye, and could sleze the salient points in the characters of different classes, and reproduce them In such a manner as to excite interest and communicate instruction. Under no circumstances could he have been a ERASMUS. 31 great preacher or leader of men, for he had Chapter neither the earnestness of conviction, which is ¦ — , — - essential to the one, nor the fearless courage, to without which the other is sure to bring himself to shame. But as a popular writer, preparing the way for movements which he himself could neither originate nor conduct, Erasmus might have become a still greater man than he was. But while he wrote In Latin this was impossible ; for no translator can catch those felicities of style which impart to the apt thoughts of a writer tenfold force and influence. Perhaps, however, even had he written in a living language, Erasmus could never have exercised much influence over the masses of the people ; for he had little sym pathy with their feelings, and did not take much to heart their interests, temporal or spiritual. He, indeed, denounced in bold language the vices and oppressions of sovereigns, and exposed, with bitter scorn, the follies and hypocrisies of the priesthood ; but there could exist little doubt that in any struggle which might take place he would make common cause with the dominant classes. In the meantime the want of money continued The em- to form the chronic trouble of Erasmus. At this ments of time his difficulties In this respect seem to have isoo. ' been greater than usual, and he wrote a letter to ^^ ' the Marchioness de Vere sohclting relief.* In a ' Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 92. 32 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter letter to Baltus he speaks of the great expense ' — ^ occasioned by his journeys to Orleans, and the to result was that he found himself In a state of the greatest penury. This poverty was the more dis tressing, because It interfered with the prosecution of the plans which he had formed for his future life. To obtain the title of doctor, and to do so In Italy, appeared to him a certain means of ad vancing his fortunes ; but then a journey to Italy was out of the question unless he could obtain a supply of money.* The sum of which he stood in urgent need was two hundred francs, a sum nearly equivalent to £100 of our own time. One half of this sum he hoped to obtain from the marchioness ; but if by evil chance she should die In the mean time he hoped that Baltus would persuade her son to take this burden upon himself. 1501 to The next three years of the life of Erasmus 1503. , . , . A J- Age passed without any important event. According Publishes to liIs usual practice, he changed his residence wo"rks.^ frequently. We find him sometimes at Paris, sometimes at Orleans, and occasionally at Louvain. His time, however, was spent neither in idleness nor in self-indulgence, but in ardent study, by which he hoped to fit himself for performing some useful part In the world. At this period his chief * "Nee usquam doctoris titulum rectius accipire quam in Italia, nee Italiam ab homine delicato posse adire sine summa vi pecuniae.' Idem. Ep. 94. 1508. ERASMUS. 33 object was to acquire a thorough knowledge of Chapter Greek, and he made such great progress that he ¦ — ^ was able to write the language with facility. Still, to he never attained eminence as a Greek scholar, at least, no eminence corresponding to that which his knowledge of Latin conferred upon him. In 1502, Erasmus lost his early patron, the Bishop of Cambray. In a letter he praises him highly,* and also wrote four epitaphs in his honour. But the latter could scarcely be regarded as a dis interested tribute to the memory of the deceased prelate, since they were written in hope of a pecuniary reward. This, Indeed, was bestowed, but to an amount which fell far below the expec tations of the author. The death of the bishop was certainly no great loss to Erasmus ; for either the prelate had little money, or was chary of parting with It, and pecuniary benefactions were the favours to which Erasmus attached the chief value. This same year he was offered a professorship at Louvain, but, in accordance with his fixed determination to accept no settlement of this kind, the offer was declined. He preferred a precarious life, with liberty, to independence, or even wealth, if at tached to specific duties, or burdened with moral responsibihties. Had he been a beneficed clergy man he might have lived pretty much as he listed, performed his functions by deputy, and wandered • Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 100. D 1496 lo 08. 34 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. cnAPTEK from place to place, without any one venturing to call him to account. But he was a conscientious' and sensitive man, and he must have endured self- reproach, and, at least, the tacit censure of the world, had he neglected the admitted duties at tached to the possession of an ecclesiastical office. The whole secret of his life lay in his aversion to place himself in a state of moral or legal bondage, and in his desire to free himself from all direct control. 1504. Paris seems at this time to have been the chief Age 37 He resides residence of Erasmus. He probably found in this some time, city peculiar facilities for the study of Greek, a study which he still pursued with great ardour. Time seemed only to strengthen his Intention of devoting his future life to the interpretation of Scripture and other pursuits of a similar kind. It naturally struck him that a knowledge of Hebrew was almost essential to the adequate ac complishment of this purpose. To the study of this ancient language he therefore began to apply himself; but little apt as he was to be discouraged when a result depended upon his own exertions, he seems to have been completely so on this occa sion. He gave up, dispirited and weary, aU hope of acquiring a knowledge of Hebrew. One of his biographers, Dr. Jortin, expresses his surprise in regard to this matter, since. In his opinion, Hebrew is an easy language : much easier than Greek, 1508. ERASMUS. 35 or even Latin. This opinion is certainly not Chapter borne out by general experience ; for even among '¦—y—' the clergy, of all sects, Hebrew scholars are to very few, while the majority possess more or less knowledge of Greek. In a letter Erasmus can didly states the cause to which he ascribed his failure on this occasion. He had devoted three years to the study of Greek, and had not alto gether lost his time ; but after commencing the study of Hebrew he had desisted from It for more than one reason. He found that it occupied too much time, considering the multiplicity of his other occupations ; and then it was unreasonable to believe that one man could excel in everything, since life was short and genius limited.* At Paris Erasmus seems still to have acted as a private tutor or instructor ; but as to his pupils, and the remune ration which he received from them, we possess no information. He continued to correspond with his learned friends, especially with Colet, who had now been made dean of St. Paul's. In one letter to the dean Erasmus expresses his regret that he had published the " Adagia " before he had acquired a sufficient knowledge of Greek, The better he became acquainted with that language '" " Itaque jam triennium ferme literae Grascoe me totum possident, nequo raihi videar operam omniuo lusisse Coeperam et Hebraicos attingere, verum peregrinate sermonis deterritus, simul quod nee Betas neo ingeniiim hominis pluribus rerbus pariter sufficit, destiti." Opera, vol. iit. pt. i. Ep. 102. D 2 36 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter the more he admired it.* The pubhcation of the w— " Encherldion " was the most important event in to the life of Erasmus during this year. Its general object is to recommend the performance of the solid duties of religion, instead of its superstitious observances. Its more special purpose was to reform a bad husband, who ' was not only un faithful to his wife, but sometimes beat her. This husband was a soldier, but he does not seem to have been much benefited by this production of Erasmus. His only remark In regard to it was, that there was more holiness in the book than in Its author. There seems little point in this re mark, for Erasmus did not live in a vicious manner, though, no doubt, to ordinary persons, he seemed to be leading rather a useless life. 1605—6. Erasmus seems to have resided chiefly at Paris 39. during 1505, for all his letters of this year are England, dated from that city. These letters, however, contain no Important information regarding his manner of life or his means of support. He was probably still engaged in teaching, and, by means of this employment, and presents from his friends and admirers, he contrived to maintain himself respectably, if not so comfortably as he might have wished. In 1506 he revisited England. He had acquired many powerful friends In that country. On this occasion he resided at Cam- • Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 10. ERASMI S. 37 bridge for some time, and is said to have given Chapter Instructions In Greek at that university. He also ¦— >— ' wrote and published at this time a treatise, De to conscrlbendls Epistolis, or upon letter writing. He himself was a most indefatigable letter writer, and it is from his letters that the narrative of his life Is chiefly composed. All accounts agree that Erasmus was held in the highest esteem in Eng land. He was the intimate friend of More, Fisher, and other distinguished men, while Archbishop , Warham was his generous patron. Erasmus seems to have been deeply grateful for the kind ness which he experienced in England, and gives expression to his feelings in letters to Colet and Linacer. Had he been willing to accept of it he might have obtained an honourable settlement In this country, either in the church or at one of the universities ; but his vagrant habits and aversion to prescribed duties made him reject all proposals of this kind. He was a man. Indeed, whom his friends could not permanently benefit, because there was in his nature a restlessness and hatred of routine which equally unfitted him for domestic and public life. Erasmus had now reached the middle period of 1507. life, and was not only destitute of any settled pro^ EnTsmiis vision, but began to feel the approaches of age. it^iy. As he lived thirty years longer, his ailments and infinnitles could not have been of a very serious 38 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter kind. In truth, bad health and poverty are with -— V — Erasmus incessant themes of complaint, and he 1496 , , 1 . 1 r. ¦ 1 to seems to have taken a kind ot pleasure in repre senting himself as on the brink of the grave or of absolute destitution. However, there is little doubt that his constitution was tolerably vigorous, and he seems never to have been in absolute want of money. This year his health was so good, and his purse so well furnished, that he gratified his He visits long-cherlshed wish of visiting Italy. He seems Turin and ° , . . . Bologna, to have travelled on horseback, and while riding . composed a poem, in which he laments his infir mities as those of fast approaching old age. Erasmus first proceeded to Turin, and there he resided for some time. It was there that he re ceived the much-coveted doctor's degree. For years such a degree had been the leading object of his ambition, but he does not appear to have attached much value to it when it was received. Perhaps It was not conferred in a manner agreeable to him or flattering to his pride. After leaving Turin he visited Bologna, and there his new dignity threatened to bring him Into some trouble. The plague prevailed at Bologna, and the populace, as usual In such cases, regarded the doctors as in some way the authors of the evil. Erasmus was mistaken for a doctor of medicine, a mistake to which his dress probably gave rise ; and the people not only insulted, but threatened him 1508. ERASMUS. 39 with more serious maltreatment. He, however, CHAPfER . II. escaped from their hands without suffering any ¦ — , — ¦ injury.* to From Bologna Erasmus proceeded to Padua, then visited Siena and Venice. In the latter city he published a second edition of his " Adagia." He afterwards visited Rome, and was favourably re ceived by Julius II. That pontiff was more ad dicted to warlike than to literary pursuits, but his position compelled him to pay at least a formal respect to great scholastic attainments. The name of Erasmus was now known everywhere, and all were anxious to give him due honour. The par ticulars of the visit of Erasmus to Italy are Involved in a good deal of perplexity. He must have been there for two years, or parts of them, or have revisted the country in 1508. As elsewhere, his movements were erratic, and we find him at one place after another without knowing at what exact time or under what circumstances he visited each. At Rome he seems to have met with a brilliant reception, and the highest personages were eager to show their respect for him. In a letter he mentions with justifiable pride the honourable reception which lie experienced wlien he visited Cardinal Dominic Grimani. The car dinal would not suffer Erasmus to remove his * Opeia, vol. iii. pt. ii. ; AppeudLv, lip. Hi. In this letter to Grminiii& he relates this anecdote as an e.Xiunple of the aunttyaucu which he experienced from wearing tho monastic dress. 40 SELECT BIOGRAPHY, Chapter ^.^^^ j^^^ treated him In all respects as his friend ^7^ and equal.* Nor were empty honours all that to were proffered to him ; he received various offers of Visits substantial preferment. Julius II. was willing to 1508.' make him one of his penitentarles, an office lucra tive and honourable, and often leading to the highest dignities. In a word, the most strenuous efforts were made to fix Erasmus at Rome, and, had he consented to remain there a brilliant des tiny was before him. Julius II. was kind, but Leo X., by whom he was succeeded, would have deemed it one of the highest honours of his reign if Erasmus had consented to make Rome his resi dence. The highest offices and dignities, not ex cepting the cardinalate itself, were within reach of the illustrious scholar ; but he had long since determined upon his mode of life, and no prospect of honour or ease could wean him from his love of that perfect freedom which Is to be found only In a private station. If this freedom was left to him, Erasmus loved both honour and money, but for its loss no earthly good could compensate. * Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii. Ep. 1175 ; Vita, &c., p. 13. ERASMUS. 41 CHAPTER III. LITERARY LIFE AND LABOURS OF ERASMUS UNTIL THE COMMENCEMENT OP THE REFORMATION, 1509—1517. From this period the public literary career of 1509. Erasmus may be properly dated. Hitherto his Rf-risits chief energies had been devoted to self-improve- °^ ° ' ment ; now the fruits of his arduous labours were to be communicated to the world. After his re turn from Italy various motives led Erasmus to revisit England. He was earnestly invited by his English friends to do so, and the Prince of Wales, soon to become Henry VIII., sent him a flattering letter. Henry's accession to the throne, in 1509, seemed to secure to Erasmus a brilliant reception should he visit England, and even held out the prospect of a permanent settlement. But when his friends urged upon him the various reasons which made It desirable for him to revisit England he did not deny their cogency, but pleaded his inability to meet the expenses of the journey. In order to remove this objection Lord Mountjo}^, his steadfast • friend, sent him five pounds, and the 42 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter archbishop presented him with a similar sum. - — , — ¦ Ten pounds seems but a small sum for meeting to the expenses of a journey from the Continent to England; and Jortin speaks of It as very Inade quate for the purpose. But this sum was equiva lent in value to one hundred pounds of our own money, and so not altogether inadequate for the purpose Intended. Erasmus himself seems to have deemed the suiri sufficient, for he visited England, and spent a considerable portion of this year and the next In the country. He pub- About this time he wrote and published a "Moria; work entitled "Moria; or The Praise of Folly." Praise of "^^^^ production became extremely popular, as it FoUy- vvas written in an easy agreeable style, and lashed with unsparing ridicule the follies and vices of the monks. However, If the book pleased the mass of readers, it greatly Irritated some, and of course those especially who saw themselves exposed to public reprobation and ridicule. From this time an implacable war was waged between the monks and Erasmus. All his boyish recollections and the sound practical sense of his mature years led him to regard the monks with bitter contempt, and even hatred. Nor were they slow to return his enmity, and they pursued him with ceaseless hostility. Nor did they fail to enlist In their quarrel many respectable persons In whose esti mation to revile religion and Its ministers was one ERASMUS. 43 and the same thing. :V theologian of Louvain, Chapter named Martin Dorpe, who was a man of con- '~7C^ ' ' 1509 slderable merit, rjubllshed a work against the to ' ^ '^ 1517. " Moria." He endeavoured to prove that the great object of that work was to bring the clergy into contempt. This and other attacks annoyed ' Erasmus so much that he regretted having written, or at least, published the work. Its com position, however, had been a labour of love, and it had been begun and finished in the course of a week, while its author was residing with Sir Thomas More. No doubt the materials lay ready to his hand, and he had nothing to do but commit to paper the thoughts which had been long brooding in his mind. So far as the kindness of his friends could con- Erasmus tribute to his satisfaction Erasmus must have -with great found his residence In England most agreeable, in Eng- Besldes More there were many distinguished Englishmen eager to do honour to Erasmus, and to promote his permanent welfare, so far as their power extended. He received many liberal pecuniary gifts, and these he was always somewhat too ready to accept, if not to solicit. But while anxious to add to his present comfort the English friends of Erasmus were still more desirous of placing him In a position of permanent independ ence. He was a churchman, and therefore the means of doing this were comparatively easy. 44 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter always under the condition that his own consent III. •^ . ^— Y~- could be obtained. But this consent it was im- 1509 to possible to obtain, for Erasmus was firmly resolved 1617. never to engage In the practical duties of the pro fession 6f which he was nominally a member. Some other way of providing for him must there fore be devised. The study of Greek was then eagerly pursued by all who aimed at intellectual cultivation. By means of persevering labour Erasmus had acquired such a knowledge of this language as to enable him to become its teacher. At this time he seems to have resided a good deal at Cambridge, although he frequently visited London. At Cambridge he appears to have become In some sense the professor of Greek, although there Is no proof that he had been regularly appointed to such an office. He was probably what was termed a reader in Greek, that Is, ready to instruct in this language those who were willing to become his pupils. Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, was then Chancellor of the Univer sity of Cambridge, as well as President of Queen's College, and it was probably through him that Erasmus became connected with the university. There is still pointed out at Queen's College a room which Erasmus occupied and a walk which he was accustomed to frequent. We possess few details regarding the manner in which Erasmus spent his time while In England, but his 1517. ERASMUS. 45 society was courted by the most eminent men in Chapter . III. church and state, and, as he remained a con- -— ^ — - siderable time In the country, we may conclude to that he was well pleased with his position. But, unhappily, in spite of his general satis faction with his residence in England, Erasmus continued to be annoyed with his two chronic evils, poverty and disease. In a letter dated from Cambridge, and written to Dean Colet, he speaks in a lamentable strain about his poverty. It seems that Colet had promised him a sum of money, but found it Inconvenient to fulfil his engagement. Erasmus, while soliciting the payment of this money, admits that Colet was not in very good case to make it, but while believing and lamenting this his own necessity was so great that he was forced to press upon that of his friend.* In a letter to another friend he thanks him for a present of excellent wine ;| and In a second solicits an additional quantity, as beer and bad wine were extremely Injurious to the gravel, a complaint with which he was then afflicted.| In two letters to Archbishop Warham he complains greatly of the sufferings which this disease inflicted upon him. He had been delivered over into the hands of physcians and apothecaries, in other words, of ' " De tenuitate tua prorsus et credo et doleo ; sed mea tenuitas gra-vius me premeus, cogit ut tuce tenuitati negotium facesserem." Opera, vol. iii. pt. 1, Ep. 115. t Opera, vol. iii. p. 1, Ep. 116. t Opera, vol. iii, pt. 1, Ep. 118. 1609 to 1617. 46 SELKCT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter hangmen and harpies.* He traces the disease ' — /~^ to the fact that he had drunk beer Instead of wine. The Archbishop was very willing to confer some substantial favour upon Erasmus, and offered him the living of AUingham. Erasmus declined the living, but he consented that It should be burdened in his favour with an annual charge of £20. At the same time Warham bestowed upon him a pension of equal value. Erasmus thus obtained a permanent income of £40, Equivalent to £400 of our own time. No doubt such an Income was sufficient to place a single man above absolute want, but then the style In which Erasmus lived was rather expensive. He kept two horses, and a servant to attend upon them; and the comforts, not .to say the luxuries of life, were indispensable to him. Thus, all the money which he received never seems to have put him at his ease, although his constant complaints of poverty are not to be accepted literally. 15]^2. Iri a letter to Antoine 4 Berjis Erasmus praises sSmus Warham In the strongest manner, as at once Wred ° t learned, skilful in business, courteous In manners, England, and liberal in disposition. In this letter he also speaks of his intention to visit Holland In com pany with Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, who had been appointed ambassador to the Archducal court * Opera, vol. iii, pt. 1, Ep. 189: " Deveotum in manus medioomm et pharmaoopolarium hoc est carnificum et harpyiarum." 1517; ER.VSMUS. 47 at Brussels.* But this scheme seems to have i'hapter III. fallen through, j Erasmus speaks also in strong ~~r~' . . 1609 terms of the kindness which he had experienced to from the most eminent persons In England, and of the Inducements which had been held out to him to settle in that country. In another letter he praises Henry VII., and says of Henry VIII., not very happily, that in him his father appeared to have revived, and become a boy. However, from a letter to Adolphus, the son of his old patroness the Marchioness de Vere, it appears that Erasmus was not altogether so well pleased with his resi dence in England as he sometimes professed to be. He expresses an earnest desire to return to his own country. If certain of obtaining a provision far less abundant than that which he had been pro mised in England. He was even willing to accept the settlement which had been formerly offered by Adolphus. His rejection of that offer had pro ceeded from the sanguine hopes which he enter tained of what awaited him in England : now, experience had taught him the folly of his expec tations. Vain dreams had rendered him obstinate, and disturbed the sobriety of his judgment ; now he was willing to return to his native land, and spend the remainder of his life in the enjoyment * Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 135. t " Ut ille non decetsisse sed iu hoc repubuisse videatur Epis. 138. 48 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter of a moderate competency.* It is difficult to find ¦—y-^ any ground for this tone of dissappolntment, to for, by his own confession, Erasmus had been treated in the kindest manner in England, and had received ample offers of permanent prefer ment if he was willing to engage in the perform ance of regular duties, in conformity with his position as a priest or a man of letters. This he was unwilling to do for reasons satisfactory to himself, but when he rejected the easy road to fortune which lay open to him, it was difficult to find another. His ruling desire was to lead a tranquil and a free life, moving about as the fancy seized him, and enjoying the comforts which he considered necessary to his health, but a man without fortune could not easily accomplish this desire. 1613. In spite, however, of his desire to leave Eng- Pubiishes land, Erasmus still continued to live In that oftheNe-iv couutry, although in a manner very little to his es amen satisfaction. In his letters he complains bitterly of poverty, and represents himself as living in England upon the footing of a public beggar. While in this unhappy condition his horse died, and the question arose how was the animal to be replaced, for to Erasmus a horse was a necessary of life. In this strait he had nothing to do but to apply to friends, or to appeal to some rich person * Opera vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 151. 1509 to 1517 ERASMUS. 