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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

LIFE

NAPOLEON.

By baron JOMINI,
GBNEEAL-IN-ODIEP AKD A1D-DE-0A2IP TO THE EMPEEOB OB" BTJS8IA.

" Je fu8 ambitieux ; tout homme Test, sans doute ;
Mais jamais roi, pontife, ou chef, ou citoyen,
Ne cODgut un projet aussi grand que le mien."
VoLTAiEK, MaTiOTnet

TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH.

"WITH I>rOTES,
By H. W. HALLECK, LL.D.,
M A J O E-G B N E B A L UNITED STATES AKMT;
AUTHOK OP " ELEMENTS OF MILITARY AET AND 8CIEN0E ;" " INTEENATIONAI. LAW,
AND THE LAWS OF WAE," *0., <bO.

EST FOUR VOLUMES.— WITH AJSI ATLAS.
VOL. I.

NEW YOEK :
D. VAN NOSTRAND, 192 BEOADWAT.
LONDON: TEUBNEE & CO.
18 6 4.

Entered, accordiug to Act of Congress, in the year 1863, by
D. TAN NOSTBAND
In tbe Clerk's Office of tbe District Court of the United States for tbe Southern
District of New York.

gai^^

V. '

iSectrotyped by Shith & lidDovBU., 82 & 84 Beekman-Btreet.
Printed by C. A. A1.TOBD, 15 Vandeirater-street,

TRANSLATOE'S PREFACE.

1'he following translation was made during a seven
months' voyage from New York to California, in 1846.
It was undertaken partly as a military study, and
partly as an occupation during a long and tedious
voyage round Cape Horn. After being completed, the
manuscript was laid aside for more than sixteen years,
and nearly forgotten.
The present war has called attention to military
books, and especially to the works of Jomini. No
English translation of his Life of Napoleon has ever
been published, and it is very difficult to procure a
copy in French. Under these circumstances, and to
supply a public want, this translation is given to the
press, a military friend having kindly offered to super^
vise the publication, the professional duties of the
translator not permitting him to give it the proper
personal attention.
During the publication of the fourth volume of the
original work, the author's manuscript of the twenty-

4 TBANSLATOR'S PBEFACE.
second chapter was lost, and a very brief narrative
of the campaign of 1815 was substituted. The manu
script was afterwards found, and published in another
and more elaborate form. The substance of this second
pubHcation is incorporated in the translation, the spirit
and character of the original chapter being preserved.
With this exception, the translation is almost literal,
only a few paragraphs being slightly condensed. These
relate to subjects which at the present time are of very
little interest. The translator is solely responsible for
the Notes, those of the author being nearly aU embodied
in the text.
Jomini's original maps and plans being deemed too
expensive for republication, those of A. K. Johnston's
Atlas (which are mostly compiled from Jomini) are
substituted.
H. W. H.
WABHINOTOIf, April, 1863.

COKTENTS. VOL. I.

Sketch op the Life and WEmuas of Gbneeal Jomini  15
PEOLOaUE  33

CHAPTER I,
EAELT LIFE OP NAPOLEON;
FROM mS BIRTH TO HIS APPOINTMENT TO COMMAND THE ABMY OF ITALY.
Plan of the Work — Napoleon's Birth and Parentage — Character and
Education — His first Appointment to the Army — Prance before the
Eevolution — Summary of the Events of the Eevolution — Events of the
11th, 20th, and 23d of June, IVSB — Grand Coalition against Prance —
Eussia and Poland — War with Austria — The Prussians invade Cham
pagne — ^The Eepublio proclaimed — Eetreat of the Prussians — Invasion
of Belgium — Death of Louis XVI. — ^War with Spain, HoUand, and Eng
land — Dumouriez driven from Belgium — He treats with the Austrians —
Committee of Public Safety — Sieges of Mayence and Valenciennes — Pall
of the Girondists, May 31st — England heads the Coalition — ^Affairs of
Poland— The Ottoman Porte— Situation of Prance— Energy of the Con
vention — Oarnot appointed to the Committee of Public Safety — Decree
for a levee en masse — Eevolutionary Government — Eeign of Terror —
Faults of the Allies — They are driven from Prance — Death of Marie
Antoinette — Political Results of the Eevolution — Napoleon appointed
Chief-of-battaUon — His Eepublican Opinions — Siege of Toulon— He ia
made General of Artillery — Conquest of Belgium, Holland, and the left
Bank of the Ehine— Naval Battle of Ouessant — Insurrection in Poland—

35

! CONTENTS. FAQS
Fall of Eobespierre— Peace with Russia and Spain— Fate of the Eoyal
Family— Napoleon employed at Paris— New Insurrections- the Quiberon
Expedition— Constitution of the Tear HI.- Affair of the 13th Vende-
miaire— Military Operations of I'zgS— Napoleon's Marriage to Josephine
—His Plan for the Invasion of Italy— Appointed General-in-chief of the
Army of Italy  •  ¦ ' '

CHAPTER II.
CAMPAIGN OF 1196 IN ITALT;
PEOM THE BEOINNINa OF THE OAMPAION TO THE PEACE OP TOLENHNO.
Napoleon takes Command of the Army of Italy— State of Affairs in Italy-
Napoleon's Plan of Operations — Position and Plan of the Allies — Beau-
lieu compromises his Left at Genoa — His Centre pierced — ^Napoleon
attacks the Piedmontese — Operations against the Ai;strians resumed..^
Double Combat of Dego^Operations against Colli — Napoleon's Proolar
mation to his Soldiers — ^The King of Sardmia sues for Peaoe-^Armistice of
Cherasco— Napoleon marches against Beaulieu — Passage of the Po at
Placentia — ^Armistice with the Dukes of Parma and Modena — Battle of
Pombio — March upon the Adda — ^Bridge of Lodi^Napoleon enters Milan
— The Directory proposes to divide Napoleon's Army ; his Resignation —
His Address to the Army — Eevolt in Lombardy — Definitive Peace with
Piedmont — Position of Beaulieu on the Mincio — Passage of the Mincio—
DifBcult Position of Napoleon on the Adige — Situation and Pohcy of
Venice — Criticisms on Napoleon's Operations-reinvestment of Mantua-n-.
Armistice with Naples — ^Demonstrations against the Pope — Armistice of
Foligno — ^Troubles in the Imperial Piefs, &a— Occupation of Leghorn-
Siege of Mantua — Austrians endeavor to save that Place— Approach of
Wurmser from the Ehine— Battles of Louato and Castiglione— Quasdano-
wioh surprised at Gavardo — Attack upon Napoleon's Head-quarters 
Second Battle of Castiglione— Second Passage of the Mincio— Wurmser's
Eetreat into the Tyrol— Close Alliance between France and Spain 
Wurmser resumes the Offensive ou the Brenta— Objections to this Opera
tion—The Armies in Germany— Battles of Mori, Eoveredo, and Caliano—
March from Trent to the Gorges of the Breuta— Affair of Bassano—
Wurmser marches upon Mantuar^ Affairs of St. Georgio— Position of the
Army about Mantua — ^New Eepublics formed— Political state of the rest
of Italy— Discussions with Eome— Definitive Peace with Naples— Affairs
of Piedmont— Negotiations with Genoa — New Troubles in the Fiefs —
Affairs of Corsica-^The English occupy Porto-Perrajo— They evacuate
Corsica — Situation of the Armies on the Adige — Alvinzi succors Mantua
with a new Army- Vaubois thrown back on Rivoli— Affair of the Brenta
— ^Passage of the Adige at Eonco— Battle of Areola — Vaubois driven
ba<i;from Eivoli— Wurmser besieged at Mantuar— Reverses of the French

CONTENTS. 7
PAGE
in Germany — Descent upon Ireland — Useless Diplomacy— Reenforcementa
from the Ehine — New Efforts of Alvinzi to save Wurmser — Joubert driven
back on Eivoli — ^Battle of Eivoli — Provera marches on Mantua — Close
of the Campaign — Capitulation of Wurmser at Mantua — Expedition into
Eomaua, ,.,,,.,,  16

CHAPTER III.
CAMPAIGN OP 1797 IN AUSTEIA ;
FEOU THE CEOSSINO OP THE TASLIAMENTO TO THE PEACE OP CAMPO-FOEMIO.
Preparations for a new Campaign — The Archduke Charles takes Com
mand of the Austrian Army — Treaty with the King of Sardinia — The
Affairs of Venice — Troubles with the States of Terra-firma — Negotiations
with Pescaro — ^Armaments of the Senate — ^Napoleon resolves to attack the
Archduke before he can imite his Forces — Plan of Operations — Passage
of the Piave — Affair of Tarvis — The Archduke is reenforced by the De
tachments sent from the Ehine — Armistice of Leoben — Operations of
Joubert in the Tyrol— Veronese Vespers — ^Victor suppresses the Insur
gents — Condition of the two Armies — Preliminaries of Leoben — Armies
of the Ehine — Destruction of the Venetian Eepublio — Napoleon goes to
Milan — Eevolution of Genoa — Change of Constitution — Provisional Gov
ernment appointed— The Disorders continue — Negotiations of Udina and
Passeriano — English Affairs — Naval Battle of St. Vincent — Naval Tactics
— Mutiny in the British Fleets — ^Negotiations of Lille— Internal Affairs of
Prance — The eighteenth Fructldor — Foreign Negotiations — Resignation
of Napoleon— Cobentzel negotiates on the part of Austria — Napoleon and
the Directory — Peace of Campo-Formio — Conditions of this Treaty — ^Its
Results — Revolution of La Valteline — Negotiations with Germany at
Eastadt— The Passage of the Simplon asked of the Valois— -The Direc
tory foments a Eevolution in Switzerland — Proclamation of the Vaudoia
— Invasion of Berne — Helvetic Constitution — Neutrality of Switzerland
and Faults of the Directory — Eevolution in Eome— Proclamation of the
Eoman Eepublio — Napoleon leaves Rastadt — ^His Reception at Paris —
General Remarks  162

CHAPTER IV.
EXPEDITION TO EGYPT;
MILITARY OPERATIONS IN 1798 AND PART OP 1799.
Difficulties of Napoleon's Position at Paris — Ori^n of the War in Egypt —
State of Huidostan — Projects of the Sultan of Mysore, and the Apathy of

8 CONTENT S. PAOX
Pranee^tate of the English Forces— Object of the Expedition into Egypt
-Napoleon examines the Port of Antwerp-The Continent again involved
in hostile Preparations-Napoleon depart;s from Toulon-Capture of Malta
—Debarkation at Alexandrian-March on Cairo— Battle of the Pyramids-
Entrance into Cairo— Naval BatUe of Aboukir— Eesults of this Battle-
Difficulties with the Porte— Eevolt of Cairo— Expedition into Syria— Pas
sage of the Desert, and taking of Jaffar— Eesistance of St. Jean-d'Aore —
Battle of Mont-Tabor— Continuation of the Siege of St. Jean-d'Acre-
Eaising of this Siege — Return to Cairo — Debarkation and Battle of
Aboukir — Napoleon decides to return to France  204

CHAPTER V.
CAMPAIGN OP 1799;
MHJTAEY OPERATIONS IN OEEMANT, SWITZERLAND, AND ITALT.
Situation of Europe in 1798 — Exorbitant Demands of the Directory at Eastadt
— Russia in Favor of the Empire — Negotiations of Prince Repnin at Berlin
— Embarrassments of Prussia — ^Views of Austria — Secret Convention
between England and Naples — Favorable Chances for Austria — Alliance
between Austria and Russia — Policy of the Directory — Affairs of Swit
zerland — Treaty of Alhance concluded at Paris — The smaller Cantons
refuse the Oath of Fidelity — Expedition of Schawembourg against Stanz
— The Grisons call upon the Austrians — French Law of Conscription —
Consequences of the Defeat at Aboukir and the Declaration of War by
the Ottoman Porte — Decree for a Levy of two hundred thousand Men —
Embarrassed State of the Finances — Negotiations paralyzed by the Inter
mission of Spain — Stat© of the Negotiations at Rastadt — England —
Russia — Spain — ^Portugal — Sweden and Denmark — War commenced by
the Court of Naples — Joubert seizes upon Piedmont and occupies Tus
cany — Ferdinand flies to Sicily — Championnet takes Possession of Naples
— Erection of the Parthenopean Republic — The Russians advance toward
Italy — The Directory takes the Initiative without Preparation— Massena
gets Possession of the Grisons — The Archduke marches against Jourdan
— ^Battle of Stockach — Reverses in Italy — Retreat of the Army behind
the Rhine — Attack upon our Plenipotentiaries at Rastadt — Tardy Enter
prise of the Archduke — Suwarrow in LomTaardy — Grand Naval Expedi
tion of Admiral Bruix — Macdonald's Army evacuates Naples — Suwarrow
enters Turin — Massena driven from the Grisons — The Archduke pene
trates into Switzerland — Massena evacuates Zurich — ^The Archduke par
alyzed by Cabinet Orders — Macdonald returns upon Modena — Suwarrow
attacks him on the Trebia-^General State of Affairs — Dissatisfaction
against the Directory — Political Operations of Si^yes — Address to the
Councils — The Nomination of Treilhard is annulled — Merlin and LarSveE-
l^re resign — Consternation at the Result of tiie Battle of Trebia — Formai-

CONTENTS, 9
PAGE
tion of Clubs — ^Talleyrand is replaced — The Directory dose the Manege —
New Plan of' Operations proposed — Joubert is charged with its Execu
tion — He debouches from the Apennines — Battle of Novi — Massena
recaptures the smaller Cantons — ^Project of the Archduke — New Plan of
the Coalition — The Archduke Marches on Manheim — Plan of Suwarrow
— Battle of Zurich — Korsakof retires to the Rhine — Suwarrow passes the
St. Gothard and marches on the Muttenthal and Glaris — Defeat of the
Austrians in this Canton — Difficult Retreat of Suwarrow — Efforts of Kor
sakof on Winterthour — Movements of the Archduke and Suwarrow —
Descent of the Anglo-Russians into Holland — Leoourbe raises the Siege
of Philipsbourg — Efforts of Championnet to save Coni  236

CHAPTER VI.
CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801 ;
PROM NAPOEEON'S return FROM EOYPT TO THE PEACE OF AMIENS.
Napoleon's Return from Egypt — Necessity of a Change in the Govern
ment — Si^yes had longmeditated a Change — Revolution of the eighteenth
Brumaire — Project for a Constitution — Consular Government — ^Napoleon
proposes Peace — Pall of Tippoo-Saeb — Maritime Affairs — Continental
Armies — ^Plan of Campaign — ^Pius VI. and VII. — Project of the Allies
on Genoa and Toulon — ^Massena blockaded in Genoa — Napoleon's Plan
of Operations on the Rhine — Caruot Minister of War — Passage of the
Alps — The French Army arrested by Fort Bard — Melas deceived — Com
bat of Chiusella — Napoleon marches on Milan — Passage of the Ticino —
Disposition of Melas — Surrender of Genoa — Passage of the Po — Battle of
Montebello — Battle of Marengo — Convention of Alexandria — Negotia
tions of General St. Julien — Disapproved by the Cabinet of Vienna —
Negotiations for a Naval and Military Armistice — Kleber proposes to
evacuate Egypt — He is forced to conquer at Hehopolis — Important Con
vention with the United States — The Enghsh quarrel with Neutrals —
Rupture of the Negotiation of London — Conspiracy of Oerraohi — Expe
ditions against Ferrol and Cadiz — Resignation of Thugut from the Minis
try — Occupation of Tuscany — Preparations on the Continent — Plan of
Operation — Brilliant Success of the Army of the Rhine — Armistice of
Steyer— Inaction of Brune — Passage of the Splugen — Operations of
Brune — Junction of the Army of the Grisons — Armistice of Treviso—
Infernal Machine — The Neapolitans beaten in Tuscany — Expedition of
Murat against Naples — ^Armistice of Foligno— Peace of LunevUle — Cam
paign of 1801 — English Expedition against Copenhagen — ^Naval Battle of
Copenhagen — Armistice with the Danes and Death of Paul I. — English
Descent upon Egypt — Resignation of Pitt — Situation of France — Neces
sity of a new Eeligious System — ^Best means of accompHshing this Change
— Chances in Favor of the Reformation — The Concordat— Objections

10 CONTENTS.
PAGE
made to it — ^Fault of my Successors — Negotiations of London — ^PieUmiua-
ries signed— Peace with Russia and the Porte— Acquisition of Louisiana
— The Infante of Parma, King of Etruria — Expedition to St. Domingo and
Guadaloupe — Provisional Eeunion of Piedmont — ^Affairs of Switzerland
and the Cisalpine — Italian Eepublio— rThe English — ^LoM Comwallia
Envoy to Amiens — Debates upon Malta — The definitive Peace— Ita
Reception in London and France— -The Tribunat abolished — Consulate for
Lif»— The Principles of my Works — Solemn Publication of the Concordat
— Reunion of Piedmont — Counter-Eevolution in Switzerland— Friendly
Eolations with Russia — Indemnities in Germany  294

APPENDIX.
THE BONAPABTB FAMTLT  395

LIST OF MAPS

TO ILLUSIRATE
JOMINI'S LIFE OF NAPOLEON.
VOL. I.
1. MAP OF THE VALLEY OF THE PO, to iUustrate the Campaigns of
1796-97 and 1800.
2. BATTLES OP LONATO AND CASTIGLIONE, on the 3d, AND AT
MEDOLA, on the 5th August, 1796.
3. SIEGE OP MANTUA AND THE APPAIES OP ST. GEOEGE AND
LA PAVOEITB, 15th September, 1796.
4. BATTLE OF AECOLA, 16th, 16th and 17th November, 1796. (1st day,
15th November.)
5. BATTLE OF AECOLA, 15th, 16th and 17th November, 1796. (3d day,
17th November.)
6. BATTLE OF EIVOLI, 14th and 15th January, 1797.
7. MAP OF LOWEE EGYPT AND PAET OF SYRIA, to iUustrate the
Expedition to Egypt and the Campaign of 1798-1801.
8. SIEGE OP ST. JEAN D'ACRE, from 19th March to 21st May, 1799.
9. BATTLE OP MOUNT THABOR, 16th April, 1799.
10. BATTLE OP MARBNGtO, 14th June, 1800. (1st Sheet.)
11. BATTLE OF MARENGO, 14th June, 1800. (2d Sheet.)

SKETCH

LIFE AND WRITINGS

GEJ(EEAL JOMINI.

SKETCH

LIFE A.ND ^S^^HITIN^GS

GENERAL JOMINI.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
General Anthony Henkt Jomini was born in the smaU
village of Payerne, Canton of Vaud, Switzerland, on the 6th
of March, 1779. His family was of Italian origin, but had
for several centuries resided in the Canton of Vaud. Young
Jomini received the usual education of young men of his
class in Switzerland, and having a desire to enter the military
career, steps were taken to place him in the military school
of the Prince of Wurtemburg, at Montheliard ; that school
being transferred to Stutlgard, Jomini, at the age of
seventeen, was placed in a banking-house in Paris. In 1798,
he was appointed aide-de-camp to Keller, who had distin
guished himself in the affair of Ostend. Keller having been
superseded by Eepond, Jomini lost his position for a time,
but was soon afterwards employed by the new appointee, and
remained ibr some time in the employ of the Helvetic min
ister. After serving in the office of the Secretary of War?

16 SKETCH OF THE LIFE AND WKITING3
with the rank of captain, he was promoted, in 1799, to the
grade of chief of battalion.
After the peace of Luneville, in 1801, Jomini returned to
Paris to seek military employment, but receiving very little
encouragement, he accepted a position in a commercial
house. In 1805, Key gave him a situation on his staff,
with the promise of appointing him an aide-de-camp, which
promise was afterwards redeemed. He served with Ney in the
campaigns of Ulm, Jena, Eylau, and Spain, and was promoted
to the rank of chief of Ney's staff, for services in the field. In
these campaigns he acquired a brilliant reputation as a staff
officer, and as a strategist ; but the reputation thus ac
quired, as is almost invariably the case, created jealousies,
and made for the Swiss officer numerous enemies, at the head
of whom was Berthier, the Major-General and Chief-of-
Staff of the Imperial Army.
After the capitulation of Dupont at Baylen, in 1808,
Napoleon determined to direct in person the military opera
tions in Spain, and ordered Ney to join him with the sixth
corps d'arm6e. Colonel Jomini made preparations to accom
pany Ney in this new field ; but the indiscreet admirers of
his chief-of-staff had incited the jealousy of the Marshal's
wife, by reporting that Jomini had planned or advised Ney's
most successful operations. This feeling made his position,
for a time, anything but agreeable ; nevertheless he served
through the campaign, and was sent by Ney to Napoleon, at
Vienna, to explain the Marshal's objections to serve under
Soult. After the battle of Wagram, he returned with Napo
leon to Paris, where they met Ney. The latter was imme
diately ordered to return to his command, and Jomini was
about to accompany him, when he found that Colonel
Bechet had been selected by Ney in his place as chief-of-
staff, Jomini being assigned to duty in the general staff under
Major-General Berthier. Eather than serve under the Prince

OP GENERAL JOMrNI. 17
of Neuchatel, who had always been his enemy, Jomini ten
dered his resignation, intending to enter the service of the
Emperor of Russia. But Napoleon refused to accept it, and
placed him on special duty, in Paris, to enable him to write
his history of the campaigns in Italy. The progress of his
investigations, however, was much impeded in 1811, by
Colonel Muriel, Chief of the D6p6t of Archives, who would
not permit him to examine any paper without a special
requisition and order, designating the particular paper to be
inspected. Meeting the Emperor one Sunday, Napoleon made in
quiries in regard to his progress in writing the history of the
Italian campaigns. Jomini explained his embarrassments,
and was ordered to report in person the next day. He re
paired to the palace at the hour appointed, and met the
Mameluke, Eoustan, passing from the apartment of the
Empress to that of Napoleon, announcing the birth of the
Prince Imperial. Jomini immediately withdrew ; but the
Emperor sent for him and reprimanded him for not keeping
his engagement. Jomini excused himself by saying that
under the peculiar circumstances, he had supposed his
Majesty would be too much engaged to receive him. Napo
leon's reply was characteristic : " Your conclusion, was not
logical. If the Empress had continued to suffer, the case
would have been different ; but as she was safely delivered,
the best thing I could do was to let her repose, and attend to
my own business." At this interview. Napoleon spoke of
Berthier's dislike to him, and asked the cause of this ill-
feeling. Jomini replied that he had done everything possible
to conciliate the major-general, even offering to dedicate to
him his Treatise on Orand Operations ; that Berthier con
sented to accept a simple dedication, but no letter of dedica
tion. " He showed bad taste," said Napoleon ; " you would
have done better to dedicate it to me ; I should have been
TOL. I. — %.

18 SKETCH OF THE LIFE AND WEITINGS
pleased to accept it." Jomini replied that he could not venr
ture to take such a Uberty,
When the war of 1812 broke out between France and
Russia, Jomini, not wishing to fight against the Emperor
Alexander, who had previously offered him a high position in
the Russian army, but which Napoleon would not permit him
to accept, a^ed the pacific position of Governor of a province,
and was assigned to the Governorship of Wilna. He was
afterwards sent to replace General Barbanegre, in the Gov
ernment of Smolensk, and rendered most valuable assist
ance to Napofeon in the retreat from Moscow, especially in
the passage of the Beresina, at which place he was ordered
to select, in conjunction with General Ebl6, the pomta for
placing the bridges.
He suffered terribly in this retreat, and several times very
nearly perished^ When almost on the point of death, he
met General Guilleminot, the chief-of-staff of the Viceroy
of Italy, who presented him to Eugene= as an officer at his
service. Eugene received him kindly, but with the signifi
cant remark : " What, my poor generalj can I do with yoii,
when I can do nothing with nivyself f" On his arrival at
Stettin, he received orders to join the Emperor at Paris, to
assist in the organization of a new army. General Ndgre,
of the artillery, was the only other officer who received the
honor of such an order. Jomini obeyedi, but, on his arrival
at FesnB, his health was such as to confine him for three
months to his bed.
He rejoined the army on the day of the battle of Lutzen,
And was appointed by Napoleon chief of Ney's staffs He
reported to the Marshal, at Leipsic, on the 4th of May.
The meeting was embarrasBing to both, as neither had asked
or expected the appointment. But their old relations were
soon renewed, and Jomini distinguished himself at the bat-
tie of Bautzen, by the judicious ad^^ice: which he gave to

OF GENERAL JOMINI. 19
move on the enemy's right, instead of the left, an opinion
subsequently confirmed by the receipt of orders from the
Emperor, which had been miscarried^ Ney, grateful for the
services of Jomini, recommended his promotion to the grade
of general of division ; but the old hatred of Berthier pre
vented this, and, instead of rewarding him for services ren
dered, the Prince of Neuchatel charged him with incapacity
and ordered him in arrest I This was a little too much for
the proud spirit of Jomini, and he resolved to no longer
serve und«r an ungrateful flag. He, therefore^ left the French
army, and repaired to the head-quarters of the Emperor of
Russia, and was received into his service.
The desertion of Jomini from the service of France caused
much comment and discussion. His friends defended this
act as perfectly justifiable. They said that, in ihe first place,
not being, a Frenchman^ or a French subject, he was under
no obligations of patriotism to France. He was simply a
soldier of fortune, whose offers of service had been accepted,
and that this obligation continued only so long as the two par
ties agreed. The service itself was not obligatory, nor the term
of the engagement for life ; that there could, from the na
ture of the case, have been no implied understanding, between
the partieSj of such a character. They said further, that
when General Jomini tendered his resignation, and asked to
retire from the French service, all obligations on his part
ceased, and that subsequently he must be considered as an
impressed foreigner, who had a right to desert on the first
opportunity. The Emperor having refused to accept his
resignation, he remained- an unwilling servant, until the ill-
treatment of Berthier compelled him, from a sense of self-
respect, to desert. That his leaving at the time, and in the
manner he did, was in every respect justifiable, and under
the peculiar circumstances of the case, entirely unavoidable.
His enemies contended that, having once entered the

20 SKETCH OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
French service, he had no right to leave it without the con
sent of the government, and that, so long as that consent
was refused, he was bound to continue in service. That his
leaving at the time, and under the circumstances of the case,
constituted a real military desertion. Some, moreover, at the
time, went so far as to charge him with virtual treason,
alleging that he took to the enemy important documentary
and parole information.
At this distance of time, and after a full examination of
the evidence and arguments on both sides, it is not easy to
agree entirely with either party. To hold that an officer,
who voluntarily enters a foreign service, is bound to remain
in that service against his will and for life, is very unreason
able. On the contrary, it is equally unreasonable to contend
that he may leave at any moment he pleases ; for instance,
to leave the field of battle, and join the ranks of the enemy.
If Jomini, after the campaign in Spain, had insisted upon
his resignation, and had declined any other voluntary duty
in the French service, no one could have blamed him for
leaving it on the first favorable opportunity. On the con
trary, after Napoleon had refused to accept his resignation,
he continued in the willing performance of the duties of his
office. Moreover, he accepted promotion to a higher grade
and a most confidential trust. Nevertheless it must be ad
mitted that, if anything can ever justify an act like that of
General Jomini, in 1813, it was excused by the refusal of
his promotion, so earnestly solicited by Marshal Ney, for
gallant and meritorious services at the battle of Bautzen,
and by Berthier's unjust treatment, and especially by the
disgrace of arrest and trial on unfounded charges.
On joining the service of the allies, the conduct of Jomini
was in every respect honorable, and proved that he fully ap
preciated the embarrassments of his position. When asked
by the King of Prussia certain questions in regard to the

OF GENERAL JOMINI. 21
position and numbers of the French troops, he politely
declined to answer. The Emperor of Russia, who was
present, justified his refusal, and openly approved his deli
cate sense of honor in regard to the service which he had
just left.
The absurd charge that Jomini conveyed to the allies the
plans of the Emperor, was forever put to rest by Napoleon
himself, in his Autographic Memoirs, dictated at St. Helena.
In commenting upon the "History of the Campaign in
Saxony," where this accusation was repeated, he remarked :
" The author of this book is wrong in charging General
Jomini with having conveyed to the allies the secret of the
operations of the campaign, and the situation of Ney's corps.
That officer did not know the Emperor's plan ; the order of
general movement, which was always sent to each of the
marshals, was not communicated to him, and he did not know
what it was. The Emperor never accused him of the crime
which is here imputed to him. He did not desert his flag
like some others. He had great injustice to complain of, and
was blinded by an honorable sentiment. He was not a
Frenchman, and there was no love of country to retain
him." During the remainder of the campaign of 1813, General
Jomini rendered most valuable service to the Emperor of
Russia, by his opinions in regard to military operations. On
reaching the banks of the Rhine, he advised against the in
vasion of France, and in favor of a treaty of peace, honor
able to both parties ; but Teutonic exaltation at that time
would be satisfied with nothing less than the conquest and
partition of France. Jomini entered France with the
Emperor of Russia, but, on his urgent solicitations, was
permitted to return to Switzerland, and was of great service
to his native country in saving it, through the influence

22 SKETCH OF THE LIFE AND WRiriNGS
of Russia, from the intended conquest and subjugation of
Austria. After the occupation of Paris by the aUies, and the restor
ation of Louis XVlll., General Jomini repaired to Vienna
in a politico-military capacity, as a Russian officer, and as a
representative of his native Canton of Vaud. In these nego
tiations he greatly exerted himself to secure the liberties ot
his native country from the rapacity of Austrian diplomacy.
It was fortunate for Switzerland at this period, that Jomini,
and several other distinguished Swiss, held high positions in
the Russian army, and in the councils of the Emperor, who
used his power and influence to protect their country.
In 1815 he returned to Paris, with the Emperor Alex
ander, where he so warroly opposed the execution of Mar
shal Ney, that it was proposed to strike his name from the
list of Russian generals. This act of the allies is a lasting
disgrace to their character and cause ; and the course pursued
by Jomini, on that occasion, constitutes one of the most
praiseworthy incidents of his history.
After the peace,, Jomini accompanied the Emperor to
Russia, and was promoted to the rank of a general-in-chief,
that is, a general eligible to the command of an army — ^
rank next to that of Marshal in the Russian service, which
no one can there hold, who has not gained a battle. Thus,
Prince Gortschakoff, notwithstanding his brilliant defence of
the Crimea, could not be made a marshal, because he had
won no battle. Jomini successively received the grand crosses
of St. Anne, St. Waldimir, and St. Alexander ; assisted
the Emperor at the Congress of AixJa-Chapelle, in 1818,
and at the Congress of Verona, in 1823 ; was made presi
dent of a committee for organizing the Military Academy ;
and was afterwards charged with preparing plans for fortifying
and defending the frontiers of the empire. On the accession
of Nicholas to the throne, he received many proofs of the

or GENERAL JOMINI. 23
confidence of the new Emperor, was appointed aide-de-camp
general, and charged with directing the military education
of the imperial heir. His health, much broken by his suffer
ings on the Beresina, was too delicate to withstand the rigors
of the climate of St. Petersburg, and he had permission to
apend much of his time in Paris and in the south of Europe
Jomini has two sons and three daughters. His eldest son
was aide-de-camp to Marshal Paskewitz, and afterwards left
the service to reside at Payerne. The second is first Coun
sellor of State in the Department of Foreign Affairs at St.
Petersburg. His eldest daughter is married in Russia, to a
nephew of the Princess Orloff ; the second, to a superior
officer of the French corps of Engineers ; and the third, to
a proprietor on the Loire.

NOTICE OF HIS WEITINGS.
To the foregoing sketch of Jomini's life, we will add a
brief notice of his published works.
After studying the principal authors on the military art,
and comparing their views with those developed by the cam
paigns of Frederick and Napoleon, Jomini made a scientific
analysis of the principles which seemed to lie at the founda
tion of military operations, which resulted, in 1803, in the
preparation of a work entitled a "Treatise on Grand Tactics,"
in which was set forth his views, with abundant illustrations,
from the campaigns of Frederick and of the French Revolu
tion. On reflection, he decided that such a work would not
succeed, and in a fit of dejection, he burned the manuscript
Adopting a new plan for the enunciation of his views, he
drew up his "Traiti des Grandes Operations Militaires"
( " Treatise on Grand Military Operations"), the first two

24 SKETCH OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
volumes of which were pubhshed in 1804. The fifth volume,
including the wars of the French Revolution, was published
in 1806, before the third and fourth volumes, in order to
incite the interest of the readers, by a recital of recent oper
ations. The other volumes were completed in 1810. The
second edition was published in Paris, between 1811 and
1816, in eight volumes. A third edition appeared in 1818,
in three volumes, the author having suppressed the first six
campaigns of the Revolution, in order to include them in his
" History of the Wars of the Revolution," which he was
then preparing. The fourth edition of this work appeared
in 1857, in three volumes, with an atlas.
This is considered by military critics the most important
of all his works, as it embodies the main principles of the
military art, with numerous illustrations drawn from the
campaigns of the great captains of different ages. All suc
ceeding military writers have borne testimony to the great
ability displayed in this work.
In 1811 Jomini began the publication of his " Histoire
Critique et Militaire des Guerres de la Revolution" (" Crit
ical and Military History of the Wars of the Revolution"),
in 15 volumes, with 4 atlases, containing in all 39 plates.
This was a work of immense labor, and in some respects
it formed the basis of most histories of the same period,
which have followed since its publication. The analysis of
campaigns and battles, and the critical discussion of plans
and military operations, render it of great value to military
readers. Its character is scientific, rather than literary, or
historical, and, notwithstanding the great ability displayed
in it, with general readers it is not popular. The narrative
is clear, and the style perspicuous, but the minute details of
scientific discussions, render it somewhat tedious as an his
torical work. The publication was not completed till 1824.
In 1827, Jomini pubUshed his Life of Napoleon, under the

OF GENERAL JOMINI. 25
title of " Vie Politique et Militaire de Napoleon, racontee
par lui-mSme au tribunal de Cesar, d' Alexandre et de
Frederic," in four volumes, with an atlas of 36 plates. Al
though published anonymously, the mihtary character of the
work plainly indicated its author. It is said, that Jomini
originally intended to make it a more complete history of
the Wars of the Empire, as a continuation of his History
of the Revolution. He was deterred from this by several
reasons. In the first place, his position as an old officer of
the French army, and as aide-de-camp to the Emperor of
Russia, rendered it embarrassing to appear as a public critic
of the political and militaiy acts of Napoleon. At least, these
criticisms, whether favorable or unfavorable, would be likely to
involve him in controversies. In the second place, he could not
then have access to official documents, necessary for a full
and elaborate history of Napoleon's wars. An anonymous
publication would enable him to avoid personal controversies,
and to exercise more freedom in the discussion of these great
political events.
The other works of Jomini are his "Tableau Analytique,"
published in 1830; his " Precis de I'Art de la Guerre," pub
lished in 1837, and his Treatise " Sur la Formation des
troupes pour le combat," pubhshed in 1856. His transla
tions, with valuable notes, of Lloyd and TempelhofPs
" History of the Seven Years' War," and the Archduke
Charles' " Principles of Strategy," are standard works among
military readers. In addition to these works, Jomini has
published a number of pamphlets on polemical subjects, and
reviews of the military and historical writings of his cotem-
poraries. In all of these minor publications, he has exhibited
great military knowledge, as well as accurate military criti
cism. As a military historian, Jomini has no equal, at least, not
among the writers who preceded him. And the best of those

26 SKETCH or THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
who have followed Mm, do not hesitate to acknowledge him
as their model and prototype.
The commentaries of Cresar are of no great mihtary value,
for the art of war was then in its infancy, and strategy was
very httle understood, even by those who are now looked
back upon as good generals. In mihtary operations, as in
everything else, strong common sense pointed out the same
plans of operation as would have been decided upon after the
most elaborate scientific discussion. Science tests and ap
proves what genius originates and suggests.
The old military historians, Josephus, Herodotus, Thucy-
dides, Polybius, Sallust, Livy, Tacitus, Plutarch, Arrian,
Machiavelli, Montluc, Brantome, Rohan, Montecuculli, Gus-
tavus Adolphus, Turenne, Cond6, Feuqui^res, Santa Cruz,
Puys6gur, and Frederick, described the events of the wars
without understanding or attempting to point out the
strategic relations of the several movements of the contend
ing armies. Even Guibert, M6nil-Durand, Lloyd, Tem-
pelhoff, Warnery,La Roche Aymon, Bulow, and Dumas, dis
cussed the military operations which they described, in
their relation to tactical movements rather than strategic
combinations. The dictations of Napoleon at St. Helena, Chefs d'oeuvre
in their way, are mere fragmentary discussions of historical
events, grand in conception, but imperfect in execution.
They are valuable studies for experienced generals, but not
easily understood by military students, and a mere dead let
ter to common readers. Napoleon, in criticising Jomini's
works, spoke of him in the most complimentary terms ; and
Jomini, in writing of Napoleon, always held him up as a
model of a great captain. On questions of mihtary science,
they were fully agreed. While Jomini stated his military
problems in scientific language, Napoleon solved them by
practical experience.

OF GENERAL JOMINI. 27
Since the earlier writings of Jomini first appeared, a very
large number of military works have been published, some
of them technical books of professional instruction, and
others of an historical character.
In the first class, we may mention Xylander, Wagner
Decker, Hoyer, Vaientini, the Archduke Charles, Mul-
ler, Bismark, Boutourlin, Okouneff, Clausewitz, Muffling,
Rogniat, Gray de Vernon, Jacquinot de Presle, • Eocquan-
eourt, Ternay, Dufour, Augoyat, Bardin, Ohambray, Bugeaud,
Lallemand, Barre Dupareq, Fallot, Paixhans, Chassaloup,
Jacobi, Piobert, Scharnhorst, Thiroux, Choumara, Birago,
Bousmard, Oarnot, Doxiglas, HaiUot, Carrion-Nisas, Ravichio
de Peretsdorf, Macauley, Noizet, Jebb, Laisne, Zastrow,
Mahan, Saint-Paul, Mangin, Maurice de Sejlon, &c., &c.
In the second class may be mentioned Dumas, Soult,
Suchet, Saint^^yr, Beauvais, Pelet, Koch, Vaudoncourt,
Fey, Napier, Regnier, Marmont, Lamarque, BeUune, Charras,
Thiers, Beimas, Kausler, Ohambray, Savaiy, Segur, Fain,
Sibome, Jones, &c., &c.
Nearly all recent military writers and historians have dis
cussed or criticised the theories and principles set forth in
the works of Jomini. It must not, however, be inferred that
all, or even a majority of Ihese writers, clearly understood
the questions which they discussed, or the principles of the
art which they eritidsed.
Again, Jomini has experienced in his political career much
of the fickleness of popular opinion and popular judgment.
In his native country he was, at one time, the object of un
measured abuse, and, at another, of unbounded praise. In
France, for some years after he went over to the Russian
service, his name was only raentioned with contempt. After
wards, he was not only honored by the French government,
but courted by the hterary and militaiy aavans of the French
metropolis ; and the French army, proud of his record of

28 SKETCH OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
its glorious achievements, claim him as having belonged to
its ranks.
Few men of this century have a more wide-spread, or
well-earned reputation. His works are read and admired by
the soldiers of every country on the continent of Europe,
and probably no other author is as much read and studied in
the British and American armies.
General Jomini is now about eighty-four years of age, but
appears much younger than he really is. At least such was
his condition when the translator saw him in Paris, two or
three years since.
We will close this biographical sketch of the Life and
Writings of General Jomini, with a characteristic anecdote,
which will serve to show his remarkable knowledge of mili
tary strategy, or what the French call, strategic intuition.
Having been summoned to the Imperial head-quarters, at
Mayence, at the beginning of the campaign of Jena, Napo
leon said to him, " I am delighted that the first work which
demonstrates the true principles of war, has appeared in my
reign. No work like yours is taught in our Military schools.
We are going to fight the Prussians. 1 have called you near
me, because you have written on the campaigns of Frederick
the Great, because you know his army, and have studied the
theatre of the war." Jomini asked for four days to get his
horses and equipages from the head-quarters of Marshal
Ney, and added that he would join his Majesty at Bamberg,
"Why at Bamberg?" said the Emperor. "Who told you
that I am going to Bamberg ?" " The map of Germany,
sire." " There are a hundred roads on that map," said
Napoleon. " Yes, sire ; but it is probable that your majesty
will make against the left of the Prussians the same
manoeuvre which was made at Donawerth against the right
of Mack, and by Saint Bernard against the right of Melas."
" Very well," said Napoleon, " go to Bamberg, but don't

OF GENERAL JOMINL 29
say a word about it ; no one should know that I am going
to Bamberg."
The foregoing biographical and bibliographical sketch, is
compiled from Major Lecomte's Life and Writings of Gen
eral Jomini, Le Spectateur Militaire, Liv. 126, December
15th, 1861, and biographical dictionaries.