49 who might be willing to become his patron, at least, Chapter so far as to make him a present of a horse. About this time he had published an edition of the New Testament, with notes, and presented a copy to a certain squire in the hope that a horse might be sent In return. But the squire was not of a literary turn, and although he acknowledged the gift, no horse was forthcoming. Erasmus then appealed to an old friend named Ammonius, who sent him a horse. Still, he was constantly compelled to make fresh apphcations to his friends, until they became a httle tired of his importunities. One of them, the physician Linacer, wrote Erasmus a letter advising him to retrench his expenses, and learn to bear poverty with patience. * He added that this advice was In conformity with the opinion of all his friends. But whatever his friends might think about it, such counsel was by no means relished by Erasmus. He could not endure life without a certain degree of comfort, even if that comfort could only be obtained by dunning his friends for money. For a man so deservedly eminent this was a pitiful state of things, but the difficulty was to find a remedy. His books went through many editions, and ought to have brought him in con siderable sums of money. But he seems to have received no pecuniary advantage from them, either because he disdained to write for money, or had * Opera, vol. iii. pt. 1, Ep. 160. E 1517. 50 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter been persuaded that after the necessary expenses ' — ^ of publication were paid no surplus was left. 1509 to But while It is painful to find so great a man ex pressing his wants In almost abject terms, we must remember that his statements are not to be understood literally, and there Is no proof that he was ever compelled, like another great scholar, to say of himself that he was impransus, or dinnerless. About the close of the year 1513 Erasmus left England, and proceeded to Flanders. When em barking the customs officer placed his luggage in a wrong vessel. He was thus deprived not only of his clothes, but of manuscripts which it had cost him years to prepare. His annoyance was great, but there is little doubt that the lost property was afterwards restored to him. After landing in the Netherlands Erasmus proceeded to Brabant, and while there was made a counsellor of state to the young archduke, afterwards Charles V,* The salary attached to this office was two hundred florins a year, equivalent to about three hun dred pounds of our own money. The income from this office and the money which he received from other sources was sufficient to raise him to a state of comparative affluence, but, as his salary was paid very irregularly, Erasmus was still at liberty to complain of poverty, and to solicit gifts. However, the subsequent part of his life seems to • Vita, &c., p. 132. ERASMUS. ,51 have been spent in comparative ease. About Chapter this time he also received an offer, which, if ac- ' — /—' cepted, would have placed him In a position of to permanent comfort and tranquillity. Servatus, prior of a convent of regular canons in Holland, Invited Erasmus to take up his residence in the convent. Erasmus sent a reply declining the offer, but needlessly embittering his refusal by speaking of monks and monkery In a manner which gave great offence.* Erasmus was generally cautious, even to timidity, and very unwilling to make enemies, but when the monks came In his way he lost all prudence and patience, and raised up against himself a host of foes, who abused and tormented him to the last hour of his life. About this time Erasmus paid his flrst visit to Basil. He took with him his editions of the New f^^^"^ Testament and of Jerome, as well as other works, ^^''• It was his Intention to have them printed in that city. Of all the places in which he had resided Basil was the one most agreeable to Erasmus. He acquired various friends there, who contributed not a little to his satisfaction. Among them were John Amerchlus, a wealthy and learned man, and Froben, the celebrated printer. Amerchlus and Froben were then employed in preparing an edition of Jerome for the press ; and as Erasmus had been engaged in the same work, the three friends • Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii., Appendix, cols. 1627 — 30. E 2 52 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter united their labours. Nor were Amerchlus and ' — , — ¦ Froben the only friends whom he made at this 1509 to time. Many other learned men were added to the list, and among them Reuchlin, whom Erasmus always mentioned with the greatest respect. The Bishop of Basil also sought the acquaintance of Erasmus, and presented him with a horse. Erasmus While at Basil Erasmus met with an accident, meets with , • -, , , . a severe which, by his owu accouiit, was most serious, and might have terminated fatally. One day, while riding, he bent down In order to speak to his servant ; suddenly his horse reared, and Erasmus received so severe an injury In the spine that It extorted from him loud cries. He attempted to dismount, but could not do so without the aid of his servant. The nearest town was six miles distant, and too far for a walk, although he felt less pain from walking than riding. While suffer ing acute agony he made a vow to the divine Paul, that if he escaped from this danger he would write a commentary upon the epistle to the Romans.* He at last contrived to reach the town, but was so weak as to be unable to stand. He expected nothing but death, but, to his great relief, he found himself much better on the fol lowing morning. ¦* " Vovi divo Paulo me commentarios in Epistolam ad Bomanos, absoluturum si contingent hoc periculo evadere." Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 182. ERASMUS. 53 He soon after returned to Brussels, and found Chapter HI. that he had not been forgotten. He had been ¦ — r~' 1509 nominated to a bishoi)rIc in Sicily. However, it to 1517. turned out that the bishopric was in the gift of the „ , pope, and he paid no attention to the archduke's to Bms- nomination. The papal chair was at that time occupied by Leo X. ; and it seems rather strange that so zealous a patron of letters did not take this opportunity of showing his respect for the greatest living ornament of literature. Perhaps a new bishop had been appointed before the pope was acquainted with the nomination in favour of Erasmus. But, whatever may have been the cause of the pope's conduct, the loss of this pre- preferment was no disappointment to Erasmus. He wanted neither official honour nor wealth, and, as he advanced In life, his preference of a private station became still more decided. His reputation was daily Increasing, and his circumstances seem to have become comparatively prosperous, so that he was more averse than ever to encumber himself with duties for which he had no taste, and wdilch might perhaps Involve him in danger. From his letters Erasmus seems to have spent ioi4. Age 48. some portion of this year in England. He pub- Revisits lished two works about this time : an edition of " Seneca," and a treatise, " Do Principe Chris- tiano; or the Christian Prince." The young Arch duke Charles, then fourteen )-oars of age, was 1517. 54 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter about to assume In name the government of »the III. . > — ,~' Netherlands. There. had been in agitation a plan to for appointing Erasmus tutor to the young prince, but Adrian had been preferred for this important duty. There is no reason to suppose that Erasmus was ambitious of the office which his friends were anxious to obtain for him, for its restraints and formalities would have been intolerable to a man to whom perfect freedom was as the breath of life A-drlan was a pedant and a bom schoolmaster, but Erasmus had no desire to instruct either boys or men except, by his writings. To enjoy what he aeemed the necessaries of life, to roam about or remain still, as the humour seized him, and, to keep himself In the eye of the world, by bestowing upon it from time to time the fruits of his studies, were, in the estimation of Erasmus, the chief goods of life. He this year published his book of apho risms, a work which not only added greatly to his reputation, but was his own peculiar favourite. He always carried It about with him, although he knew it almost by heart. A commentary upon the first Psalm was also pubhshed about this time. These various works placed Erasmus at the head of living authors, and his name had become famihar to multitudes, to whom his learned contemporaries were altogether unknown. The works of Erasmus were pervaded by that practical sense which. charmed both the learned and unlearned, for their ERASMUS. 55 exceUencies were such that a translation could not Chapter entirely spoil them. Even in his directly religious works there was so much moderation and per spicuity, that although they wanted the unction of a devotional spirit, they were eagerly read and greatly admired. This year was marked by an event which gave 1516.Age 49. Erasmus great pleasure. His monastic vows had Leo x. re- always galled him, although he did not allow them Erasmus to Interfere with his liberty. He was now formally monastic released from these vows by a bull of Leo X.* Leo had the greatest respect for Erasmus, and was anxious to do anything In his power to oblige him. It was universally known that Erasmus had never been a monk at heart, and was impatient of being one even In appearance. In return for the favour which the pope had conferred upon him Erasmus sent him a letter full of gratitude and compliments. He was a little too much disposed to flatter those who were or might become his patrons, and his wonderful command of words and facility of com position enabled him to do so in the most agreeable manner. But, although he expressed unbounded * Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii. Appendix, Ep. 442, cols. 1821 to 1826. This letter was written to Grunnius, a. high official at the papal com-t, and Erasmus writing of himself, under the name of Florentius, specifies the reasons which justified his claim to be released from his monastic tows. In his answer Grunnius states that the pope had listened with the greatest attention and interest to the letter, and to the very end. Grunnius concludes his reply thus : — " Bene vale et Plorentium mihi tecum communem, meo nomine salutabis amanter." Col. 1835. 56 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter respect for Leo, Erasmus had no desire to place > — , — ¦ himself In direct connection with him ; and, when 1509 . . -, . 1 • , to invited to occupy a conspicuous place in the new college which the pope had established at Eome, he declined the offer on the usual ground, that the state of his health did not permit him to undertake the active duties of life. Francis I. During the course of this year Francis I., King invites ..-..p., .i- . i Erasmus of France, invited Erasmus to visit him, m order to Paris, , . , . . „ , „ 1516. to take part in the organisation ot the new college which was about to be established in Paris. Bude, one of the most learned men in France or Europe, ,was the king's agent in conveying his wishes and promises to Erasmus. Bude's letter was full of compliments, and also dwelt much upon the sub stantial advantages which Erasmus would derive from the friendship and patronage of so great a monarch as the King of France, In his earlier life Paris had been the favourite residence of Erasmus, but he seems to have had no desire to settle there permanently. Besides, as one of the archduke's counsellors, and as his native-born subject, Erasmus was bound to Charles, whose future prospects would make him a powerftd pro tector or formidable enemy. The fear of offending his own sovereign, and an unwillingness to fetter himself by formal or implied engagements. Induced | Erasmus to decline the invitation of Francis, but he did so In the most respectful terms. ERASMUS. 57 Erasmus had now reached a period of life when, Chapter III to the generality of men, peace and ease are the ^-^ most valued possessions. From his youth Erasmus to had suffered from real or supposed bad health : ^^^^' ¦^ ' 1517. and now, as he approached the decline of life, his Age 50. Infirmities became more oppressive. He did not, however, affect to be quite an old man, and. In alluding to his age, states that It was his health rather than his years that placed him in the ranks of the aged.* In the midst of his weaknesses he had one consolation — that his fame daily increased, and that the most powerful sovereigns were eager to enjoy his company. Henry VIII. offered him a valuable living, if he would come and take it, and in the meantime sent him a present of a con siderable sum of money. An invitation, thus ac companied, was far too flattering to be declined, and Erasmus revisited England In the spring of 1517, He was courteously received by Henry and Cardinal Wolsey, and handsome offers were made to him if he would consent to settle in the country. But, although he professed a great affection both for England and its people, he seems never to have thought of making it his permanent residence. He was, besides, far too sharpsighted not to perceive that neither the king nor his minister was a patron suited to his * " Nam animum ago, non plus. Sed aetas non annis est estimunda irao viribus." Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii.. Appendix, ^Ep. 51. 1517. 58 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter temperament. Indeed, Wolsey and Erasmus ' — , — ¦ never got on well together ; the cardinal, although* to a patron of learning, was too imperious to seek the aid of others, and although Erasmus was ready enough to flatter those who could be useful to him, he was not formed of the stuff out of which courtiers are made. He never forgot his self respect In the presence of the great, nor did he set so little value upon his own abilities as to be Ignorant that the honour which he received was only a just tribute to his merits. When occasion served Erasmus could be a skilful flatterer, but he was never mean or servile, and while he res pected the claims of others never forgot his own. Wolsey, although willing to lavish favours upon a dependant, neither understood nor sympathised with that manly pride which led the Illustriou* scholar to maintain terms of equal Intercourse, with those whose bounty he was neither ashamed to ask nor to receive. In addition to the other causes which indisposed Erasmus to cultivate the friendship of Wolsey was the fact that the cardinal had superseded in nominal power, as well as real influence. Archbishop Warham, the old patron of Erasmus. The enemies of Wolsey were the friends of Erasmus, and the daily Increasing authority of the cardinal rendered England a disagreeable residence for those who were not the declared partisans of the chief minister. But, EEASMUS. 59 apart from this, there Is no reason to suppose that Chapter even under the most favourable circumstances - — <^ Erasmus would have selected England as the to place in which to spend his last years. His cir- ^^^^' cumstances seem now to have become indepen dent, even prosperous, and he was at liberty to select the residence and mode of life which best suited his health and temper. It was better to be the chief person In a Swiss or Flemish town than to live under the shadow of a great monarch, whose favour might be with drawn as capriciously as it had been granted. Even as a boy it had been the ruling desire of Erasmus to live free and untrammelled; in old age he had the means of doing so, and he might confidently anticipate that the declining years of his life would be passed in peace as well as comfort and honour. But a great revolution was at hand, which amidst Its more important results vexed and disturbed Erasmus as much if not more than all the evils which had afflicted him during his earlier career. CO mus. CBLAPTER IV, ERASMUS AND THE REFOEMATIOM. 1518—1523. 1518. At the period when Luther took up a decided Age 51. . ^ . . 1 T. • 1 1. 1 Religious attitude In opposition to the Romish church of Eras- Erasmus was not only the greatest literary man of his age, but exercised a general Influence far more Important than mere literary reputation can ever obtain. This influence rested in no small degree upon the fact that he was a voluminous religious writer, and that he represented opinions shared In by the best men of the Catholic church. There can be no doubt that Erasmus was a sincere believer In the truth of Christianity, but this belief was united with a spirit of free inquiry which led him to question many current dogmas, and to embrace views of Christianity as httle , consistent with the orthodoxy of our own time, as It was with that of the age in which he lived. But there was nothing of enthusiasm in his nature, perhaps little of that self-abnegation without which the highest devotion cannot exist. His judgment was calm as well as penetrating, and was combined with a practical sense which rendered him im- ERASMUS. 61 patient of hypocrisy and superstition. By this Chapter practical sense church dogmas were also tested, ' — <—' and Erasmus held very loosely by those which to could not stand such a test. His religion was that of a calm, enlightened, upright man, who had little taste for the mysteries of theology, but who .highly appreciated the moral Influence which a belief In God and a future state exercises over Individuals and communities. While, however, Erasmus was sincere in his faith, it had not laid hold of his mind with that strength of conviction which makes it the ruling principle of the religious and moral life, and renders a man zealous in diffusing its principles, while personally adhering to them at whatever cost. There was nothing of the martyr In the character of Erasmus, not only because he was constitutionally timid and fond of ease, but chiefly because no truth appeared to him so absolute and Important as to render It a man's duty to maintain it at all times and under all circumstances. Of that earnestness which regards a particular phase of religious truth as the one thing needful without the reception of which a man must perish, Erasmus had not a particle. He was an admirable representative of that opinion which is opposed to extremes, and by which not only the persecutor but his victim is condemned. In a word, the religion of Erasmus was that of a cultivated and moderate man, who is 62 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter more inclined to doubt than to believe, and who >_Y-/ rests satisfied with a kind of vague faith, unfettered to by dogmas, and naturally tolerant, because it is ^'^^ ¦ neither fixed nor unalterable, but varies with circumstances and the diversities of mental con stitution. The posi- Keeping these considerations In view, we shall ErLmus ^^ ^^^^ ^^ Understand the peculiar attitude in gard to^the ""^hich Erasmus stood towards the Catholic church. ?hirch° There is little reason to believe that he admitted the peculiar dogmas upon which that church rested her claim to supremacy. But it was not in his character, even had it been safe to do so, to attack dogmas ; It was to the practical and moral Influences of rehglon that he directed his chief attention, regarding forms and doctrines as matters of comparative indifference. He found a church established in a position of supreme power, and containing within the ranks of its priesthood men of great learning and high moral worth. By their side were others who displayed a frantic zeal In defence of the most absurd dogmas, while they exhibited a narrow or hypocritical asceticism, or wallowed in the most shameful licentiousness. From the very outset of his career Erasmus was the bitter opponent of intolerance, superstition, and sensu ality, and, believing that all these vices abounded among the monks, he became their declared EEASMUS. 63 enemy. This antipathy to monkery and Its Chapter practices rendered Erasmus to some extent the — w precursor of the reformation. His strong sense, to lively wit, and power of expression made his works the delight of all classes ; and it was impossible to read a page of those works without a mingled feehng of contempt and indignation at the shame ful moral spectacle exhibited by those ministers of the church who were most conspicuous in the public eye. Monks were seen everywhere traf ficking in holy things, lauding the power of the church and the value of its indulgences, enforcing the most puerile doctrines on pain of damnation ; and at the same time every town and village rang with tales of their profligacy. Even those monks who were so far faithful to their profession as to abstain from gross vice afforded ample play to the satuist by their pitiful superstition, their incredible ignorance, and their flerce bigotry In defending opinions wjilch they neither comprehended them selves nor could explain to others. Nothing would be more unjust than to deny influence that the early writings of Erasmus exercised a mus as a 1 ¦ n i-pi Ti reformer. beneficial religious influence ; and, if they did not strike at the root of existing abuses, exhibited in powerful colours their opposition to true morality and genuine Christianity. Within the church there were many serious and virtuous men, to whom the morality of the clergy, espe- 1623. 64 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter daily of the monks, was a source of fear as well " — r^ as of scandal. There seemed a daily increasing 1518 to danger that unless something was done to arrest this evil either the judgment of heaven or the wrath of man would break forth to destroy an Institution which was diffusing throughout society moral poison, instead of healthful moral life. Per haps Erasmus did not take such an earnest and serious, view of the matter, but he performed an all-important work, in preparing the minds of men for such a reformation in the church as would render It less unworthy of Its high functions. The time had not come — or, at all events, Erasmus was not the fit man — to assail the dogmas of the church. Its spiritual pretensions, and the whole basis upon which its dominion rested. That he could have done so with great power of argun^ent and wit admits of no doubt, but then he wanted that hallowed fire without which spiritual tyranny cannot be successfully attacked. External force is impotent against such a tyranny ; the weapons of warfare with which it must be assailed are drawn fi-om the depths of the human conscience, and its own artillery must be turned against It before It can be overcome. Erasmus was in capable of forging or wielding such weapons; those which he employed might damage the outer works, but were powerless against the citadel Itself. ERASMUS. 65 This Is not the place to examine in detail the Chapter IV. steps by which Luther was led to assail the papacy ^— y--' In its really vulnerable part, its claim upon the to spiritual obedience of mankind. But when we „ ' _ The compare Luther with Erasmus, one cardinal preaching ^ . of Luther. difference between the men strikes us at once. Erasmus was a consummate writer, whose stores of learning and knowledge increased instead of oppressing his mental energy, whose -wit was chastened by a refinement superior to that of his age, and who delighted or instructed his readers, without touching their hearts or inflaming their passions. The satisfaction which he Iiliparted was exquisite and calm ', the impresslom which he left was that of pleasure and adinlratioii ; but the pro found and mysterious parts of our nature remained untouched. How different was the character of Luther's preaching and writing. To the 'learning and refinement of Erasmus Luther had no pretension, and his wit was rather a coarse humour, level to the meanest capacity, than that airy, volatile. Indescribable something, which pro duces a pleasure at once great and unexpected. But then Luther possessed a quality which more than compensated for all his defects : he was thoroughly In earnest. He had gone through spiritual conflicts of which Erasmus had neither the experience nor the conception. To Luther sin was a real evil, holding the soul in shameful F 66 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter captivity now, and threatening to plunge It, in the ' — , — ' future, into everlasting ruin and darkness. To 1518 to find a remedy for this evil became the absorbing 1523. Interest of the young monk ; not a monk by con straint, like Erasmus, but one who had chosen the vocation in order that he might devote his whole life and energies to the task of securing his sal vation. The austerities and pious practices which from boyhood Erasmus had regarded with ill- concealed scorn were to Luther the welcome means by which he hoped to subdue the lusts of the flesh, and fit his soul for communion with the Author of his being. With all the sincerity and ardour of his nature he carried these austerities to such an extreme as to injure his health and endanger his life. To Erasmus this meagre and self-tortured monk would have been an object of ridicule ; but that same intensity of feeling which made the Augustin friar the abject slave of super stition was the grand Instrument by which he acquired an amount of moral influence, compared ¦ with which that hitherto exercised by Erasmus was scarcely deserving of notice. A conscience so sensitive, combined with an intellect so powerftd as that of Luther, could never be satisfied until some means had been found of stilling the anxieties which oppressed his heart and the doubts which perplexed his understanding. In the doctrine of justification by faith alone, and in the Infallible ¦], 1 1 ¦, •, ERASMUS. 67 authority of Scripture, Luther found the resting Chapter places In which he could enjoy spiritual peace, and -— y^ shake off the doubts which staggered his mind. to When he began to preach his words went to the ^^^^' hearts of others, because they proceeded from his own, and he spoke with more authority than pope or priest, because he appealed to oracles of truth, which were as accessible to his hearers as to him self His voice carried with it irresistible con viction, because it was that of a man who thoroughly, even Intensely, believed what he said, and his arguments confounded his enemies, because they were founded on a book of which they as well as he admitted the divine authority. The position in v.rhich the preaching and daily- Erasmus increasing reputation of Luther placed Erasmus favourable was difficult, and even mortifying. At first he does not appear to have appreciated the character of Luther, or the lengths to which that character would naturally push him. The great light of the age was disposed to look with a favourable eye upon the new luminary which had arisen. But he soon became aware that the world was upon the eve of a great contest, in which it would not be permitted to any man, least of all to him, to remain neutral. The monks, his ceaseless enemies, sffected to discover in him the forerunner of Luther. Erasmus had laid the egg, Luther had hatched it. To a man fond of peace, without zeal r2 68 ' SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter for any particular opinions, and anxious to live on >^ — r— ' good terms with many powerful men who were to very hostile to such religious innovations as ¦ Luther proposed, the state In which Erasmus foiind himself was one full of embarrassment. His learning, his writings, and the bitter hostility with which he was regarded by the monks led the reformers to look upon him as their natural friend and ally. To them it was of the utmost importance to obtain his declared support ; for his ability and reputation would have been of Immense value to a rising party, while the purity of his moral character would add ci-edlt to the cause of religious reformation. On the other hand, the great object of the Catholics was to gain the active aid of Erasmus, or, at least, to prevent him from passing Into the opposite camp. His fame was so great, his success as a writer so eminent, that he could not fail to bring an Immense ac cession of strength to whatever party he adhered. Catholics and reformers treated him with the greatest respect, the first claiming him as indisi putably their own, while the second excused his lukewarmness on account of his advanced age and his love of ease. Keen- There was nothing so naturally painful to to take up Erasmus as to be compelled to adopt a decided po^itiom^ resolution when by doing so he was hkely to involve himself in difficulty or danger. That the ERASMUS. 69" church stood In urgent need of reformation was a Chapter ... . . IV. proposition which he had always maintained, and ' — ¦ — ' could not well disavow when there seemed some to prospect of this reformation being effected. He, Indeed, never lost an opportunity of defending himself against the insinuation that he had In any way co-operated with Luther. In a letter to Cardinal Wolsey he explains at great length his views In regard to the reformers.* The violence with which they had been assailed had tended to enlist his sympathies in their behalf, although he disapproved of many of their proceedings, and was determined not to make common cause with them. He was resolved to remain faithful to the church, although he deemed it urgently necessary that it should undergo some reformation. But now, the churchmen who had formerly agreed with him upon this point were far more keenly alive to the necessity of putting down heresy than of purifying * the church. To yield to the clamours of men who disowned the authority of the church was to deliver her over into the hands of her enemies. In such circumstances it was the duty of all her falthftil children to protect the church, instead of exposing her shortcomings. If Erasmus was what he professed to be, a dutiful son of the church, now was the time to bring to her aid his vast repu tation and great abilities. If he hesitated he * Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 810. 1623. 70 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter could not be Surprised that he was ranked among -— Y-^ her enemies. Erasmus, however, continued, as he to best could, to evade the importunities of both parties, but he must have foreseen, with no small annoyance, that the neutrality which he affected would soon become Impossible. His gene- While the world was convulsed by religious staucTs™' dissensions the private life of Erasmus flowed on thisperiod. -j^ j^g ordinary even tenour. He published this year an edition of- Suetonius, and a second edition of his New Testament. This last work was bitterly attacked by the monks and the more zealous Catholics. They found in the notes of Erasmus either full-blown heresies or the germs of them, and many of the sentiments expressed in those notes were not easily reconcilable with strict orthodoxy. But Erasmus was not of a temper to submit to any encroachment upon his literary liberty, and his enemies were unable or unwilling to bring any formal charge against him. At this period he resided chiefly at Basle, but the ' appearance of the plague induced him to leave that place. He was even persuaded that he had caught the infection before quitting the town, and his journey to Louvain was not, therefore, an agreeable one ; but his fears seem to have been groundless. He' met with a highly honourable reception at a small town which lay on the route to Louvain, receiving great attention from the ERASMUS. 71 authorities of the place, and the chief inhabitants Chapter expressed an eager desire to spend a few hours in ^^> — - his company. After complying with their wishes to he proceeded on hlsjoui'iiey, and on his arrival at Louvain consulted a physician. This physician agreed with him In the suspicion that he had been attacked with the plague, but If so, the attack must have been a very slight one, as he had been able to endure the fatigues of a journey, and never seems to have been confined to bed. He was generally disposed to exaggerate his complaints, although there Is no doubt that his health was delicate and uncertain. In the early part of this year Luther wrote a 1519. courteous letter to Erasmus. In this letter the Luther 1 I . writes to reformer bestowed great praises upon the learning Erasmus. of Erasmus, and admits that he could not be expected to take an active part in the religious controversies which were then raging.* Erasmus sent' a most civil reply, terming Luther his dear brother in Christ, t About the same time Erasmus wrote to the Elector of Saxony. In this letter he disclaims any personal knowledge of Luther, and adds that he had read only a few of his works, and them In a cursory manner. He heard, however, from all quarters that his cha racter was excellent. He then proceeds to show * Opera Erasmi, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 399. t Opera Erasmi, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 427. 72 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapper that diversity of opinion is an inevitable evil, if it ¦~~^ Is an evil, since men the most highly venerated by to the church had held different views upon many ^^ ¦ subjects. But If men are so constituted that their judgments in regard to any matter are determined by the outward circumstances, mental training, and moral characteristics of individuals, it follows that toleration Is a necessary part of the present state of things.* This is without doubt the only firm basis upon which religious or poli tical toleration can rest, for if error in opinion Is a moral crime to treat it with forbearance be comes also criminal, at least where the power of doing otherwise exists. The views regarding toleration which he expresses In his letter to the Elector of Saxony were thoroughly in accord ance with the settled convictions of Erasmus. Doctrinal differences he regarded as matters of little importance, believing that uniformity of opinion In regard to such points is incompatible with the present state of our faculties. Thus, the toleration of Erasmus rested upon the broadest basis, because his own experience had taught him that diverging opinions are separated from one another by very narrow lines of demarcation, so that honest men may easily embrace either. In a letter to Albert, Archbishop of Mainz, Erasmus * Seckendorf Commentarius Historious et Apologitica D» Lutheranismo (Lipsic, 169-1), p. &C. ERASMUS, 73 enforces views similar to those contained in that Chapi-er IV. written to the Elector of Saxony.* He does not ' — r^ formally defend Luther, but condemns the violence to of his enemies. In these letters Erasmus no doubt stated his real opinions, but he did not wish that those opinions should be generally known, and was much displeased when his letter to the archbishop was published. Erasmus had now to experience the annoyances 1519. which beset an author who writes upon contro- Erasmus versial topics, and attacks opinions to which many ^^ various are firmly attached. His edition of the New ,"?°^f™^"'- Testament was the work which met with the most hostile criticisms. One of its assailants was ¦John Ecke, who accused Erasmus of denying the inspiration of the New Testament writers. He gave two /easons for his assertion. Erasmus, In noticing >the Incorrect quotations made from the Old Testament by the Evangelists, ascribes the fact to a defect of memoiy on their part. Erasmus had also stated that the Greek of the New Testa ment partook much more of the vulgar dialect than of the language made classic by the great Greek writers. In his reply to Ecke Erasmus maintained that the erroneous citations contained in the New Testament were facts known to every one, and It was therefore clear that writers, al though to some extent inspired by t^f? H'^'- * Seckendorf, pp 90— U7. 74 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter Spirit, might be guilty of mistakes. Then, as to wy—' the inferiority of the Apostolic Greek, did there 1618 . .11 111. to exist a competent judge who could deny it, and, if the Gr^ek writers had acquired Greek by inspira tion, to what cause was the inferiority to be as cribed ? Erasmus thus based his defence upon facts, and since the wrong citations and bad Greek could not be denied, he concluded that these facts must so far modify our notions as to what inspiration really is. What the acuteness of Erasmus pointed out In the sixteenth century has now become the general opinion of enlight ened Christians. Against facts, of whatever nature they may be, historical or scientific, it Is utterly Irrelevant to place a theoretical notion of inspiration, which denies that any error of any kind can be found in a book which in a general sense may be said to contain the revealed wxU of God. Contro- The most Important controversy in which tweeji ^ Erasmus was at this time involved was one andTea "^'^^^ Edward Lee, afterwards Archbishop of York. Lee was a man of learning, and detected many errors in the translation and paraphrase of the New Testament which Erasmus had pub lished. Erasmus was far more thoroughly ac quainted with Latin, than with Greek, and his complete ignorance of Hebrew rendered him more liable to misinterpret the language of the New 1623. ERASMUS. 75 Testament. In Lee's work the mistakes Into Chapter IV. which Erasmus had fallen were pointed out, ' — r-' without that respect which was due to a man not to only older, but far greater than himself. Lee, before giving his work to the world, sent a copy of it to Erasmus ; but he merely glanced at it, and then returned it without expressing any thanks for the perusal.* The charges of Lee also referred to matters more Important than the mis interpretation of particular passages. Portions of the notes of Erasmus were quoted to prove that the writer was tinged with Arian and Pelagian errors, and believed neither in the doctrine of original sin nor In that of the Trinity, as inculcated by the church. He also accused Erasmus of denying the sanctity of marriage. Upon this point, indeed, Erasmus seems to have held rather lax notions. He was of opinion that married persons who were unsuitable to each other, either In person or mind, should be permitted a liberty of divorce ; but upon this matter, as upon all others, he professed his willingness to subordi nate his own judgment to that of the church. Lee's book, although not without merit, was generaUy 111 received, and was violently attacked by many learned men. One of Lee's opponents, after bitterly reviling him, advised him to go and * Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 446. 76 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter hang himself.* The reformers, Luther excepted - — ^ condemned Lee, and the zealous Catholic, Sir to Thomas More, told him that he was in no sense a match for Erasmus, although possibly In time, and by exerting an industry equal to that of his antagonist, he might become not altogether un worthy ' of contending with him. The works of some of his defenders did not altogether please Erasmus, and at last he himself published a reply to Lee. It was written with comparative mode ration, but reproached Lee with drawing most of his knowledge from the book which he con- demned. The private letters of Erasmus, written during the progress of this controversy, were much more severe In their tone than his public defence. Erasmus was, in truth, very Impatient of censure; and, although his good sense led him to keep his anger within bounds when he wrote formal replies to his antagonists, he threw aside this mask when he thought himself at liberty to express his real feelings. His vanity was easily irritated, and the perplexities which gathered about him as he ad vanced in life tended to sour his temper. 1520. The religious questions raised by Luther had Eratmiis ^^^ bccomc matters of Interest to all classes of neutral^ soclety, and Erasmus was continually appealed to position a ]jy j^q^-}^ parties. He was anxious to maintain the very diftt- •' ^ cult one. middle ground which he had at first taken up, but * Hesse, p. 368. 1623. EEASJIUS. 77 this exposed him to more odium than If he had Chapter become the zealous partlzan of either side. This "^ — r— year he published a paraphrase of the Epistle to to the Epheslans, and dedicated it to Cardinal Cam- peggius. In this dedication he endeavours to de fine his own position among contending theologians. It was still, as it had always been, his great desire that some kind of compromise should take place ; that the reformers should acknowledge the pope's authority, and that the pope should take means to remove their just complaints. He asserts that he had not read twelve pages of Luther's works, and those only in a cursory manner.* But these spe cimens, scanty as they were, had given him a favourable opinion of Luther's ability, and, accord ing to general report, he was a man of irreproach able character. Even in writing to a cardinal Erasmus ventured to disapprove of the bull which Leo X, had issued against Luther ; but while doing so, he Is careful to express his own dutiful attachment to the Holy See. While admitting that he had been solicited to take an active part In promoting a religious reformation, he adds that he had always declined to do so, as such a step would Involve him In dangers which he was not willing to encounter. Others might affect mar tyrdom ; as to him, he did not think himself ' ' " Ex universis Lutheri libris non perlegi duddeoim pagellas, at que eas oarptim." Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 547. 1518 to 1523. 78 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter worthy of the honour.* This firm determination IV. . to avoid persecution, and to consult his own ease rather than the cause of truth, is the key to the conduct of Erasmus during the latter part of his life. Such conduct is not very heroic, nor can it be regarded without something like contempt ; but in the case of Erasmus it admits of this excuse, that It was not In his nature to attach much im portance to abstract truths or doctrinal theories, and that to have sacrificed himself on account of them would have been as much opposed to his judgment as to his personal comfort. No man was more alive to the shameful abuses which disgraced the church, but he believed that a gradual internal reform was far more desirable than a great and immediate one, forced on by external movements. This was the opinion of multitudes besides himself, but then these mode rate men, by an instinct natural to them, did nothing to strengthen the hands of those who professed to seek the same objects as themselves, although, if necessary, even in spite of the domi nant church. Letter of While Erasmus was careful to protect himself Erasmus „ ., p i i i i i .i to a monk, from the anger or the church, he was as hostile as ever to the monks. This year he wrote a letter to a monk whom he terms his most pertinacious * " Affectent alii martyrium, ego mo non arbitror hoc honoro diguum." Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 547. IV. 1518 to 1523. ERASMUS. 79 and malicious opposer. Erasmus tells him In the Chapter plainest terms that It was his business to learn not to write, since he was ignorant of things with which boys were acquainted. With an air of mildness, this letter Is full of the most galling sarcasm, and its conclusion was fitted to drive its recipient mad : " I regard you with pity rather than with anger, and my pity is so much the greater that you have no pity for yourself. If nature has denied you genius, you might still become learned ; If eloquence, you lUay still be an upright speaker ; if style, you can yet profit the world by editing the works of other men ; and at all events, you can strive to become a good man. If you are unable to produce anything good on account of your want of genius, learning, eloquence, understanding, and discretion, at least strive to hurt no one."* This monk seems to have been an excellent sample of his brethren, between whom and Erasmus a ceaseless contest was waged. Still, the rapid progress of the reformation rendered the monks more formidable, and their constant endea vours to impugn the orthodoxy of Erasmus made * The letter is directed, " Obtrectatori suo pertinacissimo," and concludes thus : " Ego non tam irasco tibi, quam misereor, at que ¦hoc magis misereor ; si tibi nondum es miserabilis. Si natura tibi negavit iingenium ut evadas egregie doctus ; si linguam ut si probus'conciniator,' si stylum ut libris editis queas orbi prodesse certe'iconendumjiut virj bonus sis. Si prodesse non potes ob inopiamj^ingenii linguas^doctrin^ consilii judicii saltern da operam en quern Icedas." Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii. ; Ep. 562, cols. 621 — 631. 80 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter ail Impression upon the Catholic world which he >— Y^ found it difficult to remove. It was, therefore, 1518 to necessary that he should do everything In his power to prove his fidelity to the Catholic chUrch; but even this necessity never led him to make any concession to the monks. As he had always done, he still employed all the resources of his wit and learning to expose them to contempt. 1521. The position of Erasmus in regard to existing ifimus religious controversies daily became more difficult. morehos- ^^ ^P^*^ °^ ^* constant protcstatlons, many per- tiietothe sIsted In looking upon him as a supporter of reformers. n i i i Luther. This year a Bohemian noble, who had embraced the opinions of Luther, wrote a letter to Erasmus, earnestly exhorting him to do the same. In his reply Erasmus launches out into his usual invectives against the monks, but defends the pope, and expresses his own earnest desire of peace and moderatlon.f The formal condemnation of Luther by the diet of Worms rendered Erasmus more anxious to avoid all suspicion of connection with him. His letters at this period prove his great desire to draw the clearest line of demarcation between himself and the reformers. In a letter directed to Peter Barberius he decleres that if he was as free of sin as of any connection with Luther he might die In perfect peace of conscience. He adds, that so great was his 'aversion to tumult, or * Opera, vol. iii., pt i. Ep. 563. 1523. EEASMUS. 81 any kind of disorder, that even truth itself lost Its Chapter . ... IV. rehsh for him if it became the means of disturbing "— W 1 ""I Q the public peace.* In another letter he declares, to that since the death of Leo X. he was regarded with suspicion both by Catholics and reformers. In another he defends the papacy, not as a divine Institution, but as a means of protecting the world against the tyranny of bishops and kings. In his opinion all presbyters were originally equal until, to prevent schism, a bishop had been elected, and then a bishop of bishops. In order to keep them within due bounds, and to check the oppression of profane princes.f No doubt this mode of defend ing the papacy, however little In accordance with the opinions of those who regarded both It and the episcopacy as divine institutions, was intelligible, and could be appreciated by those who condemned the arrogant pretensions of the pope. In regard to those pretensions, as upon other points, Erasmus thought as moderate men generally did, but he was determined to persevere in his resolution of siding with the church in Its efforts to repel the attacks of the reformers. In a letter to Pace, who had succeeded Colet as dean of St. Paul's, Eras mus complains greatly of the attempts made to imphcate him with the Lutherans. After praising Luther, and indicating his faults, he adds that he • Opera vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 587. t Opera vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 563. G 82 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter could not take his part, even if he had written and IV. . . • — r-' acted in the most unexceptionable manner. He to had no desire to die for the truth, and, if put to the test, was likely to imitate the example of St. Peter.* General During the years 1519 and 1520 Erasmus had Erasmus resided chiefly at Louvain, although he made period. frequent excursions to Brussels, Antwerp, and Bruges. He was in the habit of visiting monas teries, chiefly to consult their libraries, and, in spite of his life-long war with the monks, he was always received most courteously, and was zealously aided in the prosecution of his researches. In 1520 he left Louvain, and took up his residence at Anderlac, a country village. He does not seem to have published any new work during this year, but his edition of the New Testament was still an object of attack. A work against it had been written by Stumner, a Spanish theologian of some reputation. Stumner had submitted the work to Cardinal Ximenes, who had done much to en courage biblical criticism. The cardinal directed Stumner to forward the MS. to Erasmus, and, should it be disapproved of by him, to abstain from its publication. This does not seem to have been done, and now that the cardinal was dead Stumner sent his work to the press. When pub lished it attracted considerable attention. If general respect could console Erasmus for such * Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 583. ERASMUS. 83 attacks he enjoyed this consolation in abundance. Chapter All the distinguished men of his time courted his ¦ — ,^ 1518 acquaintance. At this period Cardinal Wolsey, to in pursuance of his design to support the emperor in the war which was on the eve of brealdng out between him and Francis I., visited Bruges, and was received with the highest honours. In the brilliant assembly which did homage to the all- powerful cardinal Erasmus held a high place, and was treated with the greatest distinction. One of the Imperial guests was Christian, King of Den mark. This monarch loaded with his attentions the far-famed scholar, and sought to win his friend ship. But the impetuous Scandinavian was one of these personages from whose advances Erasmus instinctively shrunk. He, perhaps, foresaw that in such a stormy age Christian might embark on enterprises which would* render his favour a dangerous gift to men who were anxious to lead a quiet life. This year Erasmus published one of the most Publioa- popular and widely circulated of his works, the "CoUo- "Colloquia." This work was in the humble form J522. of a school book, intended to Initiate young persons ^® in the knowledge of the Latin language. It was written with the ease and felicity of style by which all the works of Erasmus were distinguished, abounding In nice strokes of wit, and was every where pervaded with that practical homely wisdom g2 1623. 84 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter which was one cause of the literary success of ' — ^ Erasmus. But as he could scarcely write a line to without alluding to his enemies the monks, the Colloquies also contributed to expose their ignor* ance, superstition, and bigotry. But it was now less safe than it had formerly been to denounce monkery and its members. The Colloquies were submitted to the Sorbonue at Paris as a book tainted with heresy. Erasmus had many enemies In that learned body, and the most eminent and bitter of them was Bedda. By his influence, and that of others, the Colloquies were condemned as a book unfit for the perusal of the faithful. But the attentions which Erasmus received from the pope and the highest church dignitaries, were fitted to console him for the hatred of monks and theologians. His old schoolfellow, Adrian of Utrecht, had been elected pope on the death of Leo X. Adrian invited Erasmus to Rome, promising to do what he could to promote his interests. At the same time he urged him to employ his great abilities in opposing heresy, and promoting the purification of the Church. * Adrian was a virtuous and well- meaning man, anxious to remove the moral abuses which disgraced the church, but then he was a scholastic theologian, in whose eyes the freedom of opinion claimed by the Lutherans was the worst part of their heresy. Between the * Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 639, 648, & 649. EEASMUS. 85 narrow minded, pedantic, and bigoted pope and Chapter Erasmus there could be no real community of '^-v^ sentiment. He declined the flattering Invitation to to visit Eome, but in a long letter explained his ^ ^' views as to the best means of rescuing the church from the dangers in which it was involved. In this letter, as in all others upon the same subject, Erasmus recommends general moderation, the gradual removal of proved abuses, and some degree of indulgence for difference of opinion. Erasmus seemed at last disposed to fix upon Erasmus some place In which he could settle down and residence make for himself a home. Basil was the spot * ^ ' which he selected for this purpose, and he de parted so much from his former practice as to accept the office of rector of the university. If this office was honourable It was also very trouble some, and Erasmus soon grew sick of its labours and responsibilities. However, the chief source of annoyance to Erasmus was still his supposed com.pllcity with the reformers. When Luther pubhshed his reply to Henry VIII. a rumour got into circulation that Erasmus had assisted the reformer In preparing this work. In a letter to the English monarch Erasmus vehemently denies this accusation, and It could ha-\e been believed by no Intelhgent person. Luther was as unlikely to solicit as Erasmus to grant such assistance. In deed, Erasmus had by this time become almost 1523. 