LIFE

or

NAPOLEON,

PEOLOGFE.

Long had the Elysian Fields resounded with the memora
ble events which marked the beginning of tbe nineteenth cen
tury. The shades of Pitt and Thugut, of Kleber, Moreau
Nelson, Lannes, and the many other heroes slain in battle
had already carried there a thousand different versions of the
combinations to which were attributed so many victories
and so many defeats. The illustrious inhabitants of these
mysterious regions were waiting, with impatience, the arrival
of the extraordinary man who had been the principal mover
in these events, and who alone could explain them.
Already the news of his exile to Saint Helena, and of the
barbarous treatment he received there, gives warning of his
approaching end. Already homicidal Fate seizes her scissors
* * *, inexorable Atropos cannot suffer so noble a victim
to escape. Finally, the fifth of May, 1821, the clear sky of
Elysium is suddenly covered with clouds ; the angry waves
of Acheron, lashed by the unchained winds, give notice of
some extraordinary apparition. AU, with a common senti
ment of interest and curiosity, hasten to the shore. Soon
VOL. I. — 3.

34 PROLOGUE.
the skiff of the sad and silent Charon is seen approaching ; it
carries the shade of Napoleon the * * '' All press for
ward to see him ; Alexander, Caesar, Frederick, are in the
first rank, and they alone have the right of interrogating him.
To the usual felicitations succeed the most weighty questions.
Alexander, who from the mountains of Macedonia pene
trated into India and returned victorious, is astonished at
the retreat from Moscow, and seeks to know the cause.
Coisar, who died invincible, asks an explanation of the dis
asters of Leipsic and Waterloo. Frederick, so great in
reverses, and so measured in his enterprises, wishes an ex
planation of the prompt destruction of his monarchy, and of
its brilliant resurrection in 1813,
Surrounded by this noble Areopagus, Napoleon rephes as
follows : —

CHAPTER I.
FROM THE BIRTH OP NAPOLEON TO HIS APPOINTMENT TO THE
COMMAND OF THE ARMY OF ITALY.
Plan of the Work — Napoleon's Birth and Parentage — Character and Education —
His first Appointment to the Army — France before the Revolution — Summary
of the Events of the Revolution — Events of the 17tb, 20th, and 23d of June,
1789 — Grand Coalition against France — Russia and Poland — War with Aus
tria — The Prussians invade Champagne — The Republic proclaimed — Eetreat
of the Prussians — Invasion -of Belgium — Death of Louis XVI. — War with
Spain, Holland, and England — Dumouriez driven from Belgium — He treats
with the Austrians — Committee of Public Safety — Sieges of Mayence and
Valenciennes — Fall of the Girondists, May 31st — England heads the Coalition
— Affairs of Poland — The Ottoman Porte — Situation of France — Energy of
the Convention — Carnot appointed to the Committee of Public Safety — Decree
for a levee en masse — Eevolutionary Government — ^Eeign of Terror — Faults cf
tbe Allies — They are driven from Prance — Death of Marie Antoinette — Politi
cal Results of the Eevolution — ^Napoleon appointed Chief-of-battalion — His
republican Opinions — Siege of Toulon — ^He is made General of Artillery — Con
quest of Belgium, Holland and the left Bank of the Ehine— Naval Battle of
Ouessant — ^Insurrection in Poland — Fall of Eobespierre — Peace with Eussia
and Spain — Fate of the Royal famUy — Napoleon employed at Paris — New In
surrections — The Quiberon Expedition — Constitution of the Year III. Affair
of the 13th Venderaiaire — Military Operations of 1795 — ^Napoleon's Marriage
to Josephine — His Plan for the Invasion of Italy — Appointed General-in-chief
of the Army of Italy.
Plan of the Work. — 1 will not attempt a complete picture
of the important and complicated events of my reign ; this
immense work can not probably be undertaken till after the
great personages who took part, either for or against me,
have published their memoirs, developed their views; and

36 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CH. I-
explained their actions ; it must, therefore, be left to pos
terity, — to some faithful disciple of the severe Clio. But I
will now give an outline of my most prominent actions, of
my political views, of my military combinations, — ^in a word,
present myself such as I really was. From this it may be
seen how much I have been disfigured by the pagsions and
party spirit of my co temporaries.'*
IVapoleon's Birth, &c. — 1 was born on the 15th of August,
1769,. at Ajaccio, in Corsica ; my parents were noble, — for
tuitous circumstance, to which I attach no importance.
"A captain who renders his country illustriozis, and by his
own merit rebuilds the throne of Charlemagne, has no need
of noble ancestry." The patrician family from which I
sprung,, included in its. number the Gonfalonier Buonaparte
of St. Nicolas, who governed the Republic of Florence to-
wards: the middle of the thirteenth century.
Character and Education. — My career has been so aston
ishing that my admirers have thought to find something
extraordinary even in my infancy. They are mistaken. My
early life indicated nothing at all remarkable. At ten years
of age I was admitted to the school at Brienne, and after
wards, to that of Paris. My early education was what is
usually given in the military schools of Francc.f
1 succeeded in whatever I undertook, because I wished to
do so. My will was strong, and my character decided ; this
has given me an advantage over all others. The nature of
the will depends upon the genius of the individual ; it is
not every one that can be master of himself. If there has
sometimes been an appearance of irresolution in my actions.

* The autlior here acknowledges that he has copied several pages from the
pretended manuscript from St. Helena. It is no plagiarism, but an avowed imi
tation of the original.
f It is worthy of remark, that Wellington, who was bom in the same year
with Napoleon, received his military education at the military school of Angers
in Prance, about the same time that Napoleon was a pupil at Paris.

Ch. I] H I S E A R L T H I S T 0 R T . 37
it did not proceed from any indecision of character, but it
was because my strong imagination presented to me, with
the rapidity of lightning, all the various phases of the
subject. At school 1 appUed myself to studies that 1
thought might be most useful to me, particularly to history
and mathematics ; the former develops genius, and the latter
regulates its action. My intellectual faculties expanded
without much effort ; my conception was quick and lively,
my memory strong, my judgment cool and decided. 1
thought quicker than others, so that 1 had always time for
reflection. In this consisted my depth. My mind was too
active to be amused with the ordinary diversions of youth.
But 1 did not, as some have asserted, entirely avoid these
juvenile recreations, though 1 generally found something else
to interest me. This disposition often left me to Ihe solitude
of my own thoughts, and at length grew into a habit, which
continued through all the vicissitudes of my life.
First Appointment to the Army.— Being destined to the
military service, I received the commission of lieutenant of
artillery four years before the Revolution. I have never
received any title with so much interest as I did this. It was
then the height of my ambition to wear, at some future day,
two epaulettes a, bouillons, and a general of artillery appeared
to me the ne plus ultra of human greatness. But if I was
not ambitious of power, I was already avaricious of re
nown ; for I conceived the idea of writing a history of the
war sustained by Corsica for her independence. I proposed
this to Paoli, asking him for the necessary information.
Probably, a historian of eighteen years of age, did not in
spire him with much confidence, and he paid no attention to
the proposition. My mortification at this result was soon
indemnified by my promotion to the captaincy of a company.
This was in 1789. When the Eevolution broke out, my
sphere of action seemed to enlarge. It would be superfluous

38 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. L
to speak here of the impression first made on me by this
great catastrophe ; but for the better understanding of the
course 1 afterwards pursued, it may not be amiss to give a
simple simimary of the events which preceded my promotion
to tbe command of the army of Italy.
France before the Revolution. — No reign ever commenced
under such happy auspices as that of the virtuous Louis XVI.
Ten years after the ridiculous war of 1756-63, France, by
means of her alliances with Austria, Piedmont, Naples, and
Spain, held the balance of power on the continent, entirely
controlled the Mediterranean, and disputed with the English
the supremacy of the ocean. And every thing seemed to
promise that, profiting by these close alliances with the half
of Europe, she would soon obtain the first rank upon the
seas. Her only rival here was England. The alarm has been
sounded throughout Europe against my ambition ; but my
relative power was never so formidable as that of Louis
XVI. 1 occupied more territory, it is true, but this occu
pation was a hostile one, since it was contested by the half
of Europe, and even by a part of the people I had con
quered ; whereas, under Louis XVI., these same people were
voluntarily the allies of France.
Coup d'eeil of the Revolution.— The glorious war in Ame
rica was the first result of this happy position of France ;
and most probably we should have broken the maritime
sceptre of England, had it not been for the unskillfulness of
our octogenarian prime-minister (Maurepas,) who knew bet
ter how to make puns and madrigals on naval battles, than
to dhect affairs of state. But, in spite of our faults, Eng
land lost her fine American provinces, and was on the point
of also losing the Antilles. Unfortunately this war produced
results which no one could anticipate. It occasioned debts
and to pay these, it was necessary to include as taxable
property, the immense wealth of the noblesse and clergy.

Ch. L] HISEAELYHISTOR-fc. 39
The ministry dared to advise this, but the clergy and nobility
refused to submit. Thus, by their own egotism, these noted
defenders of the altar and the throne, sapped the foundation
of that throne for which they pretended so much devotion.
M. Vergennes died at this time, and his successors permitted
the English party to get the better of us in Holland, and
lost all the advantages of our connection with Austria, by re
jecting the projects of Joseph II., and inducing him to form
an alliance with Russia. These two errors destroyed all the
influence which we had acquired in Europe, through the
policy of Choiseul, and the feeble ministry made itself
despicable both at home and abroad. The financial embar
rassments growing worse, it was thought necessary to have
recourse to the States-general. Here were opposed the aris
tocratic classes, who were blinded by their privileges, and a
tiers-etat, who asked the abolition, or at least a modification,
of these privileges. From the clash of these interests,
which ought to have been avoided, sprung the Revolution.
Feudal rights could not be sustained against a tiers-etat as
rich and enlightened as that of France, at the close of the
eighteenth century. For twenty years, the Revolution had
existed in all minds ; in the magistracy, in the nobility, in
the army ; even in the court itself The government had
become the target for all wounded vanities, and petty ambi
tions ; some opposed to it the aristocratic pride of the
Fronde ; others, the democratic pretensions of the Niveleurs.
But had it been in wise and able hands, this effervescence of
heads could never have effected a revolution. The political
horizon of France was covered with inflammable materials
which should have been carefully guarded from the slightest
incendiary spark ; government, on the contrary, itself ap
plied the match. It brought together the opposing parties,
and provoked them to a contest. It mortified the noblesse,
irritated the people, disputed with the magistrates, humii-

40 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. I.
iated the army, and, to cap the climax of folly, ordered the
troops to allow themselves to be maltreated by the popu
lace !
When great public interests are at stake, and a revolution
becomes inevitable, a skillful chief should place himself at
its head, sacrifice his own life, rather than suffer it to pass
certain limits. Revolutions spring from opinions of interests.
When interests founded on justice and reason are properly
satisfied, opinions become calm of themselves, (if we except
religious opinions). But such were not the measures pursued
by the ministry of Louis XVl. Opposed by the magistrates
and the nobility, it fell into the hands of Necker, who, to
form a party for himself, doubled the representative power
of the tiers-etat. This measure was a good one, but the
mode of executing it dangerous. The court divided itself
into two parties, forming two governments ; the one for
Necker and reform, and the other opposing both. States-
general, assembled with the duplication of the tiers-etat, and
vote per capita in a single assembly, could not fail to pro
duce the most fatal results.
Decisive Events of the 17th, 20th, and 23d of June, 1789.—
The three orders were to vote separately ; the tiers-etat in
sisted upon their all voting together and by head, because,
being now the most numerous body, this would give them a
decided advantage over the others. The noblesse and clergy
refused, the tiers-Hat constituted themselves, on the seven
teenth of June, the National Assembly. Their place of
sitting was closed against them on the twentieth ; they as
sembled in the Jeu-de-Paume, or Tennis court, and took an
oath not to separate till they had given a constitution to
France. This was the turning point of the Revolution. The
King should have dissolved this body, which had now con
stituted itself the government, in violation of all the laws
of the kingdom. If anything could have prevented the

Ch. L] HISEARLYHISTORY. 41
Revolution, it was this measure, executed with firmness, and
accompanied with just and necessary reforms. His design
was a good one, but he had not the courage to execute it.
On the twenty-third, Louis XVI. goes in person to the
Assembly, declares it illegal, and, while making some con
cessions, orders the deputies to dissolve. The King with
draws, but the deputies do not obey him. The grand-master
of ceremonies summons them to leave the chamber. Mira-
beau declares that they will leave only when driven out at
the point of the bayonet. Instead of forcing obedience, the
King permits them to remain, and even orders the clergy and
nobility to join them. To Necker, who advised this meas
ure, must be attributed all the evils resulting from it.
Many absurd things have been said about the influence of
" philosophers and philosophy," in producing the Eevolu
tion. If Louis XVI. had taken Mirabeau at his word, it is
probable that the States-general had gone home, like their
predecessors, and all the Voltaires in the world could not
have changed the face of France. But the Eevolution was
consummated the moment the throne trusted itself in the
hands of an Assembly ruled by ambitious demagogues.
Mirabeau, Sieyes, and the leaders of the Assembly, escaping
the punishment due to state criminals, had only to demolish
stone after stone, the monarchical edifice ; for them, there
was no retreat ; they must conquer or die, and they con
quered the more easily, as they undertook everything in the
name of the government whose authority they had usurped,
and by the hands of a mob which they had armed in all the
forms of legality.
Too much importance has been attributed, by those who
mistake the effect for the cause, to the action of the people
in this Eevolution. A revolution is soon consummated ; it
continues but a few days. The mass of the people gradually
adopt its measures in proportion as the factions are crowned

42 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. L
with success, and menaces from abroad render desperate the
situation of the insurrectionary leaders, and force them to
unchain the furies of demagogism. If I had been a minister
of Louis X VI., the Revolution would have terminated on the
tiventy-third of June, 1789. With the same hand that over-
threio the enemies of the throne, I would have restored right
and justice to the nation.
Victorious in the events of the seventeenth and the twenty-
third of June, the chiefs of the tiers-etat had little difficulty
in effecting the victory of July fourteenth. They were sup
ported by a powerful army of National Guards, and, in a
short time, by the troops of the line. Thus far, no great
evil had been produced ; on the contrary, the substitution of
a national government, in the place of a system of court-
favoritism, might have effected much good. But unfortu
nately, the popular leaders now attempted to consolidate
their own power, by reducing the royal authority to a mere
shadow. This was the great fault which overthrew the state-
edifice. There was more reason in attacking the prerogatives
of the clergy and noblesse. These classes resisted, but were
overthrown by the mass of the people ; in this struggle they
lost much that really belonged to them, but instead of trust
ing to time, for a restoration of just rights, they imprudently
called in foreign aid, and thus denationalized their cause.
It being rumored that the court was collecting some of its
faithful regiments at Versailles, the revolutionary leaders,
fearing that the king might escape their power, determined to
remove him to Paris, and place him in a situation dependent
on the populace. To secure this object, the insurrections of
the fifth and sixth of October were incited. Lafayette, at
the head of 20,000 National Guards, repaired to Versailles,
and the disgraceful excesses committed in the palace cast a
stigma upon the character of the Eevolution. The King
was escorted from Versailles to the Tuileries, by Lafayette,

Ch.1.] HIS EAELT HISTORY. 43
who was there directed to guard his person ; for the French
guards belonged to the factions, and the body-guards were
discharged, so that his guard was reduced to a single regi
ment of Swiss.
The members of the Assembly, for the better attainment
of their object, forbade any interference of the crown in the
discussions upon the constitution, limiting it to the simple
power of Veto. This unfortunate word was borrowed from
the Polish Diets, and it is astonishing that the legislators of
France had derived so little wisdom from the lessons of his
tory. The Veto power was different in the two cases, but it
led to the same result — the subjugation of the crown to the
tyranny of factions. During all these discussions, the good
King, Louis XVI., remained at the Tuileries, a passive spec
tator of events — more like a criminal than a sovereign. Per
suaded by the solicitations of the emigres to join the foreign
coalition, he fled from Paris, in April, 1791 ; but, with his
queen and children, was arrested at Varennes ; Bouille
offered to rescue him, but the vacillating monarch preferred
being led back captive to Paris ; he returned to the Tuileries
a prisoner, his royal authority being previously suspended.
His departure was an error, and his return a calamity.
Having taken the first false step, the Assembly continued
to wander further and further from the path of wise legisla
tion. It formed the Jacobin clubs, and allowed their con
tinuance after they were evidently dangerous to public tran
quillity. When these took the helm of government, the
throne was lost. With great disinterestedness, the Assembly
declared its members ineligible to a re-election. This abne
gation was worthy of Spartans, but was the height of folly.
If eight hundred of the most influential men of France were
disfranchised from exercising all public functions, their suc
cessors could be found only in the lowest ranks. Against the
formal attacks of the new Legislative Assembly upon the

44 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. I,
throne, were arrayed the coalition and Coblentz ; the one to
maintain the throne, and the other to profit by its ruin.
France was invaded. The revolutionary leaders responded by
the cry of vengeance and death.
Grand Coalition against France. — The origin of the grand
coalition against France, is still somewhat doubtful, though
it is supposed to have begun in the conferences of the Em
peror Leopold, and the Count d'Artois, at Mantua. At first
it was thought best to resort to an intervention of the princes
allied to the royal family, that is, of Spain, Sardinia, and
Austria. The Emperor Leopold proposed a Congress of
Nations ; but the Assembly, influenced by patriotic pride, or
perhaps, yielding to a mere temporary effervescence, declared
any Frenchman, who should consent to submit the laws of
France to the decision of a foreign Congress, to be a traitor
to his country. It was afterwards proposed to place Gustavus
111., King of Sweden, at the head of the coalition, because,
having received assistance from Louis XV. to rescue him
from the usurped power of the Senate of Stockholm, he
would be the most suitable person to render the same disin
terested service to Louis XVI. But, Gustavus having been
assassinated, Frederick William, of Prussia, for some unac
countable reason, was placed at the head of the league. It
would be difficult to explain why this monarch should wish
to interfere in the internal affairs of France. England, of
course, was enchanted at the embarrassment of her neighbor
for the greater the internal difficulties of France, the greater
the advantages which she could derive from them. Eussia
also, rejoiced at this state of affairs, for it left her at liberty
to pursue her aggrandizements in other quarters. She ex
pressed a lively interest in the success of the league, but took
good care not to appear in the affairs of the west, till she had
consummated the partition in Poland.

Ch- L] HISEARLYHISTORY. 45
Russia and Poland.— Towards that partition, Catharine*
now directed all her pohcy. The reformers in Poland acted
upon principles the reverse of those in Paris. Instead of weak
ening the power of the throne which was proclaimed, on the
third of May, 1791, hereditary in the House of Saxony, they
endeavored to give it that importance which alone could effect
its preservation. Those very powers who opposed France for
weakening the influence of the crown, attacked Poland for
endeavoring to increase it ; a contradiction that proves in
terest to have been the basis of all their actions. Some of
the factious nobility, under pretense of securing the pub
lic liberty, formed a league, at Targowitz, and implored the
intervention of Catharine ; guaranteeing the constitution of
1775, she marched an army into Poland for the ostensible
purpose of sustaining the constitution, but in reality, to get
possession of the important places of the kingdom. The
Poles solicited the assistance of Prussia, and Frederick Wil
liam marched his troops to Thorn and Posen, in order to
get these places into his own possession. The wisdom of the
confederates of Targowitz may well rival that of the coun
cillors of Louis XVl !
War with Austria.— The National Assembly, certain of a
general preparation to invade France, determined to take the
initiative. It had many friends in Belgium, where the Aus
trian yoke had created insurrection, under Joseph II, Ex
planations were demanded of Austria for her great armaments,
* Catharine II., Empress of Russia, was born at Stettin, in 1729. Her father
was a Prussian field-marshal. She was married in 1745, to Peter, the nephew
of the Empress Elizabeth, whose successor he became in 1761. Peter III., soon
became estranged from his wife, on account of her infamous conduct, but Catha
rine consoled herself with a variety of lovers. A conspiracy, headed by one of
her favorites, Orloff, resulted ia the death of Peter in prison. Catharine con
tinued to reign till 1792, when she died of apoplexy. " With all the weakness
of her sex, and with a love of pleasure carried to licentiousness, she combined
the firmness and talent becoming a powerful sovereign. She favored distin
guished authors, and affected great partiality for the French philosophers."

46 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. I.
but she replied only by menaces. Dumouriez, the Minister
of Foreign Affairs, returned these menaces by a declaration of
war, and the invasion of the Netherlands ; but our armies
were betrayed, and defeated by a handful of Germans under
Beaulieu, in April, 1792.
The Prussians invade Champagne. — Three months after
this, the Duke of Brunswick, at the head of 60,000 Prus
sians, and 10,000 emigres, and preceded by a proclamation,
threatening with fire and sword all who should oppose him,
set out from Coblentz, and entered Champagne by Thionville.
To facilitate the march of this army, the ministers of Louis
XVL, had stripped this frontier of its garrisons, and scattered
our soldiers upon the Ehine and the Scheldt. Mallet-Dupan
was the agent of the Court for arranging with the enemy the
march of the allied armies, and Bertrand de Moleville, then
Minister of the Navy, has had the assurance to boast of it ;
a fact not to be forgotten in history.
The Republic Proclaimed.— The allied armies advanced to
the gates of Verdun, and entered that town without opposi
tion. But the manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick, pro
duced results very different from what was expected ; in
Paris it was answered by the terrible insurrection of August
tenth ; the throne was destroyed ; the provisionary council
established ; the King shut up in the Temple ; the Ecpublic
proclaimed, and a national convention convoked to form a
charter. The Jacobins elect to this new Assembly their
most violent partisans : placed between the armies of Eu
rope and the scaffold, these demagogues plunge deeper and
deeper into anarchy ; they remove all restraints from the
populace, and utterly destroy all social order.
Retreat of the Prussians. — But on the other hand, a noble
love of country infiames all generous hearts. Indignant at
the menaces of a handful of Prussians, 60,000 volunteers
rush to Champagne, whither the provisionary executive coun-

Ch. 1] HISEARLYHISTORY. 47
cil sends Dumouriez with the army of Sedan, Kellerman
with that of Metz, and BeurnonvUle with that of the North.
These forces concentrate in the defile of Argonne, which
now becomes the Thermopylae of France. The Prussians in
attempting to turn us, are themselves divided, and forced to
retreat without scarcely drawing a sword. Custine, depart
ing from Landau, takes possession of Mayence in their rear,
and advances u[)on the Lahn, threatening to destroy the only
bridge, that of Coblentz, and thus cut off their retreat. This
success saves Lille, whose heroic citizens have bravely sus
tained a most terrible bombardment.
Invasion of Belgium.- Dumouriez, having thus rid himself
of the Prussians, instead of descending tbe Meuse with his
60,000 men, and cutting off the Austrians in the Nether
lands, deliberately advances from Verdun to Valenciennes to
attack their line of retreat. Clairfayt and Beaulieu effect
their escape, by no other miracle than th* stupidity of
Dumouriez. Our armies are no less successful in the Alps ;
Savoy, and the Comt6 of Nice, are conquered after a sem
blance of assistance on the part of the Piedmontese. Of all
our operations, the ill-directed expedition against the Island
of Sardinia is the only failure.
Death of Louis XVI. — The victories of Valmy and Jem-
mapes, and the conquest of Belgium, completely turned the
heads of the Jacobins ; the fatal act of the twenty-first of
January, was consummated. By destroying a virtuous, but
feeble King, they thought to shake off forever the yoke of
monarchy, as if the royal victim could have no successors.
His death was not only a crime, but a great error ; the very
terms of the constitution forbade his execution ; and, even
had he deserved capital punishment, our political and mari
time relations with Spain should have caused his life to be
spared. But the factious Assembly was incapable of taking

48 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. L
any common-sense view of the diplomatic relations of the
country. War with Spain, Holland, and England.— The execution
of Louis XVl. could not fail to shatter the very foundations
of our political relations. France, recently so brilliantly
allied, is put under the ban of all Europe. The Court of
Spain, which has heretofore avoided all interference in the
war against us, now joins it with the indignant cry of ven
geance. Naples and Holland follow her example. The blind
demagogues of the Gironde, in their noisy vociferations
against the tyrants of Vienna, Berlin, and Madrid, pretend
that they can easily overcome them, since England, the
natural friend of freedom, will lend her assistance to the
free people of France ! Pitt answers these absurdities by
congratulating England, in full Parliament, on the prosperity
and greatness that his country is to derive from the internal
embarrassments of France ! He takes no part in the first
campaign of 1792 ; remains a passive spectator of the tenth
of August and the twenty-first of January, and allows the
throne to be destroyed, and the unfortunate monarch to be
executed ; he waits for the quarrel to take a political turn,
which very soon occurs. The French having invaded the
states of Sardinia "and Belgium, and having proclaimed the
freedom of the Scheldt, England feigns to join the coalition,
merely to guaranty the treaty of Utrecht and as the ally of
Holland ; but she has lost nothing by this delay, and she
soon becomes the head of the war.
Dumouriez driven from Belgium. — At the beginning of
1793, affairs take a different turn ; Dumouriez leaves the
Austrians on the Eoer, near Juliers, when within ten leagues
of the Ehine, and commits the still more ridiculous fault of
invading Holland, with these forces still on his right and on
his communications ; he dreams of establishing a rejiublic or
a kingdom in the Netherlands, by means of which he can

Ch. I.] HISEARLYHISTORY. 49
return to Paris, and dictate laws to the Jacobins. He
imagines that England and Prussia, intimate allies of the
House of Orange, will permit the expulsion of the Stadt-
holder ; that he can create his Batavia, in spite of the reign
ing sovereign, in spite of France, and even in spite of the
coalition ! This project forcibly reminds one of the Tales of
the Thousand-and-one-Nights. Many think the project a
mere invention of Dumouriez after his emigration, and that
the threatened invasion of Holland was made by order of the
council to support the negotiation of Maret, and to induce
England to formally recognize the French Eepublio. Be
this as it may, Dumouriez is soon punished for the wild
scheme. The Austrians fall upon his right towards Aix-la-
Chapelle and Liege ; he returns in haste to fight the battle
of Nerwinde ; his army reach Valenciennes in great dis
order ; his expeditionary corps is exceedingly fortunate in
escaping to Antwerp, even at the sacrifice of the garrisons
left to guard his chimerical conquests.
Treats with the Austrians. — Invectives are thundered
against him from the tribune of the Convention. To save
himself, he treats with the Prince of Coburg, and threatens
to return to Paris at the head of his army. The four depu
ties, and the Minister Beurnonville, sent to investigate his
affairs, are arrested and turned over to the Austrians. His
soldiers refuse to obey him, and even attempt to place their
general in arrest ; they fire upon his escort, and drive him
into the Scheldt near Cond6, where he joins Coburg. Ex
posed to the hatred of both parties, he afterwards retired to
London, and published his military plans, which have be
come an object of ridicule for all posterity. Dumouriez
was, nevertheless, a man of resource and considerable talent.
Committee of Public Safety. — The occasion of danger to
France is seized upon by the Jacobin chiefs to establish a
Committee of Public Safety, and to invest it with dictatorial
VOL. I. — 4.

50 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. L
power. Robespierre and Danton are the leaders of this new
movement, AUies lay Si^e to Mayence and Valenciennes. — While
the events just related were taking place on the Meuse, the
King of Prussia crossed the Rhine with strong reinforce
ments, gave battle to Custine, and laid siege to Mayence,
which is heroically defended by Kleber, Meunier, and Aubert
Dubayet. The Duke of York and the Prince of Coburg,
profiting by the flight of Dumouriez, besieged Conde, Dam-
pierre, in attempting to succor it, is defeated and slain. The
allies force the camp of Famars, and lay siege to Valenciennes.
At the South the Spaniards under Eiccardos invade Eous-
sillon, and the Sardinians enter Savoy ; the interior is
¦equally disturbed ; the immense military requisitions become
the pretext for a formidable insurrection in La Vend6e, and
i60,000 royalists in arms collect at Nantes and Augers.
Fall of the Girondists. — Danger rather exasperates than
frightens the Jacobins. In their eyes moderation becomes
treason, and the Girondists, whose brilliant Utopian theories
.overturned the throne, are treated as royalists. On the
thirty-first of May the Convention is decimated, and those
•eloquent declaimers, who have been mistaken for statemen,
^expiate upon the scaffold the crime of having been too sin
cerely attached to vain theories. Eobespierre, Danton,
Marat, and the populace, think themselves the masters of
France ; but France does not acknowledge their dictation.
England heads the Coalition. — During these violent and
frantic operations of the Jacobins, England pursues, with
firm and measured steps, the path marked out by her pro
found pohcy. Not satisfied with having Eussia, Spain, and
Holland as her allies, and forcing, with the squadrons of
-Catharine, Sweden and Denmark to renounce their neutral
rights, she sweeps the Mediterranean with the squadrons of
(Charles IV., and takes into her pay the troops of all powers

Ch. I.] HISEARLYHISTORY. 51
which will barter their soldiers for money ; thus using the
spoils stripped from the Nabobs of Mysore, to make flow
rivers of Eui-opean blood 1 This same government, that the
foolish Brissot declared some months before, as the surest
support of the French constitution, and that Dumouriez
wished to make the arbiter of order in France, had become
the head of the coalition against us. Its emissaries were
every where preaching crusades against France, with as much
fervor as the inspired monks of the middle ages. On the
fourteenth of July, at the camp of Mayence, Lord Beau-
champ and Luchesini signed a treaty of close alliance be
tween England and Prussia ; a treaty of subsidy had already,
in April, been negotiated by Lord Elgin with Hesse, for eight
thousand men. Lord Yarmouth negotiated a new treaty
with Hesse-Cassel on the twenty-third of August, for four
thousand men, another with Hesse-Darmstadt on tbe fifth
of October, for three thousand men, and soon afterwards a
fourth, with the Grand-duke of Baden. Lord Grenville
had concluded a still more important treaty, on the twenty-
fifth of April, with the Count de Front, the Sardinian min
ister, by which Sardinia, for the annual payment of five
millions, agreed to keep a standing army of fifty thousand
men ; on the thirtieth of August, the same English minister
formed a treaty of an alliance with the Court of Austria ; Lord
St. Helens concluded one with Godoy, Duke of Algudia,
and minister of Spain, on the twenty-fifth of May ; Lord
Aukland with the Stadtholder, and Chevalier Hamilton
with Naples, on the twelfth of July, If we add to these
treaties the intrigues of Hervey, at Leghorn, of Drake, at
Genoa, of Hayles, at Copenhagen, and of Fitzgerald, in
Switzerland, we may form some conception of the astonish
ing activity of the English diplomatic corps, the sophistry
of the French government since 1790, and the incalculable
danger to which a nation is exposed when its foreign interests

52 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. 1
are intrusted to a tumultuous assembly. Thus England,
holding all the threads of this immense web, managed the
affairs of Europe to suit her own will, gave and took away
provinces, and even directed the military operations of the
other powers by her accredited agents at the different head
quarters. To this skilful preparation the Convention opposed
its formidable energy, and the ridiculous decree of Septem
ber seventh, proclaiming Pitt the enemy of the human race !
Affairs of Poland. — We will now direct our attention to
the affairs of Poland. Kaminieck, the last and principal
strong-hold of the Polish patriots, was surrendered to the
Eussians, on the second of May, with two hundred pieces of
cannon. The southern provinces then gave in their submis
sion, and twelve thousand men swore allegiance to Catharine.
This event, and the dispersion of the rest of the army, left
no chance for successful resistance. Taking advantage of the
factions of the Polish Diet to punish Poland for the domina
tion of the Jagellons at Moscow, and the threats made
during her recent war in Turkey, Catharine prevented the
reestablishment of a rival power on her borders by a second
partition of the country. While we regret the fate of this
brave and patriotic people, we can not fail to admire the per
severance with which the Czarina pursued her objects, and the
skill with which she profited by the dissensions of the Poles
to increase her own power and territory.
Of the Ottoman Porte. — The Ottoman Porte, through the
influence of the coalition, and the emigres, had hesitated, at
the close of 1792, to recognize the French Eepublic. Semon-
ville was sent as ambassador to endeavor to restore our friendly
relations with that ancient ally. To reach his destination, it
was necessary for this minister to go by Venice, crossing Swit
zerland and the Valteline. Maret was sent at the same time
to the Court of Naples, to treat for the liberty of Marie-
Antoinette, and her retention as a hostage of peace. These

Oh. I.] HIS EARLY HISTORY- 53
two diplomatic agents took the road to Coire together ; but
the government of the Grisons, influenced by the Salis and
the Court of Austria, arrested them on lake Maggiore, and,
in violation of the law of nations, delivered them to the im
perialists, who cast them into the prisons of Mantua, for no
other reason than their attachment to republican doctrines.
The Barbary powers, influenced by the example of the
Grand Seigneur, and the instigations of the English, refused
to have any relations with the new Eepublic.
Situation of France. — If the political situation of France
at this moment seems desperate, her military affairs are no
less discouraging. From the Alps to the Pyrenees, from the
Ehine to the Ocean, from the Ehone to the banks of the
Loire, the tri-colored flag is driven back before the numerous
but ill-directed hosts of its enemies. Beauharnais, directed
to raise the siege of Mayence, arrives too late to prevent its
surrender. Custine refuses to risk a battle to save Valen
ciennes, because his army is composed of recruits. These
generals, accused of a want of energy, are led to the scaf
fold.* But their execution does not prevent Mayence and
Valenciennes from falling before the combined attacks of
* Viscount Alexander Beauiiarnais, bom in 1760, at Martinique, served with
distinction as major, in the French forces under Rochambeau, which aided the
United States in their Eevolutionary War. At the breakicg out of the French
Eevolution, he was chosen a member of the National Assembly, of which he
was for some time President. In 1793, he was general of the army of
the Rhine, and afterwards Minister of War. His restoration to military
command led to his death. He was the first husband of Josephine Tascher de
la Tagerie, who was afterwards Empress of the French. The Marquis Francis
de Beauharnais, elder brother of the general, sided with the Bourbons, and
joined the army of Conde to fight against the armies of the Republic. He was
recalled from banishment by Napoleon, who made him Senator, and afterwards
ambassador to Spain. He died at Paris, in 1819.
Count Adam Philip Custine, was bom, at Metz, in 1740. He served in the
Seven Years War, and afterwards in America, aiding us in our Eevolutionary
War. He held several important commands in the earlier wars of the French
Revolution, but was guillotined under the false charge of treason. — Encyclopedia
Americana,

54 LIFE OFNAPOLEON. [Ch. 1
Austria, Prussia, England, and Holland. Bellegrade surren
ders to the Spanish ; La Vendue is on fire, and sixty thou
sand victorious royahsts threaten the Convention in its own
bloody halls. Opposition to the demagogues of the Conven
tion arms Bordeaux, Lyons, Marseilles, and Caen. The
Austro-Sardinian forces cross the Alps and offer aid to these
insurgents. The rest of France, instead of sustaining the
Convention, seems ready to throw off its yoke. The army,
everywhere inferior to the enemy in numbers, without disci
pline, and commanded by unskillful chiefs, is upon the point
of dissolution ; and, as a climax to our misfortunes, our
colonies are lost. No government was ever in a more
frightful position ; never was a nation nearer the brink of
ruin. Energy of the Convention. — But while every human prob
ability seemed to indicate the speedy fall of France, the
energy and rage of the Convention increased with every new
defeat and every new danger ; and the recent partition of
Poland, by showing to the French what might be the fate of
their own country, produced a still more miraculous effect
than the Brunswick proclamation during the preceding cam
paign. The horrible atrocities of the Eeign of Terror, the
fear of seeing France humiliated and dismembered, and the
powerful motives of patriotism, honor, and independence, all
combined to. produce the immense results of this campaign.
The character of the war was entirely changed. The rights
of the noblesse, the counter-revolution, and the royal preroga
tive were no longer the motives of the coalition ; nor were
the rights of the tiers-etat the moving power with the repub
licans. The kings saw anarchy overthrowing all their thrones ;
the Jacobins saw safety only in anarchy ; the former trem
bled at the fate of Louis XVl. ; the latter, at the retributive
justice of the blood of their slaughtered victims ; the
sovereigns saw the revolutionary axe suspended over their

Ch. I.] HIS EARLY HISTORY. 55
heads, like the sword of Damocles ; the chiefs of the Mountain
could see no escape from the scaffold, but in the ruins with
which they covered the soil of France.
The long siege and bombardment of Valenciennes seemed
to depress the energy of the Allies, while it animated the
courage of the French Four months had elapsed since the
flight of Dumouriez, and still the republican soil, left de
fenceless by his defection, was scarcely touched. If the over
throw of one of the frontier barriers cost so much toil, when
could the Allies expect to reach Paris ! The influence of
these fortified places, in retarding the operations of the
enemy, was well understood by military men, like Carnot,
Prieur, Dubois-Crance, and even those who were unac
quainted with the principles of the military art, derived hope
from reading the numerous memoirs deposited in the archives
of the War Office, on the great efforts which the taking of
Lille and Landrecies had cost Eugene and Marlborough. The
Allies had now no commander like these great captains, but
the French nation, more vigorous than when under the domi
nation of a weak king, only wanted time to display its
superior means of defense. Thus, by a mixture of energy,
national honor, and the desire of self-preservation, the most
intelligent members of the Convention retained some hope
of success, and they resolved, either to save themselves with
the Eepublic, or to be buried beneath its ruins. Neverthe
less, the fall of the first two frontier barriers, the evacuation
of the Camp of Csesar, and the approach of the Austrians
to the gates of Saint-Quentin, soon proved to them that
danger was more imminent than was at first supposed.
Barrere declared that unless Paris should a second time
strike the enemy before Cambray, the country would be lost !;
Danton carried a decree of death against any solditr who
should desert his flag. To avoid the chances of defeat at
the new election, and to perpetuate their own power, the

56 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. I.
Jacobins obtained the suspension of the charter, and estab
lished a revolutionary government in its place.
Carnot a Member of the Committee of Public Safety. —
Seeing the necessity of having, at this crisis, the services of
men familiar with military affairs, they added on the four
teenth of August, Carnot and Prieur to the Committee of
Public Safety. On the same day, the Convention, on
Barrere's motion, made the following proclamation to the
French people, — a singular compound of bad language and
powerful thought.
" To arms. Frenchmen ! at the moment when a people of
friends and brothers are locked in each other's embraces, the
despots of Europe violate your property and lay waste your
frontiers. To arms ! To arms ! ! To arms 1 ! ! Liberty
calls for the aid of all who have just now sworn to defend
her. A second time, tj'rants and slaves trample upon the
soil of a sovereign people. The first time, one half of their
sacrilegious armies here found a tomb ; now, let them all
perish ; let their bones whiten on our plains ; let them serve
as trophies on battle-fields made fertile with their blood.
To arms. Frenchmen ! cover yourselves with glory the most
resplendent, in defending that adored liberty whose first
tranquil days will scatter over you, and the generations of
your descendants, the germs of wealth and prosperity."
But these proclamations and decrees produced very little
effect. Danger daily increased ; civil war assumed a more
sinister aspect ; the authority of the Convention was re
cognized in scarcely a third of France, and even this por
tion was exhausted by its former efforts. The leaders, in
their despair, resorted to the most frightful system of
terror. Decree for a Lcvee-en-Masse. — On the twenty-third of
August, Barrere ascended the tribune, and proposed the
decree of a levee-en-masse of the whole French people. This,

Ch. I] HISEARLYHISTORY. 57
he said, was the only means that could save the country ;
having eloquently addressed the Convention on the insuffi
ciency of ordinary measures, in a time of such great danger,
he presented the decree in the following words : —
" Until the enemies of the Eepublic be driven from the
territory of France, every citizen shall be in permanent
requisition for military service. The young men will march
to the battle field ; the married men will forge arms, and
transport military munitions ; the women will make tents
and clothes for the soldiers, and attend the sick in hospitals ;
the hands of children will be employed in making lint for
the wounded ; and the aged, imitating the example of
ancient virtue, will cause themselves to be carried into the
public places to animate the courage of the warriors, to incul
cate hatred to kings, and the unity of the Eepublic. Let the
national edifices be converted into barracks, the public
squares into work-shops, the cellars into manufactories of
saltpetre ; let the artillery and musketry be used exclusively
against the enemy ; the fowling-pieces, swords, and pikes
will suffice for the service of the interior ; let the saddle-
horses be furnished for cavalry, the draught-horses for the
artillery and provision trains. No man can be replaced in
the service for which he is required. Daily will the artist
labor at the public work-shops, and the citizen do duty at
the head-quarters of his district ; every public functionary
will be at his post. The Committee of Public Safety will
prepare all things for defense, and place at the disposal of
the Minister of War the sum of thirty millions. The levy
shall be general, and the organized battalion of each district
will inscribe on its banner -.—The French people in arms
against tyrants."
Revolutionary Government. — The decree was voted with
universal acclamation. Five days afterwards, the constitu
tion of the twenty-fourth of June was suspended, and the

58 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. I
Eevolutionary Government established in its stead. At this
crisis amved the news of the surrender of Toulon to the
English and Spaniards. The loss of a place of such vast im
portance in a maritime, military, and political view, com
manding the communications of the royalists of the Ehone,
and serving as a base of operations for the allied armies,
caused the greatest alarm.
SystCEi of Terror. — But the revolutionary energy increases
with national disasters. The commune of Paris, directed by '
Chaumette and instigated by the leaders of the Committee,
demands a revolutionary army and twelve revolutionary tribu
nals with full powers. Barrere proposes these measures in
the name of the Committee of Public Safety ; and Danton
moves that the sum of a hundred millions be placed at the
disposal of the Minister of War. These motions are passed
into laws, and they announce to the French people that the
only means of escaping the revolutionary axe is to fly to the
frontiers. Honor can be found only beneath the military
uniform, and safety from the guillotine only in the battle
field. Fear of the revolutionary army increases the national
forces, and it is now less difficult to procure soldiers than to
find generals capable of commanding them. But good for
tune supplies the place of skill ; and the Allies favor us by
adopting the most ill-concerted measures.
Faults of the Allies. — No sooner are they masters of Val
enciennes and Mayence, than they adopt the most eccentric
lines of operations. The English under the Duke of York
march against Dunkirk ; the Austrians under the Prince of
Cobourg besiege Quesnoy and Maubeurge ; the Prussians
attack Landau and cover Kaiserlautern ; the Austrians un
der Wurmser force the lines of Weissemburg, take Fort
Louis, and threaten Strasburg.
Driven from the French Territory.— Inspired by the genius

Ch. L] HISEARLYHISTORY. 59
of Carnot * the Committee directs Houchard to concentrate
the army of the North, cut off the English from Furnes, and
drive them into tbe sea. He defeats them at Hondschote,
saves Dunkirk, and then overthrows the Dutch at Menin.
But he does not drive the enemy into the sea, as directed in
his instructions ; he is therefore condemned to death for
having gained only half a victory and for having attacked in
front, when he could have easily reached the enemy's com
munications. His army under Jourdan marches to the
assistance of Mauberge. Cobourg is besieging this place
with forty thousand men, and Clairfayt covers it with
twenty-five thousand more ; the army of observation is cut
off and defeated at Watignies, two leagues from the besieg
ing army, which retires in great haste. A part of the vic
torious army under Hoche flies to the rescue of Landau. It
is at first repulsed by the formidable position of the Duke of
Brunswick at Kaiserslautern, but Hoche skilfully defiles
through the valley of Annweiler against the right of the Aus
trians, defeating them at Wertheim, Eeichskoffen, and Geiers-
berg, then forming a junction with the left of Pichegru.
The Allies are thrown back upon Manheim ; and the French
forces, by their skilful maneuvers, gain a merited success.
Kellerman has reduced Lyons and driven the Sardinians
back into Piedmont ; Dugommier, with one division of the
» "The royalists and their foreign allies have never been able to forgive
Carnot's signal military exploits during the war of the French Revolution; and
affected to confound him with Robespierre, as if he had been the aeoomplice of that
monster in the Eeign of Terror. Situated as Carnot then was he had but one alter
native :— either to continue in the Committee of Public Safety, co-operating with
men he abhorred, and lending his name to their worst deeds, while he was
fain to close his eyes upon their details, or to leave the direction of the tremen
dous war which France was then waging for her existence, in the hands of men
60 utterly unfit to conduct the machine for an instant, that immediate conquest,
in, its worst shape, must have been the consequence of his desertion. There
may be many an honest man who would have preferred death to any place in
Robespierre's committee, but it is fair to state that in all probability Camot saved
his co-ntry by persevering in the management of the \f3.v."-~Edinbv,rgh Beview.

60 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. L
army of Nice, and forty thousand National Guards, has
retaken Toulon ; Kleber, Marceau, and Canclaux have, by
the gi-eatest efforts, subdued La Vendue, where French blood,
shed by French hands, was flowing in great torrents.
Death of Marie Antoinette. — But the glory of these vic
tories was tarnished by the crimes of the Jacobins, who did
not hesitate to imbue their hands in the blood of the beau
tiful Queen of Louis XVI. Marie Antoinette, from being
an Austrian by birth, and the daughter of Maria Theresa,
was charged with having plotted the coalition against France,
but even this excuse was unnecessary to Fouquier Tainville
and the other tigers of the revolutionary tribunal, for send
ing her to the scaffold.
Political Results of the Revolution. — France, in spite of
her victories, was exhausting the elements of her strength
against her natural allies ; for, in addition to England, she
found herself at war with Eussia, Austria, Prussia, the Ger
man Empire, Holland, Italy, and Spain ; with the United
States of America alone, was she at peace. Her old allies,
Austria and Spain, were now by the side of England at the
head of her most violent enemies. In the meantime, the
spirit of liberty and equality was destroying her colonial
possessions. At Saint Domingo, the most horrible anarchy
jjrevailed. The partisans of emancipation, enrolling them
selves under the English flag, stirred up the mortal hatred of
castes, and the populace, maddened by the burning passions
of African blood and southern sun, committed horrors even
surpassing the ferocious conquerors of the Caribbean Islands.
lapoleon appointed Chef-de-Batalllon. — Thanks to the
numerous levies, and the consequently rapid promotion, I
was proposed, in 1792, as a commandant of a battalion of
National volunteers for the Sardinian expedition. I accepted
the appointment. They laughed at me for this in the artil
lery, but I pursued my own course, regardless of their sneers ;

Ch. L] HISEARLYHISTORY, 61
and on my return from the expedition I rejoined the artillery,
with the rank of superior officer. 1 was then twenty-four
years of age.
His Republican Notions. — Much has been said about my
republicanism at this period of my career. It is not strange
that a young man, at his entrance into public life, should
espouse the maxims which he has learned to admire in the
Greeks and Eomans. At that time I was sincerely a repub
lican ; experience has since changed my opinions. But 1
have always preserved the idea that strength in the authority
of a government may be easily united with the most liberal
principles in its administration.
Siege of Tonlon. — Previous to the siege of Toulon my life
was inactive and insignificant. 1 was then chief-of-battalion,
and served as second in command of the artillery, and in that
capacity had some influence upon the results of the siege.
In August, 1793, when treason surrendered Toulon and our
fleet to the Allies, the white flag was floating over Lyons ;
civil war was raging in Languedoc and Provence ; a victorious
Spanish army had crossed the Pyrenees and inundated Eoussil-
lon ; and a Piedmontese army had crossed the Alps and was
at the gates of Chambery and Antibes. If thirty thousand
Sardinians, Neapolitans, Spaniards, and English had united
at Toulon, with the twelve thousand "federes," this combined
army of forty thousand men could have been marched upon
Lyons, connecting its right with the Piedmontese, and its left
with the Spanish forces. But the Allies in taking Toulon did
not appreciate the value of their conquest. Six weeks had been
spent by the French in collecting forces and material for the
siege ; and on the fifteenth of October, a council of war was;
formed at Ollioules with Gasparin, a member of the Conven
tion, for President. A plan of attack, drawn up by the
celebrated d' Argon, for the Committee of Fortifications, was
read to the council. I objected to the plan and proposed

62 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. L
another more simple. It was probable that the Allies would
not abandon twelve thousand men in Toulon, if we could get
possession of the two forts which commanded the outer ex
tremity of the entrance to the roadstead. As soon as the
communication between the English fleet and the garrison
should be cut off, the latter would be obliged to evacuate the
place, or become prisoners of war. If this plan had been
adopted sooner, it would have been of easy execution, but
the enemy had now had time to construct Fort Mulgrave.
However, in spite of this unfavorable circun)stance, my plan
prevailed ; and instead of applying ourselves to the destruc
tion of a French town, we effected in one month the desired
object. On the eighteenth of December, we entered Toulon,
but could save only one half of the squadron, the other half,
the arsenal, and ship-yards, being burnt by the implacable
enemies of our glory and prosperity.
General of Artillery in the Army of Italy.— By this cap
ture we had done good service to our country.* I was ap
pointed general of brigade, and sent, in the beginning of
1794, to the army of Italy, to command the artillery.f The
general-in-chief of this army, Dumerbion, was aged and
without genius ; his chief-of-staff was intelligent, but of
mediocre talent. Tbe operations in the maritime Alps were
therefore planned without skill. 1 proposed a plan for turn
ing the famous position of Saorgio ; it succeeded perfectly.

* For the details of the siege of Toulon, tbe reader is referred to the first
volume of Napoleon's Memoirs, dictated at St. Helena, and to the report of the
engineer Marescot, published in Mr. Pathy's valuable work ou sieges.
f The first two months of 1794, were employed by Napoleon in fortifying the
coast of the Mediterranean. The military reader will find the general remarks
on coast defense in the first volume of Napoleon's Memoirs, well worth
reading. Napoleon had no doubts of the capability of forts, when properly
constructed, to secure harbors from all attacks by sea. The works built by him
effectually prevented any fiirther maritime attacks by the English on this coast.
These works, built more than half a century ago, are, of course, somewhat
dilapidated at the present time.

Ch. I.] HISEARLYHISTORY. 63
1 then proposed another for uniting the army of the Alps
and that of Italy at Coni, which would have secured to us
Piedmont and an easy advance to the Po. But the project
was rejected by the staff of the other army, as it required
the two armies to be united under a single general. More
over, the approbation of the Committee of Public Safety,
which wished to direct the war from Paris, as the Aulic
Council did from Vienna, — would have been necessary for
this movement. I made amends for the rejection of this
project, by pushing forward the army of Italy as far as
Savona, and to the gates of Ceva. This relieved Genoa,
which place was now threatened by the allies. Winter, and
imperative orders arrested our progress.
Conquest of Belgiutn, Holland, and left bank of Rhine. —
While we were thus wasting our time in the Alps, three
hundred thousand French troops inundated Belgium and the
Palatinate, defeated the allies at Turcoing, at Fleurus, at
Kaiserslautern, on the Ourthe, and on tbe Eoer ; drove the
English, the Dutch, the Austrians, and the Prussians behind
the Ehine, took Brussels, Antwerp, and Maestricht ; passed
the Waal, and the Meuse on the ice ; and entered Amster
dam, Cologne, and Coblentz in triumph. Two other armies
under Dugommier, Perignon, and Moncey, after gaining two
brilliant victories at Figueras and Saint-Martial, invaded
Catalonia and Biscay. And an army of one hundred thou
sand men succeeded, at last, in putting down the royalists of
Britany and La Vend6e.
Naval Battle of Ouessant. — But these successes of the
French upon land were accompanied by corresponding mis
fortunes on the sea. France was in great want of provisions,
and a large convoy wfes expected from America, at Brest ;
a fleet of twenty-five ships of the line, was sent out to facili
tate its entrance into port ; Admiral Howe, with an equal
number of vessels offered battle. Vniaret-Joyeuse was per-

64 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. I.
suaded by Jean Bon-Saint- Andree to receive battle with his
inexperienced officers, and sailors ill-disposed towards the
Eepublic. They fought with heroic courage, but without
skill. The discipline, coolness, experience, and tactics of the
English triumphed over the ill-directed valor of the French.
Seven of our vessels were captured or sunk ; and this defeat
produced the same paralyzing influence upon our naval force
on the ocean, as the burning of Toulon had done upon our
fleet in the Mediterranean. Every thing seemed now to
presage the loss of our colonies ; Martinique was surrendered
to the English through the perfidy of Behague ; Saint
Domingo had for two years been a prey to servile insurrec
tions, massacres and incendiarism. Thus, the loss of our
naval power was fatal to our colonies, and the loss of the
colonies reacted upon the navy by depriving it of the great
nurseiy for sailors, — a merchant marine. At the very outset
of the war, the naval superiority of England was rendered
certain. One would have imagined from our present unskil-
fulness upon the sea, that many, many centuries had elapsed
since the war of 1780, which resulted in the independence of
America. Insurrection in Poland. — During these events in France,
the attention of the North was fixed by a drama, less bloody,
but not less interesting than our own. Our success had re
vived the national spirit of the Poles ; they demanded the
treaty of Stanislaus, and with his guards at their head broke
out in open insurrection. The Eussians were driven from
Warsaw, Wilna, and the greater part of the invaded provinces.
Kosciusko, appointed generalissimo, succeeded in uniting
sixty thousand men for the defense of his country, but was
obliged to fight against three different armies. Suwarrow,
the conqueror of the Turks, was sent by Catharine to sub
jugate the Poles ; the King of Prussia marched against
Warsaw, but was soon forced to raise the siege, and fall back

Ch. I.] HIS EASLY HISTORY. 65
upon Wartha : Kosciusko, menaced by the Eussian army of
Feisen, marched to give him battle ; but, deserted by for
tune, he was defeated and made a prisoner.* Other brave
Poles succeeded him, but there was neither unity nor energy
in their administration. Suwarrow, after two victories over
the Polish army, marched upon Warsaw, and carried Praga
by assault ; the remainder of the Polish army was dissolved,
and the definitive partition of Poland crowned one of the
most important enterprises of modern policy, — an enterprise
reflecting glory upon the genius of Catharine, but disgrace
upon the cabinets which cooperated with her.
Fall of Robespierre.— Although the Jacobins had de
throned the tyrant Eobespierre, and condemned him and his
violent; sectaries, Saint Just, Couthon and Lebas to the
guillotine, France was still the theatre of the most horrible
anarchy ; one half of the people were in arms against the
other half The Committee of Public Safety lost all its
* Kosciusko, descended from an ancient family in Lithuania, was bom in
1766. He was educated in the military school at Warsaw, and afterwards sent
to France to study drawing and the military art. On his return he was made
captain, but was soon obliged to leave Poland again, in consequence of an un
happy passion for the daughter of SosnowskL He came to America and soon
distinguished himself, under Washington, in the Revolutionary War. He re
turned to Poland again in 1786, and in 1789 was appointed a major-general. In
-the campaign of 1792, he distinguished himself against the Eussians at Zielence
and Dubienka, and at the latter place, under cover of slight field- works, with only
four thousand men, repulsed three successive attacks of eighteen thousand Exis-
siaus. On the submission of Stanislaus to Catharine, he was obliged to leave
Poland; but returned again in the revolution of 1794, and was made generalissimo
with unlimited powers. Defeated at the battle of Maczieowice, ho fell covered with
wounds, and was thrown into a state prison. He was released by Paul I., and
afterwards visited France, England, and America, (1797). When Napoleon
formed the plan of restoring Poland to its place among nations, he proposed to
Kosciusko to again take part in the straggle ; but the latter declined the offer,
being prevented " less by ill-health, than by having given his word to Paul L,
never to serve agamst the Eussians." In 1816, he settled at Saleure, where he
-died, October 16th, 1817, from injuries received in a fall with his horse from a
precipice. The women of Poland went into mourning for his loss. His body
was removed in 1818, to Cracow, and a monument erected to his memory. —
Mnoyckpedia Americana.
VOL. I. — 5.

66 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. I.
efficiency and usefulness, by being made subject to a monthly
change of members. In consequence of these absurd mea
sures, Carnot left the direction of the War Department, and
the whole interior was soon distorted by the false light of this
magic-lantern of representation.
Peace with Prussia and Spain. — But the triumph of the
moderate party, notwithstanding the instability of its ad
ministration, produced a beneficial change in our foreign
policy. The expos6, full of wisdom, of Boissy d'Anglas at
the tribune of the Convention, marked the return to ideas
more moderate, wise, and just ; the treaties of Bale with
Prussia and Spain were the result of this change of policy.
Frederick William, seeing that he could gain more in Poland
than in France, withdrew from the coalition ; and the cabi
net of Madrid, having declared war merely to avenge the
death of Louis XVI., yielded to more wise views of national
policy ; Spain had imprudently become an accomplice in pro
moting the English supremacy, from which she had still more
to fear than from us.
Fate of the Royal Family. — This general return to moder
ation acted favorably upon the destinies of the royal family.
The Dauphin, called Louis XVII, languished in the dun
geon of tbe temple, and died of a cruel malady, but his sis
ter, the Dutchess d'AngoulSme, the only one of the royal
family that had not fled from France, was now exchanged
with Austria for our arrested ambassadors, and for the Depu
ties given up by Dumouriez. Louis XVIII. lived in retire
ment at Verona ; the Count d'Artois his brother had gone to
England, where he was now preparing an expedition to make
a descent upon the provinces of the West, where his partisans
were in arms to receive him. The three sons of the Duke
of Orleans received from the Directory passports for America ;
the eldest of these, the Duke de Chartres,* who had distin-
* After the execution of his father, the Duke de Chartres assumed the title of

Ch.1] HIS early HISTORY. 67
guished himself under Dumouriez, had been living a wander
ing life in Switzerland under an assumed name ; the other
two had been detained in Fort Saint Jean, at Marseilles.
Napoleon attached to the Army of La Vendee. — Such was
the general state of affaire at the beginning of 1795, when
Aubry's famous reorganization of the army left me without
employment. I was attached to the staff of the infantry
generals serving in La Vend6e, but I declined the appoint
ment and repaired to Paris. I was here employed in the
bureau of military operations, and charged with drawing up
instructions to repair the faults of Kellerman in the Apen
nines. New Insurrection in Paris. — After the conquest of Hol
land the armies had remained for six months inactive behind
the Ehine. But the removal of danger did not restore quiet
to the interior. The Jacobins, in order to regain the in
fluence which they had lost by the fall of Eobespierre, armed
the faubourgs against the Convention, invaded its halls, and
threatened to burn Paris. The majority of the inhabitants
Duke of Orleans, which he retained till 1830, when he became Louis Philippe I,
King of the French. His two brothers mentioned in the text were the Duke
of Montpensier and Count Beaujolais, the former of whom died in 1807, and the
latter about the same time, while on a voyage between Malta and Sicily. When
exiled from France, soon after the commencement of the Eevolution, Louis Phil-
lippe retired to Switzerland and became a professor in a school at Eichenau.
He refused to take up arms against his country, and for some time served as an
aid-de-camp to General Montesquieu under the assumed name of Corby. He
then repaired to the North of Europe and traveled extensively in Denmark,
Norway, Sweden, Lapland and Finland. September 24th, 1796, he Sailed
from Hamburg for the United States, and arrived in Philadelphia after a passage
of twenty-seven days. He was here joined by his two brothers who had been
released from prison in Marseilles. After traveling tlirough a great portion
of the United States they left New Orleans for Havana in the winter of 1798,
and then returned to Europe. He lived some time with his two brothers, at
Twickenham in England. In 1809 he married the Prmcess Amelia, daughter
of the King of Sicily. He returned to Paris after the restoration and took his
seat in the Chamber of Peers, but manifested such liberal sentiments as to ren
der himself obnoxious to the administration. On the abdication of Charles X,
after the memorable events of July, he was proclaimed King of the French.

68 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Cs, I.
declared for the Convention, and rescued the deputies from
the hands of these cut-throats. Pichegru took the command
of the troops and disarmed the revolted faubourgs.
The ftuibcron Expedition. — This defeat became the signal
for partial reactions in the South. The royalists deemed that
the moment had arrived for them to strike a decisive blow ;
all the emigrant corps in the English pay united for a descent
upon the Presqu'ile of Quiberon ; Count d'Artois placed him
self at their head. Hoche, liberated from the chains of
Robespierre, and full of energy and activity, took command
of the Eepublican forces. The several detachments of the
enemy were driven back into the sea, or forced, after a long
butchery, to surrender. The proconsuls of the Convention
ordered the remainder to be shot, and among these victims
perished two hundred of the elite of the old French navy.
Constitution of tbe Year IH. — The monstrous governments
of the provisional committees could not long endure. A new
charter was drawn up by a commission of the Convention
headed by Sieyes. This doctrinaire imagined that with
a proper balance of powers, the state might be governed by
popular elections. His constitution of the year III estab
lished a legislative Council of Five Hundred, and a Council
of Ancients, as a chamber of revision. One-third of these
councils were to be removed each year ; and the executive
power, confided to a Directory of five members and made
completely subordinate to the legislative power, was to be
renewed every five years by an annual change of one of its
members. This was preferable to the Eevolutionary Govern
ment, though not less dangerous in its application. It was
nevertheless seized, as the last plank of safety, by a nation
tired and exhausted by the horrors of the Eevolution. The
army and a large majority of the Departments accepted the
constitution ; but the Convention, fearing a defeat at the
popular elections, decreed that two-thirds of the present

Ch. I.]; HIS EARLY HISTORY. 69
members should form a part of the new legislature, and that
the relatives of the imigres should be excluded from exercis
ing the legislative functions. This produced a violent opposi
tion in the Sections ; and, incited by royalist agents, acting
in concert with the Count d'Artois in La Vend6ej thirty of
the forty-eight Sections rejected the decrees and the deputies,
and an armed coalition was formed between the royalists and
the National Guards of the insurrectionary districts.
Affair of thfr 13 Vendcmiaire» — The Convention resolved to
employ force to execute its decrees ; and the Sections deter
mined to compel the dissolution of the Convention. I was
then occupied with our foreign wars, and took but little
interest in those party squabbles. If Austria had not had
an army of one hundred and fifty thousand men at the gates
of Strasbourg, and the English forty vessels before Brest, I
might perhaps have sided with the Sections ; but when a
foreign enemy is invading the country it is tbe duty of every
good citizen to sustain the existing government. 1 was
appointed under Barras to command the armed forces
against the Parisians. The interest of Prance was my law.
I sent for the artillery from Meudon and collected a force of
five thousand men and forty pieces of cannon, a force unne
cessarily strong for the suppression of an emeute, had not the
mob been sustained by cannon and a well armed National
Guard. On the thirteenth of Vendemiaire (October fourth,)
the sectionaries marched against the Convention. One of
their columns debouching from Eue St. Honor§ was fired
upon, and it fled to the steps- of the church of Saint Eoche.
The street was so narrow that I could use but one of my
cannon, but with this one I soon dispersed the mob. All
was over in half an hour. The column that debouched by
the Pont Eoyal was equally unsuccessful. The affair, so
small in itself and which cost^ only two hundred men on
either side, led to important consequences by preventing the

70 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. I.
Eevolution from retrogading In gratitude for my services
the victorious party made me General of Division. I now
burned to enter the field in my new rank, but the Conven
tion retained me in the capital in spite of my wishes.*
Military Operations^ of 1795. — This detention vexed me
the more, as our forces were experiencing reverses on the
Ehine, through the incapacity or treason of Pichegru. The
"9 The following is the Duchess d'Abrant^'s description of Napoleon's
personal appearance. "At this period of his life he -wras decidedly ugly;
he afterwards underwent a total change. I do not speak of the illusive
charm which his glory spread around him, but I mean to say that a gradual
physical change took place in him in the space of seven years. His ema
ciated thinness was converted into a fulness of face, and his complexion,
which had been yellow, and apparently unhealthy, became clear and compar
atively fresh ; his features, which were angular and sharp, beeame round and
filled out. As to his smile, it was always agreeable. The mode of dressing his
hair, which had such a droll appearance, as we see it in the prints of the passage
of the bridge of Arcole, was then comparatively simple ; for the young men of
fashion, whom he used to rail at so loudly, at that time wore their hair very long.
He was very careless of his personal appearance, and his hair, which was ill-
combed, and ill-powdered, gave him the look of a sloven. His little hands, too,
underwent a great metamorphosis. When I first saw him, they were thin, long,
and dark ; but he was subsequently vain of their beauty, and with good reason.
In short, when I recoUect Napoleon at the commencement of 1794, with a
shabby round hat drawn over his forehead, and his ill-powdered hair hanging
over the collar of his gray great-coat, which afterwards became as celebrated as
the white plume of Henry IV., without gloves, because he used to say they
were a useless luxury, with boots ill-made and ill-blacked — with his thinness
and sallow complexion — in fine, when I recollect him at that time, and think
what he was afterwards, I do not recognize the same man in the two pic
tures." Much ridiculous nonsense has been written about Napoleon's destitute con
dition at this period of his life. There is not the slightest probability
that he encountered any more inconvenience for the want of money, than
most young men without fortunes. Besides other small resources, he had
the pay of a brigadier-general, which, notwithstanding tbe depreciation of
the currency, must have been sufficient for a man of his prudent habits and
simple tastes. We know that at this time he voluntarily supported his brother
Louis, and paid his expenses at a provincial military school. Alison says,
" that so low were the fortunes of the future Emperor, at this period, that he
was frequently indebted to his friends for a meal, which he could not afford to
purchase himself." But on the very next page, this historian says, " Above a
hundred families during the dreadful famine which followed the suppression of
the revolt of the SectionSj in the winter of 1795-6, were saved from death
by his beneficence."

Ch.1] HISEARLYHISTORY. 71
excesses of the Eevolution had disgusted the conqueror of
Holland, and he now entered into a correspondence with the
emigrSs. He had been intrusted by the Committee with the
supreme command. Jourdan crossed the Ehine, at Dussel-
dorf, and, advancing to the Mayne, laid siege to Mayence ;
Pichegru, who commanded ten divisions on the upper Ehine,
crossed at Manheim with only two of these divisions, and
advanced to Heidelberg, between the two Austrian armies of
Wurmser and Clairfayt ; they were defeated and driven back
upon Manheim, quite fortunate in not being taken prisoners.
Clairfayt being thus enabled to unite considerable forces,
turned the left flank of Jourdan, and forced him to repass
the Ehine at Neuweid. The Austrians afterwards debouched
from Mayence against the other three divisions, forming the
left of Pichegru, forced their intrenchments, and drove them
back upon the lines of Weissembourg. Jourdan had no
other alternative, than to fall back upon the Handsruck, and
form a junction with the army of the Ehine ; but this had
already retreated to Landau. It was thought that these
faulty operations of this army were due to treason, rather
than the want of capacity in its general : perhaps, both of
these causes existed. In Italy, our arms were more fortu
nate ; there Scherer, at the head of a portion of the conquerors
of the Pyrenees, executed the project which I had drawn up at
Paris, in the bureau of military operations. The result was
a signal victory at Loano, which put us in possession of the
line of the Apennines as far as Savona, and of the sources
of the Bormida ; but our generals knew not how to profit
by this success. The new Directory had just been installed.
To the necessity of having some member capable of direct
ing military operations, Carnot* owed his reappointment..
* Carnot was bom in Burgundy, 1753. Early exhibiting an uncommon
taste for mathematics and military science, he was appointed an officer of engi-
geers. In 1791, he was appointed deputy to the Constituent Assembly. WhUe

72 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Oh. L
Barras* was elected by intrigue, and Eewbelf by would-be-
politicians ; the other members,^ were chosen at random. It
is a httle surprising that Sieyes, the author of this new sys
tem, should have been passed over in silence.
Napoleon's Marriage to Josephine. — I was impatient to
see the new government organized so that I could be spared
from Paris. While waiting- here in inactivity I became
acquainted with the widow Beauharnais and married her.
Many absurd stories have been told about my first acquaint
ance with Joseijhine ; the facts are these. After the disarm
ing of the Sections she sent her son Eugene, then fifteen years
of age, to reclaim the sword of General Beauharnais. This
interesting youth shed tears on receiving from my hand the
sword of his unfortunate father ; the scene affected me, and
I went to speak of it to liis mother ; and became fascinated

a member of the Directory, he turned his attention wholly to military affairs,
and, in the words of Napoleon, "organized victory." Barras afterwards suc
ceeded in effecting his overthrow and banishment. He was recalled by Napo
leon after the eighteenth Brumaire, and made, for a time, Minister of War. Ho
was a firm Eepublican, and both spoke and voted against Napoleon's elevation
to power, but being honest and consistent in his course, his conduct gave no
offense. Napoleon did not estimate his talents as high as some others, but he
had the highest regard for his character, and on various- occasions assigned to
him very important duties. In 1815, he was made a Count of the Empire, and a.
Peer. He died in 1823. He left several scientific and professional works which
have some merit. — Thiers; Napoleon's Memoirs.
» Barras was bom in Provence, in 1755. He was of a noble family. He-
entered the army at the age of twenty, and served in India. He spent his estate
in dissipation, and in the Revolution became the most violent of demagogues.
As Director, he was guilty of everything that was base and cruel. After the
elevation of Napoleon, by the affair of eighteenth Bramaire, ho retired to his
estate, and lived in obscurity; he died in 1829. — Bneyclopedia Americana.
f Rewbel was born at Colihar, in 174G. He was a lawyer of eminenc6,and
a man of honesty and integrity. His talents as n. politician, v.-cre not great,
but he proved himself a -useful member of the Directory. — Thiers; Napoleon's
Memoirs. X These were Lareveillere and Letoumeur. The former was a native of
Angers, and the latter of Normandy. Both are described by Thiers and Napo
leon as honest, well-meaning men, but of ordinary capacity. Letaurneur was an
officer of engiaeeia

Ch. I] HISEARLYHISTORY, 73
by the attracting graces which all acknowledged that she
possessed.* Plan for the Invasion of Italy. — I had occasion to see
Carnot and speak with him about my old project on Pied
mont, which had been rejected in 1794, and also of the plan
of invading Italy, which I had drawn up for Sch6rer. In
examining the merits of these projects Carnot had an oppor
tunity to judge of the character of their author. Being
exceedingly anxious to obtain the command of an active
army, I used every effort to gain tbe confidence of the gov
ernment. I laid before the Directors and ministers the fol
lowing summary of our foreign relations and the effects to be
produced by my projected Italian campaign :
Austria, England, the German Empire, Sardinia, Eussia,
the King of Naples^ and the Pope were all leagued against
us. Prussia and Spain had treated some months before at
Bale, but their position was equivocal, and their present
strict neutrality might be of short duration. Sweden and
Denmark had rejected the pretensions of the cabinet of Lon
don, and maintained with much energy the true principles of
* Alison, to whose distorted vision no act of Napoleon can appear otherwise
than criminal, represents his marriage to Josephine to have been founded upon
motives of ambition. The charge is so grossly false, and, from the circumstances
of the case, so perfectly absurd, as to be hardly worth refuting. No one, unless
animated by feelings of the strongest animosity and violent prejudice, could ever"
think of repeating it. If ever there was a marriage made from pure feelings of
love and affection, uninfluenced on either side by considerations of wealth or
ambition, it was the union of Napoleon and Josephine. Alison here repeats
indirectly a slander first found in the' British and Bourbon presses of the lamest
character, and afterwards promoted to aplace in the no less-abusive writings of
Scott and Lockhart. The substance of these slanders is, that Barras, with his
usual volatility, became tired of his mistress, and embraced an opportunitv of dis
posing of her in marriage to Bonaparte. The latter,' to secure the innuence of
Barras, consented to the arrangement, and received the command of the army of
Italy as the dowry of the bride ! Such stories repeated at this time do far more
injury to their authors' than to the memories of Napoleon and Josephine. It
may be worthy of remark in this place, that at the time of Napoleon's marriage
Barras was the enemy, rather than the friend of Bonaparte. {Vide ihe proofs in
Mies to Lee's Napoleon)

74 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. L
maritime law. The definitive partition of Poland had blotted
it from the book of nations. The Ottoman-Porte took no
part in European affairs. Portugal, the tributary of England,
had at first joined in the expedition of Toulon and the war
with Spain in the Pyrenees, but since the treaty of Bale she
had sousrht to withdraw from a coalition where she could
gain nothing but defeats. Our superb colony of Saint
Domingo was in a blaze, Martinique had fallen into the hands
of the English ; our maritime force had been destroyed by
the battle of Ouessant, the loss of Toulon, emigration and
the troubles of La Vend6e. In India we had lost Pon-
dicherry, our last hold in the east ; and we had only our old
ally, Tippo Saib, Sultan of Mysore, the formidable adver
sary of the English power. We had on our hands, at the
same time, a continental and a maritime war. Perhaps
Austria, satisfied with the valuable acquisitions which she
had made in Poland, might soon have followed the example
of Eussia and made peace with us, had not matter foreign
from the original cause of dispute been introduced. A great
state is always unwilling to relinquish any of its provinces.
The recent vote of the Convention for a definitive reunion of
Belgium and France, and the ill-success of Pichegru, both
combined to render the Cabinet of Vienna less disposed for
peace. The state of our affairs on the Ehine was not such
as to authorize us to hope for decisive victories in that direc
tion ; nor would a war in the German Empire be likely to
force Austria to yield to our terms. The most direct means,
therefore, of reaching that power was through the States of
Lombardy. Under such circumstances the invasion of Italy
would be the preferable military operation ; especially as it
would enable us to humble the smaller princes of Italy who
had leagued against us, and would at the same time relieve
the Court of Turin, which seemed inclined to treat with ug
for a separate peace, from the dictation of Austria.

Ch. L] HISEARLYHISTORY. 75
Appointed General-in-Chief of the Army of Italy.— This
very simple plan was approved by the Directory, and 1 was
charged with its execution, with the rank of General-in
Chief-of the Army of Italy. It was arranged that I should
maneuvre by my right to descend by Montferrat upon Lom
bardy, and direct all my efforts against the Austrians, in
order to detach Piedmont from their alliance. The armies
of Germany, being reorganized, were to resume the offensive
by the end of April, and to attempt the passage of the
Ehine. Jourdan commanded seventy thousand men on the
Lower Ehine, and Moreau about the same number in Alsace ;
the former was to invest Mayence, with thirty thousand men,
and advance into Franconia with the other forty thousand ;
the latter was to cover Manheim and penetrate into Swabia.
These forces were afterwards to unite in the heart of Bavaria.
In the meantime I was to detach Piedmont from the coali
tion, or to dethrone the King of Sardinia, should he refuse to
make peace, and then to advance upon the Adige. In fine,
the instructions given to me by the Directory were mere
copies of those which I had drawn up for the Committee
some months before, and whose execution had been so unskil
fully attempted by Scherer.*
* For a detailed account of the events of the Revolution, so briefiy described
in this chapter, the reader is referred to Thiers' History, a work of great ability
and impartiality. The great military work of General Jomini, on the Wars of
the Eevolution, in fifteen volumes, is unsurpassed by any other history of this
period. It has served as the basis of Thiers' military criticisms, and is proba
bly the best military history ever written. Alison's work is written with the
most virulent prejudice, and exhibits an utter disregard of fact and historical
trath.