86 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter openly hostile to Luther, though he still professed a "—y^ great respect for Melancthon and other reformers. to The grand weapon of the reformation was public preaching, and that upon the highest mysteries of the faith. In a letter to the reformer, Jonas, Erasmus strongly condemns this practice, as cal culated to mislead and Inflame the masses of the people. In proclaiming new or forgotton truths caution and gentleness are indispensable, and Christ himself, In dealing with the ignorant and the prejudiced, had treated them with indulgence, instead of raising their passions by denouncing their errors In bitter terms.* The general cor respondence of Erasmus expresses in the strongest terms his love of peace and hatred of discord, and' he declares that in order to obtain the one and remove the other he would even be willing to sacrifice a portion of the truth. In troublous times the praise of peace is the favourite theme of timid and selfish men, and is often made the ex cuse for the most shameless desertion of principle. But this last charge cannot be brought against Erasmus, for his chief characteristic was indlffer-. ence to truth in its dogmatic form. Long before Luther appeared Erasmus had made no secret of this Indifference, and now It had become the best excuse for his timidity and time-serving. Nor, indeed, could Erasmus, holding such sentiments, be ¦• Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 672. EEASMUS, 87 justly censured because he declined to expose Chapter IV. himself to persecution on account of principles which he did not believe to be of primary Im- to portance. But, unhappily for his reputation; ^^^ ' Erasmus gradually departed from his neutral position, and exhibited a disposition to take open part against the reformers. He was, indeed, not very willing to do so, but he was still less willing to Incur the hostility of those who belonged to the church. The time came when it was necessary to choose between two dangers, and Erasmus did what he considered best for his own peace and security. He was firmly convinced that the church would ultimately triumph in the struggle, and according to her custom inflict summary - punishment upon those who had questioned her dogmas and endangered her supremacy. Those who had been lukewarm and Indifferent would be treated as open enemies ; and the conspicuous position of Erasmus,- as well as his many enemies within the church, would expose him to peculiar risks. It was best to be wise in time, and to take open part before it was too late with those who might soon again rule the world. 88 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. CHAPTER V. ERASMUS AND LUTHER. 1523—5525. 1623. All his friends who had remained steadfast to Erasmus the church continually urged Erasmus to employ write^''^ his pen In its defence. By doing so he would at Luther, o^ce extinguish the calumny that he secretly favoured Luther, and confirm those who were wavering in the faith. The time to stand neuter had passed away ; heresy was continually gaining new triumphs, and made no secret of its intention to found a new church. Such arguments as these were too obvious to be opposed by any who pro fessed to adhere to the old church, and Erasmus felt himself under a kind of necessity to do some thing to confirm his repeated assertion that he intended to remain faithful to that church. He was most unwilhng to enter the lists against Luther, but circumstances were too strong for him, or rather, he was not strong enough to resist circumstances. In a letter to Henry VHI. he states that he was preparing a work against the new opinions, but that he could not venture to ERASMUS. 89 publish it until he had left Germany, lest he Chapter should perish before he had descended Into the -—^ ^ Erasmus arena.* and While meditating so important an enterprise the health of Erasmus was In a very precarious much from state, and he suffered much from the gravel. The pain was so great that he looked upon himself as at the point of death, and stood continually pre pared for its summons. His disease had now assailed him In the month of July, a month in which he had hitherto enjoyed immunity from its assaults. The tortures which he suffered were so terrible that he almost longed for death, and envied those who were inflicted with the plague or fever.f But this bad health was so far a con venience that it furnished him with a ready excuse for declining invitations which he was not wHling to accept. This year Pope Adrian again wrote him, urging him to visit Rome, and offering him a deanery sufficient to maintain him In com fort. This last offer was more easily resisted than former ones, because from one source and another Erasmus seems to have become Independent in his circumstances, and he was not greedy of money. Poverty was intolerable to him, but he set little value upon wealth. * " Molior aliquod adversus nova dogmata, sed non ausim edere nisi relicta Germania, ne cadam prius quam descendam in arenam." Opera, vol. iii. pt. 1, Ep. 65. t Opera, vol. iii. pt. 1, Eps. 644, 660, and 667. 90 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter Personal feehng, as well as other considerations, ' — r-' now concurred to render Erasmus less friendly to and the reformation. When it became evident that the great scholar was determined not to make common cause with Luther the reformers, who had hitherto treated Erasmus with respect, began to write against him. Among these writers was Hutten, a man whose furious zeal very often injured the cause which he supported. In 1522 Hutten had visited a place where Erasmus was then residing, and Intimated an intention of calling upon him. But Erasmus declined the visit, and Hutten became his declared enemy. He pub lished a work against him, in which he contrived to hit some of the most vulnerable points in the character of Erasmus, and his aim was so true that it excited the violent anger of the victim. He wrote a reply to Hutten. Its title was " Spongia ;" and it is even asserted that Erasmus made some efforts to deliver up his opponent to the secular power, Hutten, whether to avoid this danger, or for some other reason, retired to Zurich, and died there at the age of thirty-six. His death made his friends more zealous In de fending him, and several eminent reformers replied to the " Spongia." The war thus commenced be tween Erasmus and the reformers Increased every day, and even those among the latter who had been most Inclined to treat the great scholar with re- ERASMUS. 91 spect and forbearance now regarded him as their Chapter most dangerous and least scrupulous enemy. As -— y^ his feelings towards them grew more bitter and Erasmus had become accustomed to bring a general charge of Immorality against the reformers. Such a charge could not but offend deeply the many good men who had embraced the new opinions. No doubt persons 4who pretended to belong to the reformers, or who had really been seriously affected by the great religious movement which had taken place, had fallen Into shocking immoralities, but these were entirely exceptional cases. It is, unhappily, a truth confirmed by unvarying experience, that there are elements Involved In a religious revival which render some of those who are affected by it far more ready to plunge Into vice than they would otherwise have been. Bunyan's pilgrim expresses his astonish ment when he discovered that even from the gate of the celestial city there was a path which led down to perdition. Nor can it be denied that there is In peculiar temperaments a link which unites the ardent emotions of religious excitement to the unholy passions which plunge their victims into the lowest depths of sensuality. But then, to conclude from this that a revival of religion, instead of promoting genuine piety, gives an im pulse to vicious propensities, would be as illogical as it is Inconsistent with experience. Unhappily, 92 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter those who view with suspicion or dislike a great ' — , — ' religious movement are too apt to confound its and excesses with its general results. This is some times done by ignorant and honest men, but not unfrequently by those who clearly discern the dis tinction between the general and partial effects of a religious revival. It is little to the credit of Erasmus that he should have directed against the reformers the deadly calumny that the promulga tion of their opinions had been productive of immoral consequences. This conduct on his part was a sad proof that the embarrassments of his own position and the outcries of the Catholics were hurrying him into a course inconsistent with his usual candour and liberality, nor can we be surprised that this conduct should excite the bitter indignation of the reformers, and lead them to regard Erasmus as their most insidious enemy. Corres- Erasmus had always professed a great respect between for the character of Melancthon, a character and Me- much more to his taste than that of Luther. Melancthon, whose charity led him to hope against hope, still believed that Erasmus could be won over to the cause of reformation, and offered to pay him a visit. This visit was declined, but Erasmus wrote a long letter to Melancthon, stating his views in regard to public affairs. He condemned Hutten, but praised a work recently published by Melancthon, under the title of "Common Places." ERASMUS. 93 Some portions of this work, however, he did not Chapter understand; about others he had doubts; and ' — ^ certain doctrines contained In It he did not think Ind"^ it necessary openly to profess. He then proceeds ^"'^^''• to boast of his own moderation and of the moderate c6unsels which he had tendered to popes and princes. But he could not admire or even tolerate the violence of .^colampadius Farel and others, nor sympathise with those who gave them the name of reformers. He concludes by desiring Melancthon not to show Ins letter to ill-disposed persons. Melancthon returned a mild and respect ful reply.* About this time Luther wrote a long letter to Corres- Erasmus, moderate In its tone, but still with a -with kind of pity, approaching to contempt. With the weaknesses of Erasmus Luther had no sympathy, and he seems to have been convinced that all the specious religious professions of the scholar only concealed a profound scepticism. Throughout this letter Luther takes for granted that Erasmus had no true zeal for religion, but thinks that this weak ness, inseparable from his character, should be treated with forbearance. He was unwilling to ascribe the conduct of Erasmus to deliberate per versity, or as many did, to a spirit of scepticism, if not downright infidelity. But he Is old, and on that account entitled to indulgence. Besides, the •• Oper.i, vol. iii. pt. i. Eps. 703, 704. 94 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter greatness of the matters in dispute placed them -—^ beyond the scope within which the abilities of and Erasmus were confined, so that It was better both Luther. £^^ himself and others that he should not meddle with things too high for him.* This kind of language would not have been very palatable to an ordinary person, but, addressed to Erasmus, was little better than a deliberate insult. The reply of Erasmus was less bitter than the provocation would have justified,! but still it was obvious that these two great men were on the point of becoming declared antagonists. Private While harrassed by the great religious con troversy which distracted the world, Erasmus was involved In some personal troubles. His pension, as counsellor of state, was paid very Irregularly, and he endeavoured to alarm the imperial court into greater punctuality. He declared that unless he received his pension more regularly he would be compelled to visit France, to which he had been invited with great promises of advantage. This proceeding was III taken, and instead of the grievance of which he complained being redressed, Erasmus received an angry rejoinder to his letter. In his reply he apologised for what he had for merly written, but still maintained that even had he gone to France it would not have been an act * Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 726, cols. , 846—847. t Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 806, cola. 926—927. I affairs of Erasmus. ERASMUS. 95 of enmity towards the emperor, who was at war Chapter with that country. He then proceeds to show ' — ^ that his dissatisfaction was not unfounded, since and his pension had been only once paid, while his expenses were great, and he wanted that economy by which his resources might have been turned to better account. He excuses himself from visiting the Low Countries, lest he should be persecuted, and also because his funds were low. His various illnesses had not only exhausted his money, but involved him in considerable debt, so that even If sickness forced him to change his residence, there was a danger that his creditors might step in and prevent him from doing so.* There is some diffi culty In understanding in what circumstances Erasmus was placed at various periods of his life, but there seems no reason to suppose that he was at this time involved In debts which he was unable to pay. When writing to the imperial court he had obvious motives for representing his condition in the worst light; but at this time his general correspondence alludes much less frequently to his poverty than it had done at an earlier period. Erasmus, although not disposed to run counter to his own Inclinations in order to earn money, had an extreme dread of poverty. He was not con- * " Jamque non parum aaris alieni contraxi, ut si per valetu- dinem abire liceret per creditores fortasse non liceat." Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii. Ep. 675, cols. 794—795, Ep. 673, col. 793, and Ep. 669 col. 782. 96 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter tent with providing for the wants of the passing ^— v^ day,/ but felt very dissatisfied if he had not con- Erasmus .1 11 p , . and Slderable funds in reserve. ^' ^^' In a letter in 1524 Erasmus shows how keenly Sensibi- ; lity of he felt and resented any personal attacks. This to the at- letter alludes to a person named Scot, who had upon him. printed Hutten's attack upon Erasmus. The ex cuse which Scot alleged for this proceeding was that he had no other means of supporting his wife and children. Erasmus treats this apology with great disdain :* " Let him," he says, " prostitute his wife, if he can find no other means of maintaining his family, for there Is no law against doing so, but those who calumniate their neighbours are subject to the severest penalties," The vanity of Erasmus led him to attach an extraordinary importance to his own reputation, and a breach of the most sacred laws of morality seemed to him less criminal than any effort made to tarnish that repu tation. In this case the poor printer had not directly assailed Erasmus ; he had merely printed a book written against him, and to which he had replied, so that it was left to the world to judge between the two. Urged by all his Catholic friends to write some thing against Luther, Erasmus at last comphed with their wishes. But the subject which he selected for this work was certainly not that part * Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii. Ep. 725, col. 845. EEASMUS. 97 of Luther's doctrines which was most offensive Chapter and dangerous to the papal church. Perhaps ' — i—' this was the reason why Erasmus selected It,. since ™d"' It enabled him to oppose Luther, without touching ^'°-^^^- • 1 . 1 , , 1 Freewill upon those points m winch he more or less agreed contro- wlth him. Luther had adopted, as an essential part of his theological system, the doctrine that In consequence of the fall of Adam man had become utterly incapable of choosing what was good; in other words, was a bond-slave to evil. This doctrine Erasmus assailed in a treatise which was published In 1525. Towards the close of the same year Luther published, in reply to this treatise, his work " De Servo Arbitrio." In 1526 Erasmus published In two books his second treatise on the subject, and it was written with far less calmness and forbearance than the first. From this time Erasmus and Luther became declared enemies. The ground which Erasmus took up was specious and popular ; for to deny the freedom of the will seems to impugn divine justice and de grade human nature. Luther and the other leading reformers had not attempted to discuss the question on scientific principles, but contented themselves with the broad assertion that In consequence of the fall of Adam man had so completely lost the freedom of his will as to be utterly incapable of performing any good action, or even thinking any good H 98 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter thought. This opinion was enforced by quo- ' — , — ¦ tations from Scripture, but no effort was made to and show In what manner the will operated, or In what sense it could be said to be either enslaved Free Will contro- or free. To assert that man had ceased to be versy. free In consequence of the fall seemed thoroughly illogical, for the freedom of a man's will does not depend upon the nature of his actions. It would be Impious to assert that the Deity is not a free agent, because It is impossible for him to do evil. If we take the account of the fall in its hteral sense man seems to have been free to do good or evil ; and Luther maintained that with the fall man lost this power of doing good — that is to say, he became unwilling to do good ; his will freely chose the evil and rejected the good, Mai^, or any other moral being, may possibly be so consti tuted that he never can, or rather, never will, move except in one direction ; but he has not, therefore, lost his freedom of will. He does good or evil continually, because his will Is perfectly free, subject to no kind of external restraint, and always obedient to the instincts of his nature. The great source of the confusion Into which Luther falls Is that he regards the evil as something inde pendent and self-acting. Instead of being always and irresistibly moved by predetermining causes. The perfection of God consists In the fact that He can never will to do evil, and it is possible to con- ERASMUS, 99 ceive a being so constituted that he never can, that Chapter is, never will do good. The essence of the will ¦— w Is that it carries into action the determinations of and" the being of whose nature that will forms a part, """'¦'^' mi -11 1 . Free Will The will does not govern, but is governed. In oontro- Luther's opinion the will which chose the evil and rejected the good was enslaved, and could only be set free by some miraculous interposition. He seems at times, indeed, to have had a dim appre hension that what he termed the slavery of the will was nothing more than the natural and Inevi table result of the total moral corruption into which man's nature had sunk after the fall. In discussing and opposing the opinion of Luther regarding free will Erasmus scarcely seemstocomprehend thequestlon, and dwells chiefly upon the fact that man feels himself free, is conscious that he Is at liberty to do good or evil. When between contending Impulses man is called to decide to which he shall give the preference he feels that he Is free to do so to one or the other. So he feels that he is free to thrust his hand into a raging fire ; but if he acted upon this conviction all the world would declare him to be mad, not free. In most cases the Issue is not so clear, and where doubt exists as to the proper course to be pursued the will seems to exercise a greater power, but only apparently; In the opinion of Luther the evil propensities in man's nature had h2 lOQ SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter become SO powerful in consequence of the fall ^-v"-* that they must inevitably and invariably prompt the '^d" will to take the evil course. This seemed plain Lu^er. gJ^Q^„l^ J3„t {.}jg„ ]jowr to account for the fact that Free Will ° ' ' contro- a perfect being had fallen Into sin ? If the will acts invariably in accordance with the ruling Im pulses of each individual nature, how could the impulses created good become evil? On the other hand, so far as his views can be gathered fi'om the somewhat hesitating manner in which he ex presses them, Erasmus seems to believe that our nature has undergone no essential change, and that the first man was as liable to fall into evfl as any of his descendants. But if such was the case, what became of man's original perfection, and of a fall so complete and Irretrievable as that implied in the orthodox belief. The theory of Erasmus led naturally to the conclusion that man was and had always been a creature of mixed nature, in whom sometimes good and sometimes bad Impulses predominated. This opinion was intelligible, how ever erroneous it might be, but then it did not affect the question of free will. The will can never be subject to visible or felt restraint, because then it ceases to be will, but then it may remain free, although It can never will except good or evil, as the case may be. But although much which Erasmus advances would lead us to believe that he had adopted the ERASMUS, 101 natural or rationalistic system In regard to the Chapter fall of man and his present condition, he was far • — r-' from having embraced this system in all its and extent. In his commentary upon the Romans ^ ^.' and his work against Luther he seems to reject contro- . . versy. the notion that original sin is imputed to men, but admits that it has deteriorated his nature. But when he attempts to define to what extent this deterioration had proceeded he speaks in a vague and confused manner. He states that free will is that power by which man can attend to those things which belong to his eternal salvation or neglect them.* He afterwards expresses his views as to the effect produced upon this free will by the fall of Adam : " This free will, indeed, was obscured by the sin of Adam, and is stilj more so by actual sin, but yet was not extin guished; it was wounded, but not slain; made infirm, but not taken away; left half-alive, not dead.t" To this he opposes Luther's views that all men are miserable bound captives, so sick and blind that they consider themselves free and * " Liberum arbitium est vis humante voluntatis, qua se possit homo applicare ad ea quoe produount ad oeternam salutem, aut ab iisdem avertere." Opera, vol. x- col. 1319. t " Porro liberum arbitrium hominis per peccatum Adce, magis autem si acoedant pecpata, quce quibusdam dicuntur personalia, obscuratum fuit non exstinctum, vulneratum non oecisum, olaudi- catione, loesum non amputatum, semivivum reliotum non mortnum." Opera, vol. x. col- 1338. 102 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter healthy.* When he Is reminded that Paul, In > — , — ' the third chapter of Galatlans, terms all men and sinners, he considers that If by sin crime or guilt -_ '. is meant, the Apostle must refer, not to indi. contro- viduals, but to natlons.f When his argument versy. _ _ " leads him to explain the reason why some listened to Christ and others did not he comes to the very root of the question : " From whence this dif ference ? Because some seed fell upon the good ground, oe some what was of various qualities. From whence proceeded this difference of ground ? From Indifference, vice, or habit. But from whence this corruption unless from free wlll?"t As to the primeval condition of Adam he asserts that he had been so constituted that he possessed right reason by which he could recognise what was to be desired and what avoided ; that he had also uncorrupt will, but fallible ; that he could. If he wanted, turn aside from the good and deviate into evil.§ In one part of his work he says, " They ? " Quid Lutherus Assumit, omnes homines esse -vinctos, miseros, captos, oegros, mortuos : nee his conteutus facit omnes sic exoecatos ut se liberos existiment ac sanos." Opera, vol. i.. p. 1365. t Opera, vol. x. p. 1352. J " Unde discrimen. Quia aliud semen ceoidit in terram bonam, aliud in diversam. Unde differentia terra. Ex pravis cupiditatibus, vitiatisque moribus, sed cormptela unde, nisi ex libero arbitrio." Opera, vol. x. col. 1367. § " Adam nostri generes principem sic fuisse conditum,ut rationem, haberet incorruptam, quoe dignosceret quid expetendum, quid fugiendum ; sed addita est voluntas, incorrupta quidem et ilia, sed libera, tamen, ut, si vellet, posset sese a bono avertere, et ad malum defleotere." Opera, vol. x. col. 1221. EEASMUS. 103 immensely exaggerate original sin who think that Chapter even the most excellent parts of human nature >— ^ are vitiated, so that men are not only ignorant of '^nd" God, but hate him. This doctrine would exhibit „ ^ „l^' Free Will God as almost cruel if on account of the sin of oontro- , versy. another he was resolved to punish the whole human race, chiefly since those by whom this original sin was committed had not only repented, but suffered grievous punishment as long as they lived."* These quotations clearly show that the ordinary doctrine regarding original sin was in the estima tion of Erasmus crude and exaggerated. But then he admits that human nature had received some damage from this original sin ; had lost some of Its power to do good ; had acquired a greater propensity to evil. Still, the system to which his riews evidently tended was what may be termed the naturalistic one. Apparently Imperfection forms a portion of creation, and while some great mystery underlies that creation human corruption is not in itself a mystery. In a being closely allied to the animals, and yet mani festing some instincts of a higher nature, we might expect to find suchc a reature as man is, *"Exaggerant in immensum peccatum originale, quo sic volunt corruptas esse prasstantissimas etiam humanse naiurse vires, ut ex sese nihil possit nisi ignorare et odisse Deum Primum enim pene crudelem faciunt Deum, qui ob peccatum alienum, sic s»viat in universum ho- minum genus, pr^sertim cum qui commiserunt resipuerint, ac tam graves dederint pcenas quam diu vixcerunt" Opera, vol ix. col. 1246. 