CHAPTER II.
FEOM THE- BEGINNING OP THE CAMPAIGN IN ITALY TO THE
PEACE OF TOLBNTINO.
Napoleon takes Command of the Army of Italy — State of Affairs in Italy —
Napoleon's Plan of Operations — Position and Plan of the Allies — Beaulieu
compromises his Left at Genoa — HiS' Centre pierced^Napole'an attacks the
Piedmontese — Operations against the Austrians resumed — Double Combat of
Dego — Operations against Colli — Napoleon's Proclamation to his Soldiers—
The King of Sardinia sues for Peace — Armistice of Cherasco^Napoleon
marches against Beaulieu — Passage of the Po at Placentia — Armistice with
the Dukes of Parma and Modena — Battle of Fombio — March upon the Adda
— ^Bridge of Lodi — Napoleon enters Milan— The Directory proposes to divide^'
Napoleon's Army ; his Resignation — His Address to the Army — Eevolt in
Lombardy — Definitive Peace with Piedmont — Position of Beaulieu on the
Mincio — Passage of the Mincio — Difficult Position of Napole'on on the
Adige — Situation and Policy of Venice — Criticisms on Napoleon's Opera-
^jons — Investment of Mantua — Armistice -with Naples — Demonstrations
agaiast the Pope — Armistice of Foglino — Troubles in the Imperial Fiefs, &c,
— Occupation of Leghorn — Siege of Mantua — Austrians • endeavor to save
that Place — Approach of Wurmser from the Ehine — Battles of Louato and
Castiglione — Quasdanowich surprised at Gavardo — Attack upon Napoleon's
Head-quarters^Second Battle of Castiglione — Second Passage of the Mincio—
Wurmser's Retreat into the Tyrol — Close Alliance between France and Spain
— ^Wurmser resumes the offensive on the Brenta — Objections to this Opera
tion — The Armies in Germany — Battles of Mori, Roveredo, and Caliano —
March from Trent to the Gorges of the Brenta — Affair of Bassano — Wurmser
Marches upon Mantua — Affairs of St. Georgio — Position of the Army about
Mantua — ^New Repubhcs formed — Political State of the Rest of Italy — Dis
cussions with Rome— Definitive Peace with Naples — Affairs of Piedmont
— Negotiations with Genoa — ^New Troubles in the Fiefs — ^Affairs of Corsica —

Ch. II.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY, 77
The English occupy Porto-Ferrajo — They evacuate Corsica — Situation of the
Armies on the Adige — Alvinzi succors Mantua with a new Army — ^Vaubois
thrown back on Rivoli — Affair of the Brenta — Passage of the Adige at Ronco
— Battle of Areola — Vaubois driven back from Eivoli — Wurmser besieged at
Mantua — Eeveraes of the French in Germany— Descent upon Ireland — Use
less Diplomacy — 'Eeenforcements from the Rhine — New efforts of Alvinzi to
save Wurmser' — Joubert driven back on Rivoli — Battle of Rivoli — Proyera
marches on Mantua — Close of the Campaign— Capitulation of Wurmser at
Mantua — Expedition into Romana.
Napoleon takes Command of the Army. — I left Paris to
take command of my army, about the middle of March. Tbe
reenforcements which it had received from the Pyrenees,
after the peace of BSle, had been half destroyed, as much
by the campaign of Sch6rer, as by the maladies resulting
from a rigorous winter, and the horrible privations to which
they had been subjected, amid the arid rocks of Liguria,
It counted sixty thousand men, but a third of this number
was required to guard Toulon, Antibes, Nice, and the Ool-de-
Tende, so that its active force did not exceed forty thousand
combatants, destitute of everything, except good will. I was
now about to put them to the test : for three years they had
been fighting in Italy, only because they were at war, but
-without any military object, and as if merely to satisfy their
consciences. This ridiculous manner of carrying on war did
not suit me. I wished to captivate general attention by
some great achievement, and this I thought myself capable
of accomplishing.
State of Italy. — At the risk of repetition, I will describe,
briefly, the situation of the peninsula, which I was about to
invade. Divided, since the fall of the Eoman empire, into
twenty small rival states, jealous of each other, Italy existed
only pn the map. The good Victor Amadeus III. was king of
Piedmont ; the marriage of his two daughters to the brothers
of Louis XVL, heirs to the throne, attached him, as much as
his position, to the house of Bourbon. Enghsh subsidies,

78 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Oh. IL
fear of our doctrines, and his family relations, had precipi
tated him into the coalition ; but the Austrian influence was
generally unpopular at Turin ; and the minister, Damian de
Priocca, although attached to the cabinet of Vienna, only
wanted a good opportunity to withdraw from a contest where
it was evident nothing could be gained. What, indeed, could
the king of Sardinia hope if the coalition should succeed ?
Could he ask French provinces for the princes of his own
family ? On tho contrary, if the coalition should be over
thrown, would it not expose him to lose his states ? As
Spain, yielding to the irresistible force of national interests,
had connected herself with us, it was to be expected that
Piedmont would follow her example, as soon as it could be
done with security.
The Committee of Public Safety and the Directory had
already made two attempts to disengage this power from its
alliances ; the latter especially, made through the interme
diation of the king of Spain, had staggered the monarch, and
caused the convocation of a council in which was discussed
the question of a separate peace. The Marquis of Silva, a
distinguished soldier, had endeavored to draw the council into
our favor, by the strongest reasons of civil and military pol
icy. But tiie king and the minister, Damian de Priocca, ad
hered to the alliance with the cabinet of Vienna, rather
through fear of our doctrines than from any real attachment
to the house of Austria. The Marquis d'Albarey described
the dangers of the throne with so much warmth that he car
ried his point over his eloquent adversary. English gold was
not without its weight in the balance, for they did not fail to
remark that the English subsidies were worth more than all
that could possibly be hoped from France.
The house of Austria reigned over Lombardy. A prince
of that family governed Tuscany. It was allied to the Duke
of Modena, whose only heir had married the Archduke Fer-

Cn. II.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY, 79
dinand. A grand-daughter of Maria Theresa, sister of the
unfortunate Maria Antoinette, occupied tbe throne of Naples,
by the side of the weak and inefficient Ferdinand IV. Her
Austrian origin, and the outrage committed on the queen of
France, had exasperated Queen Caroline against every thing
French. The minister, Acton, born at BesauQon, of an Irish
family, and ex-officer of the French navy, partook of this
hatred on account of some personal misunderstanding which
had occurred when he was in the French service. Nothing
is more deplorable than to see personal resentment opposing
itself to the good of the state ; but, unfortunately, nothing
is more frequent. Influenced by Queen Caroline and his
minister, the king of Naples, who had taken a feeble part in
the coalition by sending three thousand men to Toulon, in
1793, and withdrawing them after the evacuation of that
place, decided, after much hesitation, to send a strong con
tingent to the Austro-Sardinian army ; a tardy resolution,
somewhat difficult to reconcile with previous events, and, in
deed, incomprehensible, after the peace which had just been
concluded with Spain and Tuscany.
The venerable septagenarian, Pius VI., wore the tiara, and
occupied the chair of St. Peter. Our religious dissensions, and
the destruction of the Catholic Church in France, had made
him an enemy more formidable by his spiritual arms than by
the miserable battalions which he could send against us.
The republics of Venice and Genoa, after having disputed
for several centuries the commerce of the Black Sea, the Bos-
pliorus, and the Levant ; after having fought the memorable
naval battles at Caristo, the Dardanelles, Cagliari, and Sa-
piensa, were now content to carry on a little coast trade
under shelter of their neutrality. The first of these, inclosed
in the talons of Austria, and having as much to fear from her
protection as from our democratic doctrines, ardently desired
the continuance of peace. It had just given the strongest

80 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. IL
proof of this desire by complying with the wishes of ^;he
Directory, intimated on the first of March, to order Louis
XVIII. from the Venetian territory. This prince had re
tired to Verona, and published from there, on the death of
the Dauphin, a manifesto declaring his accession to the throne
of his ancestors. This act of legitimacy, very innocent in
itself, had excited the animosity of the Directory. It was
much better for France that this prince should remain in the
insignificant republic of Venice than to be a refugee in Eng
land, or present with the army of the emigres. Since France
could not banish him from the European continent, it was
best to place him either at Venice or Naples. But the Di
rectory judged otherwise, and Imowing the connections which
he kept up with the committee of royalists in France, and
consulting only its animosity, it demanded of the senate of
Venice the same base act for which Louis XV. had been so
justly blamed ; that of expelling the Pretender from his
states. The procurator Pesaro, an energetic magistrate, worthy of
presiding over a better people, alone resisted the mandate.
It was carried, however, by an immense majority ; and the
Eepublic flattered itself that, by an act of causeless submis
sion, it would secure itself from all danger. Louis, there
fore, receiving orders to quit the Venetian States, left for the
army of Cond6, and afterwards went to Mittau, where Eus
sia, for a time, gave him an asylum more secure than that of
Venice. On leaving Venice, he charged the Eussian ambas
sador, Mordwinoff, to erase the names of the Bourbons from
the Golden Book of the Eepublic, and to reclaim the armor
of Henry IV., which it had formerly received as a testimony
of the affection of that great King. This act, dictated by
fear, was no proof of the real sentiments of the Venetian
government towards us, but it gave us to understand what

Ch. IL] CAMPAIGN OF1796 IN ITALY. 81
we might exact from Venice, if victory should ever conduct
us to her gates.
The Eepublic of Genoa, enclosed, as it were, within the
theatre of war, had seen its port violated by the English,
in 1793, and its territory, near Oneille, overrun by the col
umns which, in retaliation, I had directed, in 1794, to turn
Saorgio. These two oligarchies feared the principles which we were
propagating, but the mass of the people, especially at Genoa,
were much attached to France on account of the great com
mercial relations between the two countries.
Austria had tried to stir up all the little states of Italy
against us ; she had endeavored to assemble their deputies at
Milan for the purpose of forming an Italian League, over
which she might gradually assume a patronage and influence,
still more powerful than what she then exercised over the
Germanic Confederation ; but, the Italian princes, aware of
this design, had declined to act upon the question, and
limited themselves to furnishing Austria with assistance in
men, money, and munitions., Tuscany alone, although gov
erned by an Archduke, had reestablished relations of friend
ship with the French Eepublic, by treating with us immedi
ately after the peace of Bale.
It will be remembered that General Sch6rer had gained, at
Loano, the second of November, a victory over the Austrian.
army of General Devins ; this was a brilliant achievement,
due in part to my instructions, and in part to Massena, but
from which they were unable to draw any advantages.
Napoleon's Plan of Military Operations. — I arrived at Nice
on the twenty-seventh of March. Our recently victorious
army was now in a precarious position ; perched on the
summit of the Apennines from Savona to Ormea, it was too
scattered, and its line of communications with France, ex
tending along the shore between the enemy%-,lihe and the sea,
VOL. I. — 6.

82 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [0h.IL
was everywhere too much exposed. There are two main
routes from Nice into Italy ; the one which turns to the north
by Saorgio, and crosses tbe great chain of the Alps at Col-de-
Tende, is the great road from Turin to Coni ; the other,
placed on that part of the Apennines which inclines abruptly
towards the Gulf of Genoa, runs along the shore, and, be
tween the waves and perpendicular rocks, is sometimes barely
wide enough for the passage of a small carriage ; this road
leads to Genoa, and is called La Corniche. The debauch
from the coast of Genoa into Montferrat is by the great road
of the Bochetta, which runs from Genoa to Alexandria.
Between tbe two mountains, the Col-de-Tende and the
Col-de-la Bochetta, which form the great communications
between the south of France and Italy, is a third route,
that from Oneille to Ceva by Garessio ; it is good for artil
lery. Other more narrow and difficult roads, run from Loano
and Savona to Dego, from Savona to Sassello, and from
Voltri to Campofreddo. As the army had been in possession
of Col-de-Tende, ever since my operations in 1794, it might
have descended on Coni, and acted in concert with that of
the Alps ; but they still persisted in keeping it between
Tende and Savona, on the arid rocks of Liguria, where it
was impossible to provision it by sea, and where almost
every thing must be obtained from Genoa.
This disposition of localities had caused a repartition of
the army. The division of Maquart, three thousand men,
guarded the Col-de-Tende. The division of Serrurier,* five
* Serrarier, (Count Jean Mathieu-Philibert), bom 1742, at Laon, was edu
cated for the military service, and obtained the grade of lieutenant, in 1755.
He was a major at the commencement of the Revolution. Napoleon raised him
to the highest military and civil ranks, making him marshal in 1804, and a sen
ator. He voted for the Provisional government in 1814, but declared for Napo
leon on his retum from Elba. He died in 1819. Napoleon thus describes his
character : " Personally he was brave to intrepidity, but as a general he was not
fortunate. He had less enthusiasm than Massena or Augereau, but he fax sur
passed them both in the modesty of his character, the wisdom of his opinions,
«ad the safety of his intercourse."— ^iojrapAie VhivertiUe.

Ch. II.] C AMP AIGN OF 1796 IN IT AL Y. S3
thousand men occupied the road from Garessio and Ceva.
Those of Augereau,* Massenaf and Laharpe,^ thirty-four
thousand men in all, were stationed in the environs of Loano,
* Augereau was the son of a poor fruiterer of one of the faubourgs of Paris.
He was born in 1757. He entered the Neapolitan service at an early age ; but
seeing no prospect of promotion, he retired in disgust and taught fencing at
Naples. He was banished thence in 1792 with the rest of his countrymen. He
afterwards served as a volunteer in the army of Italy: he distinguished himself
in 1794 as general of brigade, of the army of the Pyrenees, and was general-of-
division of the army of Italy in 1796. At the day of Castiglione he won many
laurels, and afterwards derived his ducal title from that place. "That day,"
said Napoleon at St. Helena, "was the most brilliant of Augereau's life ; nor did
I ever forget it." He was made marshal of Prance in 1804. In 1814 he was
one of the first to desert tho Emperor, but on his return from Elba in 1815 he
again offered his services, but Napoleon refused him as a traitor. Napoleon says
that he always maintained good order and discipline in his army, and on the field
of battle fought with great intrepidity, but that from defective judgment or want
of education he was unfit for a separate command. In politics he Was a wild
anarchist, and his opinions merited no respect He died in 1816, leaving a great
but tarnished reputatioiL Biographic UniverseUe.
f Massena (Andr^) bom at Nice, in 1758. His parents were in moderate cii>
cumstanoes, but sufficiently well off, to give him a good education. He entered
the army at seventeen, and served as non-commissioned officer till 1786, when
he retired from the army and married a woman of property. On the breaking
out of the Revolution, he again entered the army as au oflicer. His promotion
was now rapid, and in 1793 he became general-of-division. Napoleon made him
Duke of Rivoli and afterwards Prince of Esling. He was made marshal in 1 804.
He was ever faithful to Napoleon. Ho died in 1817, less from disease than
through chagrin at the conduct of royahsts after the second restoration. Napo
leon thus describes his character : " He was of a robust frame, indefatigable,
night and day on horseback among rocks and in the mountains. In mountain
warfare he was particularly expert. He was of decided character and of in
trepid courage, full of ambition and self-love. His distinctive characteristic was
obstinacy ; he was never discouraged. But he neglected discipline, was inatten
tive to administrative service, and was therefore not beloved by his troops. His
dispositions for attack were not skilful, and his conversation was uninteresting :
But at the first sound of the cannon, in showers of bullets and in the midst of
danger, his intellect acquired its proper force and clearness."
\ Laharpe (Amedee-Emanuel,) bom in Pays-de-Vaud, in 1754. He was a
man of fortune and received a good education. In early life he served in the
army of Holland but afterwards returned to his home in Switzerland. He was
afterwards stripped of his fortune and exiled to France. He entered the French
army in 1792, was made general-of-brigade in 1793, and general-of-division in
1795. He was killed at Codogno, in 1796. He was a brave soldier, an able
general, of generous feelings, and of unsullied character.

84 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. II.
Finale and Savona.* The latter division pushed its advanced
guard on Voltri as much to hold Genoa in check as to secure
our communications with what the soldiers termed the nur
sing mother. The administrative head-quarters had remained
for convenience at Nice, for the last four years ; my flrst care
was to remove with it to Albenga, by the difficult road of
La Corniche, under the fire of the English fleets. This was
sufficient to announce to the army that I was about to occupy
myself with its wants and its glory. It was literally an army
of Spartans : — In spite of the utter misery to which it had
been reduced, it breathed only love of country and military
glory. Naked feet and clothes in tatters, far from discour
aging our braves, only excited their hilarity.
My plan was simple : I asked of tbe Senate of Genoa, in
reparation for the outrage committed in their port on the
frigate La Modeste,f that they should give us passage through
that city and the Bochetta, promising that on this condition
I would remove forever the war from their frontiers, and
secure to them the alliance and protection of the French
Eepublic. If the Senate accepted this offer, I would debouch
by Genoa to overthrow the extreme left of the Austrians,
throw them back upon Alexandria, take in reverse all the
defenses of Piedmont, thus detach her from the imperial
* Thiers thus describes the principal generals under Napoleon's command at
this period; "Massena, a young Nissard of uncultivated mind, but precise and
luminous amid dangers, and of indomitable perseverance : Augereau, formerly
a fencing-master, whom great bravery and skill in managing the soldiers, had
raised to the highest rank : Laharpe, an expatriated Swiss, combining informa
tion with courage : Serrurier, formerly a major, methodical and brave : lastly,
Berthier, whom his activity, his attention to details, his geographical acquire
ments, and his faculty of measuring with the eye the extent of a piece of ground
or the numerical force of a column, eminently qualified for a useful and con
venient chief-of-staff."
\ The frigate La Modeste, had anchored in the port of Genoa, and was moored
against the quay. On the fifteenth of October, 1793, three English ships and
two frigates anchored in port : an English seventy-four moored along side of the
Modeste. The master civilly requested the officer on the quarter-deck of the

Ch. IL] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 85
alliance, rally upon myself the httie army of Kellerman,*
and pursue the isolated forces of Beaulieu into the Tyrol.
But if they rejected the offer, they would undoubtedly at
tempt to make a merit of it with the allies who would en
deavor by extending their left to cut us off at the Bochetta.
This movement would place the mass of the enemy's forces
at the two extremes, at Ceva and Genoa, and expose to our
attacks an isolated and detached centre.

frigate to remove a boat which was in the way of the maneuvres of the English
ship, which was readily done by the French. Half an hour after the English
captain requested the commander of tho Modeste to hoist the white flag, saying
he did not know what the tri-colored flag was. The French officer answered
this insult as honor dictated; but the English had three platforms prepared
which they threw on the ship, and boarded her, at the same time commencmo- a
brisk fire of musketry from the tops and deck ; the crew of the Modeste were
unprepared for any attack ; part of them threw themselves into the water ; the
English pursued the fugitives -with their boats, killing and wounding them.
The rage of the people of Genoa was unbounded. Monihohn, vol. I.
» Kellerman, (Francois-Christopho) was bom in Strasburg in 1735. He
entered the Conflans Legion in 1752, and served in it during the first campaigns
of the Seven Years' War. He passed through all the grades up to the rank of
marechal-de-camp, which he attained in 1785. He served under Dumouriez in
1792, and distinguished himself at the celebrated cannonade of Valmy. He
next served under Custine, and on the arrest of this officer, Kellerman was also
called to the bar of tho Convention. But he was more fortunate than his chief;
in May, 1795, he was promoted to the command of the army of the Alps and of
Italy ; he was soon recalled on charges of inefficiency and detained some thirteen
months, after which he was restored to his former command. During the cam
paign of 1796, his army formed the reserve in the Alps. None of his mihtary
operations in Italy or in the Alps gave satisfaction, and he was removed from
his command and directed to organize the gendarmerie in the interior. After
the eighteenth of Brumaire, Napoleon made him Senator, and in 1804, Marshal
of Prance, and conferred on him the title of Duke of Valmy. He held under
Napoleon several important civil offices ; during the campaign against Prussia,
he organized provisional regiments at Mayence, in 1818 he commanded the army
of reserve in Spam, and in 1813 he collected all the reserves of the army at
Metz. His fame may be said to have begun and ended at Valmy ; as general-in-
chief of an army, he exliibited no great ability. He died in 1820 at the
advanced ago of 85.
After copying a brief notice of Kellerman from the Encyclopedia Americana,
M. Herbert, the translator of Thiers' Consulate and Empire, adds : " He was
the real winner of the battle of Marengo, changing it, by a single charge of
cavalry, from a route to a victoiy. For this Napoleon never forgave him.''

gg LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. IL
Positions and Plans of the Allies.— The Alhes had replaced
Devins by BeauHeu, an old man almost eighty, noted for his
courage and enterprise, but whose genius had never been
brilliant. The reenforcements drawn from Lombardy, and
levies made in the states of the king of Sardinia, had made up
the complement of his army, and amply repaired the breaches
of the preceding campaign. Moreover, the Neapolitan con
tingent would raise the number to eighty thousand men.
The alhes flattered themselves that, with the aid of such
enterprises as the British fleets and the Corsican division
might make upon the Eiviera di Ponente,* they would
avenge the affair of Loano, and drive us from Liguria. Hap
pily for us their forces were ill distributed. More than
twenty-five thousand Sardinians, under the Prince of Corig-
nan, were so weakened by being scattered over all the heights
of the Alps, from Mount Blanc to the Argentifere, as to be
completely held in check by the httle army of the Alps under
General Kellerman. The army of Beaulieu and of CoUi,
from forty-eight to fifty thousand strong, was scattered from
And afterwards, he [Napoleon] did not recompense Kellerman, [for his services at
Marengo.] No other officer of his distinction but was made marshal of Franco
far eariier than he. " It would be difficult to crowd a greater number of errors
•within the same limits. Francois-Christophe Kellerman was not at the battle of
Marengo, and unless his absence both from the army and from Italy could have
exerted a most magical influence, it would be difficult to determine how he was
the real winner of the victory of Marengo. With respect to Napoleon's in
fluence in preventing his promotion, it may be sufficient to remark that Keller
man was general-in-chief of an army, when Napoleon was a mere subaltern.
He held several important commands under Napoleon, but never served under
him in the field. But for the services which he had rendered France previous to
the opening of Napoleon's military career, the latter loaded him with honors.
He was created marislml among the very first that were made ; was one of the
¦veij first appointed to the Senate under Napoleon's Consulate ; afterwards make
Duke of Valmy, and both himself and femily were the objects of Napoleon's
kindest regards during his whole life. The Marengo Kellerman wUl be spoken
of in connection with that battle.
* The states of Genoa, on the gulf, were divided into three parts, called riv-
ieras, the Riviera di Ponente, the Riviera di Genoa, and the Eiviera di
Levaute.

Ch. II.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 87
Coni, and the foot of Col de Tende, to the Bochetta, towards
Genoa. The general-in-chief himself had just marched, with
the left, upon Voltaggio and 0 vada. The centre was encamped
at Sassello, and the Piedmontese, who formed the right, were
at Ceva. Simple common sense dictated that this spider-web
should be pierced by the centre. I made my dispositions
accordingly ; they were wise, and fortune wonderfully as
sisted their execution.
Beaulieu compromises his Left at Genoa.— Beaulieu, urged
on by the Aulic Council, had determined to take the offen
sive ; and, either informed of my project upon Genoa, or de
signing himself to get possession of that city, to enter into
communication with Nelson and Jervis, who were in these
waters with an English squadron, he resolved to move his
forces upon that place. The idea was good in itself ; and he
could have executed it more certainly, and have forced us
into a precipitate retreat, had he operated in mass by Ceva
against our left. But Beaulieu, who never comprehended a
stratagem, resolved, on the contrary, to march directly upon
Genoa, with the third of his army, while the remainder an
noyed us in front. As early as the 10th of April he himself
descended the Apennines, by the Bochetta, at the head of
his left wing. I allowed him to drive our little advanced
guard from Voltri, while I collected my forces against his
centre which had advanced from Sassello upon Montenotte.
Three redoubts covered this important spur of the Apen
nines, which here slope down to Savona. Argenteau assailed
these works at the head of ten thousand picked men ; he had
already taken two of them, and was attacking the most im
portant, with great impetuosity, when the commandant,
Colonel Eampon, administered to its garrison, the 32d demi-
brigade, the celebrated oath to bury themselves in its ruins
rather than to surrender. He, in fact, maintained himself
there all day, in spite of numerous assaults, which cost the

88 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [CalL
enemy dear ; and he was finaUy reinforced in the night by
the whole division of Laharpe, which bivouacked in rear.
The divisions of Massena and Augereau prepare to disen
gage it.*
His Centre is pierced. — On the 12th Argenteau, who com
manded the centre, was attacked in front and rear by supe
rior forces. He was beaten and thrown back upon Dego.
This first success was the more important as it disconcerted
the enemy j but, in order to gather the full fruits of it, we
were obliged to redouble our activity. My whole army was
already beyond the Apennines ; of the four divisions which
composed it, those of Laharpe, Massena, and Augereau
marched with me ; Serrurier was left at Garessio, to check
the Piedmontese.
Napoleon's Attack upon the Piedmontese. — I determined to
turn upon these last, in order to effect their entire separation
from Beaulieu, and to push them vigorously. The mass of
their forces, under the orders of Colli, still held the camp of
Ceva, and General Provera, posted in an intermediate po
sition between Colli and Argenteau, occupied the heights of
Cosseria. I marched against him at the head of the divisions
of Massena and Augereau, leaving Laharpe to observe Beau
lieu. On the 13th Augereau carried the gorges of Millesimo,
and Provera, beaten and cut to pieces on all sides, was forced
to take refuge in the ruins of the chateau of Cosseria. All
attempts of the Piedmontese to rescue him having failed, he
surrendered on the morning of the 14th, with the fifteen
thousand grenadiers under his command.
Operations resumed — Double Combat of Dego. — I was,
* In this defence Eampon had only 120O men, with which he repelled a force
nearly ten times as numeroua If the fort had been taken, the army of Napoleon
had been cut in two, and "-the fate of the campaign, and of the world, might
have been changed." Fortifications, though small and unimportant in them
selves, if judiciously placed and properly defended, may have a decided influence
upon the active operations of an army in the field.

Cfl. II.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 89
however, obliged to suspend my march against the Piedmon
tese, for the Austrians, alarmed at the defeat of Montenotte,
now sough u to concentrate on Dego. But they did it un
skilfully ; Beaulieu, leaving Genoa and the coast, hastened
to Aqui, and sent a part of his left directly across the moun
tains to join the remains of Argenteau's forces near Sassello.
1 was not disposed to permit this ; after having established
Augereau in front of the Piedmontese, 1 conducted the
divisions of Laharpe and Massena, on Dego, and attacked it
with vigor. The troops of Argenteau fought bravely, but
we were too strong for them ; so that they were finally
obliged to give up the contest, and retire in disorder on Aqui,
leaving twenty pieces of cannon and many prisoners in our
hands. Scarcely had we finished with Argenteau, when a
new Austrian corps gave us battle on the same ground. It
was the corps of General Wukassowich, who was hastening
from Volhi by Sassello, with the intention of rallying on
Argenteau, whom he supposed to be still near Dego. Tbe
brave Illyrian, surprised at finding our troojDS in the place of
those which he expected to join, instantly formed his plan,
like a man of activity and courage : far from thinking of
retreat, he fell upon the guards of the redoubts of Magliani,
carried the work, and drove back the frightened garrison
upon Dego. Our troops thought only of pursuing the flying
enemy in the direction of Spigno, and had no expectation of
being thus attacked on their right and rear. This attack
was followed by a moment of disorder, of which Wukasso
wich boldly took advantage ; but his five battalions were in
sufficient to retrieve the fortunes of the enemy. Massena
succeeded, by means of his reserve, in rallying the fugitives
and bringing them back to the fight ; the division of Laharpe,
burning to revenge this momentary reverse, fell in turn upon
the enemy, who, being charged by the mass of my forces,
was easily overthrown ; the shattered remains of his forces

90 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. IL
considered themselves particularly fortunate in being able to
join the debris of Argenteau at Aqui.*
Operations against Colli. — Having thus disposed of the
Austrians, 1 again turned upon the Piedmontese with the
divisions of Augereau, Massena, and Sen-urier. I estab
lished Laharpe at San-Benedetto, to protect my right and
hold Beaulieu in check. Colli, pressed in front by superior
forces, and threatened on his left by the movement of Auge
reau, who descended the left bank of the Tanaro, was forced
to evacuate the camp of Ceva ; notwithstanding a momentary
success, at the combat of St. Michael, he was driven behind
the Cursaglia and the Elero. I closely pursued and defeated
him at Vico, near Mondovi, and drove him behind the Stura as
far as Carmagnole. On the twenty-si?tli, my three divisions
united at Alba. One decisive battle would now put me in
possession of Turin, from which we were only ten leagues.
Nevertheless, the situation of the enemy was far from des
perate : it was not, as has been pretended by the poetical
Botta, a small river ; a brave but conquered army ; one
place tenable and the other dismantled, forming the barriers
of Piedmont ; it was the fine position of the Stura, flanked
ou the right by the important fortress of Coni, on the left by
Cherasco, which was secure from a coup-de-main, where
Colli might have reinforced his army by twenty thousand
men, now scattered in the adjacent valleys, and by an equal
number from the wrecks of Beaulieu's forces. The allies
might have repaired their fortunes by two days of vigor,
activity, and resolution ; at all events, there was the formid
able place of Turin at hand, to receive, in case of reverse, a
beaten army, and to that place, Austria could certainly have
* " In this action, Napoleon was particularly struck by the gallantry of a
chief-of-battalion, whom he made a colonel on the spot, and who ever after was
the companion of his plory. His name was Lannes, afterwards Duke of Monte
bello, and one of the most heroic marshals of the Empire."

Ch. II.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY, 91
sent assistance. We feared that they would pursue this
course, the more, because Turin could easily brave any means
of attack that we possessed, and greatly embarrass us by a
prolonged resistance. At this crisis, I sought to incite my
army to new victories, to restore its discipline, and strike
terror in the hearts of our enemies.
Napoleon's Proclamation to his Soldiers. — The following
proclamation was designed to accomplish this triple ob
ject :
" Soldiers ! — In fifteen days you have gained six victories,
taken twenty-one colors, fifty pieces of cannon, many strong
places, conquered the richest part of Piedmont ; you have
taken fifteen thousand prisoners, killed or wounded ten thou
sand men. Destitute of everything, you have supplied all ;
you have gained battles without cannon, crossed rivers with
out bridges, made forced marches without shoes, bivouacked
often without bread ; republican phalanxes alone are capa
ble of actions so extraordinary !
"The two armies which just now attacked you with
audacity, are flying before you ; perverse men, who rejoiced
at the idea of victory to your enemies, are confounded and
trembling. But, soldiers, I will not deceive you ; you have
done nothing, since much remains to be done. Neither Turin
nor Milan are yours : your enemies still trample on the ashes
of the conquerors of the Tarquins.
" You were destitute of everything at the beginning of the
campaign ; you are now abundantly provided. The maga
zines taken from your enemies are numerous. The siege
artillery has arrived. Your country expects great things of
you. You will justify these expectations ; you all burn to
spread afar the glory of the French people, to humble the
haughty kings, who thought to put you in chains, and to
dictate a glorious peace, which shall indemnify your country
for all the sacrifices she has made. When you return to the

92 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [CalL
bosoms of your families, you will say with pride : / was of
the conquering army of Italy.
" Friends, 1 promise you this conquest ; but there is one
condition which you must swear to fulfil ; — it is to respect
the people whose fetters you burst assunder ; it is to repress
all pillage made by wicked men incited on by our enemies.
Should you not do this, instead of being the liberators of
nations, you would be their scourge. The French people
would disown you ; your victories, your courage, the blood
of your brothers slain in combat, all would be lost, and above
all, honor and glory. For myself and the generals who have
your confidence, we would blush to command an army that
knows no law but force. But, invested with the national
authority, 1 will compel the small number of heartless men
to respect the laws of humanity and honor which they tram
ple under foot ; I will not permit brigands to soil your
laurels. " People of Italy ! the French army comes to break your
fetters ; the French people are the friends of the people
everywhere. Come with confidence to our colors ; your re
ligion, your property, your customs, shall be religiously
respected. We make war like generous enemies ; we war
only against tyrants who oppress you."
To give greater weight to these measures, the Piedmontese
democrats organized at Alba, a committee for distributing
addresses among the people of Piedmont and Lombardy,
threatening some and encouraging others.
King of Sardinia sues for Peace. — The result exceeded my
hopes : the capital was overwhelmed with confusion and
terror. The court, regretting its adhesion to the coalition
felt that our impetuous approach threatened it with the most
serious danger, by stirring up the numerous partisans of a
democratic revolution in Turin, and tue other cities of Pied
mont. It viewed this danger through the medium of fear.

Ch.II.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 93
Although Beauheu had marched from Aqui to Nizza to join
Colli, it thought itself lost beyond hope, and determined to
surrender to our mercy ; an aid-de-camp came on the part
of the king, to ask for peace. This was agreeable news to
me ; for, in truth, I was somewhat uneasy respecting the
course of events at Turin. But I knew the king had hesi
tated how to act upon the propositions made by France
through the mediation of Spain, in the preceding year, and I
felt authorized in believing that our presence would increase
tbe credit of our partisans. The same question, again con
sidered on the approach of our victorious phalanxes, was
warmly opposed by the Marquis of Albarey and the minister,
but Cardinal Costa, the Archbishop of Turin, carried the
majority of votes, and decided the king for peace. It ia
worthy of notice, that the vote of an archbishop accomplished
what the military and political arguments of the Marquis of
Silva were unable to effect.
This precipitate step of the Court of Turin not only flat
tered my vanity and ambition, but it extricated me from real
difficulty. My success had been brilliant, but the pillage
inseparable from the total want of magazines, had given
offense to the Piedmontese peasants, and relaxed the reins of
discipline in my army. If the king, withdrawing from the
Alps a part of the troops of Prince Corignan, had shown
himself firm at Turin, as did his ancestor, Victor Amadeus, in
1706 ; and if the Austrians, reenforced by their garrisons in
Lombardy, had seconded his efforts, 1 might have been driven
back upon the sea, and placed in a situation exceedingly
critical. Even supposing that I had maintained my position
in Piedmont, arrested by the fortresses of Turin, Alexandria,
and Valentia, which I was not in a situation to besiege, it
would have been impossible for me to advance another step ;
and the enemy's forces, increased to one hundred thousand
men by reenforcements from the Ehine, would have driven

94 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. II
me from Italy. But the impetuosity of my march, and my
proclamations, striking terror everywhere, gave success to the
party which favored peace.
I considered every consequence that could result from this
measure of the King of Sardinia ; the distance which now
separated me from Mantua and the Adige, seemed but a step
easily taken. Peace with Piedmont decided everything. If I
alone had conquered the two armies united, what could Beau
lieu, deprived of his allies, hope to effect against me, when
I was reenforced by a part of Kellerman's army of the Alps ?
The fate of Italy was no longer doubtful ; I already contem
plated with satisfaction this beautiful country subjected to
my laws, I no longer regarded myself as an ordinary gen
eral, but as a man called to influence the destinies of
Europe ; I discovered the immensity of the part prepared
for me by fortune ; I already lived in history.
Armistice of Cherasco. — I was not authorized, however,
to treat for peace, and it was necessary to refer the conclusion
of the affair to Paris ; but not to suffer my prey to escape,
I enchained it by an armistice, which might be regarded as a
preliminary treaty ; this established us in the heart of Pied
mont, by giving us possession of the fortresses of Coni,
Alexandria, and Ceva, The king agreed to withdraw from
the coalition, and sent the Count of Eevel to Paris, to settle
the definite conditions of the treaty. Impatient to accelerate
this important matter, I gave tho Count of St. Marsan, the
king's envoy near me, to understand, that so far from desir
ing to overthrow thrones and altars, we would protect them
if they would cease their hostility to France ; in a word,
that he would gain more by an alliance with us, than by his
devotion to the Court of Vienna. Unfortunately their minds
were not ripe for such overtures.
I had already done more in fifteen days than the old army
of Italy in four campaigns ; but my hopes were not yet

Ch. II.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 95
realized. To rescue this classic country from the Germans,
to give the lie to the old proverb that Italy was tbe tomb of
the French : — this was a task worthy of me. I hesitated the
less to undertake it as the armistice exposed to our attacks
the isolated army of Beaulieu, which had already proved too
feeble to arrest me in Lombardy, notwithstanding the reen
forcements it had found there.
Napoleon marches against Beaulieu. — The next day, after
the signature of the treaty, I marched my four divisions upon
Alexandria. Beaulieu had already repassed the Po at the
bridge of Valencia, which he had destroyed. The mass of
the Austrian forces took position at Valeggio, on the Agogna,
and pushed forward detachments upon the Sesia, and the left
of the Ticino.
Passage of the Po at Placentia. — Wishing to deceive Beau
lieu respecting my intentions, I had inserted in the armistice
a clause which allowed me to cross the Po, -with my troops,
in the environs of Valencia. This stratagem succeeded to
perfection. Beaulieu thinking me foolish enough to attack
him in front on the Ticino, when I could act with greater
advantage on his rear, directed his whole attention upon the
space between the Agogna and Valencia. In order to con
firm his error, I pushed forward a detachment upon Salo,
making a feint to pass the Po at Cambio. Under cover of
these demonstrations, the army turned to the right, and rap
idly descended the river. To accelerate this march I myself
conducted the advanced guard. We arrived at Placentia on
the 7th of May, closely followed by our divisions in echelons.
I felt the importance of hastening the enterprise, in order not
to allow tbe enemy time to prevent it. But tbe Po, which
is a river as Avide and deep as the Ehine, is a barrier difficult
to overcome ; we had no means of constructing a bridge,
and were obliged to content ourselves with the means of em-
barcation which we found at Placentia and its environs.

96 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. IL
Lannes,* chief -of-brigade, crossed in the first boats with the
advanced gua,rd. The Austrians had only two squadrons on
the other side, and these were easily overthrown. The pas
sage was now continued without interruption, but very slowly.
If 1 had had a good pontoon equipage, the fate of the enemy's
army had been sealed ; but the necessity of passing the river
by successive embarkations saved it. This enterprise, though,
for the above reason, it did not entirely succeed, was not one
of the least remarkable circumstances of ray first campaign.
Armistice with Duke> of Parma and Modena. — This pas
sage lasted two days ; but I profited by the delay to conclude
an armistice with Parma, by which the duke purchased his
neutrality at the price of tenf millions of francs, munitions
and horses for the artillery and cavalry, provisions for the
army, and, what was of greater value, a good number of
chefs-d'oeuvre of painting and sculpture, selected from his
galleries. I Tbe Duke of Modena had fled to Venice, but the
* Lannes (Jean,) was born at Lecture, France, in 1769. He received a good
education in the college of his native city, and was intended for the bar or the
church ; but his father having lost his property by becoming security for a
friend, young Lannes began the trade of a dyer. On the first requisition of
1792 he was sent to the army of the Pyrenees, with the rank of sergeant-major.
This changed his career. After the peace of B^le, in 1795, he returned to his
home with the rank of chief-of-brigade ; but at the opening of tho campaign ef
1796, he joined Napoleon as a, volunteer. His life now became a continual
scene of actions the most brilliant, which won for him the love of his general,
the gratitude of his country, and the admiration of the world.
\ This is probably a misprint for two, the actual amount of the contribution
levied. X An immense amount of ink has been wasted by English -writers, in defama
tion of Napoleon, for the course pursued towards the Duke of Parma. It will
be sufficient to remember that this prince had repeatedly rejected offers of peace
made by France, and was now to bo punished as a vanquished foe. Under the
circumstances this punishment was not severe. The Spanish embassador, whose
offer of mediation had been rejected by Parma, confessed that the French had
been very moderate. AMson, following Scott and Lockhart, says, " it is impos
sible to condemn too strongly" these forced contributions from the galleries of
the arts. His reasoning is not founded on fact. In the first place, very few of
the master-pieces taken from Italy were in their original places, or in the pos
session of their original owners. Wo need hardly mention the Apollo Belvidere

Ch. IL] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 97
regency which he had instituted, hastened to conclude an
armistice with me on the same conditions as Parma. These
conditions were rather hard, especially on the Duke of Parma,
whose quality of Infanta of Spain seemed to entitle him to a
better treatment. But he had turned a deaf ear to all the
overtures made to him, even after my victories of Montenotte.
We now punished him for his attachment to our enemies.
Battle of Fombio. — Beaulieu, receiving intelligence of my
passage at Placentia, maneuvred to oppose it. This octogen
arian general, instead of falling with vigor on that part of my
forces which had already crossed the river, took only half-way
the Dying Gladiator, the Venus, the Laocoon ; the Bronze Horses, first carried
from Corinth to Constantinople, thence to Venice, &c. In the second place, they
were as safe, and certainly as accessible, in the public galleries of the Lou-vre, as
scattered through the palaces of the petty princes of Italy. In the third place,
works of art which, by private individuals, are made commodities of bargain and
sale, and transported according to their caprice or interest, could hardly suffer
indignity by being made the subjects of treaty stipulations. As for their being
taken as exotics where they would not be rightly appreciated or understood, as
asserted by Alison, it is needless to refute so absurd a reason. Alison quotes
Napoleon's words at St. Helena as a confession of guilt. By following Alison's
reference, it will be found that Napoleon's remarks are whoUy in jusHfication of
tho course ho pursued I
Lee, in his Life of Napoleon, deems those forced contributions not only justifi
able by the laws of war, but as highly creditable to Bonaparte. " This measure,"
says he, " lent a grace and refinement to his warfare, which, reflecting lustre on
the French arms, harmonized the rudeness of military fame with the softer glories ,
of taste and imagination. The homage of other conquerors, for the master-pieces
of art, had been shown by seizing with a-vidity, or leaving with indifference, such,
specimens as the chance of war placed within their reach. The arm of victory
had transferred from Corinth to Constantinople, and thence to Venice, the famous
horses of bronze. In later times, Frederick the Great, though twice in military
possession of Dresden, left untouched, and almost unnoticed, the objects collected
in the royal gallery. The livelier sympathy of Bonaparte for the efforts of genius,
rendered it impossible for him to desecrate or neglect its creations. What had
hitherto been subjects of military rapine, princely exchange, selfish display,
or private acquisition, he elevated into considerations of national compact,- and ¦
means of public relief and refinement, receiving, as compen.sation for territoiy
which he might have occupied, and treasure which he could have exacted, ,a
small selection of Italian paintings. This proceeding, - which evinced equal i
respect for talent and humanity, and opened a higher sphere of glory for the airts,..
made the magic of Oorreggio's pencil turn aside from biaicouptiy the ravages
of war." VOL. I. — 7.