104 SELECT BIOGRAPHY, Chapter j^^ some men the flesh is strong, the spirit Is JT''' ' weak, and in such the beast rather than the angel Erasmus ' o and predominates. Under some circumstances men Free Will grow up corrupt and corrupting one another ; In vers™" other circumstances men become better from day to day, exhibiting the fairest virtues, and unstained by gross vice. In the worst, however, there is some remnant of good ; in the best something which mars the excellence of the general cha racter. Had a superior being been called upon to predict what kind of creature would emerge from a mixture of the animal and the angel, he would have foreseen man as he is, at one time yieldinig to the lower Impulses of his nature, at another rising above them, and yielding to the guidance of his reason and affections. The story of the fall exhibits to us man foiled in his first encounter with evil, and yielding to a temptation not greater, apparently, than that which Is every day encountered and often overcome. The assertion that man at his creation was free to do good or evil is in truth a proof of his imperfection- If It was possible for man to commit sin, it could only be because there was something In his nature which in given cir cumstances might propel him to evil. If his understanding had been perfect he could never have believed It safe or desirable to commit sin, for even in the present condition of human nature there are men of whom it may be said that it is ERASMUS. 105 almost impossible for them to commit this or that Chapter crime. But then, whatever may be thought about ' — <—' the origin of evil, evil exists, and the remedial and system embodied In Christianity Is as applicable to „ „..' man's condition as If Adam's sin had died with him- controversy. self, and each man had been left accountable for his own transgressions, and them alone. Of course, all this Is merely what appears probable and natural, but a distinct revelation may show that this state of things which might be natural in Its origin, was in reality the result of causes which are beyond the reach of our understanding. But It seems evident that the allegation, that the free dom of the human will Is a sufficient explanation of the existence of human corruption, does not meet the case, and suggests far more difficulties than it clears away. Neither Luther nor Erasmus seems to have felt these difficulties, and neither did anything to clear away the mystery which overhangs the origin of moral evil. Luther, like Erasmus, admitted that man had sinned, because he was free ; their only dispute was whether the first sin had for ever deprived man of this freedom, and left him in a state of hopeless impotency so far as doing good was concerned. In their separate views upon this point each disputant acted according to his nature. Luther was impatient of doubts, and could not rest until he had framed a theory which explained 106 SELECT BIOGEAPHY, Chapter everything. If the premises were granted. Adam ^— ^ fell into sin, and from that moment he and all his and posterity became the slaves of sin, utterly unable "'.^!! to do anything for their own liberation. Of this contro- dreadful doom all his descendants are partakers un- versy. less divine grace interposes, and plants within each man a new nature, capable of understading and striving to do what is good. This grace was of necessity absolutely gratuitous, because man was incapable of even desiring It ; If he could obtain it by stretching out his hand he would not stretch it out. To Erasmus such a theory appeared ex travagant and unreal. He admitted that man had fallen, and that he could not recover himself with out the aid of divine grace ; but then human will counted for something. He declared that he was best pleased with the opinion which in the work of salvation gave to free will some part, but to grace the chief.* But those who held this opinion did not seem to understand the point at issue Whenever men seriously discuss this topic the first question which arises to puzzle them is why does one man accept Christ and another reject him. Christ says, " Ye will not come unto me. This, taken literally, would signify that their own free will made men believers or unbelievers. Luther utterly denied this so far as believers are * " Mihi placet ill orum sententia, qui non nihil libero arbitrio sed gratioe plurimum." Opera, vol. ix. col. 1247. ERASMUS, 107 concerned, and to a certain extent Erasmus con- Chapter V. curred with him. Men could not believe without "^ i — ' , .!»,.. ... .... Erasmus the aid ot divme grace, and it was to divme grace and that belief was chiefly owing. Luther had distinctly Fj.g"-^iii called upon Erasmus to state what part he assigned oo°t™- ¦T I o versy. to divine grace in the work of salvation, and Erasmus replied, the chief part. How is it, then, that one man believes, and another does not? Is it because divine grace is witheld from the latter, or because he is not willing to receive Christ 1 If the first Is the case, then human will Is of no avail ; If the second, then It is everything. Both Luther and Erasmus admitted that there was such a thing as conversion, and then arose the question to what was this conversion to be ascribed — ^to divine grace Or to the free exercise of the human will ? Luther maintained that divine grace — and divine grace alone-^was the active agent at this turning point of man's destiny. Erasmus held, that although divine grace was the chief agent, the human will also co-operated in the work. But Erasmus had given so little thought to the matter, as not to perceive that in this respect. If human will did anything it did all. Two men listened to Christ. The one believed In him, the other rejected him. Luther asserted that the first did so by pure grace, and the second In accordance with his own corrupt will. Both w^ere equally hostile to Christ, and both would have infallibly rejected him had not divine 108 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter grace interposed. Erasmus admitted the necessity ' — ^ of this interpretation, but he asserted that the and believing man had more or less exerted his own ut er. £^gg .^jji g^ gg ^^ render him a St recipient of Free Will _ ^ contro- divine grace, and urged that there was nothing meritorious in stretching out the hand to receive a gift. True ; but in this particular case, and as between the two men, the act of stretching out the hand was the whole work. As soon as a man is willing to accept divine grace he is converted, and it is by the exercise of his free will that he differs from his neighbour. The one man is left in a state of reprobation because he Is not willing to receive divine grace ; the other is saved because he has become contrite, and willing to accept God's offer of mercy. In this difference there is no great or little ; the turning part of conversion depends upon man's will, and that alone. Let grace do ever so much, there is a time when It can do' nothing: when It depends upon man's free will whether he accepts or rejects divine grace. Luther clearly discerned this fact, and the inability of Erasmus to do so was no doubt the reason why the reformer treats his antagonist with ill-concealed contempt. The truth was, that Erasmus did not feel him self at liberty to listen to the suggestions of mere reason, since the least false step might justify the allegation that he was tainted with the heresy of ERASMUS. 109 Pelagius, who denied original sin, and asserted Chapter that man was able of himself to choose what was '— y^ good. This timidity led Erasmus to maintain and assertions which the least examination proved to „ " .Jf' be erroneous. If man, as he now exists, Is in his ooit™-versy. natural state, then his freedom of will remains what it ever was ; but this went too far for Erasmus, who admitted that free will, although still existing, had lost much of its original power. Still, even thus weakened, the free will could do much, and its co-operation with divine grace was essential to conversion. But then, he did not seem to perceive that If this co-operation was admitted, the human will Inevitably became the chief, nay, the only instrument in conversion. If two men fall into the water, and a rope is thrown out to them, which one man grasps and is saved, and the other refuses to touch and is drowned, then the cause of the one man's safety Is his having grasped the rope ; for unless he had done so, all the ropes in the world could not have saved him. Thus, If a man of his own free will must be willing to accept grace before he can receive it, It is this willing ness, or the want of It — not the presence or absence of divine grace — which constitutes the difference between men, so far as their future salvation is concerned. The acuteness of Luther discerned this loiot, and he could not rest until he had loosed it by his grand doctrine that all 110 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter men are alike Impotent, and that it is the pure • — , — ¦ grace of God, and that alone, which converts one and man, and leaves the other as he was. To Erasmus .' this appeared a revolting doctrine, since it implied . contro- partiality on the part of the Almighty, and accused him of withholding that saving grace, without which no man could be rescued from destruction. But then, to originate a theory which should remove the objections to that maintained by Luther, and at the same time be consistent with itself, was beyond the power of Erasmus, He confined himself to vague generalities, and seems to have supposed that the doctrine that man did something, but God far more, was an excellent mode of reconciling orthodoxy and common sense. But he did not perceive the gross fallacy which underlay this proposition, and made It absurd in the eyes of men who had clearer views upon the subject. Extension Erasmus soon found that the question of free tro™-s°— ^'^^^> liowever simple it appeared, involved the dis- Predesti- cusslou of all the mysteries which concern man's nation. •' present and future condition. It is easy to assert that the freedom of the will is a dictate of man's consciousness, and therefore self-evidencing. Be sides, Erasmus had no difficulty in quoting many passages of Scripture which assert In the clearest terms the freedom of the human will, but there were other passages not reconcilable with these, at ERASMUS. Ill least, apparently. God hardened Pharaoh's heart, Chapter decided the destiny of Esau and Jacob before they ^w were born, and predicts events which were to "^'d"^ occur in far-distant ages. By what means could J'^*'^Z\, ° ¦^ Free Will this be done if man, upon whom the course of °°°*''°" . versy. human affairs apparently depends, could, by a capricious exercise of his will, baffle all calcula tions regarding his conduct. If the will of man acts In accordance with the settled laws of his being, then He who made man, and knows what is in man, can perfectly foresee what each indi vidual of our race would do and refrain from doing during his earthly career. But if the will was free so as to be self-acting, how could its determinations be foreseen, since those determinations are capri cious and changeable. Luther had not Investi gated this matter very deeply, and It was only by annihilating the human wiU that he could under stand and explain predestination. God knew what he himself would do, and as no man could be saved unless divine grace rescued him from destruction, he knew perfectly who should be saved and who should not. No doubt Luther believed that God foresaw everything; so that whatever he foresaw must take place infallibly, but he did not very clearly state the grounds upon which alone this foresight can be maintained so far as our faculties are concerned. Many get rid of the difficulty by the assertion that nothing Is Impossible to God. But this kind of ar- 112 SELECT BIOGEAPHY, chapter gument is no argument at all. It is by the use of ' — r^ the faculties which we possess that we must form and our opinions, and in cases in which these faculties ^' cannot be exercised we must simply suspend our contro- judgment. Thus we cannot understand how a versy. " ° future event can be known, unless he by whom it is foreseen is perfectly acquainted with all the causes which affect that event. The most power ful cause which modifies human affairs is the action of individuals, and that action depends entirely upon the determinations of the will. If these determinations are regulated by law they can be foreseen ; if they obey no rule but that of caprice, how can they be predicted before they take place. Luther had, no doubt, a perception of this truth, but his notion of it was vague and undefined ; for had he embraced it in all its extent, his views regarding the fall and the freedom of the will must have assumed a different form. Views of But, if the opinion of Luther in regard to this in regard point had not been perfectly worked out, that of science Erasmus was shallow, and, indeed, Incompre- , destina^-' henslble. He speaks about a contingent prescience as distinguished from an absolute one, but fails to make the distinction conceivable. In what manner could Judas have changed his will without nullify ing the divine prescience ? Could the prescience of God suffer change, and become fallible ? No. But God foresees how this vaccillating will turns tion, ERASMUS. 113 itself hither and thither; how It sports Itself, until Chapter it bends at last.* Then how was Jacob called ? "— r—- Because God, knew that he would prove worthy and of the honour to which he was destined. Where- „ -,,,-,1 Free Will fore was Esau doomed to servitude "? Because contro versy. God foresaw that he would have abused the chief place If he had been called to it.t Again, those who are destined to final destruction are so because by his eternal prescience God foresaw that they would do things worthy of punishment.^ But all this is assertion, and does not enable us to compre hend how, upon the principles of Erasmus, the future determinations of the will can be fore seen. Those passages of his work seem to prove that he had Investigated his subject in a very cursory manner, and did not perceive in what Its difficulty consisted. The fact was that Erasmus had devoted little thought to the subject, and most of his observations are not the result of profound Investigation, but merely the notions which naturally occur to a man of sense and cultivation. In discussing the ques- * "Quo modo potuit Judas mutare voluiitatem suam, stante in- ¦ fallihili prffiscientia Dei. An potuit prtescientiam Dei mutare, et fallibilem facere. Sed hoc ipsum praiscit Dens, quo voliibilis ilia voluntas liuc et illuc quo lubet versans sese denique sit deflcxura sese." Opera, vol. x. col. 1425. t " Quare vocavit Jacobum Quia sciebat ilium fore dignum hoc honore. Quare Esau destinavit servituti. Quia prajsciebat ilium hoc honore fuisse abusurum etiam si fuisset vocatus." Opera, vol. x. col. 1436. t Opera, vol. x. col. 1-125. I 114 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter tloii of Original sIii, he sometimes writes as if he ^—¦r~' denied it altogether, and at other times appears to Erasmus i . . . • i i i -r and admit its existence to a considerable extent. In ,.^.j, one place he asserts that the propension to sin contro- which exIsts in many is the result of bad educa- versy. _ •' tion, corrupt society, sinful habits, and perversity of the will. According to what he says In another place.* it was the fault of the .Pelagians that they denied original sin altogether ; that of the Mani- cheans that they exaggerated it immensely. He urges all the usual objections against this exag geration, that it enabled men to excuse their evil deeds, and to cast the blame of them upon nature. f He regarded the Manichean error as byfar the worst of the two, while admitting. In accordance with the decision of the church, that the opinions of Pela gius were heretical. But the whole tendency of his mind was in accordance with the natural system, which made man's fall into sin an event which might have been. expected, and which re jected the notion that man could In any way receive injury from the transgression of his primeval ancestor. But it would be unjust to Erasmus to suppose that he did not sincerely accept Christianity * " Maxima, proclivitatis pars est non ex natura, sed ex corrnpta institutione, ex improbo convictu, ex assuetudine, peccandi malitia que voluntatis." Opera, Vol. x. col. Ii55. t "Pelagiaui negunt ilium esse peccatum originis, sed qui in immensum exaggerant peccatum originis ad Manichceum proximo accedunt et facinorosis occaaionem prasbent exousandi sua oommisBa et in naturam malum rejiciendi." Opera, vol. x. col. 1613. ERASMUS. 115 or failed to recognise In It the presence of a remedy Chapter for sin, and so far as he did admit the existence of • — , — ¦ • • 1 • 1 i 1 1 1 /-Il • , Erasmus original sin ; he seems to have supposed that Christ and placed men in as favourable a condition as they _ . .' would have been had Adam never fallen. controversy. The system of Luther v/as in reality Calvinism, without the systematic form which it received from Calvin, Luther's notions as to justification by faith alone did not of necessity lead to the opinions which he entertained regarding free will and original sin. It being admitted that man is a sinner, some remedy was necessary, without any reference to the origin of human corruption. A man having sinned by the exercise of his free will, might by a similar act believe in Christ, and receive the pardon of his sins. But in Luther's system the necessity of faith in Christ was followed by another opinion, that man cannot of himself exercise this act of faith ; that besides a free pardon he must be made willing to accept of that pardon. These two principles being admitted, that faith Is indispensably necessary to salvation, and that no man can believe unless he Is enabled to do so by the Holy Spirit, there arose the important ques^ tion, ''Why then are not all men saved?" Luther's cardinal principle was that all men were In the eyes of God equally sinful and equally helpless ; so that not one could be saved unless by the free action of divine grace upon his soul, making him 116 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter capable of ail act of which by nature he is utterly i^_^ incapable. Since without the direct interposition ™nd"^ of God no man could be saved, it was evident that Luther. -^.^ .(.j^g^ interposition all might be saved ; and, FreeWill .;; \ , 1,11 contro- if the expression is allowable, all were equally deserving or undeserving of salvation ; Luther could not escape from the conclusion that all who were saved were saved exclusively by the free grace of God, while all who perished perished because that grace was withheld from them. This conclusion Luther accepted, but scarcely attempted to defend It, avoiding the discussion of the question as beyond the range of the human faculties. But Calvin, accepting the premises of Luther, made them the foundation of a system so sternly logical that there was not a crevice left through which the arrow of the assailant could pierce. People talk of semi and ultra Calvinism, but Calvin was too great a theologian to form a system which could be tampered with in this manner. Calvin, admitting like Luther, that In conse quence of original sin all men had become spiritually Impotent, and could never regain spiritual vigour except by the free grace of God, the question became, "Why were any left to perish f Calvin was not content with setting aside this difficulty as Incomprehensible ; he made it the foundation of his system. If it was true that some were saved and others perished, and ERASMUS. 117 that the sole cause of this was that some received Chapter what was termed efficacious grace, and others did ' — r^ not, then the will of God was the sole reason of ^'and"^ this distinction In the fate of men, who as before ^""'"¦• o 1 i 1 • • II 1 FreeWill God stood originally on the same ground. But contro- this state of things must have been foreseen, ^°'^^" predetermined by God ; it must have become the foundation of the plan of salvation. No illu sions of fancy or logic can obscure the clear issue that. If by grace alone man can be saved, then those from whom that grace Is witheld are doomed to destruction ; while those to whom it is granted are predestinated to salvation. Calvin maintained that the doctrine of the Bible was that God had from all eternity foreseen and predeter mined this state of things. With the first man a covenant was made that if he remained perfect all his posterity would be placed beyond the danger of a fall ; while. If he sinned, that posterity, with himself, was doomed to everlasting death. Adam sinned, and from that time man was lost In the most terrible manner, and generation after generation of sinners must have descended to perdition without a single exception. But the divine purpose was not yet complete ; it was God's will that a remedy should be found for this awful calamity which had befallen the human race. The Son of God became man, lived a painful life, and suffered an ignominious death, that he might pur- 118 SELECT BIOGEAPHY, Chapter chase for men a renewed claim to eternal salva- ^— Y^ tion. But so hopelessly corrupt were men that 'au™^ if left to themselves not one would have accepted Luther, Q]^j,jg^'g Qffgj. Qf pardon, and so his atonement FreeWill ^ . n . ^ . contro- would have been practically inefficacious. To prevent this catastrophe God had from all eternity selected or elected a certain number of men, whose invincible hardness of heart he should subdue by his still more invincible grace : so that therau ' those elect ones would believe in Christ, receive a lYa^ds to full pardon, and acquire an inheritance in Heaven im^^' which could never be forfeited, while the rest of men were left to perish in their sins. Eor the manifestation at once of his mercy and his justice He had from all eternity divided men into two classes the one destined to become the trophy of divine grace, the other a monument of divine wrath. Implacable, but most just. These eternal decrees, as they were termed, resulted from the pure sovereign will of God, who had a right to do what he would with his own, and of whom none could complain, since the lost received only the just reward of their deeds. This Is not the place for an examination of this system ; our concern with it at present Is only to show that it Is the logical result of the opinions held by Luther, As soon as Luther had laid down the principle that man has neither the power nor the wish to do good, and that he can never be converted except. ERASMUS, 119 by pure divine grace, neither called for nor desired Chapter on his part, then the two cardinal principles of ' — ^ Calvinism, predestination and reprobation, followed and as matters of course. If divine grace is the exclu- ., " ,Z\, o Pi-ee Will sive cause of a man's salvation, then it is clear contro versy that those upon whom this grace is not bestowed must be doomed to destruction. Those who are thus lost may be justly condemned, but If the grace given to others as guilty as themselves had been bestowed upon them, they also would have been saved. If a man labours under a disease for which there Is only one efficacious remedy, he, by whom this remedy is witheld, emphatically dooms the sick person to death. Those who call them selves semi-Calvinlsts reject the doctrine of re probation, but they are merely cavilling at a word If they hold Luther's notion of divine grace. If that doctrine is true reprobation follows as a matter of course, because those from whom effica cious grace Is witheld are reprobates, that is, doomed to destruction. It is idle to maintain that it is by their own sins, not by God's decree, that men are consigned to destruction, since, but for God's decree, this destruction would have been escaped. Nor Is this truth really denied, for when this doctrine of reprobation is denounced it is always assumed that the sinner could escape perdition if he would. But how so, since the doctrine of grace, as held by Luther, rests upon the assumption that 120 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter man of himself will never accept of Christ. If -— r— we grant that this results from perversity of will, Erasmus j^^^^ .^ ^j^^ ^^^^ altered, since for this perversity Luther. ^]^gj,g gxlsts a complete remedy. If this remedy contro- is applied the will becomes docile and obedient ; If it is witheld this perversity hardens Into hopeless obduracy. There Is no doubt that Luther, al though less logical and systematic than Calvin, held essentially the same views, and saw clearly that those from whom saving grace was witheld were by the express will of God doomed to des traction. Views of Erasmus saw dimly that the opinions of Luther ii/regani i" regard to free will and grace led of necessity ma«er t° ^-^^ Conclusions which are embodied in Cal vinism. His earnest study is to find some place for the operation of free will, because if its agency was once admitted the great difficulty as to the distinction between the saved and the lost seemed to be removed. New, and perhaps more formidable difficulties, would have arisen, but the immediate object was to escape from the con clusions to which the alleged impotency of the human will naturally led. If will and grace operated together, then there was no difficulty In reconciling the justice and mercy of God with the punishment of a sinner, since It was the sinner's own fault that he did not accept the offered remedy. No doubt Luther held the doctrine that EEASMUS. 121 It was to his own sin that the wicked man owed Chapter his condemnation, but the Importance which he ^-v^ assigned to original sin seemed to fasten sin more ^'and"'^ upon the race than upon the sinner. The strong ^''"'^''¦ ' ° Free Will common sense of Erasmus led him to treat with a contro- kind of scorn the doctrine that man had inherited a nature so utterly corrupted that to ask him to do good, to believe in Christ, was nothing else than a bitter Irony. The distinction between physical and moral Impotency seemed a distinction with out a difference, since they both came to the same thing, that the man labouring under the second was as helpless as if he had been afflicted with the first. Neither Luther nor Erasmus perceived clearly the grounds of this moral Impotency, if it can be so called ; but Luther discerned them dimly when he maintained that original sin had so tainted the whole nature of man that all the impulses which moved the will were purely evil. Such being the case, the will could not, without changing its character, do otherwise than choose the evil. But if this corruption of his nature Is not the work of the individual man, in what sense is he more responsible for It than, if wanting eyes, he was unable to see. If a man wantonly puts out his eyes his blindness is of his own procuring, and he cannot complain, but if he is born bhnd, his infirmity is his misfortune, not his fault. So if a man sins wilfully he must bear the blame 122 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. >— y-" with a nature radically corrupt in all Its parts, ' "^^d"^ then his love and commission of sin seem to result Chapter and consequences patiently. But if he is born Erasmus and Luther, f^.^^ invincible necessity. In reply to the assertion Free Will •; no n . . contro- of Luther, as to the ruinous effects of original sin, Erasmus could allege that In individuals sin and the consciousness of guilt were always coexistent, except where a man from defective training and invincible ignorance had almost lost the sense of right and wrong. If the nature of man is wholly corrupted tlils invincible ignorance might have been expected to be universal, so as to extinguish the very sense of sin. Want of No one can read the elaborate treatises of ness in Erasmus and Luther without perceiving, or at of both Ip-ast suspecting, that neither has even glanced at jjasmus ^j^g ^^,^^ solution of the question. Luther's notions Luther, ggem crude and vague, as If he himself had not worked them out, while those of Erasmus labour under a similar defect. The advantage of Luther was that his theory was simple, intelligible, and unvarying. Commencing with the assumption that in consequence of the fall of Adam human nature had became thoroughly evil, altogether dead as to spiritual life, his assertion that the will had become the slave of sin was substantially, if not formally, true. The change had taken place, not in the will itself, but in the impulses by which its determinations were regulated. If man's nature ERASMUS. 123 was restored to its original perfection then the wall Chapter would become as obedient to good as It is now to • — r-' evil impulses. If once his original assumption was and admitted , Luther could in a certain way explain „ ^^Jf' •' -"^ Free Will all the moral phenomena of life. The general oontro-versy. corruption of human nature was inherent and irremoveable in a natural manner. The fact that men existed who were free of this corruption, or striving to be so, was owing to the omnipotence of divine grace, without which man could neither repent nor perform good works. This grace was the free gift of God, and was the one sole cause of the distinction of men into two classes, sinners and saints. This grace was withheld from sinners — and bestowed upon saints without any reason, except the mere good pleasure of the Almighty. It was idle to speculate upon the differences of character among men ; the virtues of sinners were only specious vices ; the transgressions of saints were only the results of inherent corruption not yet entirely extirpated by grace, Erasmus was not a man to satisfy himself with such a theory as this, and he first attacked Its foundation — original sin. He did not formally deny that there existed something which might be termed original sin, but In his system it had no real importance. He looked upon man as he saw him, as a being prone, no doubt, to evil, but also susceptible of good impressions. Some men were 124 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter indifferent to religion, some seemed to possess a > — ^ natural piety, many were the slaves of vice, but and not a few practised the virtues which moralists of „ " .^1' all ages have commended and Inculcated, Then. Free Will ° ' contro- between the decidedly vicious and virtuous there versy. . , . were endless distinctions, so that to pronounce definitely upon the moral condition of a man was scarcely possible, and the round assertion that because the progenitor of the human race had fallen into sin all his descendants had become so corrupt that nothing but a miracle could rescue them from the dominion of evil, seemed incon sistent with reason and experience. Men generally were neither good nor bad ; their will was some times ill-inclined, sometimes well-inclined ; and to maintain that it had lost the capacity of choosing what was good was in contradiction with clear facts. But when Erasmus attempted to reduce these notions into a system he found himself involved in difficulties which his antagonist had carefully avoided. By admitting that there was such a thing as original sin Erasmus was compelled to state its extent and consequences. He, however, found it so impossible to do this that his reason ings Irresistibly led him to the conclusion that there was no such thing as original sin, Adam had sinned, and his descendants did so likewise ; but in both cases the sin was of the same character, ERASMUS. 125 and affected only its actual perpetrator. Pie Chapter seems never to have entertained the notion that ' — , — ¦ original sin could be Imputed to the human race and 1 . .1 , .11 Luther. as a crime deserving punishment ; nor, indeed, does Luther appear to have embraced this opinion, contro- ^ versy. The contest between him and Erasmus was as to the moral effects of the fall upon human nature. That the total corruption of our nature had been the result of original sin was Luther's theory, and it was to this opinion that Erasmus offered a vigorous resistance. Unless he did so the victory of Luther was certain ; for In a nature wholly corrupt the will could not but have become Im potent so far as good was concerned. But If the fall had only tarnished. Instead of having ruined the good elements which existed In man's constitu tion, then it was possible that man might aid in his own restoration ; while, if those good elements had been wholly rooted out, man, morally and spiritually speaking, had become utterly helpless ; so that to restore him to what he had been a new creation was necessary. Thus, when he began to apply his doctrine of partial corruption as the result of original siii, Erasmus could find no firm footing. He admitted that divine grace was an Important element in the conversion of man, but when Luther demanded of him how much grace did in this work he placed his antagonist in a dilemma. Erasmus at last 126 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter replied that the chief part of conversion was owing ^— Y^ to grace. But this in the case supposed was an and absurdity, for clearly the essential first point of " ^!' conversion resulted either from the free choice of FreeWillcontro- man or the irresistible influence of divine grace. versy. ^ . This matter, however, has been discussed on a former page, and the only object of alluding to It at present is to show that the opinions of Erasmus were incapable of being defined or elaborated into a system. The many pages which Erasmus eni^ ploys In order to defend his notions only leave them more obscure, from the fact that In their very nature they were vague and indefinite. Erasmus attempted to find a middle ground between a pure rationalistic system and that w^hlch ultimately developed itself into Calvinism ; but the attempt could not be carried out In a formal systematic manner. Throughout the whole work of Erasmus we see a man struggling to reconcile faith and reason, to bring his innate notions of what was true and just into conformity with theological views maintained by Catholics as Well as Protestants. But as he advanced in the controversy he found that this was a task beyond his powers, and thus his arguments continually con tradicted each other. It was jlosslble to maintain the freedom of the will as a fact resulting from our Innate consciousness of its existence, but when once grace, prescience^ and predestination betarae EEASMUS. 127 parts of the controversy Erasmus found himself Chapter completely out of his depth. As soon as Luther ' — , — ' had asserted his principle of the total corruption and of human nature his work was done, and there ^ ^ ™.jj was no need of further proof that the human contro- ^ versy. will was Incapable of deciding in favour of what was good. Without grace man coidd do nothing, and as the recipient of this grace he was entirely passive. Conversion, justification, and sanctlfica- tlon were the exclusive works of the Divine Spirit : man's only part was to remain quiescent, and yield to the heavenly Impulse which would in time restore him to his original spiritual perfection. But the task of Erasmus was much more difficult ; he had to assign to free will and grace their re spective parts In human regeneration, and In at tempting to do so he was involved in continual contradictions. The propositions maintained by Luther naturally appeared to Erasmus equally contrary to common sense and true piety ; but although this impression remained unshaken, the Inore the question was examined the less easy was it to refute Luther in a formal manner. When he had made up his mind to write against Luther Erasmus had selected a subject which he thought he could discuss with greater success and with more general approbation than he could any other of the doctrines maintained by the reformers. The Catho- hcs would have been better pleased had he undertaken 128 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter to defend papal supremacy, but then this was a > — ,~' matter upon which the opinion of Erasmus differed and very little from that of Luther. Then, as to in- '".^^j duigences, perhaps the pretension to grant them contro- appeared even more ridiculous to the great scholar versy. ' ^ _ than it did to the great reformer. But It must be admitted that In the controversy upon free will the grand disadvantage under which Erasmus laboured was that he could not write freely, that he could not allow full play to . his good sense and acute intellect. He could not deviate from the .established orthodox faith, and Pelagius was stigmatised by the Catholic church as a heretic. Still there can be little doubt that it was to Pelagianism that Erasmus was most disposed, for he cannot conceal that the current doctrine of original sin was in his opinion incon sistent with Divine justice and human experience. He could not acquiesce In the notion that one ought to suffer for the sin of another, nor did he consider that the existing moral condition of men afforded any proof of an Inherited sinful nature. Man was swayed by different, impulses, good or bad, and in different men the good or bad impulses were more powerful than in others, and hence the variety of moral character. But had Erasmtis followed out such a notion to Its legitimate con sequences he would have found himself left alone, disowned by the church, and denounced as an ERASMUS, 129 Infidel by the reformers. Erasmus was determined Chapter V. to cling to the church, and to him as to every truly — .^ religious man, the charge of infidelity was felt to "^aud"^ be the most unjust and galling which could be " ^\' brought against him. Perhaps, had he de- contro- , . versy. voted sufficient thought and time to the task, he might have formed a theological system similar to that subsequently developed by Arminlus, but he wanted both inclination and courage to do so. Even In youth he had recoiled from the study of theology, and in advanced life felt still more re luctant to engage In It, Thus his work on free will was damaging to his reputation, and gave little satisfaction to the church, while It was virulently assailed by the reformers. In spite of their differences upon minor points all the churches of the reformation were agreed with Luther as to dogmatic theology, especially those portions of It which referred to human corruption and divine grace. Any man who entered Into a controversy with Personali- Luther might lay his account with finding an contro- adversary who was both able and willing to strike hard blows wherever they could be most effectual. But It must be admitted that his mode of dealing > with Erasmus was of all others most calculated to irritate a man of sensitive vanity, Luther, Indeed, took frequent opportunities of bestowing compli ments upon Erasmus, but they were always K 130 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter accompanied with additions which made them v— y^ little better than insults, ' Thus, In his reply to and the work of Erasmus on free will, he admits that .„ ^ J' the style Is admirable, but adds that the matter is FreeWill ¦' _ ¦' contro- contemptible. As was too common with him, he versy. employs a very coarse metaphor to give increased emphasis to this opinion. He compares the work of Erasmus to a golden dish filled with filth.* But Luther sinned more seriously against charity when he accused Erasmus of infidelity and of utter in difference to religion, representing him as one who was only anxious to keep well with the great men of the world, and cared nothing about truth. No accusation Irritated Erasmus so much as this, and he constantly repels it in the most indignant terms. In truth, their controversy upon free will brought into active collision the inherent differences of character which existed between Luther and Erasmus. Luther was impatient of doubt, and, having thrown off one Infallible authority, was restless until he had replaced it by another. For the pope he had substituted the letter of Scripture. When any opinions which he adopted were sup ported by clear texts they were no longer matters of question: the most powerful arguments against them ceased to have aily force. In regard to this question of free will. If he perceived its diffi- De Sei-vo Arbitrio (Argunt, 1707), p. 2. " Tanquam si quis- T-iilce; vel stercbra, aureis argbuteis que Vasis portarentur." ERASMUS. 131 culties, he was resolved not to entertain them. Chapter Man's incapacity of doing, or even willing any- ^-v~' thing good, was a doctrine clearly laid down by '^aiX" the apostle Paul, and must, therefore, be true, .„¦'""''!',!!'¦, '¦ T ¦> ¦> Free Will however unreasonable it might appear. It was no contro- task of his to bring this doctrine into harmony with reason and experience, God had revealed it) and those who questioned its justice must appeal to God. But the temperament of Erasmus was entirely opposed to this mode of forming opinions or de ciding controversies. To him doubt was a natural state, and he was quite content to remain un certain in his views regarding many important questions. He regarded the Scriptures with reverence, but he believed that their writers might have fallen into error, and did not admit that par^ ticular texts, however apparently explicit, ought to Impose silence upon the voice of reason. In I'egard to this matter of free will the theory of Liither appeared to him dangerous, if not absurdj and even contradicted by Scripture itself, as well as by reason and experience. However, the views of Erasmus upon this subject were of the vaguest description ; he did not comprehend where the real difficulty lay, and met Luther's statements with replies which seemed to impugn the peculiar doctrines of Christianity. To those doctrines, as he understood them, Luther was attached with his 2 If 132 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter whole heart and soul, and the man who denied V. .... ' — , — ' them had in his opinion ceased to be a Christian. and He was thus led to regard Erasmus as an enemy ^ ' to Christianity — as an epicurean, whose s.ole object contro- -yyas present ease, and to M'hom the future was a versy. ... blank. This opinion was most unjust, but it was the result of the grand defect In Luther's character, his utter incapacity of understanding or sympathis ing with views opposed to his own. To him a vague undefined creed was no creed at all, and It was essential to his mental peace and free action that his faith should be clear and express, resting upon authority not to be disputed. The creed which he had embraced fulfilled these conditions. He was enabled to secure repose of mind by resting his hopes of eternal salvation upon an unalterable basis, while he was able to propagate his opinions with all the energy which arises from strength of conviction. But strength of conviction was foreign to the nature of Erasmus ; he floated in an atmo sphere of doubt, and In discussing an Intricate subject was more likely to unsettle his own opinions than to confirm those of others. To Luther nothing was more intolerable, or even contemptible, than those fluctuations of the mind, which leave a man at sea as to his religious belief, ready to doubt to day what he admitted yesterday, and whom you cannot refute, because you never know where to find him. Thus, on all occasions Luther spoke EEASMUS. 133 contemptuously of Erasmus as a theologian, and Chapter often represents him as little better than an Im- ' — ^ becile when he attempts to discuss serious subjects, and There was such a radical difference between the .„ " „t^,". Free Will two men that the more they came into collision controversy, the less they understood each other.* However, It must be admitted that Erasmus was more just towards Luther than Luther was towards him. The scholar did ample justice to the great abilities of the reformer and preacher, and perhaps admired In him that indomitable courage of which he himself was destitute. On the other hand Luther, while he recognised the literary eminence of Erasmus, and admitted that It had been fairly earned, regarded his moral character and conduct with contempt. He had persuaded himself that so far as he had any religious principles the views of Erasmus were in accordance with those of the reformers, and that nothing but selfish timidity kept him back from joining them. Such timidity was in Luther's opinion the mark of a thoroughly sceptical Irreligious character, to which truth and falsehood were mere names, and which esteemed worldly advantages as the only desirable object at which a wise man should aim. But when Eras- * In his " Tischreden," Luther often speaks of Erasmus as utterly destitute of religion. (Werke, vol. Ixi., pp. 106-107.) On p. 108, he is reported as declaring that Erasmus is an enemy to all religion, and especially the enemy and opposer of Christ: " Erasmus ist ein Feiud aller Religion, uud sonderlicher Feind Christi." 134 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter mu!3 began to lay aside his neutrality, to take open ¦ — r— ' part with the Catholic church, and even to en- Erasmus -,. 1 . • i. il !• and courage odious calumnies against the reformers, " ^'' Luther no longer treated him with the forbear- Free win _ s contro- ance. which he had hitherto shown. Then Eras- versy, mus became the declared enemy of God ; he had cast in his lot with antichrist, and, like antichrist, he was rushing on to his own destruction. Erasmus did not imitate the intolerance of his antagonist, and, although he repelled his charges with indignation, did not treat him with contumely. But there can be no doubt that from this time Erasmus began to look upon the reformers as his personal enemies. He ascribes to them the decay of learning, and asserts that they cared for nothing but wino and women. While constantly crying Gospel, Gospel, they were utterly destitute of Gospel manners.* Thus the breach between the two chief men of their age became daily more complete. Luther was too resolute and dogmatic to suit Erasmus, and Erasmus was too lukewarm to please a man of strong energy and firm con victions such as Luther. Erasmus failed to per ceive that Luther, without his pecuhar qualities, could never have been a successful reformer^ while Luther did not discern that vagueness and vacil- " Evangelieos istos, quum aliis multis, tum illo nomine prse- cipue odi, quod per eos ubique languent, frigenl jacent intereunt bonas litersB, sine quibus, quid est hominum vitaAmant viaticum, et uxorem ceteri pili non faciunt." Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 946. ERASMUS. 135 latlon of opinion were natural to a man so highly Chapter cultivated and refined as Erasmus. But the an- > — ^ Erasmus tagonism of the two men was inseparable from and their peculiar natures, formed as they were by j.^.^^ -^^Jj constitution and habit. controversy. 130 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. CHAPTER VI, LAST YEARS OF ERASMUS* 1525—1536. 1525. In spite of his fierce and protracted controversy HeVb- with Luther Erasmus pursued his ordinary varfous literary avocations with great ardour. He this ¦works. ygg^j, puijiisligcl various new works, as well as new editions of those which he had already given to the world. But while he found his chief enjoy ment In literary pursuits, Erasmus was constantly exposed to fresh annoyance from the ambiguous religious position which he occupied. Although he made himself daily more obnoxious to the reformers, he was still an object of deep distrust to zealous Catholics. About this time the Sorbonue called In question the orthodoxy of his works. Bedda, In some degree the leader of the Sorbonue, had written a treatise containing extracts from the works of Erasmus, which he denounced as here tical. Erasmus was most anxious to avert this storm, and wrote In soothing and deprecatory terms to Bedda. Bedda replied courteously, but with that tone of authority generally assumed by the ERASMUS. 137 champions of orthodoxy in their communications Chapter with those whose faith has become an object of ^-v--' suspicion. He urged Erasmus to take into serious to consideration the state of his soul, and advised him to devote less time to mere secular study. The reply of Erasmus was courteous in words, but in reality bitter and contemptuous.* He was about the same time involved In a dispute with Albertus Pices, Count of Carpi, and a member of the royal house of Savoy. The count resided at Eome, was a most zealous Catholic, and in com mon with all who were so regarded Erasmus with the greatest distrust. Erasmus, beset on all hands, deemed it his best policy to conciliate the Catholics. He wrote to Bedda, and expressed himself strongly In favour of the doctrine of transubstantiatlon, intimating an intention of writing against Carl- stadt, who had impugned that doctrine. f How ever, he never carried this intention Into effect. While subject to so many annoyances events now and then occurred calculated to soothe the feelings of Erasmus. He -this year paid a visit to Besangon, and met with a most honourable reception. The. ecclesiastical and civil autho rities treated him with the greatest respect, and he was not a little gratified. | * Opera, vol. iii. Ep. 7-16. t Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Eps. 767, 818, and 847. + Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 784. 1536. 138 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter This year almost every letter written by ' — r—' Erasmus refers to the current religious con- 1525 to troversles. He continually asserts the pui'ity of his own orthodoxy, and even ventures to deiclare Age 59. that in defence of every article of the creed he Heendea- . ". . -tt vours to was ready to sacrifice his life. He was, besides, take up a i, . .n. i . i • i i decided at all times Willing to submit his doubts to the regar^o judgment of the supreme pontiff, and to abide by that judgment, whatever it might be. But all his jDrofessions were of no avail with the zealots ; nor was it in the power of Erasmus to satisfy them, for he loathed their jargon, and regarded their principles as opposed to the peace of society and the progress of learning. His nature unfitted him for sympathising with zeal, on whatever side it might be displayed, and this being so it was Inevitable that the Catholics should regard him as a luke-warm friend, and the reformers as a man who had sacrificed his convictions to his Interests. But still the majority of reformers did not allow their opinion of his religious character to interfere with the respect to which his learning entitled Erasmus. Basil was one of the towns in which the reformers had acquired a decided preponderance, but this did not prevent Erasmus from finding it a very agreeable resi dence. He was treated on all sides with the greatest courtesy, and allowed to pursue his studies molested. But he still found his religious position as troublesome and difficult as ever. His multi-! ERASMUS, 139 farlous correspondence occupied a large portion Chapter of his time ; and, now, the chief burden of his w^—- letters is the injustice which he experienced from to the two contending parties. He could scarcely ^ ^' complain that the reformers regarded him as their enemy, since it was his constant object to convince the Catholics - that he was so. But the rooted incredulity with which zealous Catholics received his professions of fidelity to the church was hard to bear. He became convinced that he could never remove this distrust unless he became the declared champion of some Catholic tenet which seemed most opposed to reason. The real pre sence was the doctrine which Erasmus now stu diously maintained in his letters, although he did not seem wilhng to write a formal treatise upon the subject. The free will controversy had pro bably sickened him of public discussion, even through the press. But to appease the monks was beyond the power of Erasmus, and they were never weary of representing him as the true father of Lutheranism, It was no longer safe to despise the monks, for they had become the jannlssarles of the church, whom neither pope nor bishop was willing to offend. In spite of the apparently courteous corre- 1527. spondence which had taken place between him The Soi- and Erasmus, Bedda still zealously pursued his s°™s\^T task of exposing what he deemed the heresies of ^"^^J^ss Ernamiic. Vc^^T +l-ii",-.«.c ^/M-.U 1-." """-¦ — il-— to m"-'- 140 SELECT BIOGRAPHY, Chapter collect from the numerous writings of Erasmus v_vl/ propositions which did not square with the strict to rules of orthodoxy. When such propositions were ^^^^' brought under its notice neither the SorbonUe nor any other ecclesiastical tribunal could refrain from censuring them. In the early part of his life Erasmus had treated various doctrines of the church with little reverence, and he had uniformly spoken of the monks, whose voice was now air poAverful, with the most galling contempt. The monks were not likely to forget this Injury, and all the charges which they had pertinaciously made against Erasmus seemed to be sanctioned by the formal censure which a body so dis tinguished as the Sorbonne of Paris had passed upon his writings. The orthodoxy of a writer, whom the most eminent theologians of the church had condemned as a heretic, could no longer' be maintained by any true son of the church. Still, the decree of the Sorbonne had no real authority, and left Erasmus where he was before. Monks and zealots found it convenient to refer to the decision of the Sorbonne, as confirming their allegations against Erasmus, but moderate men were as convinced of his orthodoxy as they had ever been. His opinions were in fact agreeable to a large number within the church, and many of her rulers were extremely averse to adopt any measures which might convert Erasmus into her ERASMUS. 