98 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch.IL
measures which were entirely insufficient to accomplish his
object. He rested his left on the Adda without abandoning
the Ticino on which he rested his right. On the eighth of
May, General Liptay, who commanded his left, established
himself at Fombio opposite my advanced guard. I supposed
that Beauheu was advancing with his corps de bataille. It
was therefore necessary to attack Liptay immediately, to
avoid having at once on my hands the great mass of the
enemy's forces. I gave the order to General Lannes who exe
cuted it with that vigor and impetuosity which has since so
illustrated his glorious career. Liptay was defeated, separated
from Beaulieu, and thrown back on Pizzighettone. On the
very night following this affair Beaulieu arrived on the ground
where his lieutenant had just been defeated, and attacked the
division of Laharpe at Codogno, The advanced posts were
surprised, and the gencrale beaten at Codogno : in the con
fusion which followed. General Laharpe* was killed by some
of his own troops, but not before the Austrians had been
compelled to retire. Beaulieu, not satisfied with having
divided up his army, now so scattered his own corps between
the Po and the Adda that he had only three battalions of
•disposable troops. Seeing himself in presence of superior
numbers, he thought to concentrate his whole army on Lodi
where the Adda was crossed by a bridge. His right, which
was still at Pavia, had to gain Cassano, This he could not
have accomplished, had it not been for the unfortunate delay
in the passage at Placentia caused by the want of a proper
ponton equipage,
March upon the Adda. — Although the road to Milan was
now open to my troops, the possession of this important city
* Laharpe was an officer of distinguished bravery and much beloved by his
.troopa "It was remarked," says Hazlitt, "that during the action of Fombio,
¦on the evening preceding his death, he had appeared absent and dejected, giving
no orders, seemingly deprived of his usual faculties, and overwhelmed, by some
iatal presentiment." The whole army mourned his loss.

Call] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 99
could not be otherwise than precarious, so long as the enemy
maintained himself behind the Adda.* It was necessary,
therefore, first to drive him to a greater distance. I marched
on Lodi with my grenadiers and the divisions of Massena and
Augereau. One division was left before Pizzighettone to mask
this place and cover my right. Ignorant that the enemy had
already withdrawn the forces on the Ticino to the main body
in rear of the Adda, I directed Serrurier to march on Pavia
to secure my left.
The Bridge of Lodi. — We arrived at Lodi on the tenth.
Leaving General Sebottendorf with ten thousand men to
defend the Adda, Beaulieu had already retired to Crema
with the main body of his forces. Tbe enemy had secured
the bridge of Lodi, which was over one hundred yards in
length, by twenty pieces of cannon placed at the extremity.
The occasion furnished an opportunity for stamping by some
bold stroke the character of my individual actions, and 1 did
not let it escape. The affair might be attended with the loss
of a few hundred men, but even should I be defeated it could
not have the least influence upon the result of the campaign.
We easily routed a battalion and some squadrons of the
enemy from Lodi, and pursued them so closely as to prevent
their destroying the bridge. I immediately formed my grena
diers in close column and threw them upon the bridge. But
assailed by a murderous storm of grape they were staggered
for a moment, when my generals threw themselves at the
head of the column, and carried it by their examples. At
the same time a number of the soldiers let themselves down
from the bridge upon an island where they were less exposed
to the fire of the enemy, and finding the second arm of the
* Alison says, " on the tenth Napoleon marched towards Milan, but, before
arriving at that city, he required to pass the Adda." This betrays great igpo-
rance of the theatre of war. Napoleon was already on the same side of the river
as Milan, but he turned his back upon that city, in order to drive the enemy
beyond the Mincio.

100 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Ch. IL
river fordable, they deployed as tirailleurs to turn the Aus
trian Ime. The main body of the grenadiers now charged
across the bridge, overthrew everything that opposed its pas
sage, captured the batteries and scattered the battahons of
the enemy. Sebottendorf retreated on Crema with a loss of
fifteen cannon and two thousand men. This was merely an
affair of a rear-guard, but still it was a brilliant one.*
Napoleon enters Milan.— The immediate consequences of
the combat of Lodi were the occupation of Pizzighettone, and
the retreat of Beaulieu Upon the Mincio, 1 pursued him no
further. For the past month my troops had been incessantly
in motion, and they now required repose. Moreover my
presence was necessary at Milan. I therefore established the
division of Serrurier at Cremona, and with the remainder of
the army took the road to the capital, where I made my
triumphal entrance on the fifteenth of May. A deputation,
headed by the respectable Melzi, came to meet me at Lodi,
and I was received by a numerous National Guard dressed in
Lombard colors, and commanded by the Duke Serbelloni,
lining the streets quite to my quarters. Joy seemed uni
versal ; and France herself could not have paid me higher
honors even by voting me a triumph.
For the security of our conquests it was essential to estab
lish the republican system there, and to connect these coun
tries with France by common principles and common inter
ests. In other words, the ancient regime was to be destroyed
and equality substituted in its place, for that is the entering-
wedge of revolution, I myself was not tainted with the
doctrines of our propagandism, but as they made us enemies
<* Historians, ignorant of the military art, have sought to magnify the import
ance of this affair of Lodi. As a mere trial of skill and personal bravery, it was
one of which Napoleon and his soldiers may well have been proud, but as a
piece of generalship it does not deserve to be mentioned -with the days of Areola.
It had no strategic relations with the campaign, and merely served to encourage
the French soldiers and give them confidence in the individual bravery of their
general

Ch. IL] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY, 101
of the few, I thought also to make with them friends of the
multitude. But the Italian nobility were so much less
removed from the people than in most other states that it
was not impossible to reconcile them to political equality. I
feared the clergy and their retainers, and foreseeing resistance
from this quarter, I resolved either to conciliate them by con
cessions or to crush them by military power, but without any
insurrections of the people.
Project for dividing the Army ; Napoleon's Resignation. —
On hearing that I had marched upon Milan, the Directory
transmitted an order to divide my army into two parts, giving
the command of that in Italy to Kellerman, to observe the
Austrians on the Mincio, while 1, with twenty-five thousand
men forming the army of the South, was to march upon
Eome and Naples. This division of the forces, just as we
were about to encounter the vast resources of the House of
Austria, was the height of absurdity. I refused to submit
to it, and to save the army from certain destruction, tendered
my resignation. But while waiting for the action of the
Directory upon my letter, I determined to drive Beaulieu
into the Tyrol.
Address to the Army. — Calling upon my troops for new
enterprises, I addressed to them the following proclamation,
which is too intimately connected with the history of the
times to be omitted here :
" Soldiers ! you have descended like a torrent from the
summit of the Apennines ; you have overthrown and dis
persed everything that opposed your progress. Piedmont,
delivered from Austrian tyranny, has yielded to its natural
inclination for peace and , for a French alliance : Milan is
yours, and the republican standards wave over the whole of
Lombardy. The Dukes of Parma and Modena owe their
political existence to your generosity. The army which
menaced you with so much pride, no longer finds a barrier to

102 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch.IL
protect itself against your arms. The Po, the Ticino, and
the Adda, have not checked your progress a single day ; these
boasted bulwarks of Italy have been crossed as rapidly as the
Apennines. Such a career of success has carried joy into the
bosom of your country ; fetes in honor of your victories have
been ordered by the national representatives in all the com
munes of the Eepubhc ; there, your parents, your wives,
your sisters, your lovers, rejoice at your success, and glory in
their connection with you.
" Yes, soldiers ! you have, indeed, done much ; — ^but much
still remains to be done. Shall posterity say that we knew
how to conquer, but not how to profit by a victory ? Shall it
be said that we found a Capua in Lombardy ? I already see
you run to arms ; for you, days of repose are but days lost
to glory and to honor ! Let us march 1 We have yet ene
mies to conquer, laurels to gather, injuries to revenge ! Those
who sharpened the poignards of civil war in France, who
basely assassinated our ministers, burnt our vessels at
Toulon, — ^let them tremble ; for the hour of vengeance has
struck !
" But the people of all nations may rest in peace ; we are
the friends of every people, and especiaUy of the descendants
of Brutus, Scipio, and the other great men whom we have
for models. To restore the capital, to replace there with
honor the statues of heroes who have rendered it immortal ;
to rouse the Eomans from centuries of slavery — such will be
the fruit of our victories ; they will form an era in history ;
to you will belong the immortal glory of having changed the
face of the most beautiful part of Europe.
" The French people, free, and respected by the whole
world, will give to Europe a glorious peace ; which will in
demnify her for all the sacrifices she has made for the last
six years ; then you will retum to your homes, and your

Ce. n.] OAMPAIGNOF 1796 IN ITALY. 103
fellow-citizens will say of each of you in passing, He was
of the army of Italy."
1 well understood the men with whom I had to deal. I
knew that eloquent words would excite unbounded enthu
siasm in the ardent minds of the French soldiers. I knew
that they would produce at Eome and Naples the same effect
as they had already produced at Turin, animating the courage
and heroism of my men, while they petrified my adversaries
with fear.
Before beginning new exploits promised to my soldiers, I
attended to the interior administration of Lombariiy. The cit
adel of Milan, from its proximity to the city, had not only a
powerful influence on that city, but, so long as it remained
in the hands of the enemy, rendered our position in Lombardy
more or less dependent upon the success of our arms in the
field ; I therefore determined upon its reduction. Before
leaving Milan for Lodi, 1 caused the material for this siege to
be prepared at Alexandria and Tortona, and to be immedi
ately directed upon Lombardy.
Revolt ia Lombardy. — My triumphal reception in the cap
ital gave me good reasons to think that the Italians would
really second my operations. I had caused the churches and
the property of the nobility to be carefully respected, and I
therefore had a right to expect some gratitude from these two
privileged classes. But I soon learned that my moderation
had calmed neither their fears nor their hatred. The very
day that I left Milan to march against the Austrians the
tocsin was sounded in rear of my army. The peasantry of
the country, excited to fanaticism by their priests, rushed to
arms, seized upon Pavia, and the citadel in which I had left
a garrison. The least hesitation on my part might have
caused a general insurrection. I instantly turned about, and
with three hundred horse and a battalion of grenadiers,
marched in all haste to Pavia, which had now become the

104 LIFE OP NAPOLEON. [Ch.IL
head-quarters of the rebellion. Having in vain summoned
them, through the Archbishop of Milan, to return to order,
and to give up the guilty, our grenadiers forced the gates and
entered the city, which was now given up to pillage. Here
clemency to the insurgents would have been criminal towards
my army. It is sometimes necessary to shed a little blood in
order to prevent a greater effusion ; to have pardoned these
perfidious wretches, who had seized the poignard, even before
the sounds of their acclamations had died away, would have
exposed my brave soldiers to the horrors of new Sicilian
Vespers,* I caused the municipality to be shot, and order
was restored. In the meantime the army had continued its
march against the Austrians on the Mincio,
Definitive Peace with Piedmont.— I had just learned that
# Under the reign of Charies of Anjou over Naples and Sicily, a project for
the expulsion of the Frendi was formed between Giovanni di Procida, a noble
of Salerno, Pope NiohcJas III., King Peter of Aragon, and Palseologus, Emperor
of Constantinople. To favor this project, an insurrection was incited among the
Sicilians. March 30th, 1282, at the hour of vespers, on Easter Monday, the in
habitants of Palermo flew to arms, and fell upon the French, who were all mas
sacred. Women and chUdren were not spared, and even the Sicilian women
with child by Frenchmen were murdered. Messina and other towns followed
the example of Palermo. This massacre is called the Sicilian Vespers.
To prevent a repetition of these horrible massacres, Napoleon resorted to the
severe but decisive measures mentioned in the text, and fcr which he has been
so much censured by the English historians. Alison compares the conduct of
the inhabitants of Pavia, to that of the French peasantry in 1814, when Napo
leon called upon every citizea to take up arms in defense of his country. The
eases are essentially different. Pavia had already submitted to the French, and
exhibited for them every mark of friendship. While treating them m this way
they drew the poignard of the assassin. But the French peasantry rose in open
war to repel the invaders of their country — the right and duty of every people.
There is not the slightest justification for their cold-blooded execution by the
Allies. The inhabitants of Pavia undoubtedly deserved severe punishment, but
this did not entirely justify the piUage of the city. "Pavia," said Napoleon, at
St. Helena, " is the only place I ever gave up to pillagei I had promised tho
soldiers twenty-four hours; but at the end of three, I could bear it no longer
and put an end to it. Policy and morality are equally opposed to the system."
Thiers says, that being scarcely a thousand men, the French, in the short time
allowed them, could do no great mischief in so large a city as Pavia. The houses
of two illustrious votaries of science. Volta and Spallanzani, were purposely spared
from plunder — an example honorable to both parties.

Ch. IL] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 105
a definitive peace had been signed at Paris on the fifteenth
of May, with the King of Sardinia. Tbe latter had engaged
to leave us in possession of Alexandria and Tortona during
the war, to raze Susa, La Brunetta and Exiles, and also to
establish a line of posts by Mont Cenis and I'Argentiere. 1
wished to connect this prince to the Eepublic by the ties of
interest and alliance, so as to strengthen our hold in Italy
and enable us to act with more vigor against the Austrians.
But it was difficult to induce Victor-Emanuel to desert his
ancient allies so abruptly, and we, therefore, were obliged to
satisfy ourselves with removing him from the list of our
opponents, leaving the rest to the action of time.
In less than-one month I had turned the line of the Alps,
gained three battles, detached Piedmont from the coalition,
taken twelve thousand prisoners, opened a direct communica
tion with France by Savoy, and obtained possession of a
fortified base for future operations ; but all this was only the
introduction to still greater victories.
Position of Beaulieu on the Mincio. — After the defeat of
Lodi, Beaulieu did not venture to halt either behind the
Oglio or the Chiesa. The strong line of the Mincio, how
ever, flanked as it was on the left by the Fortress of Mantua,
and on the right by Lake Garda and the Tyrol mountains,
seemed to him a sufficient barrier for his protection, and he
there established his army, its left at Goito, its centre at
Valleggio and its right at Peschiera, a small place belonging
to the Venetians. As the wings were supported by fortifica
tions, it would not have been prudent to direct the attack
upon them ; I therefore resolved to force the centre at Val
leggio, and, in order to induce the enemy to draw off his
forces from this point, I at the same time made a demonstra
tion upon Peschiera, threatening his line of communication
with Austria by the Tyrol.
Passage of the Mincio. — On the thirtieth of May, I ar-

lOG LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Cu. II
rived at Borghetto with the main body of niy forces. The
enemy's advanced guard on the left of the Mincio was re
pulsed, and driven across the bridge of Borghetto, one arch
of which they destroyed. I ordered its immediate repair,
but being exposed to the fire of the enemy, the work neces
sarily advanced slowly. The grenadiers became impatient
and some fifty of them threw themselves into the Mincio,
and, holding then fire-arms over their heads, began to wade
with the water up to their shoulders. Fearing a repetition of
the affair of Lodi, the enemy retreated towards the Tyrol,
giving us an uninterrupted passage of the river. I followed
him with the division of Serrurier on Villa-franca, and Au
gereau directed his division by Castel Nuovo to turn Pes
chiera, while Massena remained at the bridge of Borghetto.
Beaulieu still endeavored to remain firm upon the heights
between Villa-franca and Valleggio ; but upon learning the
movement of Augereau's division on Peschiera, he thought
that I purposed cutting him off from the Tyrol, and in con
sequence retired beyond the Adige, ascending the right bank
of that river, by Dolce, as far as Caliano. A part of his
left ascending the Mincio suddenly appeared at my head
quarters, where I had only a feeble guard. I had merely
time to save myself by tbe gardens and to rejoin the troops
of Massena, who soon swept away the enemy, in turn very
much astonished at the sudden appearance of our forces.
The remainder of this wing detached at Goito entered into
Mantua, whose garrison was now increased to more than
thirteen thousand men.
Investment of Mantua. — However great my desire to pur
sue the fragments of Beaulieu's army, 1 did not deem it safe
to do so, for I was not sufficiently strong to enter into the
heart of the Austrian States, while our other armies still
remained beyond the Ehine. I had run over, rather than

Ch. II.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 107
*
conquered Italy, and the possession of Mantua alone could
consolidate our estabhshment here.
Difficult Position on the Adige. — Although nothing had
thus far been able to arrest my victorious march and the
expulsion of Beaulieu from Lombardy, nevertheless all might
yet change ; the enemy's forces seemed to increase in propor
tion as mine diminished, I had swept over this vast basin
of the Po which separates the Apennines from the Maritime
and Tyrolese Alps, more rapidly even than I had hoped, and
now my impetuous arrival on the Adige presented a crowd of
new combinations. The petty princes of Italy, dazzled by
the brilliancy of our achievements, had subscribed to armis
tices most flattering to us ; but the King of Sardinia and
tbe Dukes of Modena and Placentia, had not, in laying down
their arms, become our friends. The people of Lombardy
were far from unanimous in our favor ; the Court of Eome
was stirring up rebellion in our rear ; and Naples might
second these operations by thrusting forward its army upon
Ancona or Sienna. Corsica was in possession of the English,
who were stirring up discord on the continent ; and, although
Tuscany had signed a treaty with us at Paris in 1795, it was
to be feared that the Cabinet of St. James might throw ten
thousand men into Leghorn to rally in our rear this impos
ing mass of enemies. I had only forty-five thousand com-
battants ; Mantua had a garrison of over twelve thousand
Austrians ; Beaulieu and the Tyrolese had thirty thousand
men in the valley of the Adige, and thirty thousand on the
march from the Ehine upon Inspruck to form a junction
with the others.
Situation and Policy of Venice. — To this picture which is
far from being overdrawn, it must be added that Venice alone
could incline the balance against us. She had granted a
military road to the Austrians from the Tyrol to Milan, and
in pursuing our enemy we had encroached upon her territory ;

108 LIFE OP NAPOLEON. [Ch. 11.
of this she had no right to complain ; but in seizing and
arming the arsenal of Peschiera and the Fortress of Verona,
and in making requisitions upon her provinces for the sup
port of our army, and in propagating sentiments of indepen
dence, we had necessarily given offense to the Venetian Gov
ernment. This was no fault of mine ; circumstances forced
it upon me ; I had no other means to support my army, and
self-defense rendered necessary the occupation of the posts
which I had siezed.
If Venice had really wished to preserve her neutra-lity, she
ought, as soon as Beaulieu had retired behind the Po, to have
formed a cordon of twenty thousand men on the Mincio,
abandoning the right bank to the operations of the belli
gerents, and declaring war upon the first who should trespass
upon the remainder of her territory, Pesaro proposed this,
and urged the Senate to form an armed neutrality. But this
ancient queen of the Adriatic, and entrepot of the East, that
in the league of Cambrai had singly braved all Europe, and
in the wars of Charles VIII., Louis XII., and Francis I.,
had held the balance of power in Italy, for the last two cen
turies had been buried in a lethargic sleep. Its maritime
power had been on the decline ever since the discovery of the
Cape of Good Hope, and its land power since the surrender
of the Morea to the Turks by the peace of Passarowitz.
The population of the Eepublic was three millions, and its
revenues some thirty millions ; its land forces consisted of
seven regiments of infantry and six of cavalry, amounting to
twelve thousand men ; the people of the main-land were hke
the Swiss, organized as militia ; but unlike the soldiers of
Alviana, these miserable troops could be compared with no
others than those of the Pope. The Eepubhc trusted mainly
for its security to foreign mercenaries whom its wealth ena
bled it to keep in pay. Its fieet consisted of fourteen ships-
of-the-line, and six of the second class lying at Corfu and

Ch. II.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 109
Venice ; and from the superb arsenal and ship-yard of the
latter place, ten other vessels could have been immediately
prepared and armed. But, if instead of this navy, which
had been prepared against the Turks, Venice had now pos
sessed a good army, events might have assumed a very dif
ferent aspect. This proud oligarchy, which once thought to
honor Henry IV. by inscribing his name upon the golden
book of its nobles, was fallen into decay. It feared our
democracy not less than our bayonets, and had equal dread
of Austria, whose eagle was already enclosing it in his talons.
It vainly hoped to save the vessel of state by allowing it to
drift at will, between the two dangerous rocks — a course
utterly absurd in such times of great peril
Although this enemy was not very dangerous in itself, yet
as an auxiliary to a strong Austrian army, and as a place of
refuge for an English squadron, it was of much greater con
sideration, and I felt considerable anxiety respecting the part
Venice would take. The Senate rejected the noble proposi
tion of Pesaro, and by resolutions characteristic of its
unworthy spirit, appointed two proconsuls, Foscarini and
Sanfermo, with full powers to govern the provinces on the
mainland, and to maintain relations of friendship with the
two belligerents. The disgraceful surrender of Verona, two
days afterwards, proved the wisdom of the Senate in the
choice of its agents !
Criticisms on Napoleon's Operations. — Some eloquent
writers have blamed me for not having masked Mantua and
pursued Beaulieu into the Tyrol If I have ever merited
blame, it is not for having been too circumspect. 1 have
already mentioned the dangers we encountered on our arrival
upon the Adige — viz. : eighty thousand Austrians and Tyro
lese, including the garrison of MantUa and the corps ap
proaching from the Ehine ; the Pope and his influence ;
Naples, as yet undecided, but capable of bringing thirty

110 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Ca. IL
thousand men to the attack ; the English— Corsican division,
threatening to debark in Tuscany ; the King of Sardinia,
dissatisfied with a peace precipitately signed ; Venice, still
discussing the question of peace and war ; such were the
obstacles I had to encounter, with a force of less than fifty
thousand combatants. It is somewhat amusing, that my
critics, in spite of all this, would have me rush into the heart
of the Austrian monarchy. Charles XII., with all his rash
ness, would never have attempted such foolhardiness. I
adopted the only suitable course, that of imposing on our
enemies, and confirming our doubtful alhes, by assuming the
attitude and language of a conqueror. This required much
activity and decision of character, and no one ever exhibited
these qualities in a higher degree than I did on that occasion.
Investment of Mantua. — 1 directed all my attention upon
Mantua, convinced that its fall alone could render my army
available, and enable me to assail Austria without danger
from the south of Italy. Our siege artillery being still em
ployed against the citadel of Milan, we merely made an in
vestment of the place. To do this effectually, it was neces
sary to be master of the whole course of the Adige. The
fortress of Verona was the key to the river, and the base of
any system of operations upon this line. The Austrians had,
either by permission or by force, obtained possession of
Crema and Peschiera, two places, vhich, like Verona, be
longed to the Venetians. As an offset to this, 1 summoned
Verona, and the feeble Foscarini, making use of his full
powers, surrendered up the place on the first of June. This
precious acquisition secured to us three fine bridges across
the Adige ; and the bastioned work, and two strong castles
perched on the last heights of the Tyrol, hermetically closed
the valley on the left of the river. While waiting for artil
lery necessary for the siege of Mantua, I closed the debouches
from the fortress, so that eight thousand men could secure

Ch. 11] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. Ill
its investment ; while Serrurier was charged with this opera
tion, Augereau remained as a corps of observation on the
lower Adige towards Legnago.
Armistice with Naples. — Fortunately for us at this crisis,
our political horizon began to clear up. Ferdinand IV., of
Naples, wearied with a war which was bringing him large
pecuniary losses without any real advantages, and, induced by
the example of the King of Sardinia, and the solicitations of the
King of Spain, now asked to treat, and sent for this purpose
Prince Belmonte-Pignatelli to my head-quarters. He arrived
just after the defeat of Beaulieu, in the plains of the Mincio.
I granted him an armistice, on condition that the Neapolitan
contingent immediately withdrew from the Austrian army,
and returned home. The details of the treaty were to be
settled at Paris, between the Directory and tbe Neapolitan
minister. These negotiations, for reasons of which I am
ignorant, were protracted for more than six months. The
peace was, nevertheless, very important to us, for our embar
rassments would have been very great, had this prince, whose
states could furnish and support fifty thousand troops, con
tinued to act against us. Tbe geographical position of his
kingdom enabled him to attack us with advantage ; in the
same country, and under less favorable circumstances, Han
nibal had made war for ten years against the Eoman Em
pire ; but, fortunately for us, Naples now produces no
Hannibals. Demonstrations against the Pope. — After the treaties of
peace with the kings of Sardinia and Naples, our only enemy
in Italy was the Pope. With Naples against us, I had op
posed any attack being made upon Eome, but now a single
column might be sent against Ancona with perfect safety. I
therefore determined, during the blockade and siege of Man
tua, to humble the majesty of the Tiara before that of the
Eepublic. The division of Augereau passed the Po at Bor-

112 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. H.

8

goforti, and marched upon Bologna, where I arrived on the
19th of June. With a population of only sixty thousand,
this city contained more learned men than any other city in
Italy. Had the remainder of the peninsula possessed the
same intelhgence and energy of character as the citizens of
Bologna, Italy would have become, ere this, a very respect
able power. I promised its Senate the independence, territory,
and consideration, of which it had been stripped by the Pope.
The whole city seemed intoxicated with joy. In fifteen days
it organized a National Guard of three thousand men, who
were often of great use to us. Ferrara, also, gave in its sub
mission without the least opposition.
Armistice of Foligno. — While these things were occurring
at Bologna and Ferrara, a second column left Placentia, and
entered Tuscany. The court of Eome was in the utmost con
sternation at these demonstrations. It solicited an armistice,
which was granted, the 24th of June, on condition that it
yielded to us the Legations of Bologna and Ferrara, and re
ceived a garrison in the citadel of Ancona. This peace was
of vital importance to France, but I made it in violation of
the orders of the Directory, who never calculated either dis
tance or obstacles, but expected, at the same moment, to
revolutionize Eome, Naples, and Florence ; and, with seven
or eight battalions, to conquer all Italy. What it now
directed me to undertake, with only fifty thousand men, itself
attempted, three years after, with one hundred and twenty
thousand men, and ended in the loss of all our Italian pos
sessions. Having terminated the affair with the Pope, Au
gereau was directed to return to the Adige, after first having
punished the inhabitants of Lugo and its environs, who, at
the instigation of the priests, had taken arms against us, to
the number of three or four thousand.
Troubles in the Imperial Fiefs.— Troubles also occurred,
at this time, in the Imperial Fiefs, and in the states of Genoa.

Ch.II.] OAMPAIGNOF 17 9 6 IN ITALY. 113
Bandits organized between Alexandria, Novi, and the Bo
chetta, and, joined by Austrian prisoners who had effected
their escape, attacked and massacred our soldiers. I directed
Faypoult to demand satisfaction for these things, and to
cause the Marquis of Girola, who was suspected of being the
agent of this mischief, to be driven from Genoa. Arquata
had now become the focus of the revolt, and Lannes was sent
there, with a few battalions, to destroy the rebels and sack
the place.
Occupation of Leghorn. — The presence of our troops in
Tuscany gave me an opportunity to execute the Directory's
orders for the occupation of Leghorn. It was executed with
so much rapidity and secrecy, that fifty loaded vessels were
surprised in the port. And even had this prize escaped us,
we should still have made a rich capture in the goods of Eng
hsh merchants. As Tuscany had strictly preserved her neu
trality, nothing but extreme necessity could justify so high
handed a measure. As this port, directly opposite Corsica,
and occupied by ten thousand British troops, could readily
become a point d'appui to the English, and enable them to
stir up a revolt in our rear, and to cut off our communica
tions, self-security required these severe and decided measures.
I garrisoned Leghorn with my own troops ; but I treated the
grand-duke with all the respect due to his noble character,
and to hi-s rank as a prince of the House of Austria, and heir
of the good Leopold.*
These expeditions much strengthened our influence in the
interior of the country ; and the fall of the castle of Mflan,
•*• The view taken of this affair by Alison is entirely erroneous. The neutral
power, being unable to protect itself from the operations of the English at Leg
horn, Napoleon was perfectly justifiable in the course he pursued. Such is the
law of war. The grand-duke took no offense at the occupation of the French.
His minister, Monfredini, acknowledged that the English had been more masters
of the port than the grand-duke himself.
VOL. I. — 8.

114 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. IL
on the twenty-ninth of June, confirmed the wavering Lom
bards in our favor.
Siege of Mantua. — The capture of several fortified towns,
in these expeditions, and the reduction of Milan, had fur
nished us with a sufficient park of artillery to undertake the
siege of Mantua, and I therefore directed my enthe attention
to that object. The trenches were opened on the eighteenth
of July. Serrurier's division, ten thousand strong, was
charged with the works of the siege. The remainder of the
army constituted the corps of observation between the Adige
and Lake Garda. Augereau, with eight thousand men,
formed the right at Legnago ; Massena, with fifteen thousand,
constituted the centre at Eivoli and Verona j General Satuet,
with four thousand, formed the left at Salo ; while the re
serve, of six thousand, was posted between the right and
centre. These dispositions enabled me, by interior concen
tric movements, to bring the whole of my troops to bear upon
either side of the Mincio, according as the enemy should de
velop his forces. His numbers had been too much increased
to expect him to longer remain inactive.
Efforts of Austria to save Mantua. — The cabinet of
Vienna, justly alarmed at my progress, resolved to put a stop
to it, by sending against me a new army and a new general.
Marshal Wurmser left Manheim with twenty thousand
men of the Slite, and superseded Beaulieu. The Austrian
combined army, assembled at Trent the last of July,
amounted to sixty thousand combatants. This superiority
of numbers seemed to ensure victory, and my adversaries
began to triumph at my approaching overthrow. Their cal
culations seemed well formed, but the result proved that they
had left out the relative value of the two commanders-in-
chief — an important item in the estimate.
Approach of Wurmser from the Rhine. — Wurmser de
bouched from the Tyrol the last of July. Quasdanowich

Ch. II.] CAMPAIGN OF 17 96 IN ITALY. 115
carried twenty-five thousand by the right of Lake Garda on
Salo and Brescia ; while the marshal, with the remaining
thirty-three thousand descended the Adige in three columns.
I learned at the same time, that Sauret had been thrown
back upon Desenzano, and Massena expelled from Eivoli.
This information, discouraging as it might seem to one less
familiar with the science of war, gave me the strongest hopes
of success. The enemy, by dividing his forces, gave me an
opportunity to penetrate between the two parts of his army,
and beat them separately. But the success of this depended
upon the utmost promptness ; the slightest hesitation on my
part would have given Wurmser an opportunity to unite
with Quasdanowich on the Mincio. I left everything in
order to prevent this reunion. I raised the siege of Mantua,
leaving one hundred and forty cannon in the trenches ; and
I soon had to rejoice that I had taken this measure in spite
of the prejudices which existed against it. A general of artil
lery might make it as much a point of honor to preserve his
battery as his flag ; but the point of honor for a general-in^
chief is success. A council of war was assembled' to discuss
this measure. In all armies there are some generals intelligent,
but timid, others brave, but uneducated ; the truly valuable
are those who unite these two qualities. In this council there
was the usual difference of opinion ; Kilmaine and the more
discreet advised against the project ; but, Augereau, animated
by a noble ardor which he never after exhibited, declared
that he would not rest till he had given battle with at least
his own division. Encouraged by this, I determined to risk
everything for success, and accordingly gave orders to attack
the Austrian column, which had just taken Brescia. The
divisions of Massena and Augereau, with a reserve, on the
evening of the thirtieth, united between Peschiera and Goito.
One half of the di-vision of Serrurier on the left of the

116 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. IL
Mincio rejoined Augereau, and the other half passed the
Oglio at Marcaria,
Battles of Lonato and Castiglione. — The next day I passed
the Mincio to attack Quasdanowich, The enemy was re
pulsed from Lonato, Brescia, and Salo. I established my
army on the Chiesa, and Quasdanowich fell back upon
Gavardo. The faults of the Austrians could have been
repaired by Wurmser, on the thirty-first of July, after the
taking of the Montebaldo, had he passed the Mincio under
Peschiera to reach Lonato. He then would have effected a
junction with Quasdanowich, and have forced me to regain,
in all haste, the Ticino or Placentia ; after this, he could
easily have made a victorious entry into Mantua. But the
Austrians never knew the value of time. They devised wise
projects, and then failed by wrong calculations of time and
distance. Wurmser, instead of joining Quasdanowich, went
ffi-st to make a, triumphal procession at Mantua, and crossed
the Mincio at Goito, as late as the evening of the second of
August, on his way to Castiglione. This gave me full time
to defeat his lieutenant, and drive him from Ponte San
Marco, Lonato,, and Brescia. But I could not cut him up
very much, on account of the mountains of Gavardo, which
favored his retreat. 1 hoped to take my revenge on Wurm
ser, himself The third of August, Augereau carried his
division and the reserve on Castiglione ; Massena directed
his division on Lonato, and at the same time, to induce
Quasdanowich to continue his retieat, I ordered General
Guyeux to defile on Salo and threaten his communications
with the Tyrol. The operations of this day were somewhat
singular, but on the whole favorable to us. I had thought
to direct my attack upon Wurmser, but on the contrary it
fell upon the left of Quasdanowich, who was trying to renew
his junction by Lonato. For this purpose he had resumed
the offensive and, as usual, in several columns. That of tbe

Ch.IL] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 117
Prince of Eeuss had to descend by Salo ; Ocskay marched
from Gavardo direct upon Lonato ; Ott on Desenzano.
General Ocskay attacked the advanced guard of Massena
and caused him some loss. My arrival with the main por
tion of the division restored the equilibrium. We carried
Lonato, and lively pursued the retreating enemy. Happily
for them the Prince of Eeuss, who had reached Salo before
Guyeux, finding no one there, fell back upon the road taken by
Ocskay, and assisted in rallying his men. But this fortuitous
accident worked wonderfully in our favor the next day.
Quasdanowich resumed his first position at Gavardo with all
his columns, except some detachments which had lost their
way, and remained in the mountains near Lonato. The
same day Augereau attacked and defeated the advanced
guard of Wurmser, at Castiglione.
Quasdanowich surprised at Gavardo. — I had yet gained
only a partial success, but this had strengthened my central
position and afforded means to renew my operations. I re
served my strongest efforts for Wurmser who was advancing
by Gurdizzolo on Castiglione. But as his march was slow,
and as I had still to wait for Serrurier from Marcaria, I re
solved to employ the day of the fourth in more completely
routing Quasdanowich. General Despinoy, reenforced at
Brescia with three thousand men from the army of the Alps,
received orders to advance by Sant-Ozetto on Gavardo. St.
Hilaire was detached from Massena to assist Guyeux, who
was to move from Salo on Gavardo. The effect of these
attacks surpassed my most sanguine hopes, the Austrians,
hearing that Prince Eeuss had found no one at Salo the
night before, thought themselves secure on this side, and
directed all their attention upon the road to Lonato.
Favored by this circumstance and by the nature of the
ground, Guyeux and St. Hilaire got in rear of the enemy
without being perceived. Assailed thus unexpectedly in

118 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. IL
reverse, the Austrians retreated by the road of the Val-
Sabbia upon Eiva. This movement relieved me for the time
from all attacks of this corps.
Attack upon Napoleon's Head-quarters. — But if fortune
had greatly favored my operations at this important juncture,
it had also exposed me to great personal danger at my
head-quarters. I had remained at Lonato, with only one
thousand two hundred men, after the departure of the divi
sion of Massena. Suddenly the city was surrounded by a
corps of the enemy, who summoned me to surrender. For
tunately, I preserved my presence of mind and determined
to substitute audacity for strength. I made so many threats
to the enemy's general that he immediately laid down his
arms and surrendered with his two thousand men and four
cannon. This was the advance guard of Quasdanowich,
which in making a reconnoissance for forming a junction
with Wurmser had crossed the columns of St. Hilaire and
Sauret. This occurred at the very instant that my troops
surprised the enemy at Gavardo ; but the results were differ
ent in the two cases : the flrst was the capture of the attack
ing force without loss ; the other the retreat of twelve or
fifteen thousand Austrians from a most important position.
Second Battle of Castiglione.- Tbe first success of these
operations was to be decided on the fifth of August. Wurm
ser, still wedded to the system of detachments, had sent one
in the direction of the Lower Po and left another to blockade
Peschiera. With the remaining twenty-five thousand men
he took post between Solferino and Medolano. The divi
sions of Massena and Augereau, and the reserve which I had
united at Castiglione, together formed a force equal to that
of the enemy. The arrival of the division of Serrurier in
clined the balance in our favor. In order to give time for
this last division to debouch by Gurdizzolo on the enemy's
rear, and reach the field of battle, I at first merely sought to

Ch. II.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 119
preserve my line without giving any decided character to the
affair. As soon as the troops of Serrurier camo in sight near
Cavriana, I seriously engaged my right and centre. His left
being outflanked and on the point of being driven back upon
Lake Garda, Wurmser deemed it best to order a prompt
retreat, and to repass the Mincio, leaving in my hands twenty
pieces of artillery.*
Second Passage of the Mincio. — A junction with Quas
danowich was the only thing Wurmser wanted to estabhsh
himself firmly on the Mincio and to maintain his communi
cations with Mantua. In order to prevent these results I
resolved to attack the enemy again the next day, notwith
standing the barrier which separated us. While the main
body of my army checked the Austrians on the Mincio
towards Valeggio, Massena crossed this river at Peschiera,
and fell upon the enemy's right wing opposite this place.
Wurmser's Retreat into the Tyrol. — The intrenchments
which the enemy had just commenced were soon carried and
his troops put to flight. Wurmser, seeing his right wing
forced and his communications with the Tyrol threatened,
abandoned the Mincio and retreated up the Adige as far as
Alia. He left in Mantua a garrison of fifteen thousand
fresh troops. > We pursued him to the Tyrol, and by the
twelfth of August regained possession of all the posts on
Lake Garda, which we had lost by the offensive movement of
Wurmser. The division of Serrurier resumed the operations
at Mantua, but having lost all our siege artillery, we could
only maintain the blockade. Wurmser had now resumed
his position in the Tyrol with a loss of ten or twelve thou
sand men and fifty cannon. The theatre of his defeat was
* It has been said that during these extraordinary six days. Napoleon never
once took off his boots, nor lay down upon a bed. He was almost constantly on
horse-back, and Thiers says that he killed five horses with fatigue. He would
not intrust any one -with the execution of his orders, he was determined to see
everything, to verify everything, to animate all by his presence.

120 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch, IL
the same as that where Prince Eugene had so well succeeded
over Vendome in the celebrated campaign of 1705, If the
operations in the two cases be compared, it will be found
that I manoeuvred much more skilfully than the general of
Louis XIV. Although he had Mantua on his side, while it
was against me, he operated so unskilfully as to lose his foot
ing on the Adige and the Mincio, and to allow Prince
Eugene to turn his left by transporting his infantry in boats
across Lake Garda on Gavardo ; this movement required not
less than six days, and in half that time 1 should have
destroyed an army attempting such an enterprise in my
presence. Close Alliance between France and Spain. — France now
began to gather the fruits of these victories. The govern
ment of Spain was not satisfied with a mere treaty of peace
with us. Seeing the danger to which Spain would be ex
posed, if England should triumph upon the seas, they desired
to preserve our colonial and maritime power as a safe-guard
for other nations. Should we fall, it was evident that Spain
could no longer support her colonies or maritime influence,
but would become, like Portugal, a mere tributary to proud
Albion. Animated by these wise and politic sentiments, the
Cabinet of Madrid was willing to forget the natural senti
ments caused by the Eevolution, and form with France a
treaty of offensive and defensive alliance. A treaty contain
ing nearly all the clauses of the celebrated family compact
was signed at San-Udefonso on the nineteenth August, 1796.
This event contributed to our advantage in many respects,
particularly in its influence upon the conduct of the Sar
dinian and Neapolitan governments.
Wurmser renews the Offensive on the Brenta. — No sooner
had the Austrians entered the Tyrol than they received reen
forcements sufficient to again outnumber us. Under these
circumstances it was not to be expected that they would

Ch. IL] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 121
suffer us to quietly continue the siege of Mantua. Wurmser
had received positive orders to relieve that place, and he now
thought to accomplish this object by simple manoeuvres.
Davidowich was to cover the Tyrol with twenty thousand
men scattered from the environs of Feldkirch to Eoveredo,
while Wurmser himself with the remaining twenty-six thou
sand, should descend the valley of the Brenta to debouch on
Porto Legnago and the rear of my army.
Faults of the Plan. — The Austrian general, supposing my
views as narrow as his own, judged that the only course I
could pursue would be to fall back behind the Mincio, and
that he would in this way liberate Mantua, by the single
effect of his combinations. But I was not a man to be in
timidated by vain demonstrations ; and I could have out
generaled him, even if his unfortunate blunders had not
immediately placed him in my power. My good fortune ren
dered no great efforts on my part necessaiy. Having received a
reenforcement of six thousand men, at the moment the enemy
began his false manoeuvre by the left, I resolved to penetrate
into the heart of the Tyrol, and effect a junction with the
army of the Ehine, conformably to the proposition I had
made to the Directory, after the peace with Piedmont.
The Armies in Germany. — Emboldened by my victories,
and the success of the armies of the Ehine and of Sambre-
et-Meuse, at the opening of the campaign, the Directory had
renewed the plan of 1703, in which Louis XIV. and the Elec
tor of Bavaria had failed. This of the Directory was still
more difficult than that of Louis XIV., for then Bavaria was
closely allied with France, and the French army, not, as now,
foolishly scattered from the Danube to Bamberg, was sec
onded by the valiant Charles Theodore and his brave troops,
and opposed only by Prince Eugene of Savoy and Marlbo
rough, the German armies acting merely as auxiliaries ; the

1.22 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Ch.IL
operations of Louis XIV. were, therefore, more excusable
than those proposed in 1796.
In order to execute this plan of the Directory, Jourdan ad
vances from Dusseldorf and Neuwied, on the Lahn, so as to
draw the enemy on the lower Ehine ; he gains two victories
at Altenkerchen. The archduke hastens to meet him, and
forces Jourdan to fall back, at the moment when my victories
induce the Cabinet of Vienna to withdraw Wurmser from the
upper Ehine, and to send him into Italy. Moreau, being
now opposed only by the corps of Starray, passes the Ehine
at Kehl, on the twenty-fourth of June, and on the twenty-
eighth beats the Austrian general at Eenchen. The arch
duke returns in all haste from the lower Ehine, gives battle
on the sixth of July, at Ettlingen, is turned by the left, and
forced to continue his retreat to the Danube ; he again
attacks Moreau at Neresheim, but his line being too much
extended, he is defeated, and crosses the Danube, at Dona-
wert, on the thirteenth of August. During this interval,
Jourdan, favored by the success of Moreau and the departure
of the archduke, has again advanced upon Frankfort, and,
leaving General Moreau to observe Mayence, with twenty-five
thousand men, has continued his march up the Main by
Schweinfurth and Bamberg. This direction was too eccentric,
and it soon became necessary for him to fall back by Nurem
berg, towards Amberg, in hopes of forming a junction with
the army of the Ehine. This last army, after the battle of
Neresheim, advanced on Ulm and Munich, It now had to
extend its left, to form a junction with Jourdan, and to
throw, by its right, a strong detachment on Innspruck, To
require a single army to pursue two objects, so far separated,
was the height of absurdity ; for, after these two eccentric
detachments, Moreau had hardly a skeleton of an army. If
Jourdan had fallen back from Aschaffenbourg upon Dona-
wert, and Moreau had carried his forces, en masse, upon the

Ch, IL] CAMPAIGN OP 1796 IN ITALY, 123
Lech, between Augsbourg and the mountains, we might have
swept the Tyrol in concert, and all three have united on tbe
Inn, But there was no concert of action ; the Archduke
Charles fell upon the isolated army of Jourdan, and defeated
it, on the twenty-third of August, at Amberg, and, on the
second of September, at Wurtzbourg ; and Moreau, whose
right was already near Bregentz and Leutkirch, compromised
by the retreat of the army of the Sambre-et-Meuse, instead
of penetrating the Tyrol, was compelled to seek safety in
retreat. Combats of Mori, Roveredo, and Caliano.— -I was still
ignorant of Jourdan's defeat, and Wurmser's movement on
Bassano, when I advanced against him in the valley of the
Adige. I directed on Eoveredo the divisions of Augereau and
Massena, which were now posted at Verona and Eivoli ; these
were to be joined on their march by the division of Vaubois,
debouching from Salo by the west shore of Lake Garda,
These forces could hardly fail to defeat the single corps of
Davidowich, which was guarding the Tyrol, and scattered in
many detachments. On the fourth of September Wukasso
wich, who commanded his advanced guard, was driven from
Mori by the manoeuvres of Vaubois and Massena, and com
pelled to fall back, first upon Eoveredo, and afterwards upon
Caliano, where he united with the main body of the corps.
Davidowich himself, assailed by superior numbers at Caliano,
was forced by my brave soldiers to yield this formidable pass.
Seeing that nothing could withstand our impetuous attacks,
the enemy sought safety in flight, leaving in our hands
twenty-flve cannon and two thousand prisoners. Davidowich
having rallied his forces behind the Lavis, as it was important
to remove the enemy from the vicinity of Trente, I ordered
him to be attacked by Vaubois. The Austrians attempted
in vain to defend the passage of the La-^ds, and were driven
upon Salurn and Neumark.

124 LIFE OP NAPOLEON. [Ch, IL
March from Trente by the Gorges of the Brenta.- 1 now
learned, for the flrst time, the movement of Wurmser, on
the Brenta, So far from being intimidated by this, I derived
the strongest hope of a decisive victory. An army, separated
into two parts, whose centre I cut, overthrow its right, and
turn its isolated left! 1 1 What better could I desire?
The occupation of Trente was so much the more important
as it opened to us the head of the valley of the Brenta, and
exposed the rear of Wurmser. I took care not to let so fine
an opportunity escape me. Instead of attempting to form a
junction at Innspruck with the right of Moreau, (from whom
I had received no intelligence), I determined to profit by the
enemy's false movement, and prevent his destroying the
remainder of our troops before Mantua. On the sixth, I
directed Massena and Augereau by Levico, in the valley of
the Brenta, in order to mask this movement and check
Davidowich ; Vaubois remained on the Lavis. On the morning
of the seventh the advanced guard of Augereau encountered at
Primolan a detachment of three battalions of the enemy,
closing the passages of the gorges of the Brenta. After a
pretty close contest, this detachment, driven from Primolan
and fort Covolo, and outstripped by a regiment of dragoons
which closed the defile, was surrounded and forced to sur
render. We advanced as far as Cismona.
Affair ©f Bassano. — Wurmser had already reached Bassano ;
but seeing that, instead of trembling for my own communi
cations, I had marched to cut off his, he was at a loss
whether to advance or recede. Of all parts he chose the
worst possible — that of waiting the event at Bassano. His
army was established on the heights in front of the city, with
the advanced guard at Solagna and Campo-Lungo. At seven
o'clock on the morning of the eighth, we attacked this ad
vanced guard, and drove it back in disorder on Bassano, and
carried the town by force. The enemy knew not which way

Ch. IL] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 125
to turn ; Wurmser, with the left of his corps-de-bataille,
retired on Fonteniva, where he passed the Brenta, and
marched upon Vicenza. Quasdanowich, with the right,
being unable to reach tbe Brenta, directed his course
toward Friouli. In this affair we captured two thousand
prisoners, thirty cannon, and an immense train.
Wurmser marches upon Mantna. — Wurmser now had re
maining only fourteen thousand men, entirely disorganized, and
scattered through a country whose communications were all
in our hands ; under such circumstances, 1 hoped to compel
liim to surrender ; I therefore manoeuvred to close all the
outlets. Augereau marched on Padua ; Massena on Vicenza,
and General Sahuguet, who commanded the division of
Serrurier, received orders to take advantage by the difficult
topography of the country between Legnago and Mantua, to
prevent Wurmser from approaching that place. My mea
sures seemed well taken ; but a fault of Sahuguet prevented
me from obtaining complete success. Wurmser had gone
from Vicenza to Legnago ; not imagining that my troops,
after the great fatigue they bad endured, could possibly make
other forced marches, he thought it safe to allow his troops
to repose at Legnago during the day of the tenth. This
delay ought to have been fatal to him ; Massena had
passed the Adige at Eonco, on the evening of the tenth, after
encountering the greatest difficulties for want of a suitable
equipage.* He succeeded at last in putting himself in a
position where he could cut off the Austrians from the road
to Nogara. This advance guard set off on the morning of
the eleventh ; but deceived by a guide, instead of going
directly to Sanguinetto, where it could easily have anticipated
the enemy's column, it was conducted to Cerea. It there
encountered the advanced guard of Wurmser, who had begun
* This is the second important operation of Napoleon, that failed for want
of good bridge-equipage. Placentia was the first.

126 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. ' [Ch.II.
his march on the morning of the eleventh, after having
first left a gamson of seventeen hundred men at Legnago,
The Austrians being the most numerous, our troops were
repelled with loss, and Wurmser succeeded in marching his
column without further obstacle on Nogara. I was some
what vexed at this check, but still was satisfied that Wurm
ser could not escape ; I knew that Sahuguet was at Castel-
laro, with the most positive orders to destroy the bridges of
the Molinella, and by this means arrest the progress of the
enemy. Unfortunately, he forgot the bridge of Villa-
Impenta ; Wurmser took advantage of this last means of
escape from the certain ruin I had prepared for him, and shut
himself up in Mantua. I never pardoned Sahuguet for so
gross a fault, which deprived me of all the fruits of the vic
tory of Bassano. The garrison of Legnago, blockaded on
the left bank of tho Adige by the division of Augereau, and
on the right by a brigade of Massena, capitulated on the
twelfth. Affairs at San-Georgio. — Wurmser had flattered himself
that he would raise the siege of Mantua at the head of
twenty-six thousand men ; he was now driven vdth twelve
thousand vanquished troops to seek refnge there, and he
himself to submit to a siege. At first he encamped his
troops between San-Georgio and the citadel. This position
would enable them to act offensively against our besieging
army, and to make sorties for provisions. I therefore deter
mined to force them to enter within the walls of the town,
from which they could not easily, on account of the topography
of tbe environs, debouch against us. The main body of my
forces was therefore directed on Mantua. Some partial
advantages gained over Sahuguet and Massena on the thir
teenth and fourteenth, inspired them with a fatal security.
A general sortie being made by all the garrison on the
fifteenth, 1 attacked them with all my forces : on the right

Oh. 1I.J CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY, 127
Sahuguet was posted at La Favorite ; on the left, the division
of Augereau marched from Governolo by Castellaro, on San-
Georgio ; on the centre, Messena took a covered position near
Due-Castelli, Wurmser, seeing himself assailed on the two
wings, supported them with strong detachments from the
centre ; seeing this part weakened, I suddenly threw forward
the division of Massena, which, meeting no serious resistance,
penetrated as far as San-Georgio, and carried that place at
the point of the bayonet. This cut off the retreat of the
Austrian right, which now sought safety by penetrating in
the direction of the citadel. Wurmser having lost two or
three thousand men, shut himself up within the walls of the
place. Position of the Army about Mantua. — Entrusting the
blockade of Mantua to General Kilmaine,* who had under
his orders the old division of Serrurier, eight thousand
strong, I placed the rest of my army in observation before
the Tyrol ; it would have been useless and imprudent for me
to penetrate into this region after Jourdan had fallen back,
under the cannon of Dusseldorf, and Moreau under those of
Kehl ; this useless invasion would have allowed Wurmser
to escape. I then stationed Massena, with ten thousand
men, at Bassano ; Augereau with nine thousand, at Verona :
while Vaubois, with ten thousand, remained on the Lavis.
* Kilmaine (Charles Jennings), was bom in Dublin, of a noble family. He
emigrated to France with his father, when very young, and entered the army at
the age of fifteen. He was exceedingly fond of military studies, and early dis
tinguished himself for his knowledge of the mihtary art. He came to America
with M. de Baron as lieutenant, and served in our Eevolutionary War. He saw
much service in the earlier wars of the French Eevolution, and received rapid
promotion. He greatly distinguished himself in the campaign of 1796. He
died in 1799. Napoleon thus describes his character: '• He was au excellent
cavalry officer, possessing coolness and cowp-d'(Bil, and was well suited to com
mand on parties of observation, and all such delicate commissions as required
discemment, sagacity, and presence of mind. In the campaign of Italy, he
rendered important services to the army, of which, but for bis ill-health, he
would have been one of the principal generals,"

128 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch.IL
Add to these my reserve of cavalry, and it will be seen
that my available force did not exceed forty thousand
combatants. The presence of a small army i-i Mantua ought to augment
the trophies we hoped to gain from this conquest ; but the
reverses which our arms had encountered on the Ehine, gave
us good grounds to fear that the A-ustrians might reenforce
their army in the Tyrol and the Friouli, and renew their
efforts to deliver it. In that case, the presence of Wurmser
with twenty thousand men in our rear, might become an
object of much solicitude. As a climax to our ill-luck, my
army encountered the autumnal fevers of the marshes about
Mantua ; and the southern horizon of Italy began to be
overcast. New Republics formed. — Convinced; however, that Austria
would not immediately trouble me, I gave all the month of
October to the interior organization of Italy. The threaten
ing invasion of Wurmser had again revived the hopes of
Eome, and they no longer troubled themselves with executing
the conditions of the armistice of Bologna. To disembarrass
ourselves of this power, it was necessary in turn to negotiate
and to threaten. Ercole III., Duke of Modena, had fled to
Venice with his treasures. This last descendant of the house
of Este* belied his name in every respect ; he was a man of
breeding and taste, but a sordid avarice obscured all his
faculties. The Archduke Ferdinand was his heir^ and this
* This was one of the most illustrious families of Italy, and traced its origin
to those petty princes who governed Tuscany in the time of the Carlovingians
(tenth century). In the contests of Guelfs and Ghibelines, the Marquises of
Este became leaders of the Guelf party, and acquired the territories of Ferrara
and Modena. The house was afterwards celebrated for its magnificent patronage
of distinguished men, and several of its dukes acquired the reputation of states
men and warriors. Alfonso I., and his wife Lucretia Borgia, both occupy a
prominent position in the history of the sixteenth century. Ercole III., the last
Duke of Modena, Reggio, and Mirandola, married his only daughter, Maria
Beatrice, to the Archduke Ferdinand. The House of Este was definitely de
prived of its sovereignty by the treaty <rf Campo-Formio, October nto, 1797.

Ch. II.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 129
of itself was enough to make him our enemy. The regency
instituted in his absence was hostile to us, and I, therefore,
determined to destroy it ; the people of Eeggio were on our
side, and required no stimulus to revolt. We occupied with
out obstacle tbe fortified place of Modena, and our troops
effected a revolution there,
I felt the necessity of creating a new state in Italy ; but
my plans for the regeneration of that country were not yet
matured. Nothing is more difficult than to unite ten states
of separate interests into one. The simple question of
choosing the capital would excite local feelings and interests.
For the time, it would have been sufficient for my purpose to
revive the Lombard power, in order to oppose an antique
Italian glory to the House of Austria. But to speak of a
kingdom, or even a duchy to the Eewels and Barras, had
been to compromise me without any advantage ; these gen
tlemen wished to republicanize everything. I therefore laid
the basis of several provisional republics, — the Cisalpine, the
Cispadane, and Transpadane. They were democracies, for it
would then have been imprudent to speak to my soldiers
about founding aristocracies ; but I succeeded in preserving
something of pres'eance to the nobility and clergy, in order
to conciliate these classes. Bologna and Ferrara formed a
Transpadane Eepublic, Modena and Eeggio united formed
the Cispadane. It was best to give them this organization,
for the present, because it suited the contracted notions of
the plebeians of these cities, and facilitated the arrangements
necessary to secure peace. Milan gradually adopted the idea
of a general regeneration in Italy. The fear of being given
up to Austria on a treaty of peace, cooled the Lombards,
and, in fact, I did not wish to compromise too seriously the
people of these provinces ; it was enough to sow the seed,
in order to gather the fruit after the war. It was sufficient
for me that Lombardy should organize some paid legions
VOL, I, — 9,

136 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. IL
which, with -the National Guards of the republics of the Po,
would preserve order in the interior, and render available a
part of the garrisons which I had left there.
Political State of the rest of Italy. — These measures were
the more prudent as the affairs of the remainder of Italy
presented an aspect not very encouraging. The negotiations
with Naples were still under discussion, and the policy of
Piedmont uncertain. Victor Amadeus might remember the
influence which his ancestor had acquired, by declaring, in
1705, against Louis XIV, when his armies were on the Adige
against those of prince Eugene. The same motives now
existed, and, the circumstances being the same, he might
hope to obtain like results. The environs of Genoa were far
from quiet, and the Senate, beset, it is said, by the solicita
tions of Faypoult, had some hand in the troubles of the Im
perial Fiefs. The Pope, recovered from his terror, no longer
thought of peace. Venice, by declaring against the new
republics, could give a dangerous turn to the war. Fearing
to rouse the Lion of St. Mark, I sought, in concert with the
Directory, by propositions skilfully offered, to attach to us
Ifhe old republic, whose slightest effort, in the critical situa
tion of affahs, was capable of inclining the balance on the
side of our enemies. Who knew but the present Doge, in
imitation of the Morosini, Dandolos and Alvianis, might put
himself at the head of twenty thousand men and assist the
imperiahsts in expeUing from Italy that handful of men who
had just excited so many conflicting interests ? Would not
¦such an act have decided the fate of Mantua, encouraged the
King of Naples, and also the King of Sardinia, whose country,
covered with a triple line of posts, was ill-disposed towards
ais ? To determine the vacillating Senate to throw itself
boldly into the arms of France, by painting to it in turn the
dangers to which it was exposed on the one side by propa
gandism and on the other by the ambition of Austria ; and,

Ch. n.] CAMPAIGN OF 17 9-6 I.N ITALY. 131
in case of refusal, to quiet it with promises and to prolong
its lethargy by protestations of friendship, tiU it could be
overthrown by a popular revolution ; such were the means
to which 1 resorted in order to accomplish my objects. But
the result did not answer to my first hopes. In vain did the
Minister Lallement exhaust all the arguments of diplomacy ;
neither the j^iroposition of a quadruple alliance with the
Porte, Spain and Naples, nor the fear of the encroachments
of its redoubtable neighbors, nor the dependence of Austria
and England, could break the impassable policy of a body
already struck with paralysis in all its parts. Trusting in
its own weakness, it required all the entreaties of such men
as Pesaro to induce the Senate to order a levy of Sclavonic
soldiers, and the armament of a fiotilla for the defense of its
lagoons ; measures of interior security of which no foreign
power had a right to complain, but which in the present state
of affairs caused us much anxiety. The coincidence of these
armaments with the refusal of the Pope to sign the treaty
of peace, and the arrival at Eome of the Marquis del Vasto,
charged by the King of Naples to form an offensive and
defensive alliance between the two states, caused me to think
that I should soon have to contend with an Italian league,
unless the Directory hastened its negotiations with Naples.
I urged it to make peace with that power at any price, as it
was the only means of forcing the rest of the Peninsula to
terms. Discussions with Rome. — Pius VI continually protested
his love of peace, but he partook too much of the hatred
which the cardinals and secretary of state had vowed
against our democratic principles, to willingly close the nego
tiations -with the severe conditions which I had imposed upon
him ; he prolonged them in hopes of finding, sooner or later,
an occasion for breaking them off -with eclat. The first suc
cess of Wurmser and the momentary raising of the blockade

132 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. H.
of Mantua, revived the hopes of the pontifical government ;
it confided in these temporary successes so much as to charge
the prelate Lagreca to endeavor to retake Ferrara, and suc
ceed, under different pretexts, in eluding the articles of the
armistice. It had been specified that no eclesiastic should be
sent to treat definitively of peace ; but in violation of this
clause, the prelates Petrarchi and Vangelisti had been sent
to Paris. Such a want of faith on the part of Eome was
calculated to destroy all confidence, and the French govern
ment, refusing to recognize these two agents, ordered them
to quit Paris in twenty-four hours. The nuncios and legates
of Ancona and Eomana conducted themselves as declared
enemies of the French army. Finally, the Holy See was
negotiating a close alliance with the cabinet of Vienna and
asking of it officers for the papal troops. Informed of these
malevolent dispositions I was preparing to put an end to
them, when the operations of the imperial armies forced me
to dissemble my resentment and to turn my whole attention
to the Adige. The Pope, after the dismissal of his agents,
sought to renew negotiations at Florence. The prelate
Galleppi, the Domincan Soldati, and the Chevalier d'Azzara,
the Spanish ambassador who had just been mediator in the
ill-observed armistice, presented themselves to the commis
sioners Salicetti and Garreau, but it was impossible to come
to an understanding. These last required the Pope to with
draw and declare null the bulls published against France
since the Eevolution ; that he should close his ports to the
English, and make reparation for the murder .of Basseville.*
Carrying their inflexibility to the last degree, they presented
* In 1793, a popular commotion was caused in Rome by the display which
some young French artists made of the tri-colored flag ; the carriage of Basse
ville, the French envoy, was attacked in the street, his house was broken into,
by the mob, and he himself unarmed and unresisting, was cruelly assassinated.
He was thrust through the abdomen with a bayonet, and dragged through the
street, holding hia bowels in his hands.

H. IL] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 133
to his plenipotentiaries a treaty in sixty-four articles,
declaring that it must be adopted or rejected as it was, as
they were not authorized to enter into any discussion. This
method of treating, wholly unprecedented even in the Eevo
lutionary diplomacy of 1793, produced an injurious effect.
Galleppi returned to Eome. So powerfully had the success
of the Austrians operated upon all minds that the Pontifical
government, thinking the deliverance of Italy near at hand, not
only rejected the propositions submitted to it, but suddenly
passed to hostile preparations ; the armistice was disregarded ;
the money sent to pay the contributions was recalled, and
new amounts raised in all the States of the Church. The
novenas, prayers, processions, bulls, in a word all that could in
fluence the hatred of an ignorant and superstitious multitude
was put in operation in order to increase the recruits of the
Papal army. But these means, so powerful in the fifteenth
century, had now lost their magic ; the mass of the people lim
ited themselves to the offer of vows and prayers for the suc
cess of so just a war ! Some of the princes, through fear
of losing their priviliges, were compelled to join in the pre
parations. The Constable Colonna raised a regiment of in
fantry, the Prince Gustiniani offered one of cavalry. But
these were not sufficient to form an army ; indeed they could
hardly raise eight thousand men ; but they flattered them
selves that Naples would furnish thirty thousand.
In the mean time Chevalier d'Assara, interposing the me
diation of Spain, succeeded in retarding the explosion, and,
in these trying circumstances, rendered us eminent services.
The French envoy, Cacault, on his side, contributed, by his
impassable countenance, to avoid an open rupture, which at
this epoch might have had for us the most fatal results.
Detinitive Peace with Naples. — These troubles were at last
happily dissipated by the definitive treaty signed at Paris,
the tenth of October, between the French Eepublic and the

134 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CH. XL
court of the Two-Sicilies. The conditions were very mild,
compared with those imposed upon the Pope and Piedmont.
This moderation was due, without doubt, to the great dis
tance of the kingdom of Naples, the difficulty of carrying on
war against it, and to the urgency of getting rid of an enemy
whose aimy alone exceeded my own. If we had continued
hostilities, the Neapolitans could have sustained Eome, and,
in concert -with the English division of Corsica, advanced
upon the Po with forty thousand men, rendering the con
quest of Italy still doubtful. But, after the treaty, they
would no longer trouble themselves about Lombardy ; Eome
would be left to its own troops ; the English would not alone
attempt anything in Tuscany, and nothing would interfere
in the ulterior military operations against Austria. The
Directory, yielding at last to my solicitations, supported by
Oarnot, abated its pretensions, in order to facilitate the treaty.
The court of Naples merely engaged to remain neutral, to
ferret out the authors of the crimes of 1793, to promise to
France a reciprocal treaty of commerce, to recognize the
Batavian republic, and to renew with it ancient relations.
Affairs of Piedmont. — If the definitive peace concluded with
Ferdinand, on the tenth of October, rid us of a troublesome
neighbor, the death of the king of Sardinia, about the middle
of the same month, seemed likely to produce a vexatious
change in the policy of the court of Turin. The new king,
Charles Emanuel, had declared for peace, and had favorably
received the propositions of alliance made by Poussielgue,
but he had put in a condition that they should cede to him
Lombardy, and the Directory had obstinately refused every
arrangement of this nature. It was therefore to be feared
that this prince, desirous of signalizing his accession to the
throne, would seek to restore the lustre of his power by
acquisitions equal to the provinces lost by his predecessors,
in this war. The refusal of France, leaving him no hope of

Ch.IL] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 135
obtaining indemnities in that quarter, he would naturally
join the coalition as soon as there was any hope of his recov
ering his lost provinces. This resolution seemed so much
the more probable, as the lesser powers usually range them
selves on the strongest side, especially where fear is united
with the manifest interest of the state. This uncertainty
of our relations with Piedmont made me strongly sensible of
the necessity of making sure of Genoa. If Piedmont should
change her policy, we would then have neither a base of
operations nor a line of retreat ; the possession of Genoa
would procure both. I was not now in a situation to obtain
this by force, and, moreover, we had no motives for hostile
measures with that power.
Negotiations with Genoa. — The flrst success of our arms
had closed the port of Genoa against English vessels, in
reprisal for hostilities committed by them, in 1793, against
French ships. The Senate refused, for a long time, to recog
nize the Count de Girola, the envoy of the emperor, under
the pretext that he had excited insurrection in the Imperial
Fiefs. The Genoese people were well disposed towards France,
on account of the intimate commercial relations between the
two countries, and the Senate had given such proofs of its
moderation as ought to have satisfied us ; but this was not
sufficient for my safety, or the ambition of the Directory ;
we wished Liguria to make decidedly common cause with
France. The presence of the English minister, Drake, the
reports he circulated respecting the designs of the English
upon the rear of our army, the seizure of the frigate La
Modeste, and other offenses, of which Genoa was not guilty,
seemed plausible grounds of complaint. Thinking it best to
assume an imperious tone, I dispatched, at the moment when
embarrassments of all kinds were troubling me on the Adige,
an aid-de-camp to the Doge, with a list of grievances, for
which I asked reparation ; threatening, in case of refusal, to

136 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch.IL
march on Genoa, But the moment was not propitious.
Faypoult demonstrated that an untimely explosion might
spoil all ; besides, the news that the Directory were treating
at Paris, with the republic, turned aside the blow ; and,
waiting for a proper opportunity for the execution of my
designs, I exacted new sums of money. On the ninth of
October a treaty, stipulating the payment of four millions,
the shutting of the port to the English, free passage to our
troops and convoys destined for the army of Italy, trans
formed Genoa into a French place-of-arms.
Troubles in the Fiefs. — The peasants of the Imperial Fiefs,
instigated, as some say, by the agents of Faypoult, and,
according to others, by Count Girola, opposed this treaty,
and organized new insurrections. The Fiefs of St. Marguerita,
situated advantageously in the valley of the Scrivia, was the
focus of the revolt. They had assembled there escaped pris
oners of war and deserters, for tbe purpose of afterwards
sending them to the Tyrol, by Sestri di Levante. There was
a depot of arms and munitions, which they drew in secret
firom Genoa. Wurmser, informed of their movements, wished
an officer should be charged with their direction ; but again,
on this occasion, he was anticipated ; the French sent some
movable columns into the Fiefs, scattered the assemblage,
took hostages, and got possession of the arms. With the
exception of the Barbets, who disturbed the passage of the
Apennines, all tbe north of Italy was tranquil, thanks to the
presence of the little army of Kellerman.
Affairs of Corsica. — The possession of Corsica became daily
more difficult and onerous to the English. The declaration
of war by Spain rendered their situation in the Mediterranean
perilous, and exposed this colony to the attack of two powers
weU previded with the means of making descents ; moreover,
they had much to fear from the inhabitants, the major part
of whom remained sincerely attached to France. Even the

Ca IL] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 137
Paolists, deceived by England, had already committed many
acts of hostility against the viceroy.
English Occupation of Porto-Fcrrajo.— Lord Elliot, con
vinced that it was not the interest of Great Britain to pre
serve, by force of arms, a station were the population was so
irritable, had been for some time preparing to evacuate the
island. Hearing of the occupation of Leghorn by tbe French
troops, and the preparations made at Toulon for an expedi
tion, he felt the urgency of the English occupying Porto-
Ferrajo. This maritime, military and commercial station,
for England, united almost all the advantages, without the
inconveniences of Corsica. The Tuscan commandant was
therefore summoned on the tenth of July ; and in retahation
for our occupation of Leghorn, he permitted the English
to occupy the forts in conjunction with the troops of the
Grand Duke.
Evacuation of Corsica. — ^Elliot soon had reason to con
gratulate himself on this arrangement. Tbe discontent of
the Corsicans continued to increase ; the glory reflected upon
them by my victories, and the reception of the Corsican
patriots in France, contrasted too strongly with the treatment
received by their compatriots from the English, to say nothing
of the old national hatred, not to incite all the inhabitants
to throw off their yoke. The number of these patriot
refugees at Marseilles and Leghorn increased daily, and the
intelligence they maintained with those who had at first
ranged themselves under the banners of England, announced
that the moment of insurrection had come. An order of
evacuation from the admiralty to the governor prevented an
actual outbreak.
In the meantime, I myself was endeavoring to lend assist
ance to my compatriots ; I charged General Gentilli to
make at Leghorn secret preparations for an expedition. On
the other hand, the government had directed at Toulon the

138 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. H.
preparation for an armament necessary for this enterprise ; the
Spanish squadron of Langara, leaving Carthagena with twenty-
five vessels, seemed certain of success. As soon as Gentilli
got wind of the dispositions of the English for a retreat, he
embarked General Casalta with a small detachment of troops-
of-the-line, and some armed refugees. This officer, braving
the enemy's cruisers, and combating the elements, arrived, in
spite of every obstacle, in Corsica, on the nineteenth of Octo
ber. The next day he was joined by a considerable number
of patriots with whose assistance he attacked Bastia. Master
of the heights commanding the city, and protected by the
inhabitants, he summoned the garrison of the fort to surren
der ; the English reached their vessels, but their rear guard,
composed in part of the regiment of Dillon, lost several
prisoners. Saint Florent and Ajaccio were soon surrendered,
and in a few days the island returned to the empire of which
it formed a part.
Situation of the Armies on the Adige. — These political
revolutions, armistices, and interior expeditions, filled up the
interval between the combat of San-Georgio and the battle
of Areola. The main body of the French army remained
during these two months about Mantua, and in observation
on the Brenta and the Adige. Epidemic fevers had filled my
hospitals, and diminished considerably the number of com
batants ; reenforcements arrived too slowly to enable me to
make any advance. The Austrians, on the contrary, made
vast preparations for a new trial of arms.
Alvinzi comes to succor Mantua. — By the middle of Octo
ber, the force^ of Davidowich's corps was increased to near
twenty thousand men. The corps of Quasdanowich which,
after the defeat of Bassano had retired to Gorizia, was also
increased to about twenty-five thousand men. The perma
nent organization of the Croats into regiments had produced
a part of these forces, and the rest had been drawn from the

Ch.IL] campaign of 1796 IN ITALY. 139
northern Tyrol after the retreat of the armies of the Ehine,
or had been recruited in the interior. General Alvinzi,
appointed commander-in-chief of all these forces, repaired to
the corps of Quasdanowich and took the offensive, directing
himself by Bassano on Verona, where he hoped to effect
a junction with Davidowich, who had received orders to
descend the Adige. My position was extremely difficult ; I
could not advance to meet Alvinzi without leaving Verona,
and consequently enabling Davidowich to drive back Vaubois,
to unite with Wurmser under Mantua, and thus establish
on my rear an army superior in number to all the forces
which I could collect. On the other hand, I could not con
centrate the mass of my forces on Eoveredo without leaving
open to Alvinzi the road to Mantua, which, in an inverse
sense, would effect the same results. Nor could I well con
centrate on Verona, for the communications between Alvinzi
and Davidowich would then be reestablished by the valley of
the Brenta. It was almost as necessary for me to prevent
the junction of these two generals, as the union of one of
them with Wurmser. I therefore was obliged to adopt a
middle course.
Vaubois driven back on Rivoli. — Vaubois was too inferior
in numbers to effectually defend the access to Trente. By
making him take the offensive, I thought to intimidate
Da-vidowich : I was deceived. The second of November
Vaubois obtained some advantages at St. Michael, in the
valley of the Adige ; but turned himself on the right by the
valley of the Lavis, he was obliged to fight in retreat the
next day, in order to reach Calliano. Davidowich entered
Trente on the fourth. The same day, the army of Alvinzi
arrived at Cittadella and Bassano. At the approach of the
enemy, Massena fell back by Vicenza to Montebello. The
communication between the two parts of the enemy's army,
now seemed certain ; but as in changing their general the

140 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. IL
Austrians had not changed their system of strategy, they
still continued to act separately. Davidowich marched on
Calliano, and Alvinzi prepared to attack Verona, by Vicenza.
1 determined to repeat, from right to left, the manoeuvre
which, from left to right, had succeeded so well against Wurm
ser ; that is, I determined to defeat AMnzi and drive him
behind the Piave, and then ascend the Brenta to assail the
rear of Davidowich.
Affairs of the Brenta. — I advanced towards the Brenta with
Augereau and Massena ; I already found the enemy on this
side of the river. On the sixth, Massena attacked, at Car-
mignano, the left of Alvinzi which was commanded by Pro
vera. His right, under the orders of Quasdanowich, was
attacked the same day at Lenova by Augereau. We ob
tained only a partial success. Provera repassed the Brenta
and Quasdanowich approached Bassano without our having
been able to seriously injure them. The enemy was stronger
and better prepared to receive us than I had expected. On
the other hand I learned that he was closely pressing Vau
bois in the valley of the Adige. It was necessary to renounce
my projects, for I felt the importance of calling to me Vau
bois and Kilmaine. On the seventh, I took the road to Ve
rona. Alvinzi followed me and arrived on the eleventh at
Villa-Nova. Vaubois, attacked at Calliano, sustained a hard
fight. On the sixth and seventh he maintained his position ;
but fearing to be turned by the right, he retired on the night
of the seventh and eighth to the Corona. I hastened with
all speed to this division, harangued the 39th and 85th which
had failed at Calliano, and threatened to inscribe on their
flags that they were no longer worthy to be of the army of
Italy. They swore to conquer or die.
Combat of Caldiero. — In the meantime I was closely
pressed ; and I determined to fall again on the army of
Alvinzi. On the eleventh I left Verona, with Massena and

Ca IL] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 141
Augereau, and the next day attacked the enemy in position
at Caldiero. A violent north-east hailstorm in the face of
our soldiers, and the strong position of the enemy, rendered
our efforts utterly useless ; we were repelled with loss.
Passage of the Adige at Ronco. — I returned to Verona in a
critical condition ; my forces were everywhere too weak.
Fortune seemed decidedly against us. But I had heretofore
proflted by her favor ; I now wished to prove to the world
that I could conquer with fortune against me. Any other
general would have repassed the Mincio, and lost Italy. But
my futm-e hopes would have died with the loss of my con
quests. It was necessary to risk all for all. I resolved to
pass the Adige below the left of Alvinzi, in order to threaten
his rear. This was a hazardous course ; but it was the only
one that left me any chance of success. Alvinzi, in advan
cing upon Verona by the route of Caldiero, had, on his right,
impracticable mountains, on his left, the Adige, and in front,
a strongly fortified town. The ground which he occupied
was thus inclosed on three sides, and offered no other outlet
than the defile of Villa-Nova. In crossing to Eonco I ap
proached this outlet, and forced the enemy to fight with his
line faced to the rear, in order to open to himself a passage ;
finally, I placed my inferior army in marshy ground, where
the enemy could give battle upon three dykes, and where I
had all the advantage of the defensive, joined to the indi
vidual superiority of my soldiers.
Battle of Areola. — I withdrew General Kilmaine from the
blockade of Mantua, with two thousand men, and confided
to him the defense of Verona, which place it was indispen
sable for us to maintain, in order to close the passage of the
valley of the Adige to Alvinzi, and prevent him from joining
Davidowich. With the divisions of Massena and Augereau,
and the reserve of cavalry, in all about twenty thousand men,
I left Verona on the fourteenth for Eonco, where I threw a