141 adversary. He was not the only Catholic Chapter who, before the reformation, had held loosely by ' — , — ' " 1525 the church, but who now professed himself her to dutiful son, and adopted a conduct in accordance with his professions. Indeed, In spite of his constant complaints about the persecutions which he suffered from the zealots of both sides, there were advantages In his position which Erasmus must have felt, if he did not acknowledge them. His advanced age and vast reputation gave him clg,ims upon the world which the better men of all parties were eager to acknowledge. The neutrality which he affected often placed him in great difficulties, but with time these difficulties were diminished rather , than increased. The rulers of the church did their utmost to retain Erasmus within . her com munion, even if he remained only a nominal Catholic. The reformers, at last discerning the hopelessness of attempting to win over the great scholar to their side, were willing to treat him with forbearance and even respect. These remarks, however, apply only to the men who were the leaders of their respective parties ; bigoted Catholics and zealous and ignorant reformers still did their best to annoy Erasmus, although in tithe even their attacks became less bitter, or at least, less incessant. The great did their best to flatter and please him, and In a letter written 142 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter about this time he boasts of the attention which VI. . . i . ' — , — ' he was receiving from various kings and princes.* to This year Erasmus published in the form of 536 , " dialogues one of his best known works, the Ago 61. " CIceronlanus," Men who are ahvays ready to He pub- _ . lishes his decry the greatest of their contemporaries gene- nianus." rally Select some ancient writer, whose fame has stood the test of time, as a standard by which existing authors should be tried. It Is impos sible to deny that this or that writer has great genius or merit ; It is a safe mode of detraction to point out how inferior he Is to some great author who centuries ago cultivated the same branch of literature. If this author Is great enough the inordinate praises awarded to him always meet with general acceptance, and those who question them only subject themselves to general ridicule or insulting comparisons In tho time of Erasmus It had become the fashion among a certain set of scholars to select Cicero as the god of their idolatry. They wete not content with the fact that by generd consent Cicero was admitted to be one of the greatest, perhaps the greatest, of Boinan writers. In the opinion of those against whom the "CIceronlanus'" was directed the style of CIceiro was such a perfect model that ,* " Csesar in-vitat in Hispaniam, Ferdinandus Viennam, Mar- gareta in Brabautiam, Rex Anglus in Angliami Sigismundus in Poloniam, Franciscus in Galliam." Opera, vol, iii.pt. i. Ep. 971. 1536. ERASMUS, 143 any word not found in his writings was Impure, Chapter and ought to be rejected by every man who ^— y^ aspired to write Latin with propriety, Erasmus to wrote Latin with as much ease and correctness as If It had been his native tongue ; but this was not enough to satisfy the critics of his own age. His style was not Ciceronian enough to please the purists, and Erasmus resolved to put down the cant which was encouraged by some real and many pretended scholars. He himself had a high opinion of Cicero both as a writer and a man, and in an edition which he published of the "Tusculum" disputations not only praises the style of Cicero, but even hinted that he was as deserving of canonization as many who enjoyed the honours of saintship. But In the work which he now published he repudiated the notion that the modern writer in Latin should adhere slavishly to the terms employed by any single classical author instead of forming a style of his own. To acquire such a style had been the unceasing labour of Erasmus, and he had succeeded mar vellously. He was, therefore, entitled to treat with just disdain those who condemned or dis paraged his Latlnlty, because he employed many words which were not ip be found in Cicero. The most eminent worshipper of Cicero was Scaliger. This learned man wrote of Erasmus in a manner which did as little credit to himself as harm to 144 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter Erasmus. The pompous and formal style culti- — ^ vated by Scaliger and those who shared his to opinions made of Latin emphatically a dead language, while Erasmus endowed it with a living force, and proved that it might again become a current speech, without losing any of its real purity. But It could never become so unless It was enriched with many words which neither Cicero nor any other Roman writer had employed, because the thoughts and things which they repre sented were unknown in ancient times, Erasmus had mastered Latin far more completely than his decryers, and, while they were content to remain mere copyists, he wrote It with a facility and felicity which few moderns have equalled, Erasmus Although Erasmus continued to be pleased with dissatis- Basil, SO far as the place Itself was concerned, he at Basil. last began to find It rather an Inconvenient resi dence. The city had Identified Itself so completely with the reformers that Catholics began to wonder how a true son of the church, as Erasmus professed himself to be, should be able to live In it with com fort or satisfaction. The monks, who always came out in full cry when Erasmus was to be assailed, now alleged that his love of Basil was easily to be accounted for, since he had always at heart sym pathised with the heretical tendencies which pre vailed there. His correspondence at this period is full of reproaches against the monks and the re- TER VI. 1525 to 1636. ERASMUS. 145 formers. Pie renewed against the reformers the Chap- charges that they were hostile to learning, and addicted to vicious indulgence, but this was little better than caluninlnous railing. For learning the reformers always professed the greatest respect, and many of their leaders had cultivated it suc cessfully. Nor Avas the charge of Immorality better founded ; for If a few persons calling them selves reformers fell into vice, the great majority were distinguished by the purity of their lives. But in truth, Erasmus was driven beside himself by the ceaseless efforts of the moriks to Identify him with the reformers. Thus the annoyances which he endured from these enemies rendered him more hostile to the reformers. Had he contented himself with professing his attachment to the ancient church, and censuring those doc trines of the reformers which his own judgment condemned, no fault could have been found with him. But to bring charges against the reformers of which he had no proof, and which were calcu lated to render them objects of general odium, was utterly unworthy of his great abilities and his ordinary candour. This readiness to believe any scandalous story which affected the moral character of the reformers led him, at the time of Luther's marriage, to give currency to a report that four teen days after this marriage took place the wife I. 1525 to 1536. Quarrel 146 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter gave birth to a child.* In a subsequent letterf he ^w states that this rumour was an idle tale ; but It Is to be feared that the wish to find It true had led him to give to it a momentary credence. between During the latter years of his life Erasmus was anTsp- no sooner free of one trouble than he fell Into '"^° ° ' another. As his reputation became more general and undisputed the number of his enemies seemed to increase. Perhaps he had become less tolerant of the pretensions of others and more disposed to take fire. If even the feeblest attempt was made to diminish his own glory. About this time he got Involved in a quarrel, from which he did not ex tricate himself very creditably. In a letter written to George, Duke of Saxony, he had spoken very contemptuously of a person named Eppendorf, of whom the duke was the patron. The letter was shown to Eppendorf, who was naturally most indignant at the attempt to lower him In the eyes of the man on whose favour his fortunes depended. Without loss of time he wrote to Erasmus, demand ing an ample retractation of what he had written, and also a formal apology, the sincerity of which was to be tested by a compliance with the three following demands. Erasmus was required to dedicate a book to Eppendorf, write a letter to Duke George in his favour, and give a donation • * Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 781. t Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Ep. 801. 1536. ERASMUS. 147 of three hundred ducats to the poor. The result Chapter seemed to prove that it was easier to bend the '-^^ — ' 1525 pride than unloose the purse-strings of Erasmus. to That Erasmus should dedicate a book to a man whom he had reviled as a fool, and write a letter in his favour to the very person to whomlie had so reviled him, were demands so Insulting that no one, and least of all Erasmus, could have been expected to comply with them. However, he expressed his readiness to do so : it was only to the pecuniary claim that he demurred. At last, even upon this point he made [some concession, and consented to give in charity as a free gift a sum of twenty francs.* A great friendship had formerly existed between Erasmus and Eppen dorf, but a coolness had arisen of which the affair now related had been the result. About this time a matter, which was destined to He is eon- salted as lead to a mighty religious revolution In England, theiawfui- began to be spoken about on the Continent. Henry Henry VIII., while still Prince of Wales, had marriage. married the widow of his brother Arthur, and after living with her for twenty years, and having had many children by her, began to doubt whether the marriage was lawful. To any person but a casuist, or a man v/lio wanted to get rid of his wife, such a doubt seemed equally ill-timed and '• Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. Eps. 957 and 958, 1087 and 1088 ; 1730-^ 1738, and pt. ii, App. Ep. 3560. ,. 9 148 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter unreasonable. There was no Inherent natural VI- ^— V — ' objection to such a marriage, and the divine legis- to lator had expressly sanctioned It In particular cases, so that here there seemed no room for the Intrusion of a scrupulous conscience. The repudiation of a wife under such circumstances would be far more likely to weaken than to strengthen the sacredness of the marriage tie. But what did all this avail to Henry. He had grown weary of his wife, had seen another woman whom he loved far better and was eager to have a son. He had not yet attained that amount of hardihood which subse quently led him to employ the executioner's knife to rid himself of an obnoxious wife, but then could not his own conscience perform the same good office for him ? If It became his duty as a God fearing man to repudiate a faithful wife, he might then, for the good of the state, m.arry another ; so that, while gratifying his own Inclinations, he would also acquire the reputation of a pious and patriotic king. However, the difficulties in the way were not a few, and for a time the poor king was almost reduced to despair. But his good genius appeared In the person of Thomas Cranmer. He In casual conversation suggested that the best way of con firming or removing the king's scruples would be to consult all the learned men of Europe in regard to their validity. Henry was a man of vast prac tical sagacity, and no sooner was this suggestion ERASMUS. 149 made known to him than he exclaimed in a trans- Chapter VI. port of joy, " Cranmer has got the right sow by ^y^ the ear." The suggestion was certainly a most to prudent one, and It was Immediately acted upon. The reputation and learning of Erasmus pointed him out as the man whose opinion would carry most weight In Europe, and he was eagerly con sulted upon the matter. But it was one with which he had no wish to meddle ; for he enter tained a great respect for the Queen of England, and his manly practical sense, as well as good feeling, made him regard any attempt to repudiate her as equally unjust and cruel. But the affair was a delicate one, and Erasmus was very un willing to offend the King of England. He there fore contented himself with declaring that if he was made arbiter in the matter he would rather allow the king two wives than deprive him of one.* As life advanced Erasmus became fonder of General repose, and his health was not likely to Improve stances of as he approached the confines of old age. One peculiarity of his constitution was a great dislike of fish.f This had been one cause of his aversion to the monastic life, or perhaps his aversion to the monastic life had given him a prejudice against * Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii. Ep. 974, col. 1105 : " Negotio Jovis et Junonis absit ut me admisceam priesertim incognito citius tribuerem uni duos Junones quam unan adimerim." + '' A pisabus sic abhorrebat adolescens ut ad odorem modo protinus sentiret gravem capitis dolorem non sine fcbri." Opera, vol.iii.pt. ii. , Appendix, Ep., 442, col. 1827. circum stances o: E-asmus. 150 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter fish. At the time when religious differences VI. & 1536. engaged so much attention Erasmus was accus- 1525 to tomed to say that his stomach was Lutheran, while his heart was Catholic. The ill-health of Eras mus, however disagreeable, had one advantage — that It furnished him with a ready excuse for de clining in\'itations which he was unwilling to accept. About this time the Archduke Ferdinand, to whom his brother, the emperor, had surrendered the hereditary states of the house of Austria, in vited Erasmus to take up his residence at Vienna, the capital of these states. He offered him a pen sion of four hundred guilders, and in return for this no services were expected ; the honour con ferred by the residence of so great a man was the only recompense desired. An intimation expressed In such flattering terms was naturally agreeable to Erasmus, but he declined it on the plea of bad health.* This year a complete religious revolution took Erasmus place In Basil. Hitherto, the reformers had been leaves -tip Basil. content with the free exercise of their faith, noW they resolved to establish It as the dominant reli gion. The images placed in the churches were formerly to the masses of the people objects ,of devout worship ; now the same images were re garded as emblems of Idolatry, which ought to be at once consigned to the fire. The good people '" Opera, vol. iii. pt. i. flp 969. 1529. Age 62. 1525 to 1536. ERASMUS. 151 of Basil resolved to act upon this opinion, Ch.m-ter and stripped the churches of the sacred paintings with which they had been hitherto adorned. The mass was also abohshed, and all the ancient cere monies were put an end to, preaching being sub stituted for them. Monks and nuns were re quired to lay aside their habits, or leave the city. However, there was no violence committed In jirlvate houses, and not a drop of blood was shed. But the proceedings which had taken place were an open declaration of war against the church, and it was clear that no Catholic, unless constrained by necessity, could reside in a city where he was not permitted to worship God according to the dictates of his conscience. The position of Eras mus became therefore very embarrassing, and he had no alternative except to leave the city. The magistrates and ministers of Basil did their utmost to induce him to continue among them, but It was impossible for him to do so without breaking with the Catholics. As long as both forms of Avorship were tolerated in Basil a Catholic might reside there without much reproach, but the case became different when Catholic ceremonies were proscribed, and Its most sacred rite prohibited. Erasmus, indeed, does not seem to have concerned himself much about the destruction of the Images, and, in letters written about this time, says ironically, that the Images, In spite of the Injuries done to them. 152 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter wrought no miracles.* Erasmus left Basil In VI ^--Y-^ April, and selected Fribourg as his new place of 1525 . 1 to residence. , ,^^^^' About this time Erasmus published a treatise 1629. ^ Age 63. against those who falsely termed themselves Erasmus ° i ., • publishes Evangelists. In this work he exhibits a sad a work ,,-,-,, againstthe pi'oof of the evil influence which ins own em- ' barrassments had exercised over him. Hitherto, he had lost no opportunity of defending tolera tion, and especially of denouncing the crime of those who shed blood on pretence of supporting the faith. In this treatise against the Evangelists he gave his sanction to the opinion that it Is law ful to punish heretics capitally .f About this time we have in a letter to Mountjoy an admission by Erasmus himself that his circumstances had now become comfortable. At the same time he re minds his friend of a saying of his own, that fortune often presents bread to a man when he has no longer teeth to chew It.J This year the perse cution of the reformers became more violent and general than it had hitherto been. Berquin a Freuchman of distinguished attainments, and for whom Erasmus entertained a great respect and friendship, was burned at Paris as a heretic. He had embraced the new opinions with ardour, and * Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii. Eps. 1031, 1058, 1066, and 1074. t " IteJ peccant qui in iiullos htereticos arbitrantur profane magis- tratui jus esse occidendi." Opera, vol. x. col. 1576. t Opera, voL 3,p. ii. Ep. 1077: "Fortnna nunc cibum offert cdeiituto." ERASMUS. 153 could not restrain his zeal, although Erasmus had Chapter inculcated caution upon him. Francis I. was ^-y-^ much attached to Berquin, and had twice saved to hiin from the fangs of the persecutors ; but the ^^^^' reformer continued firm, while Francis became less tolerant, so that the blood hunters were at last allowed to work their will upon their victim. Berquin was a man of a very different stamp from Erasmus ; the study of the Bible had inspired him with a profound reverence for religious truth, and It was his conviction that to save his life by deny ing or concealing that truth was to become, in the most awful sense of the term, his own murderer. The catastrophe which had befallen Berquin Increasing brought home to Erasmus in a most vivid manner caution of ,1 o 1 • 1 T(? 1 • Erasmus. the sense ot his own danger. It a king so ac complished and generous as Francis I. had not scrupled to deliver up a friend to the executioner, how was Erasmus to secure his own safety If tho church once began to look upon him as her enemy. Every day the most eminent and virtu ous men were put to death because they were convicted as heretics. The monks thirsted for the blood of Erasmus, and, if they could induce any competent authority to attend to their charges, they would find It easy to prove that In many essential points his opinions differed widely from those of the church. The church now fully dis cerned the greatness of her peril, and In accord- 1536. 154 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter aiice with her] usual stern policy, she refused all ' — r-' quarter to her enemies, when they were placed to wdthlii her power. The time had come when every man who was not her declared friend was regarded and treated as an enemy. Not only were these sentiments prevalent among the rulers of the church, but lay princes were preparing to act upon them. The emperor, although still compelled to maintain some terms with his Pro. testant subjects in Germany, was In other parts of his dominions their bitter persecutor. On every side there was danger and uncertainty, and Erasmus literally knew not what to do. Pie was unwilling to become the declared enemy of the reformers, but a regard to his personal safety seemed to leave him no alternative. He had a deep conviction that In the fierce war which now raged between the old church and her assailants the former was certain to obtain the mastery. The death of Berquin and many others proved how relentlessly the church would exercise her power, and how little the support of the greatest prince would avail to shield a heretic from her vengeance in its most terrible form. Was it hkely that Charles V. would care more about the safety of Erasmus than Francis I. had done about that of Berquin. The probabilities were all the other way. Charles was becoming daily more of a Spaniard, and the well known characteristic of Spaniards was remorseless pitiless bigotry. EEASMUS. 155 The truth was that Erasmus had no danger to Chapter VI apprehend except from the church which he pro- -— >— ' fessed to support. Had he withdrawn to any to" place where the reformers were predominant his "° " personal safety would have been perfectly assured. Whenever he had been brought Into personal contact with those who held the new opinions he had been treated with uniform courtesy, even respect. But If the eager zealots of his own party obtained the predominance Erasmus might anticipate a fate similar to that which was be falling many virtuous and learned men. A zealous monk or a resolute inquisitor might deem It an acceptable service to remove from the world a man whose lukewarmness might appear less ex cusable and more dangerous than open heresy. The conviction that it was from the Catholics alone that he had reason to fear a personal attack induced Erasmus to affect an attachment to the church which he did not feel, and, had this been all, the weakness might have been pardonable. But, unhappily, Erasmus sought to propitiate his implacable enemies, by blackening the characters of men from whom he had received no injury, and had none to apprehend. It Is this circumstance which throws so dark a shade over the latter years of Erasmus, and, wdille It could not obscure his literary fame, leaves a deep stain upon his character as an upright and generous man. 156 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter The life whIc.h Erasmus led at Fribourg seems to ' — ,— ' have been one of comfort and security. Fribourg to was one of the Swiss cantons which had re- . " " malned steadfast to the old church, and perhaps on Erasmus thIs accouut Its Catliollc zeal was less fiery. The at Fri- _ _ •' bourg. Franciscans had a convent at Fribourg, and they were generally less intolerant than the monks of other orders. Erasmus lived on good terms with the -PVanciscans, and since he conformed to the church, they thought themselves at hberty to treat him with the respect which his literary eminence merited. We have no exact informa tion as to the circumstances in respect to fortune In which Erasmus was now placed, but, without being rich, he seems to have enjoyed a comfort able Independence. Still, he had not ceased to indulge In complaints on this score. He alleges that he was deprived of many advantages on account of his opinions, and that there was a danger lest In his old age he should be reduced to a condition of evangelical poverty. He is, how ever candid enough to confess that this catastrophe is not Imminent.* This admission, and the property which he left at his death a few years later, justify us In believing that among the evils with which he was afflicted poverty could not be reckoned. His health was no doubt precarious, but In regard * Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii. Ep. 1152, " A qna tamen adhuc mediocii absum intervallo, gratia superis." ERASMUS. 157 to that, as well as to his pecuniary affairs. Eras- Ciupjer mus was accustomed to write In a far gloomier ' — /—- 1525 tone than the reality warranted. He seemed to to share the feeling of those who fear that fortune will be offended if they boast of her favours, and that the best way to secure their continuance is to depreciate their extent. A thorough love of present independence had induced Erasmus to adopt a mode of life by which that Independence was secured, although Its source was precarious and uncertain. Still, he experienced compara tively few of the difficulties which beset such a career, for we find him always living In compara tive comfort and he seems to have so arranged his affairs that he was always placed at a considerable distance from real poverty. He had from the first resolved never to submit to the trammels and responsibllites of a profession, but otherwise he was neither reckless nor imprudent, and, although by his own account a bad economist, he never left himself absolutely destitute of resources. If there was any doubt that at this period the 1,531. circumstances of Erasmus were comparatively pfrchasea flourishing, his purchase of a house at Fribourg Fj?;bou?|* would go far to prove the fact. At his period of hfe, and without near relations, he was not likely to make such a purchase unless his means had been ample as compared with his expenditure. Besides the purchase money he was put to great 158 SELECT BIOGEAPHY, Chapter expense In order to put this house Into a habitable "—Y— ¦ state, and, although he grumbles about this expense, to seems to have been able to meet it without any inconvenience. This year he published his book of " Apopthegms," and dedicated It to the 'Duke of Cleves. In return for this compliment the duke sent him a silver cup.