142 II FE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IL
bridge across the Adige, Some have thought that I ought
to have crossed at Albaredo, in order to avoid the Alpon, its
marches, and the deffie of Areola. It is true I should, in
this way, have more easily gained Villa-Nova, but I was not
strong enough to recklessly throw myself upon the only route
of Alvinzi : I could merely threaten it, without quitting the
support of the Adige ; and at the same time, it was necessary
for me to maintain my connection with Verona and the
division of Vaubois. The movement by Albaredo was too
long to accomplish this triple object, and it was, by far, too
dangerous to give battle on the Alpon, at Villa-Nova, with
my front to the rear, in order to face Verona. I therefore
passed the Adige at Eonco, on the fifteenth of November.
The ground which separates it from the Alpon was entirely
inundated : over this there were only three dikes. Massena
took the one on the left, which runs nearly parallel to the
Adige, as far as Porcil. Augereau took the centre dike,
leading to the bridge of Areola, over the Alpon, A brigade
of Croats, detached as fiankers from the left, defended this
last point. These troops made the best use of the advantages
of ground to repel the attacks of Augereau. This circum
stance, which I could not foresee, was near becoming fatal :
the resistance of the Croats gave Alvinzi time to hasten to
their assistance. The Austrian general, fearing that his
retreat might be cut off, sent Provera, with six battalions,
against Massena, to Porcil, and, with the main body of his
army, fell back upon San-Bonifacio, The unforeseen oppo
sition at Areola did not prevent me from persevering with
my project. If I could not reach Villa-Nova by the left
bank of the Alpon, I could act by Porcil more directly on
Alvinzi's line of retreat ; but it was necessary to be master
of the village and defile of Areola, in order to secure my right,
and to avoid being taken myself in this cul-de-sac. 1 again
tried to carry the bridge. The greater part of my generals

Call.] CAMPAIGN OF 17 96 IN ITALY. 143
had been wounded in leading on their men. I now threw
myself at the head of my grenadiers ; but it was all useless.
Possibility had limits even for my troops. The head of the
column was broken, and most vigorously repulsed. In the
midst of this disorder I was thrown from the dike into the
morass, and ran imminent risk of being made prisoner : Bel-
liard charged -w^+vb a company of grenadiers and rescued me.
Towards evening the Austrians abandoned Areola, at tbe ap
proach of a brigade which I had thrown across the Adige,
by the ferry of Albaredo^ and which advanced by ascending
the left of the Alpon. But it was now too late, and I did
not wish to run the risk of passing the night with my troops
crowded together in the morass, and exposed to the enemy's
army, which was now deployed between San-Bonifacio and
San-Stefano. Moreover, it was possible that Vaubois might
be driven to Bussalingo, and, in that case, it would be neces
sary for me to make a forced march, in the night, on the
Mincio, in order to join him at Mantua ; but this I could
not possibly accomplish without taking the precaution of
repassing to the right of the Adige, in the day-time. This I
did, leaving on the left bank troops merely sufficient to guard
the bridge.
It was now too late to act upon the rear of Alvinzi ; but
I had, at least, succeeded in removing him from Verona.
This circumstance only postponed my defeat, unless I could
throw him completely back upon the Brenta. This it was
necessary to effect at any sacrifice. Certain that Vaubois
had not been molested, on the fifteenth, by Davidowich, we
repassed to the left of the Adige on the morning of the six
teenth. The Austrians having occupied Albaredo, Areola,
and Porcil, now advanced against our bridge ; we drove
them back. Massena entered Porcil, and throwing back one
of his brigades on the centre, cut off, on the dike, a column
of fifteen hundred men. Augereau again advanced upon

144 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca :.
Areola ; here the operations of the previous evening were
repeated, and we sustained considerable loss, without being
able to carry the bridge. At night we recrossed the Adige,
for the same reason as on the previous day.
But all this ill success did not discourage me. Davido
wich had attacked the Corona on the sixteenth, and got pos
session of Eivoli. Vaubois had retired in good order on
Bussalingo and Castel-Novo. It was now very important
for me to force Alvinzi to retire beyond Villa-Nova, so as to
open a direct communication with Verona, for the assistance
of Vaubois. The third time I renewed the attack ; and I
would have renewed it ten times more, if I had not succeeded.
I felt that tbe preservation of Italy was necessary for my
political existence. I preferred dying at the head of my army,
to commencing a retreat which I knew would destroy all the
fruits of my preceding exploits. On the seventeenth, at the
break of day, my troops again took the road to the bridge.
Fortune seemed decidedly opposed to me. At the moment
of effecting the passage one of the boats of the bridge sunk.
This unfortunate accident would have deprived me of all
chance of success had not the address and zeal of my pon-
toniers extricated me from the difficulty. When the bridge
was repaired, my army crossed the river and again drove
back the enemy to Porcil and Areola. But as this was no
longer the principal point of attack, I now limited myself to
sending General Eobert against it with a demi-brigade of
Massena's division. Massena himself moved with the other
demi-brigade against Porcil. The rest of the division re
mained in reserve near the bridge. If the enemy should
profit by his superiority over Eobert, I was ready to make
him repent it. Augereau's division had orders to throw a
bridge over the Alpon near its mouth in order to act against
the left of the Austrians and take Areola in reverse.
The Austrians, being reenforced at Areola, took the offen-

Ch. II.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 145
sive, routed General Eobert, and pursued him quite to the
bridge. This was just what I wished, for it was important
to cut up the enemy's forces as much as possible 'before at
tempting the passage of the Alpon. Their deep column,
proud of a first success, encountered the main body of Mas
sena's division, at the same time that the troops I had con
cealed in the reeds fell upon the flank of the column, cutting
off three thousand men and driving the remainder back in
disorder upon Areola. This was the decisive moment. The
division of Augereau having at last succeeded in constructing
its bridge, crossed the stream and came up in front of the
left wing of the Austrians which rested its left on a morass.
I had expected to turn this obstacle by means of eight hun
dred men from Legnago ; but as they had not yet made their
appearance, 1 thought to impose on my enemies by making a
feint against the flank. I therefore ordered an officer to gain
the point of the Austrian wing with twenty horsemen and
some buglers. This ruse produced its effect. The Austrian
infantry lost that aplomb which they preserved till then.
Augereau profited by this to force it back, and the opportune
appearance of the small garrison of Legnago in rear of the
enemy, precipitated his retreat towards San-Bonifacio. The
division of Massena then debouched by Areola and San-Gre-
gorio. Alvinzi, who had not been able to arrest us upon
ground the most favorable for the defensive, did not attempt
to risk a battle in an open country with an army already
reduced to about fifteen thousand combatants. On the
eighteenth he retired to Montebello.* I had lost almost as
many men as the enemy ; I had not defeated him, but I had
gained the means of turning against Davidowich.

* In speaking of this movement Alison says, " It was so apparent to aU the
Austrian army that this retreat was the result of a secret understanding with
the French general, and with a view to the negotiation which was now depend
ing, that they openly and loudly expressed their indignation. One colonel broke
VOL. I. — 10.

146 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. II.
Vanbois driven from Rivoli.— This general, who for eight
days had amused himself before the intrenchments of the
Corona, had at last attacked Vaubois on the sixteenth. He
gained no great advantage on the first day, but on the second
Vaubois, threatened to be turned by the right, evacuated his
position and fell back behind the Mincio, crossing the river
at Peschiera. On the eighteenth Davidowich advanced to
Castel-Novo, and I now resolved to make him pay dearly
for his slight success. I sent my reserve of cavalry in pur
suit of Alvinzi and with the main body of my infantry fell
back from VUla-Nova to Verona and made a triumphal entiy
into that city by the gate of Venice, three days after having
mysteriously left it by the gate of Milan. The inhabitants,
and my soldiers, astonished at manceu-vres which they could
not comprehend, regarded me with equal admiration. Mas
sena recrossed the Adige at Verona and marched upon Villa-
Franca, where he expected to meet Vaubois, who had again
crossed the Mincio at Borghetta. These two divisions were
to attack Davidowich in front, while Augereau marched from
Verona by the mountains on Dolce in order to cut off his
retreat. Davidowich barely escaped a complete overthrow
by hastening to regain Eoveredo ; his rear-guard was much
cut up. Alvinzi, on his side, seeing that he was pursued by
¦cavalry only, returned to Villa-Nova. But I had now fin
ished with Davidowich, and was preparing to debouch anew
by Verona on the left of the Adige. Alvinzi, being isolated,

his sword in pieces, and declared he would no longer serve under a commander
whose conduct brought disgrace on his troops. Certain it is that Alvinzi, dur
ing this dreadful strife at Areola, had neither exhibited the capacity nor the
spirit of a general worthy to combat -with Napoleon." The object of these
remarks is evidently to diminish the glory acquired by Napoleon in this victory.
Never was a battle harder fought by the Austrians, and to attribute Alvinzi's
retreat, after seventy-two hours' fighting, to a secret understanding -with Napoleon,
is too absurd to merit comment. Alison's account of this battle is wholly chi
merical, but where errors so abound it is hardly -v^orth -while to point out the
details.

Call.] CAMPAIGN OF 17 &6 IN ITALY, 147
did not venture to take the field, but fell back behind the
Brenta, Wurmser besieged in Mantua. — During these stirring
events upon the Adige, Wurmser had remained quietly in
Mantua, Alvinzi, at the beginning of his operations, had
calculated that he could not arrive before Mantua till the
twenty-third, and had engaged Wurmser not to make a
sortie till that day. But as things did not turn out exactly
as the enemy had hoped, he found that Kilmaine had already
returned before tbe place. The besiegers were therefore in a
situation to repel any operations of the besieged.
Reverses in Germany. — These events were the more fortu
nate for France, as the armies in Germany had been forced
to retreat to the Ehine. I have already said that the Arch
duke Charles had wisely resolved to throw the main body of
his army on Jourdan, certain that, if he beat him at Fran
conia, he would force him upon Mayence, and compromise
Moreau, who had advanced as far as Munich. With these
dispositions he could hardly fail of success. And if, after
his victory at Wurtzburg, on the third of September, he
had thrown himself on the communications of Moreau,
sending only some twenty thousand men in pursuit of
the debris of Jourdan, the army of the Ehine must
have been lost. Moreau, but feebly troubled, made his
retreat in good order, while the Archduke was operating
on the Lahn. Our armies prepared to defend Kehl and
Dusseldorf; the Archduke concentrated all his means on
the upper Ehine, to retake Kehl, but Moreau and De-
saix most skilfully defended it till the middle of January.
As a climax of contrariety, the Directory replaced Jourdan*
* Jean Baptiste Jourdan was bom at Limoges, France, in 1762. He entered
the mihtary service in 1778, and fought in America. He distinguished himself
in the early wars of the French Revolution, and in 1793 became general-of-
di-vision, and held several important commands, but was soon after promoted
by Napoleon to the office of governor of Piedmont. In 1803 he was made gen-

148 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CalL
by Beurnonville,* a man very much inferior to his pre
decessor. Although reenforced by twenty thousand men
from the superb troops which, for two years, had occu
pied Holland, and by twenty-five thousand who had block
aded Mayence, he remained inactive for two months, with
eighty thousand men against twenty-five thousand Aus
trians. This inaction was the more censurable as it took
place in November and December, when the affairs of Moreau
and myself were the most critical ; I had then just expe
rienced my severe losses upon the Brenta, at Caliano, and at
Areola. Descent upon Ireland. — Venice having rejected our alliance,
it became necessary to adopt some plan to relieve ourselves
from our critical position. I most strongly urged the Direc
tory to send forces sufficient, not only to support myself, but
to overthrow Wurmser, and attack the heart of the Austrian
monarchy. The Directory, at first, sent me one division,
drawn fi-om the army of the Atlantic coast ; but the troubles
excited in the south, by the royalist reaction, caused a
part of them to be retained in Provence, and General Eey
brought to me hardly six thousand men, while they might
easily have sent me twenty-five thousand, had it not been
for the expedition which was sent, at this inopportune mo
ment, against Ireland. My object now being merely to
speak of what concerns myself, rather than to trace a history
of the events which took place at a time when I was not at
eral-in-chief of the army of Italy, and in 1804 marshal of France. He served
in many of Napoleon's wars, and espoused his cause in the final struggle of 1815.
He was an honest, upright man, and showed considerable ability as a general,
but never gained a very high reputation. He died in 1826. — Encyclopedia
Americana. * Pierre Eiel de Beurnonville, was bom in 1752, at Champignole. He was
made general in 1792. He saw much service, but never distinguished himself
as a general. Between 1791 and 1793 he is said to have been present in no less
than one hundred and seventy-two engagements. Napoleon employed him
principally on diplomatic services. He died in 1821^— Biographie Moderns.

Ch. n.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 149
the head of affairs in France, I will not stop to investigate
what was then occurring in Ireland, nor to give the details
of Lord Malmesbury's negotiations at Paris. I will merely
say, that the Directory, meditating an expedition of twenty-
five thousand men under Hoche, in order to give to foiir
milhons of Irish Catholics a point of support which might
shake the English power, neglected, for this important but
untimely object, to send me the reenforcements which might
have been withdrawn from the coast. Nothing -was more
natural than to attempt this expedition to Ireland, after
having made peace with Austria ; but it was imprudent,
with our small forces, to attempt to dictate terms at the
same time at Vienna and Dublin. Hoche left Brest on the
fourteenth of December, but his squadron was dispersed by
storms ; his isolated vessels had the good luck to escape the
English and regain their ports ; his soldiers, debarked at the
beginning of the following campaign, went to restore victory
to the banners of the army of Sambre-et-Meuse, and, after
one whole year's delay, joined the army in Italy.
There is a division of opinion respecting the degree of im
portance, and chance of success, of this expedition to Ireland.
There is no doubt, however, that an expedition of this kind,
seriously occupying England, might have prevented her from
sending forces into the two Indies. Many military men have
thought that the object was to maintain a long and deter
mined contest with a nation full of energy and patriotism,
rather than merely to land a few divisions ; and that France
had no chance of success while inferior upon the sea ; that
the feeble army of Hoche, after having forced the court of
St. James to resort to the national levies, and finding itself
consumed by a hundred battles, would have been obhged to
sign a treaty of evacuation, or to reembark its scattered
forces. Admitting this supposition as the most probable, it
follows, that instead of retaining twenty-five thousand of the

150 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [CttIL
elite of Britanny for so long a time, and turning them after
ward upon the coast of Ireland, it would have been more
wise to send five or six thousand of them, with skilful chiefs,
to Tippoo-Saib, and the other twenty thousand to me, so as
to secure the defeat of Wurmser and Alvinzi, under whose
attacks I had three times been reduced to the very brink
of destruction. The elements of an Irish insurrection would
continue for a long titoe, so that there was no reason why
the Directory might not adjourn its projects to a time when,
freed from the continental war, it could attempt an expe
dition without compromising the success of its arms. In the
actual state of things, it seemed more urgent to deliver India,
and to dictate peace to Austria, than to excite a civil war on
the banks of the Shannon.
Useless Negotiations. — The protracted negotiations with
Malmesbury could lead to no conclusions, for England would
not sanction the change of government in Belgium till the
consent of Austria was obtained. Clarke was therefore sent
to ask at Vienna the conclusion of an armistice, and to pro
pose sending negotiators to Bale or Paris. He presented
himself for this purpose at my head-quarters, but the success
of the Archduke in Germany had so raised the hopes and
pretensions of the House of Austria, that they would not
permit him to pass the outposts. An event of the highest
importance, which had just occurred in the north, might also
change the state of affairs on the continent. The great
Catharine had, by sudden death on the seventeenth of Novem
ber, closed her long and illustrious career ; her son, Paul I.,
succeeded her. This prince, singular in everything, might
adopt a policy entirely opposite to that of his mother, either
profiting by the commotions in the west to make war upon
the Turks, or taking part himself in the affairs of France.
In the uncertainty that then existed on these questions, the
cabinet of Vienna thought best to send the Baron de Vin-

Call.] OAMPAIGNOF 1796 IN ITALY. 151
cent to meet Clarke. They commenced a discussion on the
fourth of January, at Vicenza, on the proposition of open
ing negotiations, and on the necessity of first concluding an
armistice for the armies of Germany and Italy. Peace pre
sented too many subjects for discussion to be settled definitely
at an outpost, and the conditions of an armistice offered in
the case no less difficulties. I showed Clarke that if any
communication was allowed with Mintua, all the advantage
would be on the side of Austria, for famine must soon
force its surrender ; but Austria insisted that the garrison
should be supplied with provisions during the suspension of
hostilities. Of course they could not agree. M. de Vincent,
a negotiator without powers, returned to Vienna to submit
the propositions of France, and his cabinet sent Clarke to
the Imperial Minister near the Court of Turin. In this
interval, Malmesbury, not having been able to agree to the
first article of the negotiation, left Paris, under the suspicion
of having been sent merely to learn the object of the prepa
ration made at Brest for the expedition to Ireland. We
therefore had now only to think, on our part, of maintaining
ourselves in our present position till the arrival of reenforce
ments, and on the side of Austria, to redouble activity and
energy to save Wurmser.
Reenforcements from the Rhine. — The government, which
undoubtedly had little hope of success in the negotiations
of Clarke, convinced by my picture of the dangers of my
position, and by the contest at Areola, that I was within a
ban's breadth of being driven from Italy, determined to take
more decided measures : the five divisions of Bernadotte and
Delmas, drawn from the armies of the Ehine, and directed
in mid-winter across the Alps, would increase my army to
seventy-five thousand men. This grand detachment would
in no way compromise the armies of Germany, which had
now retired under the cannon of Strasburg and Dusseldorf,

152 LIFE OP NAPOLEON. [Ca IL
and besides had been strongly reenforced by fresh troops from
Belgium and Holland. Moreover, this would remove the
decisive theatre of war to the point where the enemy was
moat vulnerable. In waiting the realization of these fine,
but far-off hopes, I employed the month of December in
hastening the organization of the interior of Italy, and
guarding against Venice, which seemed more and more ill-
disposed toward us as our dangers increased by the unfavor
able changes of the war. I felt that, since I could not
persuade her to join our interests, it was the wisest course to
embarrass her to such a degree as to deprive her of the means
of injuring us. For this purpose, and at the same time to
cover the left flank and rear of my army on the side of the
Valteline, I caused to be occupied the important chS,teau of
Bergamo, which is perched on the last slope of the Alps
toward Lombardy. Patriotic societies, established at Brescia,
Bergamo, and Crema, scattered everywhere the seeds of
democracy, always so flattering to the multitude. I had
gone to Bologna to regulate the affairs of the two little Cis
padane and Transpadane Eepubhcs, and to menace the Pope,
and force him to execute the articles of the armistice, when
I learned that Alvinzi had advanced with a new army to
raise the siege of Mantau.
New Attempt of Alvinzi to save Wurmser. — My work
seemed as unstable as that of Penelope; its destruction
seemed the natural result of the constant reenforcements
sent by the cabinet of Vienna to the army in Italy, and of
the as constant neglect of the French Directory to sustain
my efforts. They treated me at Paris as Hannibal was
treated by the Carthaginian Senate. At the end of Decem
ber, Alvinzi's forces were again increased to more than forty
thousand men, and it was necessary to contend a fourth time
for the possession of Mantua. While waiting for the promised
reenforcements from the Ehine, I learned that AMnzi had

Ch. IL] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 153
resumed the offensive, and I therefore flew to the Adige.
My army occupied the following positions : Serrurier's
division before Mantua ; Augereau on the Adige, from
Verona to Legnago ; Massena at Verona ; Joubert, with a
fourth division, at the Corona and Eivoli. Each of these
four divisions numbered about ten thousand men. Gen
eral Eey was at Desenzano with a reserve of four thou
sand men. The enemy advanced at the same time ujion
my centre and both wings by Eoveredo, by Vicenza, and by
Padua. Not knowing on which of these routes the enemy
had directed the main body of his forces, I determined to
remain in my present position until he should develop his
projects. On the twelfth of January, the column which had
advanced by Vicenza approached Verona, and drove back the
outposts of Massena. But the main body of this general's
division ba-ving debouched by St. Michael, the enemy was
repulsed with loss. This fact convinced me that this could
not be the main body of Alvinzi's army.
Joubert is driven back on Rivoli. — The next day, in the
afternoon, I received the news that General Joubert, pressed
in front by superior forces, and menaced on both flanks by
strong columns, had been obliged in the morning to evacuate
the position of the Corona, and fall back upon Eivoli, whence
he expected to continue his retreat upon Castel-Novo. I
had no longer any doubt of the enemy's plans. It was
evident that the column of Vicenza, and that which had
been directed on the lower Adige, were merely diversions
made to facilitate the march of the principal corps on the
valley of the Adige. It was necessary, therefore, to oppose
to this corps the mass of my army. I left Verona imme
diately with the divisions of Massena, lea-ving at that place
only about two thousand men to check the column of Vicenza ;
I, at the same time, sent orders to Eey to move from Salo on
Eivoli, where 1 had resolved to collect the mass of my forces.

154 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IL
I was convinced, from Joubert's report, that Alvinzi, follow
ing the usual foohsh plan of the Austrians, and not content
with weakening his forces by the detachments thrown on
Verona and Legnago, had also divided those he had with
him. 1 knew that in occupying the plateau of Eivoli, where
the different paths through this mountainous country united,
I should be able to act in mass against columns separated by
insurmountable obstacles. Not to lose the advantages of
such a position, I ordered Joubert to maintain himself at all
hazards in advance of Eivoli till my arrival. I had not been
deceived respecting the dispositions of Alvinzi. On leaving
Bassano, this general had sent Provera with eight thousand
men on Legnago, and Bajalich with flve thousand on Verona,
while he himself, at the head of thirty thousand men,
debouched by Eoveredo, on the Corona. This force was now
subdivided into six columns. Three of these, forming in all
twelve thousand men, attacked Joubert in front, while Gen
eral Lusignan, with another of four thousand men, was to
turn our left by passing the western slope of the Monte
Baldo. Quasdanowich, with a fifth column of eight thousand
men, was to assail our right, he moving along the road on the
right of the Adige ; the artillery and cavalry, as they could
not be employed in the mountains, were directed to follow
this last column. Finally, Wukassowich, with the sixth
column of four thousand men, descended the left bank of the
Adige, and moved on Chiusa. To form an idea of these
absurd movements, it should be remembered that the crest of
Monte Baldo cut off all communication between the column
of Lusignan and those of the centre, that these were equally
cut off from the column of Quasdanowich by the impracti
cable summits of San-Marco, and that the Adige separated
Quasdanowich and Wukassowich.* Moreover, all these
* Alison, in speaking of these dispositions of the Austrians, says, " The plan
was ably conceived, and had nearly siicceeded ; with a general of inferior ability

CalL] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 155
columns were obliged to pass the mountains without cannon,
while I, placed on the plateau of Eivoli with artillery, could
receive them as they arrived in succession. It was evident
that, if the slightest accident should prevent them from all
arriving at the same moment, I should be sure of victory.
Battle of Rivoli. — When my orders reached Joubert, near
midnight, he was in full retreat ; but he immediately re
turned to his position at Eivoli, which very fortunately the
enemy had not had time to occupy. I arrived there after
midnight ; the weather was clear and beautiful, and, as the
unclouded moon silvered the precipices of Monte Baldo, we
could distinguish the lights of the flve separate camps of the
enemy. On the morning of the fourteenth I made my dis
positions ; the main body of Joubert's division marched on
Caprino, San-Giovanni, and San-Marco, against the Austrian
centre, while a demi-brigade, placed in the intrenchments in
rear of Osteria, covered my right and held Quasdanowich in
check. Massena, who was rapidly advancing, received orders
at the same time to debouch a demi-brigade in order to op
pose Lusignan. The combat now became warm ; Joubert
was too weak, and his left began to fall back. Seeing this,
the right, under General Vial, also retrograded ; but the 14th
of the line kept its place admirably at the centre, and enabled
me to reestablish affairs. 1 hastened to the left and directed
to its support the column of Massena, which had just arrived.
The enemy was repulsed, and our left estabhshed on the
heights of Trombalora. But the critical moment was not
yet over : my right was hotly pursued by the Austrians, who
to Napoleon, and troops of less resolution than his array, it unquestionably
would have done so." How admirably qualified such a judge of strategy must
be to criticize the mihtary operations of Napoleon I In support of this absurd
opinion, Alison refers to " Thiers, viii., 5, 13 ; Napoleon, iii., 414 ; Jomini, ix.,
275." Now it happens that each of the three authorities, here referred to, con
demns most unequivocally the positions of the Austrian general. In fact there
is not the slightest foundation for the opinion of Alison.

156 LIFEOFNAPOLEON, [Ca IL
descended the heights of San-Marco. Quasdanowich had at
the same time forced the intrenchments of Osteria, and his
column began to descend the plateau of Eivoli. On the
other side Lusignan, master of Coserman, was moving by Affi
upon my rear.*
I was now completely surrounded, but, far from losing
courage, I saw that if I could overthrow Quasdanowich I
should have nothing to fear from Lusignan, who would
advance only to his own destruction. Quasdanowich was
obliged to defile by a very deep ravine enfiladed by our bat
teries. No sooner had the head of his column appeared upon
the plateau than it was assailed on the flanks by infantry and
in front by cavalry, which the intrepid Lasalle led to the
charge. The enemy was broken and thrown back into the
ravine. The disorder had already become great when one of
our shells blew up a caisson in the middle of the ra-vine, which
was crowded with Austrians ; this produced the most fright
ful scene of confusion ; infantry, cavalry, and artillery re
treated pell-mell by Incanale. Having disposed of Quas-
* Alison says, " At this perilous moment, the presence of mind of Napoleon
did not forsake him. He instantly, in order to gain time, sent a flag of truce to
Alvinzi, proposing a suspension of arms for half an hour, as he had some prop
ositions to make in consequence of the arrival of a courier with dispatehes from
Paris. The Austrian general, ever impressed ¦with the idea that military were
to be subordinate to diplomatic operations, fell into the snare : the suspension, at
the critical moment, was agreed to ; and the march of tho Austrians was sus
pended at the very moment when the soldiers, -with loud shouts, were exclaiming,
"We have theml we have theml" Junot repaired to the Austrian head
quarters, from whence, after a conference of au hour, he returned, as might have
been expected, without ha'ving come to any accommodation ; but, meanwhile
the critical period had passed ; Napoleon had gained time to face the danger,
and make the movements requisite to repel these numerous obstacles." In con
firmation of this statement, he refers to "Jomini, v. iii., 282, 283; Thiers, viii.,
518; Napoleon, iii., 416." Neither of the authors referred to confirms, in any
degree, this statement ; indeed, their accounts of the battle preclude any possi
bility of its trath. It is a pure invention of a prejudiced mind, wishing to dimin
ish the brilliancy of the victory by making it the result of petty trickery. Ali
son's account of this battle is unworthy of the slightest confidence. He was
either incapable of understanding it, or wilfiiBy misrepresented the facts.

Can.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 157
danowich I directed all my efforts to sustain Vial, who was
now in full retreat. The Austrians had pursued with too
much imprudence. Two hundred horsemen, which I threw
against them, so completely routed them that Alvinzi could
rally the broken remains of the centre only behind the Tasso.
This is a striking example of what marvelous effects may be
produced by the smallest troop if engaged at the proper mo
ment. My victory was decisive ; but to make it still more
so, I desired the destruction of Lusignan. This general,
fearing no serious resistance, had established himself on
Monte Pipoli in order to completely cut off my retreat. 1
had secured my rear by opposing to him a part of the divi
sion of Massena, who kept up the combat till the arrival of
Eey. The head of Eey's column having flnally debouched
by Orza on Lusignan's rear, this last general found himself
surrounded at the very moment that he had thought to en
velope me : his corps was completely destroyed, and he re
gained Monte Baldo with only a few hundred men.
Provera marches on Mantua.- The very night of this
battle, I learned that Provera, forcing the centre of Auge
reau's division which was scattered along the Adige, had
succeeded in crossing the river at Anghiari on the evening of
the thirteenth, and marched toward Mantua. It was very
important to prevent him from raising the siege of that place.
Thinking Joubert and Eey strong enough to oppose the
broken remains of Alvinzi, I immediately set off with the
di-vision of Massena for Eoverbella, where I arrived on the
evening of the fifteenth. On the fourteenth Provera had
reached Nogara without encountering any opposition ; but
Augereau, having had time to unite the main body of his
division at Anghiari, had fallen upon his rear-guard, and cut
it to pieces, and at the same time burnt the bridge over the
Adige. On the fifteenth, Provera arrived before Mantua ; he
thought to enter by the faubourg of San Georgio, but finding

158 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca H.
it intrenched and occupied by us, he could open no commu
nication with the place. Not yet despairing of being able to
open a passage, he, the next day, made an attack on the side
of the citadel. But I had here prepared for him an unex
pected reception. On the sixteenth, at five o'clock in the
morning, Provera attacked the post of La Favorita, and
Wurmser that of St. Antonia. Serrurier, aided by the reen
forcements which I had sent him, succeeded in defending
these posts. Wurmser retired into the place, but Provera
did not get off so cheaply ; attacked in front by Serrurier, on
the left by the garrison of San-Georgio, on the right by a
part of the division of Massena, which I had directed against
him, while the division of Augereau, debouching by Castel
laro appeared on his rear, and finding no means of escape, he
laid down his arms with the five thousand men he had left.
While these events were taking place at Mantua, Joubert,
on the fifteenth, moving some columns rapidly by the reverse
of Monte Magnone and Monte Baldo, succeeded in turning
the flanks of Alvinzi's retreating army. These centre col
umns, deprived of the assistance of Quasdanowich and
Lusignan, with their line of retreat cut off, and hemmed in
by the precipice of the Corona, were almost completely
destroyed before reaching Ferrara : nearly five thousand men
were taken prisoners.
Close of the Campaign. — After having finished with Pro
vera, I moved upon the Adige. Alvinzi had lost more than
half his army. The remains of his forces were marched
behind the Piave, and the defense of the Tyrol intrusted to
General Laudon with about eight thousand men. The Aus
trian rear-guard was everywhere defeated. At the beginning
of February, my army had resumed the same position it had
occupied previous to the battle of Areola ; Joubert on the
Lavis, Massena at Bassano, and Augereau at Citadella,
Such was the celebrated battle of Eivoli, in which we

Ch. II.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 159
made twenty thousand prisoners with only thirty thousand
combatants. Our legions had crowned themselves with glory,
and had surpassed the so much vaunted rapidity of the
legions of Ctesar. Tbe same troops which had left Verona
and fought near St, Michael on the thirteenth, had marched
all night to reach Eivoli, fought there all the next day of the
fourteenth in the mountains, returned to Mantua on the
fifteenth, and captured Provera, who thought them defeated
amid the rocks of the Corona.
Wurmser capitulates at Mantua. — Mantua capitulated on
the second of February ; the starving garrison had already
consumed the fiesh of all their horses, and large numbers had
been carried away by disease. There were still remaining
about tliirteen thousand men under arms, who, having sur
rendered as prisoners of war, were conducted to Trieste to be
exchanged. The number of sick was not less than seven
thousand. We here found the siege artillery which we had
abandoned before the battle of Castiglione, and three hun
dred and fifty other pieces upon the ramparts and in the
arsenal. Expedition on Romagna. — While I had been engaged
¦with Alvinzi, the court of Eome, seduced by the instigations
of my enemies, had broken the armistice made in June last,
raised extraordinary armaments, and given the command of
them to General Colli, who was sent for this purpose by the
cabinet of Vienna. It was now necessary to punish Eome,
both as an example to others, and to get rid of a trouble
some enemy. For this purpose I formed a new division,
giving the command of it to Victor. It reached Imola on
the second of February, The campaign was neither long
nor bloody, A corps of four thousand of the Papal troops
attempted to defend the Senio, but was overthrown with great
loss. On the ninth Victor arrived at Ancona, and captured
twelve hundred more prisoners. Our advance-guard took

160 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IL
possession of Notre Dame Loretto and its famous treasure.
On the eighteenth we advanced to Tolentino. All was now
consternation at Eome. I was master of all the States of
the Church, but I did not wish entirely to destroy the power
of the Pope ; indeed, in the present situation of our affairs
this would not have been so easy as some have imagined. We
were obliged to pursue a cautious course of conduct toward
the courts of Madrid and Naples, both of which were inter
ested in preserving the power of the Pope ; independently
of this consideration, it would have been imprudent to
weaken our army by detaching from it the forces requisite for
garrisoning our conquests : and I was not foolish enough to
commit such a fault, when about to begin a decisive cam
paign into the heart of Austria. I therefore wrote to Eome
to propose a settlement of our differences. They were eager
to send me plenipotentiaries. The negotiations were short,
inasmuch as they had merely to sign such conditions as I'
saw fit to dictate. The peace was concluded at Tolentino on
the nineteenth. The Pope confirmed the cession of Avignon,
of the Comtat, of the Legations of Ferrara and Bologna, and
of Eomagna, and agreed to pay a contribution of thirty
millions of francs. These conditions were too humiliating
to the Head of the Church not to make it an irreconcilable
enemy ; and still not hard enough to destroy its power to
injure us. I knew this well, but it was not in my power to
do otherwise ; state policy then belonged io the Directory,
who wished to humble the Pope and brave the thunders of
the Vatican, without once reflecting upon the advantage of
converting it into an ally or an instrument : and considering
my present critical situation on the Adige, I deemed it best
to carry out the views of the government and relieve my
army of a troublesome neighborhood.*
* This campaign of Napoleon is minutely described in Jomini's Wars of the
Eevolution, in Thiers' History, in Napoleon's Memoirs dictated at St. Helena, and

Ca II.] CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN ITALY. 161
in Lee's Life of Napoleon, a work of much merit, by a young American. It is
greatly to be regretted that Mr. Lee left his work incomplete.
Alison pretends to give due credit to Napoleon for the great military genius
displayed in this campaign, but the praise is faint and most unwillingly and
grudgingly given. The results are attributed, he thinks, in a great measure, " to
the admirable character, unwearied energy, and indomitable courage of the
troops which composed his army." The condition of the army, at the beginning
of the campaign when Napoleon took the command of it, seems to have been for
gotten. The success of the Eepublican arms is evidently very annoying to this
staunch royalist ; but he takes consolation in looking forward to the events of
1814 and 1815, and clcses his remarks with the reflection that ^^Aristocratic
firmness in the end asserted its wonted superiority over Democratic vigor; the
dreams of Eepublican equality have been forgotten, but ihe Ausiriam government re
mains unchanged, the French eagles have retired over the Alps, amct Italy, ihe
theatre qf so much bloodshed, hasfinaMy remained to tbe successors of ihe Ocesars."
VOL. I. — 11.

CHAPTER Til.
FROM THE PEACE OF TOLENTINO TO THE CLOSE OP THE
CAMPAIGN OF 1797.
Preparations for a new Campaign — The Archduke Charles takes Command of the
Austrian Army — Treaty -with the King of Sardinia — The Affairs of Venice —
Troubles with the States of Terra-firma — ^Negotiations with Pesoaro — Arma
ments of the Senate — Napoleon resolves to attack the Archduke before he can
unite his Forces — Plan of Operations — Passage of tbe Piave — Affair of Tarvis
 The Archduke is reenforced by the Detachments sent from tho Rhine — ^Armis
tice of Leoben — Operations of Joubert in the Tyrol — Veronese Vespers — Victor
suppresses the Insurgents — Condition of the two Armies — Preliminaries of
Leoben — ^Armies of tlie Rhine — ^Destruction of the Venetian Republic — Na
poleon goes to Milan — Revolution of Genoa — Change of Constitution — Pro
visional Government appointed — The Disorders continue — Negotiations of
Udina and Passeriano— English Affairs — Naval Battle of St. Vincent — Naval
Tactics — Mutiny in the British Fleets — Negotiations of Lille — Internal Affairs
of France — The eighteenth Pructidor — Foreign Negotiations — Resignation of
Napoleon — Cobentzel negotiates on the part of Austria — Napoleon and the
Directory — Peace of Campo-Formio — Conditions of this Treaty — Its Results —
Revolution of La Valteline — Negotiations •with Germany at Radstadt — The
Passage of the Simplon asked of the Valois — The Directory foments a Revo
lution in Switzerland — Proclamation of the Vaudois — Invasion of Beme —
Helvetic Constitution — Neutrality of Switzerland and Faults of the Directory —
Revolution in Rome, — Proclamation of the Roman Republic — ^Napoleon leaves
Radstadt — ^His Reception at Paris — General Eemarks,
' Preparations for a new Campaign. — The brilliant victory
of Eivoli, the fall of Mantua, the evacuation of Corsica by
the Enghsh, the treaties of peace with Naples and Eome,
and the approach of large reenforcements, had at last com
pletely changed the face of affairs in Italy. Having now the

Cam.] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTEIA, 163
means of definitely securing the possession of the country, I
determined to make the Emperor tremble even in his own
capital. The divisions of the army of the Ehine having
arrived in the course of March, I saw myself at the head of
seventy-five thousand men. It required, however, about
twenty thousand men to garrison the fortifications and to
observe the south of Italy. With the remainder of my
forces I moved forward. In order to second my operations,
the Directory ordered Moreau to repass the Ehine at Kehl,
and Hoche, after having reorganized the army of the Sam
bre-et-Meuse, to advance anew on the Main.
Archduke Charles commands the Austrian Army.— The
cabinet of Vienna had adopted the same idea as ourselves
about transferring the theatre of war into Italy ; but not till
after the taking of Kehl by the Archduke Charles and the
defeat of Alvinzi at Eivoli. It was therefore the middle of
January when this illustrious prince and able general set out
to cross the Tyrol, with three divisions of select troops, to
oppose me in Italy.*
* The Archduke Charies (Louis de Lorraine) of Austria, son of the Emperor
Leopold IL, was bom at Vienna, in 1771. Already at the age of twenty^two he
had acquired a high military reputation under the prince of Cobourg, in the
campaign of 1793. In 1796 he was made field-marshal of the German Empire,
and took command of the Austrian army on the Rhine. An outline of his
operations in that campaign is given in the text. When sent against Napoleon,
in 1797, the latter remarked to Maesfield: " Your cabinet has sent against me
three armies -without generals; now it sends a general without an army!"
After tbe campaign of 1799, the Archduke was, by intrigue, removed from the
ai-my and sent into Bohemia in a kind of honorable exile. After the disasters
of Hohenlinden and Marengo, he was recalled to favor and placed at the head of
the War Department, lu 1805 he opposed Massena in Italy, but was absent
from Germany at the overthrow of the Austrian monarchy ou the field of Aus-
terlitz. In the campaign of 1809, he commanded the Austrian army and was
wounded at the battle of Wagram. He was afterward made governor and
captain-general of Bohemia, and retired to the country. He was the ablest of all
the generals that opposed Napoleon. His many virtues and noble character en
deared him even to his enemies. Napoleon always spoke of him in terms of
high admiration. He.ranks high as a military writer. His principles of strategy,
illustrated by the campaigns of 1796 and 1799, were published in Vienna in 1813

164 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ca IIL
Treaty with the King of Sardinia. — The events which 1
have just narrated had rendered our position as strong, com
paratively, as it had formerly been precarious and hazardous ;
but it must, nevertheless, be observed, that the king of Sar
dinia, who was not our ally, might, on the least reverse to
our arms, become our enemy. I had often urged the Direc
tory to offer him conditions sufficiently advantageous to
induce him to form with us a treaty of offensive and defensive
alliance. I had myself taken the responsibility of signing, at
Bologna, on the sixteenth of February, a treaty with the
Count of Balbo ; but the Directory, jealous of its preroga
tives, refused to ratify it, and the whole matter was referred
to General Clarke at Turin. The arrangement was not termi
nated till the eighth of April, after the armistice of Leoben
had rendered it unnecessary, and even then it was not ratified
at Paris. Had we obtained a timely succor of ten thousand
Piedmontese, my army would have been increased, by the
divisions of Bernadotte and Delmas, to ninety thousand men,
and my rear perfectly secured as far as the Adige by the
troops of our allies.
The Affairs of Venice. — Venice was the only power whose
restless spirit gave us cause for apprehension ; war was rav
aging her states of terra-firma, and the people, excited
against us, were only waiting for an opportunity to rise.
But democratic propagandism had proselytes, both at Brescia
and Bergamo. The patriots of these cities demanded to be
united with Lombardy, and a revolution broke out there just
as I was about to enter the Friouli. This revolution, en
kindled by Adjutant-General Landrieux, was rather the work
of the Directory than of myself ; but, as it suited my pur
poses, I did not interfere with it. The reason of this was
obvious ; should the democrats succeed, they would reenforce
-and 1819, in seven volumes, ¦with valuable maps and plans. — Biographie Univer-
selle.