* Although now living In tolerable peace Erasmus was not entirely neglected by his enemies, and he lost no opportunity of repell ing their attacks. In a letter he relates a strange story about a certain divine, who had placed a portrait of Erasmus In his room, so that whenever the humour seized him he might enjoy the satisfac tion of spitting in his face. About this time Erasmus wrote very bitterly against certain Strasbourg reformers, who had published a reply to his attacks upon the reformation. This reply possessed considerable merit, and seems to have irritated Erasmus a good deal. His intellect was not adapted to the discussion of theology, and he never engaged in It without being influenced by some private consideration. When he deemed It prudent to show his attachment to the Cathohc church the easiest and most effectual way of doing so was to abuse the reformers and their doctrines. Grave and learned divines were natu rally Indignant when it was alleged that their opinions led to licentiousness, and they used little '" Opera, vol. iii. p. ii. Ep. 1211, EEASMUS. * 159 ceremony in repelling the allegation. Erasmus Chapter had many sore places which 111 bore to be touched, ^^-—^ but those who wrote against him did not care to how much they wounded his vanity. This year Erasmus published an edition of 1532. . . Age C4. "Basil." The editing of the church fathers seems General to have been a favourite occupation with him. the year. although the world would have been better pleased to receive new works of his own. A pro ceeding which Erasmus adopted this year would Imply that he was either poor, or alarmed with the prospect of soon becoming so. He had in his employment a copyist, who went by the name of Polyphemus, in consequence of having lost an eye. This person Erasmus sent into Germany, in order to collect money from those who were willing to give it on his behalf. Polyphemus probably re ceived a good deal of money, but when once he had got it into his possession he seemed to think that he stood in greater need of It than his master. He appropriated a considerable sum to his own use, but Erasmus sought to inflict no greater punishment upon him than dismissal from his service. * This story might lead us to believe that some unexpected misfortune had befallen Erasmus, for to solicit pecuniary contributions in such an open manner was a course which scarcely anything except the pressure of absolute want • Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii. Ep. 1253, col. 1453—4. 160 SELECT BIOGEAPHY, Chapter could excuse. But 111 such matters Erasmus was VI. ' — r-' anything but scrupulous, and never failed to to appeal to his friends when a supply of money had become necessary or desirable. He was not content with providing for the wants of the pre sent day ; he was dissatisfied unless he had made provision for many morrows. 1533. This year Erasmus seems to have spent in Age 66. -^ . . . ^ . , Publishes tolerable tranquillity. He continued to reside at various . i • i i works. Fribourg, and the only persecution which he suffered was from fleas.* He appears to have found their assaults even less endurable than those of another species of vermin. Ignorant and bigoted monks. In various letters written this year, he complains of a fraud which, however scandalous on the part of the perpetrators, amply proved the high estimation in which Erasmus was held in different countries of Europe. Men pretending to be his clerks or friends visited many distinguished persons in Italy, Germany, and Poland, and were not only treated with hospitality, but on their departure received considerable presents.j The works which Erasmus published this year were all of a religious character. One of them was a third edition of the Works of Jerome, and in the preface * Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii. Ep. i. 1260, col. 1480 : " Fuit in sedibus meis tanta improbissimorum publicum vis ut per eos neo dormire liberet nee legere, aut scribere." f " Swaviter accipiunter aliquot diebus interdum et mensibu'!, nee ubique -riatioo demittunter." Opera, vol. iii. p. ii. Ep. 1257. ERASMUS. IGl he bestows the highest praises upon Archbishop Chapter Warham, to whom he had dedicated the two -—y^ former editions. He also published a commentary ^to^ on the eighty-fourth Psalm, professing that in ^^^'^' doing so his object was to heal the differences which existed In the Christian world. The motive was an excellent one, but Erasmus must have been very sanguine if he flattered himself that his work would do anything to reconcile the church with her rebellious children. He also published a commentary upon the twenty-second Psalm, wdiicli he dedicated to Lord Eochford, father of Anne Boleyn, This psalm is one expressive of deep afflic tion, and It was certainly very applicable to the condition into which Lord Eochford fell when his wretched daughter and miserable son were put to death on the pretence of an odious crime. But Erasmus had not the gift of prophecy, and he was probably anxious to gain the favour of a man who now occupied a foremost place In. the English court. These works and others of a similar kind afford sufficient proof that Erasmus was Impressed with a deep sense of religion, but they give no indications of what may be termed a devotional spirit. There Is nothing of that fervour of piety In which feeling is continually breaking through the trammels of the understanding and ascending, to the Divine Being with a warmth of affection with which M 1536. 162 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter reason has nothing to do. Erasmus never loses VL . .... ¦ — f—' possession of himself ; his rehgious feelings never to get beyond his own control, because they want that depth and Intensity which the psalmist so often manifests. We cannot understand the conduct or character of Erasmus unless we keep in constant recollection the fact that he was a man naturally cold and indifferent, whose calm good sense was always at hand to check those extravagances Into which shallow men are so often impelled by the wantonness of an ill-regulated fancy. But if Erasmus was in no danger of becoming a fanatic, neither was he susceptible of these profound emo tions and earnest convictions which impart to a human character a greatness and a unity almost divine. Erasmus could not surrender himself to any predominant emotion, because all his emotions were insensibly regulated by that practical sense which discerned that the truths which we embrace are only half truths, and, if viewed separately and exclusively, lead to all kinds of errors. There have been men who became half Inspired by fixing their undivided attention on one great truth. Erasmus could not do so; for he always clearly discerned that no truth can be termed absolute ; that its fit place can only be ascertained when It is viewed in connection with other truths. He was completely the reverse of a one-sided man ; he had a large sympathy with humanity in Its ERASMUS. 163 varied intellectual developments, and no man was Chapter VI. 1525 to naturally more tolerant : for he not only admitted the right of private judgment, but felt that opinions hostile to his own might be the truth suitable to those by whom they were held. But In his own time such notions met with no favour anywhere. Protestants as well as Catholics laid down dogmas, from which no dissent was permitted, and he who could not accept these dogmas was regarded as a man who had denied the faith. With the dog matic tendency Erasmus had not a particle of sympathy, but he was too apt to forget that without dogmas the masses of men do not know what to believe. Without something tangible and fixed they can find no rest. Nice distinctions and qualifying limitations are Incomprehensible to them, and to tell them that men may still hold the truth, although they can assent to no form of words in which it is attempted to be expressed, appears an absurdity. Erasmus was now full of years and honours, and The old he was every day receiving testimonies of respect Erasmus: from the most various quarters. His corre spondents were numerous, and were to be found in every part of Europe. As soon as any man had attained any literary distinction, or acquired im portance in church or state, he longed to be num bered among the friends of Erasmus. The tran- quil and honoured life which Erasmus now enjoyed ¦Mr 0 164 SELECT BIOGRAPHY. Chapter was probably that best suited to his temperament. ' — A-' Fame and ease were alike dear to him, and nothing to was more grateful to his feelings than the general approbation of his fellow men. He had for nearly twenty years been Involved in constant turmoils by the religious dissensions which resulted from the preaching of Luther. Many of his old friends had become less cordial, and he had raised up against himself many new enemies. But time had restored to Erasmus much of the tranquillity which he had enjoyed In the first half of his life, and his general circumstances were much happier than they had then been. Still, his present happiness was not without serious drawbacks. When life had become most desirable the state of his health seemed to warn him that it could not be of long duration. His old complaints harrassed him, and of late a new one, the gout, had occasioned him great suffering. Nor could he shake himself altogether clear of the religious controversies which had formerly occupied so much of his attention. Be tween him and Luther the antagonism still went on Increasing. The great reformer, in proportion as his position was established and his influence extended, became less tolerant of the religious Indifference which. In his opinion, was character istic of Erasmus. In private conversation, as well as in his numerous letters, Luther seldom omits an opportunity of expressing his contempt for Eras- ERASMUS. 165 mus, and the praise which he sometimes bestows Chaptkh upon his literary attainments resembles a disdainful ^ — . — • concession made by conscious superiority. This to was a kind of treatment particularly galling to Erasmus, and he wrote various treatises, in which he sought not only to vindicate himself, but to show that Luther was as liable to error as other men, and had fallen into various mistakes. The warfare carried on between these two great men at last came to an end by the contemptuous for bearance of Luther, who made no reply to the last apology of Erasmus.* On the death of Clement the new pontiff who 1636. Age 68. had been elected took the name of Paul III, Paul Era.smus was a proud and violent man, but he seems to have the offer entertained a great respect for Erasmus, and dinaiate offered to bestow upon him the greatest mark of papal favour, a cardinal's hat. To all churchmen this is the highest object of ambition, the papacy excepted. It had become not unusual to bestow this high dignity upon men who were not priests, or who had not discharged the ordinary duties of that function. Erasmus was no doubt a priest, but he had held so loosely to his profession as clearly to indicate that his continuance in it was a matter of compulsion, not of choice. But once a priest always a priest, so that Erasmus was eligible to hold benefices or any ecclesiastical office. During * Seckendorf, b. iii. p. 77. 163G. 166 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter his past life he had uniformly declined to accept ' — r-^ of church preferment. Now, almost at the close of 1525 . . ¦ to his life, It was In his power to become a prince of the church, and to prove in the most convincing manner that the head of the church regarded him as one of its most faithful sons. The first Intima tion which Erasmus received of the honour in tended for him was in a letter from Cardinal Bembo.* He informs Erasmus that the new pope was very favourably inclined towards him, and intended to confer upon him some signal mark of this favour. In a letter of his own Erasmus ex plicitly states that the bestowal of a cardinal's hat was the favour which the pope had In reserve for liim.t So serious was Paul III. in his Intentions towards Erasmus that he was making arrangements for conferring upon the Intended cardinal benefices lucrative enough to maintain his new dignity in a suitable manner. Custom and fixed rule had decided that the income necessary for this purpose could not be less than three thousand ducats. That such an arrangement as that of securing this amount of income for Erasmus could easily have been earned out cannot be doubted ; n6r would the world lig,ve envied the elevation of the Illustrious scholar ; on the contrary all would have admitted that tardy justice had been done to him, and that * Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii. Eps. 1287, 1288. j Opera, Erasmi vol. iii. pt, ii. Ep. 1282- EEASMUS. . 167 he would confer honour upon the purple, not the Chapter purple upon him. But nothing was so character- — y— - istic of Erasmus as the want of vulgar ambition. to To him the pomps and ceremonies of high office ^^^^ and rank were repelling rather than attractive. He had no wish to acquire poHtical or ecclesiasti cal power ; the only greatness of which he was ambitious was that which could be derived from his studious labours, embodied in works cherished and preserved by the world. But even to a man of letters the cardinalate was a tempting bait ; for It bestowed high honour without those restraints and responsibilities with which in other cases it Is burdened. If a cardinal saw fit he could live in • comparative retirement, and the age and health of Erasmus would have amply justified him in leading a life of lettered ease, even when he had become a prince of the church. No consideration, how ever, could induce Erasmus to depart from the rule which he had laid down for himself, and he declined the high honour which the pope was willing to confer upon him. ' In order to superintend the printing of a new Erasmus work Erasmus this year revisited Basil. About Basil. this period the sad fate of Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas More was a cause of great grief to Erasmus. These two eminent men had been his generous patrons as well as his warmest friends, and their judicial murder must have awakened 1525 lo 1536. 168 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter in his heart strong emotions of indignation and sorrow. He detested tyranny in every shape and the brutal injustice to which his friends had fallen victims must have roused to the utmost his anger and contempt. He must also have congratulated himself upon the fact that he had steadfastly refused to settle In England, or to ac(!ept any of the brilliant offers made to him by Henry VIII. There Is no proof that he had** detected under the glittering exterior of that monarch the intense selfishness, stubborn wil fulness, and hardness of heart which led the English king to commit so many cruel deeds, and to commit them in such a manner as to prove that the kind emotions which soften and purify our nature were in him utterly extinct. If they had ever existed. These emotions were strong in the mind of Erasmus, and he abhorred cruelty In all its shapes, whether it lacerated the bodies of schoolboys or sent to the scaffold virtuous men, whose only crime was that they would not sanc tion injustice and oppression. But while Erasmus pitied his English friends, and execrated in his heart their vile persecutor, he must have applauded himself for the wisdom of the choice which had led him to prefer the peace- fid triumphs of the pen to the agitations, joys, and dangers of public life. Men whom he had felt it an honour to call his patrons, and who had 1536. ERASMUS. 169 filled the highest offices In church and state, had Chapter VI been put to death like the basest criminals, while ¦ — <^ he lived In perfect peace and security. His name to was everywhere held in the highest respect, and wherever he saw fit to take up his residence he was treated with the highest marks of honour. No doubt there Is a counter side to the picture, and the man who courts retirement in order to avoid the perils and responsibilities of a public careeer may be commended for his prudence, but can lay no claim to the honour due to him who counts not his life dear to him if by its sacrifice he can advance the cause of truth or promote the happiness of his fellow men. But Erasmus was not of the heroic mould, and his love of truth and desire to promote human happiness were generally subordinate to his own safety and comfort. *But he made no secret of his weakness, and It was well for him that his position did not expose him to temptations which might have made too mani fest his want of courage and high principle. Nature had fitted him admirably for the place which he filled in the world, and In looking back through a long life he must have admitted that he had enjoyed a happiness accorded to very few. If his health had been precarious, it had not pre vented him from moving about at will, nor from reaching a period of life which the great majority of men never attain. He had been a good deal 1536. 170 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter abused, but he was well able and very willing to ' — r-' return the abuse in kind, and the pleasure of 1525 to displaying his wit was an ample recompense for any wounds which might be inflicted on his vanity. Nor did the religious dissensions which broke in upon his peace during his latter years seem to have much disturbed his happiness, for he took nothing very much to heart as long as he was at liberty to live according to his own humour and knew that his fame fllled the world. Few men can look back upon a long life without having to lament Innumerable disappointments and mortifications, or, still worse, actions the re membrance of which fills them with shame and remorse. From such a sad retrospect Erasmus had been saved. The plan of life which he had forn*ed as a boy he had been able to carry out as a man, and to a fuller extent than he had dared to anticipate. His self-estimate was high, but the world had more than confirmed it, and his reputa tion had advanced from year to year, and now the world which he was about to quit was filled • with his fame. Of how few great men can this be said. To some fame comes not until their hearts are withered with perpetual disappointment ; to others their closing years bring a continual di minution of that reputation which they had won by their youthful efforts. Their genius dies out before their body, and the world which had for- EEASMUS. 171 merly exaggerated their merits at last detracts Chapter from them in a still greater degree. Erasmus had -— y~-' not to encounter this bitterest of mortifications ; to his fame grew with his years, and was at Its height when the weary body was about to be consigned to the dust. Seldom does a human life thus complete itself; rare are the cases in which a man can regard all his past years as having contributed to accomplish the end which he most desired. From boyhood Erasmus knew what he wanted, and when life was about to close he had obtained what he wanted in fullest measure. Literary culture had been his chosen and best loved em ployment ; literary fame was the unceasing object of his ambition. The first was the source of all his earthly happiness ; the second was granted to him almost. If possible, beyond his desires. But if Erasmus had gained the goal, he had not His life at grown weary of the path or the toil by which it had been reached. The infirmities of age pressed upon him, pain was his familiar companion, but nothing could wean him from literary occupation. To revise his past works and plan new ones was now, as ever, his chief delight. No fear of failure could now darken this delight ; no dread of spend ing an inglorious although laborious life could now haunt his imagination, as It may have done In youth or early manhood. All was now peace and satisfaction, inward contentment, and external 1536. 172 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter prosperity. He possessed all things which render ¦-^ — n^ old age respectable : honour, an ample competency, to and troops of friends, all anxious to do him honour. In Protestant Basil, as In Catholic Fribourg, he was treated with the highest respect, and even fanaticism stood rebuked In his presence. Basil had been always the residence most agreeable to him, and in the house of the printer Froben he found all the comforts and attentions which his health required. He was resolved that it should be his last earthly home, and he sold the house and furniture which he possessed at Fribourg. The zealous Catholics murmured a little when they heard that Erasmus had taken up his final residence In a town so entirely Protestant as Basil ; but these murmurs were more a matter of form than intended to produce any practical effect. Even the most incorrigible fanatics must have felt that any interference with the great scholar, now old and fast declining, would provoke general Indignation without exciting the smallest portion of sympathy. However, Erasmus was still cautious; he left the house very seldom, and very rarely received visitors, except they were his most inti mate friends. With these friends he enjoyed that learned and familiar intercourse which was so gratifying to his taste and so refreshing to his feelings. The troubles and contentions of the Avorld no longer affected him, while the kind of EEASMUS. 173 life which he now enjoyed fulfilled his utmost CHAPTia: wishes ; and he anticipated his future existence '^ — r-' 1525 with calm satisfaction and cheerful hope. He had to a firm belief in the essential truths of Christianity, and, although a free inquirer, had never let go his hold on that sheet anchor of the faith, that God is manifest in Christ, reconciling tho world and individuals to himself. All doubts were about to be removed ; or If not, the soul was about to be transported into a clearer light, where darkness and fear would no longer obscure the glorious truth that God is love, and in all his dealings with his creatures mingles mercy with justice. Erasmus contemplated death neither with exulting joy nor gloomy despondency, but with that calm tran quillity which accepts what is Inevitable without a murmur, and looks forward to what is unknown with a pious confidence that in the world beyond the grave, as in this, God will be found to be a gracious Father, whose goodness is over all his works. While Erasmus was thus lying on the confines Effortsmade to of death, some busy schemers, who called them- draw 1 1 . n . 1 1 1 • 1 Erasmus selves his friends, made new proposals, m order to from his . .,,. ., .11. 1 1 , retirement induce him to lay aside his scruples and accept wealth and honour. There were men who fancied that it might be of advantage to the church If the greatest writer of the age accepted one of her highest offices, even should It prove his last act. In 174 SELECT BIOGEAPHY. Chapter 1535 the deauerv of Daventer, worth fifteen VI. ^-^— ' hundred ducats a year, was offered to Erasmus, but 1.625 . , ' to he declined it without a moment's hesitation.* This was a part of the scheme for investing him with the purple, and if the first step was made he might the more easily be brought to concur In the main part of the plan. The Italian friends of Erasmus expressed their astonishment at the firm ness with which he rejected all offers of worldly advancement. But their feelings or opinions mattered nothing to a man whose life was now to be counted by weeks. Even had the case been different, Erasmus had always acted upon the opinion that it did not become an old man to court honours which he had made no effort to obtain while In the prime of life. But there are men whose earthly desires age stimulates Instead of restraining, and In their eyes Erasmus's refusal of the cardinalate was not an act of wise moderation, but a piece of consummate folly. 1636. Although the complaints with which he had Death of been troubled had now increased in severity, and were accompanied with symptoms which indicated that life was fast approaching to a close, Erasmus did not intermit his literary labours. He published, a commentary upon the fourteenth Psalmj and was making preparations for a new edition of Orlgen. * Opera, vol. iii. pt. ii. Ep. 1291, col. 1615: "Mihi deoretum tst, etiamsi decem preposituras offerret unam non aocipere." 1536. ERASMUS. 175 But every day he became weaker, and it was Chapter obvious that his hours were numbered. - Still he ' — r-^ 1525 remained calm and cheerful, and continually to declared that he rested all his hopes of future hap piness upon the merits of the Eedeemer. His constant exclamations were, " O, Lord Jesus, have pity upon me. Deliver me ; make an end ; Lord pity me." He suffered greatly, but his memory and faculties remained unimpaired, and even his humour did not desert him. Three of his friends on one occasion entered his chamber together, and their arrival recalled to some person present the three friends of Job, comingto consolehim in his calamity : "Why, then," said Erasmus " do they not rend their garments and put ashes upon their heads?" At last the struggle came to an end, and Erasmus calmly expired in the arms of his friends, about the middle of the night of the 12th of July, 1536. Although his death had been long anticipated, he had never made confession nor received the sacra ments, as It Is the duty of Catholics to do when time Is left them to prepare for death. Erasmus attached little Importance to outward ceremonies, and it was, perhaps. In order to avoid those men tioned that he spent his last hours in a Pro testant town. Thus no question arose about his Interment in consecrated ground, as might have been the case had he died among Catholics with out receiving the last sacraments. He was buried 176 SELECT BIOGRAPHY, Chapter in the cathedral church of Basil with the hlghetL VI. " '— >—' marks of honour. The burgomaster and many of to the magistrates, and all the professors and students of the university followed his remains to their last resting place. He was deeply lamented, and many, especially the poorer students, felt as If they had lost a father.* The will The property left by Erasmus was very coii- mus. siderable, amounting to seven thousand ducats. This property was exclusive of a valuable library. Erasmus left considerable legacies to his servants and friends. The residuary legatee was Bombaca Amerhach, who, after paying the sums bequeathed to different persons, was to dispose of the re maining pi'operty In any way he saw fit. The library was left to John Lasco Polen, on condition of his paying two hundred golden ducats to Amer hach ; but if lie failed to do so, or died before Erasmus, the library also was left at the free disposal of Amerhach. * Life by Rhenauns, and accouut of death, &c. Opera, vol- i. FINIS. i^^^^mi ^^^fe^^^^'' ^^^sS