Ca III.] CAMPAIGN OF 17 97 IN AUSTRIA. 165
my army and fight for my party ; should they fail, the hos
tility of the oligarchy would justify me in destroying it. I
was ready to adopt whatever course was best calculated to
secure our hold in Italy. If 1 loved France, I nevertheless
had not entirely forgotten my Italian origin ; my heart was
fixed upon regenerating a nation so interesting from its an-
cient> reminiscences. But to obtain peaceably the cession of
the Milanese by Austria, who had already yielded Belgium,
it was absolutely necessary to have some equivalent to offer
her for at least one of these countries. Should Venice give us
cause for declaring war against her, she might possibly serve
as the victim of our combinations of state policy.
Troubles in the States of Terra-firma. — The government
of Venice weighed less heavily on the lower than on the
higher classes. There ia no domination so absurd as for a
single city to rule a whole nation, at least when that city
gives the notables of the country no suitable part in the gov
ernment. In this case it was not an odious oligarchy, hke
that of Berne or of the city of Venice ; it was an aristocracy
like that which existed at Eome after the right of citizenship
had been given to the Latins ; in a word, it was the only
reasonable form of a republic. If the- Senate had made a
timely grant of some thirty new places of senators to the
influential families of Brescia, Bergamo,; Verona, Vicenza,
Padua, and Treviso, we should have lost our influence over
the people of the States oi terra-firma. But, instead of scat
tering the impending storm by timely concessions, they op
posed- all changes, excited the peasants of the mountains of
Salo against Brescia, and sent to their support General
Fioravanti. Salo fell into the hands of the enemy, but was
soon retaken by the patriots, with the aid of our soldiers and
the Cisalpines. At the same time the Senate armed eight
or ten thousand Sclavonians-, reenforced its troops,: and
equipped a formidable flotilla to cover the lagunes.

166 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. IIL
Negotiations with Rome. — In the present situation of our
affairs, it was necessary to either attach Venice to ourselves,
or else to paralyze her power. The Senate sent Pesaro to me
to enter into explanations respecting the troubles of Brescia.
I endeavored to prove to him that it was for the interest of
Venice to frankly accept our alliance, and make certain mod
ifications in the government ; I gave him to understand that
it would be useless to side with our enemies, by declaring for
Austria, for, in less than a fortnight, I could drive the impe
riahsts from the Friouh, and invade La Carinthia.
The Senate prepares for Defense. — The Senate had de
cided upon its course. It hated us too much to embrace our
cause ; and it had too great a fear of our power and dread of
Austrian influence, to throw itself into the arms of Austria.
Its courage was that of the poltroon : it thought to impose
upon us by preparations for defense and by stoutly swearing
its absolute neutrality. I was not fool enough to be duped by
this neutrality, which would last so long as victory inclined on
our side, but on the slightest loss in the Noric Alps, twenty
thousand Venetians, with a levee en masse of peasants, would
fall upon our rear, destroy our dep6ts, and cut off our
retreat. I should have felt no alarm at this state of things,
if the Directory had settled the treaty with the King of Sar
dinia ; for, in that case, the Piedmontese contingent would
enable me to leave ten or twelve thousand French troops to
neutralize Venice. But the court of Turin wished to have
guaranteed to it all or a part of Lombardy, and the Direct
ory was unwilling to bind itself so as to be obliged to make
this a sine qua non of peace with Austria. This conduct
was childishness, for such a clause is always eventual : a, Vim-
possible nul n'est tenu ; and we had on the right bank of the
Po the means of indemnity in case of need.
Napoleon takes the Initiative against the Archduke.— In
the mean time the Archduke had repaired in person to the

Ch. ILL] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTRIA. 167
Piave, and was there waiting for three divisions which he
expected from the Ehine by the Tyrol or the valley of the
Drave, but which were still afar off, Bernadotte and Del
mas had joined my army some eight days, when the Austrian
succors were still crossing Bavaria. Thus finding myself
prepared for action before the enemy, I deemed it best to
profit by the circumstance, and to begin the attack without
waiting to settle matters with the Venetians. Victor,*
whose division still remained at Ancona superintending the
execution of the treaty with the Pope, received orders to
return to the Adige, where he could cover my communica
tions. I now entered the field with the divisions of Massena,
Bernadotte, Serrurier, and Augereau (the latter being at this
time commanded by General Guyeux), amounting in all to
thirty-eight thousand men. I gave to Joubert the divisions
of Delmas, Baraguay-d'Hilliers, and that which he himself
had commanded at the battle of Eivoli ; these together
amounted to seventeen thousand combatants.
Plan of Operations. — Starting from the Mincio as a base,
there were two lines of operations which could be pursued

* Victor (Perrin Claude) Duke of Belluno was bom at La Manehe in 1766.
He entered the army in 1781, and received his discharge in 1789. In 1792 he
served as a volunteer, and was promoted to the grade of chef-de-bataillon. In
1793 he distinguished himseff under Napoleon at the siege of Toulon, and served
under him in the campaigns of 1796-7, where he acquired a brilliant reputation
and was promoted successively to the grades of general-of-brigade and general-
of-division. In 1799 his division rendered important services on several occa
sions. At the battle of Marengo he commanded a corps-d'armee, and for his gal
lant services on this occasion he received a Sabre of Honor. He immediately
afterward passed to the Batavian army, and in 1805 was sent as ambassador to
Denmark. He joined the army in Prusisia in 1806, and was wounded at Jena;
in 1807 he was promoted to the command of the first corps-d'armee, and contrib
uted mainly to the victory of Friedland. Napoleon made him a Marshal of
France on the field. After the treaty of Tilsit he was made Governor of Berlin
and most of Prassia. In 1808 he commanded the first corps-d'a/rmee in Spain.
He greatly distinguished himself in the campaigns of 181 2, 1813 and 1814. After
the restoration of the Bourbons, he held several important offices, and continued
in favor till the overthrow of their government in 1830.

168 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. IIL
against the hereditary states of Austria : the first, to the
north by the valley of the Adige, or the Tyrol ; the second,
to the east by the Friouli and the Carniole. These two lines
formed a right angle with its vertex at Verona As the
enemy occupied both of these lines, it was impossible to
confine myself exclusively to either without being exposed
in flank and rear to the enemy's corps descending the other.
As the Tyrol was the most favorable for defense, and led
less directly into the heart of the hereditary states ; and,
moreover, as its narrow valleys would not permit me to
develop my forces, I chose the line of the Friouli. Never
theless, it was impossible to advance on Udina without
being exposed in rear to an enemy debouching from the
Tyrol. It was therefore preferable not to form a permanent
double line of operations, but to push a strong corps upon
the upper Adige to check the enemy in the Tyrol ; and then
to draw their corps toward the main army by the valley of
the Drave, which nature seemed to have traced for such a
movement. But the extent of these movements rendered
the operation very delicate and complicated. If, however,
this conflguration of the country had some chances against
us, it also had some in our favor ; for should the enemy wish
to defend the Friouli by parallel positions behind the Piave,
the Tagliamento, the Isonzo, his line would then rest on the
coast near his left wing, and his only line of retreat would
lie in rear of the right wing. Therefore, the slightest
manoeuvre turning this right wing would cut off his line of
retreat, and drive him into the Adriatic. On these facts I
based my plan of operations. The greater portion of Alvinzi's
scattered forces had taken position on the Tagliamento ; the
corps of the Tyrol,- commanded by generals Kerpen and,
Laudon, was behind the Lavis and the Noss ; in the centre,
the brigade of Lusignan, at Feltre, kept open the communi
cation between the two principal corps. The total, of the

Ca III.] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTRIA. 169
Austrian army did not then amount to more than thirty-five
thousand men, the reenforcements- of the Ehine not having
yet arrived ; there should be added, however, to this number
a few thousand Tyrolese armed for the defense of their fire
sides ; but these fought only on their own mountains.
Passage of the Piave. — My army began to move on the
tenth of March. With the main body of my troops I
advanced directly toward the Tagliamento. Massena marched
on Feltre in order to drive back the brigades of Lusignan,
and threaten the right wing of the Archduke. Lusignan
retired ascending the Piave ; on the thirteenth, his rear
guard was attacked and overthrown at Longaro and he him
self taken prisoner. Massena, satisfied with ha-ving thrown
the Austrian brigade on Cadora, fell back on Spilimbergo
and (jremona, so as to turn, nearer, the right of the Archduke
and to get possession of tbe important route of Poteba, of
which I feared the enemy might profit to retire on Villach.
On the sixteenth 1 reached Valvasone, on the Tagliamento.
The Archduke had already begun a- retreat, leaving merely a
rear-guard on the river, which was fordable. My columns
rushed into the stream, overthrew the enemy, and pursued
him' on the road to Palmanova^ The Archduke divided his-
forces : he himself fell back on Goricea ; one of his columns
commanded by generals Gontreuil and Bayalitsch, with a
great part of the material, moved by Cividale and the valley
of Natisona on Caporetto,; General Ocskay, who commanded-
the brigade of Lusignan, covered the road from Villach to
Chiusa- Veneta. The Isonzo, from its source to Goricea, runs
between two chains of mountains almost impracticable on
the side of Krainburg. Gould I succeed in there inclosing
the army of the Archduke, I would make it for him the
Caudine Forks; For a moment- 1 had strong hopes of doing
so. Massena, in ascending the Fella, was in position to
drive Ocskay beyond the Tavis and get possession of the

170 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. IIL
debouches of the Isonzo on Villach. I myself manoeuvred
against the left flank of the Archduke, to push him into the
valley of the Isonzo, the two extremities of which were in
my possession. The enemy's left was covered by the city of
Gradisca, which was then occupied by four battalions. On
the seventeenth, Bernadotte attacked this place in front,
while Serrurier, passing the Isonzo between that city and
Montfalcone, took it in reverse ; the garrison capitulated. I
then ascended the left bank of the Isonzo with Serrurier
and Bernadotte ; Guyeux moved by Cividale on Caporetto.
Inclining to the right by the valley of Vippach, I hoped to
cut the enemy off from the road to Czernita, or to force
him to plunge into the vaUey of the Isonzo, by Canale or
Caporetto. Affair of Tarvis. — The ffist object of the Archduke was to
avoid any decisive battle till after the arrival of his troops
from the Ehine ; he therefore took good care not to wait for
me to complete my movement, but fell back in all haste by
Czernita and Adelsberg on Laybach. I sent Bernadotte in
pursuit, and turned my own efforts against the column of
Gontreuil and Bayalitsch. This, at least, could not escape
me. Embarrassed by the convoy that accompanied it, and
pursued by Guyeux and by Serrurier, who was ascending the
Isonzo, it was also checked in front by Massena. This gen
eral had forced the gorges of the Ponteba, occupied Tarvis,
and driven Ocskay on Wurtzen. Gontreuil tried in vain to
open a passage by Tarvis ; and was driven into the gorges
of Ober-Preth, where he and Bayalitsch were surrounded,
and forced to lay down their arms. We captured nearly four
thousand prisoners, twenty-five cannon, and four hundred
baggage-wagons. On the twenty-eighth, I united at Vil
lach the divisions of Massena, Guyeux, and Serrurier.
Bernadotte had pursued the Archduke by Laybach ; as a
flank movement to oiu: march, he pushed forward some light

Ch. III.] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTRIA, 171
troops on Trieste to seize upon the resources of that flourish
ing city, an acquisition of value for further operations.
Archduke reenforced from the Rhine. — The Archduke,
who, from Laybach, had marched by Klagenfurth on St.
Veit, was there joined by the flrst reenforcements from Ger
many. I wrote a letter from Klagenfurth to this prince,
deploring the calamities of a war which could no longer be
justified, and sought to incite in his noble heart a desire for
peace. He replied that he had no power to make treaties,
but that he had no less desire than myself to put an end to
the horrors of the war.
Armistice of Leoben. — The Archduke, however, did not
consider himself strong enough to give battle. At my ap
proach he retired to Neumark, and on tbe thirtieth I arrived
at St. Veit. On the second of April Massena forced the
gorges of Diernstein and beat the enemy's rear-guard at Neu
mark and Hundsmark. The grenadiers which had come from
the Ehine were defeated in these two rencontres. The Arch
duke continued his retreat on Vienna. On the fifth I arrived
at Judenburg. Two days after, the Austrians, who had had
time to send my letter to Vienna and receive an answer, asked
an armistice for the purpose of negotiating a treaty. I con
sented to it with joy ; my position was more brilliant than
solid. I did not consider myself strong enough to attempt
decisive measures against the Austrian monarchy ; for the
armies of the Ehine and the Sambre-et-Meuse, notwithstand
ing the superiority they had acquired since the departure of
the Archduke, did not move from their cantonments on the
left of the river, and I therefore could not, for a long time to
come, hope for any assistance from them : at the moment I
believed they designed to sacrifice me by leaving me alone to
fight the combined armies of the enemy ; and moreover I
had much reason to fear for my communications.
Operations of Joubert in the Tyrol. — Joubert began with

172 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IIL
success : after having beaten Kerpen and Laudon separately,
the first on the Lavis the twentieth of March, and the second
at Neumark on the twenty-second, he had advanced to
Brixen. Kerpen fell back on Sterzing, and Laudon into the
valley of Meran. But the picture was soon changed. The
Tyrolese are a warlike, independent, and religious people ;
the Austrian government had taken good care to convince
them that we were the enemies of religion; moreover, the
ravages inseparable from war had greatly exasperated them
against us. At the call of Count Lehrbach they had rushed
to arms. More than ten thousand of these now joined Lau
don and enabled him to resume the offensive by descending
on Botzen in the valley of the Adige. Joubert was strong
enough to fight them, if he had wished to fall back ; but,
after the affair of the Tagliamento, I had sent him orders to
retire on La Carinthia. Although surrounded by enemies he
thought it time to unite with me by passing, through the
valleys of the Eienzi and the Drave, On the fifth of April
he left Brixen and moved by Prunecken and Lientz on Vil
lach : a bold march, which he executed through an insurgent
countr}-, and without loss. The Tyrol being now evacuated
by us as far as Trente, Kerpen marched by Eattenberg and
the valley of the Salza on Muhrau in order to form a junc
tion with the Archduke. Laudon, reenforced by the Tyrolese
militia, descended the Adige, overthrew the feeble detach
ments which covered it, and moved toward the terra-firma
of Venice, where ah ¦was in fermentation.
Veronese V«spers. — The Senate, exasperated by the events
at Brescia, which I have already mentioned, thought only of
vengeance. The approach of Laudon was the signal for a
general insurrection of the peasantry, whom the oligarchists,
and more especially the priests, had incited against us. A
repetition of the Sicilian Vespers took place at Verona ; all
Frenchmen found in the city were massacred. General Bal-

Ch. III.] CAMPAIGN OF 179 7 IN AUSTRIA. 173
land, who commanded there, retired into the castle, with
three thousand men. He was there besieged, on one side by
Laudon, and on the other by the insurgents and a corps of
Slavonians, commanded by General Fioravanti, whom the
Senate had sent from Venice. But when Laudon heard of
the armistice of Judenburg he returned into the Tyrol.
Victor reduces the Insurgents.— The Venetians, abandoned
to themselves, were unable to resist a corps of about fifteen
thousand men which General Victor had collected, by uniting
his division and the several garrisons of the posts in Lom
bardy, under the orders of Kilmaine. Fioravanti surrendered,
and the insurgents were all dispersed.
Condition of the two Armies. — In the mean time I was
ardently endeavoring to conclude a treaty of peace. Inde
pendently of the above-mentioned events, which gave me just
apprehensions for my communications, I saw with uneasiness
that the fate of the war was to be decided under the walls
of Vienna, by a battle, where the chances would not be in
our favor. It is true that the junction of Joubert and Ber
nadotte had again given me an army of fifty thousand com
batants ; but the armies of the Ehine were still inactive one
hundred and fifty leagues in my rear ; the archduke, sus
tained by the levee-en-masse of Hungarians, and the volun
teers which the danger of the capital could not fail to rally
to his aid, would still be able to oppose me with superior
forces. Preliminaries of Leoben. — I had a greater reason for not
wishing again to jeopardize my reputation, as, at this junc
ture, the glory of making a general peace would be greater
than that of a triumphal entry into the capital of the empe
ror, I determined to negotiate for p)eace, and in this I was
fully seconded by the cabinet of Vienna. The precipitation
with which it entered into these negotiations plainly showed
the fear with which I had inspired it, I took advantage of

174 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IIL
this fear to dictate terms. On the eighteenth of April the
preliminaries were signed at Leoben, where I had established
my head-quarters.
Armies of the Rhine. — At this very time Hoche passed
the Ehine at Neuwied, at the head of a superb and well
organized army. After a series of victories over the inferior
army of Werneck, he entered Frankfort on the twenty-third
of April. Moreau passed the Ehine at Kehl, with the same
success, and Starray, unable to arrest his progress, was driven
back to Eadstadt, Had these two passages been executed a
month sooner, they would have given a decisive turn to the
war, by carrying one hundred and twenty thousand men on
the Inn ; which would have secured to the Eepublic a still
more advantageous peace, and, perhaps, have saved Venice.
Destruction of the Republic of Venice. — I now evacuated
the hereditary states, and marched my army into the Vene
tian territory. This movement had the air of being made as
a mark of good feeling toward the emperor ; but, in fact, I
was anxious to secure my communications. The hostile pro
ceedings of the Senate of Venice, much as they had annoyed
me previous to the armistice, now were truly fortunate for
me. At Leoben I had promised Austria indemnity for the
loss of Belgium and Lombardy ; but I should have been at a
loss for the means of doing this had not the hostility of the
Venetians furnished an occasion for making a conquest of a
part of their states. On the sixteenth of May my troops
occupied Venice, through the assistance of a democratic
revolution, instigated by Villetard, the secretary of legation.
The oligarchic government was dissolved. The Venetian
patriots fiattered themselves that I would permit them to
establish a democratic government. But it was now too
late ; their fate was subordinate to the progress of the nego
tiations for a definitive peace. I had at first hoped to pre
serve the republic by selecting indemnities in the Friouli ; but

Ch. III.] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTRIA. 175
the turn of the negotiations did not permit it. At most I
hoped it would be merely a loan to Austria, and that, on the
first opening of hostilities, we could obtain its restitution.
If this be weighed in the balance of severe justice, it can not
be denied that the Venetians were sacrificed. But the scales
of Themis are not the usual tests of national policy, Venice
had rejected our alliance ; her hatred of us had not been dis
guised ; to the intrigues of Brescia she had responded by a
horrible insurrection : war was declared ; and the conquest
was legitimate.
If the question had been merely to occupy the states of
terra-firma, the war had been declared and ended in a single
day ; but the situation of Venice, surrounded as she was by
water, secured her from our attacks. Two hundred armed
boats or galleys and numerous frigates prevented our approach.
It was necessary to proceed with caution lest we might cause
Venice to throw herself into the arms of the English, and
make of this place a port impregnable in the hands of the
Islanders. Our only hope of success was to neutralize, by
the aid of party spirit, all its dispositions for defense. Such
was the object of the movement instigated by Villetard and
resulting in the provisional government. This ruse was in
tended to spare the blood that would necessarily be shed in a
forcible conquest, and to prevent Venice from failing into the
hands of maritime enemies. In this light it should be judged
of by posterity. Our detractors have represented it as an
act of felony. The manes of our soldiers butchered at
Verona, and of Captain Laugier assassinated by the Sclavon
ians in his own vessel in the port of Venice, will pardon, or
at least palliate our conduct, especially when it is remem
bered that we entered Venice with the intention of preserv
ing the Eepubhc by giving it some compensations on the
right bank of the Po. Moreover, Venice could not be more
astonished at being transferred into the hands of Austria,

176 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. Ch. IIL]
than were the Eepublics of Dantzic, Elbing and Thorn, at
being made Prussians. The declarations of moralists do
not change the course of events in this world. The his
torian Botta, after quoting with admiration the philippics
of the priests, calling upon the people to assassinate us,
reproves us for treating these men as enemies ! Such is
history !
Napoleon goes to Milan. — After these events I established
my head-quarters at Passeriano, near Udina, where I waited
for the Emperor's plenipotentiaries, in order to arrange the
definitive conditions of peace. I had signed at Montebello,
on the twenty-fourth of May, with the Duke of Gallo, a
preliminary convention, in order to accelerate the progress of
the negotiations. The cabinet of Vienna having refused to
ratify this, I repaired to Milan in order to hasten the organi
zation of the Cisalpine Eepublic, annexing to it all the coun
tries that naturally belonged to it, and thus to show to Aus
tria her limits. Modena, Eeggio, Bergamo, Ferrara, and
Bologna were annexed to Lombardy, forming together a single
state of nearly three millions of inhabitants. 1 was satisfied
with the indications of a revival of public spirit ; already
the Italians began to consider themselves as good soldiers as
the Germans ; I had elevated their moral character in calling
upon them to share the glory of our destinies.
Revolution of Genoa.— I profited by my sojourn at Milan
to direct the democratic revolution which overthrew the
Genoese oligarchy and made the Ligurian innovators entirely
dependent upon us ; the Valteline was added to the Cisal
pine Eepublic, whose existence was solemnly proclaimed on
the ninth of July. Three centuries' constant intercourse
between France and Genoa, had made the latter a kind of
French port ; we had more partisans there than in any other
city. The oligarchists alone, from fear of democratic tenden
cies, inclined to our enemies. Tbe Directory, desirous of

Ch. IIL] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTRIA, 177
destroying aristocratic influences in all the surrounding states,
could not overlook Genoa, the nearest and most important
of ah. In July, 1796, it directed me to demand satisfaction
for certain griefs which it pretended to have against the
Senate ; but being then too much occupied with Wurmser,
I was obliged to content myself with pecuniary satisfaction.
Nevertheless, the agents of the Directory, instigated by the
ambassador Faypoult, neglected no opportunity to extend
the influence of the democratic party, whose progress was so
rapid that the Genoese Senate soon saw itself threatened
with the same fate as that of Venice,
A tennis party became the subject for a popular insurrec
tion ; on the ninth of May, the multitude disarmed the
troops of the line, took possession of the gates, and appointed
a committee to demand reforms of the Senate, which, too
weak to make resistance, promised such changes in the con
stitution as should be deemed necessary. Some patricians,
more bold than others, eight days afterwards, stirred up an
insurrection among the colliers and peasants of the neighbor
ing villages ; a violent reaction followed ; the parties fought
in the streets, and the Senate triumphed. I had gone from
Montebello to Milan when I heard this news. I regarded
Genoa as the most important acquisition which could be
made to France for the consolidation of my work in Italy,
This great fortress, perched upon rocJcs against which it
would be exceedingly difficult to construct regular works of
siege, might be the key of Lombardy as we possessed neither
Piedmont nor, as yet, the route by the Simplon. It wag
then of little consequence to me whether Genoa was ruled by
a patrician Doge, or by a band of plebeian conspirators ; what
I wanted was that French influence should predominate, and
as our banners were the banners of democracy, it was neces--
sary to side with that party, I sent one of my aids-de-camp,
VOL, I. — 12,

178 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. IIL
to Genoa to consult with Faypoult and take cognizance of
all the details of the affair.
Change in the Genoese Constitution. — Called upon by
the deputies of the Senate to decide these matters, I at first
demanded the liberation of the French and the chiefs of the
revolutionary party, and the arrest of the leaders of the
reaction. Some days after, the deputation of the Senate,
accompanied to Milan by Faypoult, signed with me g,t
Montebello a convention putting an end to the Genoese
ol^archy. This singular compact, in which the French
Eepublic appeared as the mediator between the Senate and
tlie Genoese people, contained twelve articles, the first of
which recognized the sovereignty of the people. The legis
lative power was confined to two representative councils, one
of three hundred, and the other of one hundred and fifty
members. The executive devolved upon a Senate of twelve
members, with the Doge at its head. These latter, and the
senators, were nominated by the two councils. Until the
new government should be installed, the authority was con
fided to a commission of twenty-two members, presided over
by the present Doge.
This form of government was not at all appropriate to the
situation and character of the Genoese. Indeed it was
impossible for this little republic to be governed by a repre
sentative body of four hundred and fifty unpaid members,
without substituting the aristocracy of wealth (which is the
most objectionable of all aristocracies), for that which we had
just abolished. But I then paid but very little attention to
these matters ; I regarded Liguria as an indispensable addi
tion to France, and these changes in its constitution- as tem-
jiorary, and calculated rather to fecilitate this annexation,
than permanently to ameliorate its condition. Nevertheless,
the little council the next day ratified the convention of
Montebello by a vote of fifty-seven to seven. From that

Ch. IIL] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTRIA. 179
moment the council and the colleges ceased their functions
and surrendered their authority to the Doge and the pro
visional commission.
Napoleon appoints a Provisional Government. — Nothing
was said in the convention of Milan about the appointment
of the provisional government, but as I was not in the habit
of leaving things half done, I myself appointed the mem
bers, selecting the most distinguished democrats ; and on
the thirteenth of June, the Doge was required to convoke
this commission.
The Disorders continue. — Although there was still some
fermentation among the lower classes, a part of whom were
still armed, yet the revolution was effected with order ; in
the evening the Golden Book was burnt by the democrats on
the place of Aquaverda. The next day a decree of the
provisional government abolished the noblesse and all feudal
rights ; the ' armorial bearings on the doors of hotels were
destroyed, and, as such popular movements are never exempt
from excesses, sacrilegious hands dared to break the colossal
statues of those Dorias who were formerly the pride of the
Genoese name.
While the legislative commission was engaged in forming
a constitutional compact, I directed General Duphot to.
organize a corps of six thousand Ligurians to be added to
the number of our auxiliaries. But the ohgarchists were
not yet completely reduced : a committee assembled at Pisa,
organized in the month of September the insurrection of the
Riviera di Levante, and of the Bisagno, General Duphot
inarched against the insurgents, but was driven back into
Genoa ; they even got possession of Fort Eperon. But
reenforced by the inhabitants of the Ponente, the Genoese
democrats, and some French troops from Tortona, Duphot
finally triumphed over all their efforts, notwithstanding the
instigations of the Durazzos, the Dorias, the Spinolas, and

180 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ca IIL
the Pallavicini. This was the last effort of a government
really prudent, and friendly disposed toward France. The
victim of revolutionary dogmas, some have thought it
might have avoided its ruin by admitting, in 1796, a tenth
part of plebeian senators and forming an alliance with
France., It owed a slight sacrifice to the opinion of the
age ; and if, after the concession, it had fallen, the odium of
it would have rested upon its enemies. Nevertheless, the
Directory looked as much to its independence and neutrality
as to its form of government. We desired Genoa as a base
for our operations in Lombardy, so long as the direct passes
of the Alps were not in our possession.
Negotiations of Udina and Passeriano. — The congress with
Austria was first appointed to meet at Berne, but was after
wards changed to Udina, where I treated with Meerfield and
Gallo, The Directory, jealous of its prerogatives, sent Gen
eral Clarke as an adjunct in these negotiations, and gave me
orders which must have been a great obstacle to an agree
ment, had not the cabinet of Vienna itself retarded the
negotiations immediately after the preliminaries had been
signed. The counter-revolutionists, with Pichegru, Villot,
and Imbert-Colomes at their head, had so far succeeded in
the elections, as to have a strong party in the councils, A
violent contest took place between the executive and legisla
tive powers ; the latter, instead of assisting the operations
of the government, threw all possible obstacles in its way.
These internal difficulties revived the hopes of our enemies.
Affairs of England. — The situation of our affairs with Eng
land also exercised a considerable influence upon the nego
tiation. The great genius of its prime minister could not
save this power from receiving rude shocks in the course of
this year. Ireland was in insurrection ; and although Heche's
expedition failed to attain its object, still it raised the hopes
of the insurgents to such a degree, as to render it necessary

Ch. III.] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTRIA, 181
for tbe government to employ force to repress them, Tru-
guet was not discouraged by the ill-success of Hoche, The
peace of Leoben had restored all his activity. He had at
Cologne a superb army, which in a few weeks could be upon
the shores of the Channel. They thought to make the Eng
hsh tremble for their own firesides. The assistance of Spain
and Holland, with their respectable naval forces, seemed to
give promise of success, Spain, especially, might have added
much weight to the scale, if the gold of Mexico had sufficed
to procure good workmanship in her ship-yards, and a better
organization and stronger emulation among her sailors.
Those colossal men-of-war, the pride and predilection of
Spaniards, were, for the most part, bad sailers, and required
better officers than theirs to manoeuvre them.
Battle of Cape St. Vincent. — Nevertheless, the junction of
the combined fleets in the Channel could not fail to produce
great results ; for the bond of union between Ireland and
England was on the point of rupture. The British admiralty
made every exertion to extricate itself from this embarrass
ment. Lord Bridport blockaded Brest ; Duncan watched
the Texel ; and Jervis, who was in the Tagus, watched the
movement of the Spanish fleet. This fleet of twenty-seven
ships and ten frigates, under Admiral Cordova, an officer
celebrated in the war of American independence, sailed from
Carthagena, passed the strait and raised the blockade of
Cadiz, Jervis had only fifteen vessels, but, full of noble con
fidence, he met the Spaniard half way. The battle was
fought off Cape St, Vincent. The English admiral surprised
the enemy, pierced his line, cut off nine of his vessels, defeated
them, and captured five of his large men-of war. Nelson, to
whom much of this victory is attributed, signally distin
guished himself in this battle.
Naval Tactics. — The Spaniards, eighteep of whose vessels
had not even entered into the engagement, shamefully fled to

182 LIFE OP NAPOLEON. [Ch. HI.
Cadiz, Jervis owed his triumph to the application of the
same principles which I had adopted at Montenotte, Casti
glione, and Eivoli, On land, as on the sea, the first talent of
a commander is to paralyze a part of his adversary's forces,
and concentrate all his own on the decisive points. It is
astonishing that no French adnural ever knew how to apply
this simple rule, and that all of them fought in parallel order,
vessel to vessel, which is in formal opposition to the first
principles of the art. Suffem is the only one who made the
proper manoeuvre, and he owed it to chance.
After this check the Spanish naval power was completely
paralyzed. Jervis, with his force increased to twenty-one
vessels, swept the Mediterranean, and the English even block
aded and bombarded Cadiz. Nelson attacked Teneriffe, but
was repulsed, with the loss of an arm. In the Antilles Admi
rals Harvey and Abercromby captured from the Spaniards
the important post of Trinidad, which offered a point for
attacking the continent of South America. But less fortu
nate at Porto-Eico, the latter officer was repulsed with
loss. Mutiny in the British Navy.— Thus all things were not
prosperous with proud Albion ; but even at the moment of
victory, she was on the brink of ruin. A frightful insurrec
tion broke out in the two great fleets of the Nore and the
Texel. The mutiny was carried to such a pitch that the
sailors took command of some of the vessels ; and the fear
of punishment getting the better of their patriotism, might
have induced them to steer for our ports for safety. Fortu
nately for England no one thought of it, and this mutiny, pro
duced by a discussion about pay, was suppressed by a wise
union of force and concession, supported by all the powerful
resources of discipline and patriotism.
Negotiations of Lille. — These events, so well calculated to
cause terror in London, joined to the certainty that Austria

cam.] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTEIA. 183
was in favor of peace, and' that Holland and Spain might
yet concert with our fleet at Brest a descent upon Ireland^ —
all these things combined to stagger the English government.
The suspension of Specie payments by the bank, and the re
jection of the fiscal measures of Pitt, added much to the
effect produced by the mutiny in the navy. Under these cir
cumstances the minister deemed it necessary to gain time
and to negotiate a treaty of peace, afterward either execut
ing or breaking it, as might best suit his purpose. He sent
Malmsbury, on the fourth of July, to Lille to enter into
negotiations with Maret, Letourneur, and Pleville-Lepelley.
The first named of these alone conducted the negotiation and
met with unexpected success ; the instructions of the Minis
ter, Charles Delacroix, were an almost incredible tissue of
absurdities; They demanded the restitution of tbe vessels
taken at Toulon, or an equivalent, and also, under the name
of restitution, the surrender into our hands of Jersey, Guern
sey, and. even Gibraltar. Besides this it was necessary to
treat for France, Spain, and Holland, which rendered the
negotiation a very delicate and complicated affair. Maret
had too much intelligence to undertake such a mission till a
change in the Directory had replaced Delacroix by Talley
rand, who Ifeft the negotiator without restraints. Thanks to
his moderation and skill, the affair was most ably conducted ;
and he obtained for France the restitution of all her colonies,
an indemnity for the vessels taken at Toulon, and even the
renunciation of the title, Roi de France. These two last
concessions were mere bagatelles, but they flattered the spirit
of the time. He obtained for Spain the restitution of all her
colonies except Trinidad; As to Holla,nd, the restitution
of all her colonies, without exception, was promised, but
Malmsbury having observed that he could not return to the
English people without preserving, for the sake of appearaiice,
some of their trophies, it was agreed that the port of Trin-

184 LIFE OP NAPOLEON. [Ca IIL
comale should be declared neutral and be occupied alternately
by an annual English and Dutch garrison. The English gar
rison was then in possession, and it was understood that no
change would take place. It is worthy of observation that
in this discussion Malmsbury wished to retain the Cape of
Good Hope, and offered St. Helena in exchange, but Maret
declined the offer. He corresponded with me through the
intervention of Clarke, and we should have effected a general
peace, had it not been for the tricks of Eewbel, the avowed
leader of the war party.
Affairs of the Interior —I8th Fructldor.— I was no less
thwarted by the obstacles constantly thrown in my way by the
Minister Eewbel, than by the influence exercised by the coun
cils upon the resolutions of the cabinet of Vienna. Fore
seeing the possibility of a new rupture, I urged the ratifica
tion of the treaty made some six months before with the
King of Sardinia, and which the Directory, contrary to all
reason, had rejected. But I was again disappointed ; and in
my discontent, I complained bitterly to those whom I thought
my friends in the Directory. It was represented to me that
the republican party was likely to fall even by the hands of
the constituted authorities, who, transformed into blind in
struments of the reactionnaires, were divided into two distinct
factions. Each party sought to attach to itself a distin
guished general. The royalists had gained Pichegru and were
now manoeuvring to secure Moreau. Another party sought
Hoche. My glory having excited the jealousy of many mem
bers of the Directory, they were desirous of raising up one
of my rivals to balance the influence which I had acquired
with the public. I determined to side with the repubhcans,
and sent General Augereau to tbe Directory at Paris to take
command of its troops there. Barras and his colleagues,
who were in a position to know these things, assured me of
the existence of a plot to overthrow the republic, and papers

Ca IIL] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTRIA. 185
found in the portefeuille of Count d'Antragues, minister of
Louis XVIIL, seized at Venice, confirmed these reports. The
more I engaged in political affairs, the more I was convinced
of the necessity of terminating and regulating the revolu
tion ; it was the offspring of the age, and could not retrograde
without the cost of oceans of blood and the humiliation of
France. I therefore fully concurred in the affair of the
eighteenth Fructldor, which destroyed the constitution of the
year IIL, the offspring- of Utopians, who, as a balance of
power, had introduced into the state a system of perpetual
squabbling, which must necessarily impede the progress of
affairs. If this coup-d'etat led to the exile of Carnot, Bar-
thelemy, and the fifty-three Deputies, and the gratification
of mere personal animosities under the cloak of public good,
the fault is to be attributed to those who deceived me ; it
did not depend upon me to direct its course and lead it to
more beneficial results.
Foreign Negotiations. — The newly organized Directory,
with Talleyrand* in place of Charles Delacroix, as minister of
foreign affairs, did not show itself much more skilful or pacific
than before. The first result of the change was the break
ing off of the negotiations at Lille, where Treilhard and
Bonnier had succeeded Maret and Letourneur. They impe
riously refused all the demands of England, and revived the
¦» Charles Maurice de Perigord, prince of Talleyrand, was bom at Paris in
1754. At the breaking out of tho Revolution, he was bishop of Autun, but he
soon left his profession and became one of the most rabid poUticians of that age.
His first diplomatic mission was to England ; after this he was exiled, but
returned as soon as the decree of banishment was repealed. He filled many
important diplomatic missions under Napoleon, who raised him in 1805 to the
dignity of sovereign prince of Benevento. In 1814 and 1815 he favored the
Bourbons, and at the Congress of Vienna did every thing in his power to unite
the Allies against Napoleon. He joined Louis XVIIL at Ghent, and returned
with him to Paris. In 1830 he was sent to London as ambassador from the new
government of Louis Philippe. He died in 1838. His diplomatic talent was
very great, but his reputation for intrigue is much higher than that for honesty.
— Encyclopedia Americana.

186 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Ca HL
discussion of subjects which had already been agreed upon
by then predecessors. Thus the swaggering vanity of Eewbel
and Merlin rejected the only opportunity that occurred of
arresting, by a favorable maritime peace, the threatening
increase of English power on the ocean. A similar result
was, near being produced at Passeriano. The eighteenth
Fructldor produced, on the part of France, no other change
in the negotiations than the recall of Clarke,* and my being
left in sole charge. The Directory refused to ratify the
alliance with Sardinia, as if this treaty was to rescue a
victim from its ambition. This body now opposed the ces
sion of Venice, on the ground that it might increase the
maritime power of Austria, whereas it had formerly assented
to this, in the hope of gaining Mantua. It even carried its
pretensions so far as to refuse all indemnity in Italy.
Napoleon Resigns. — Disgusted with the opposition and
apparent distrust of the Directory, I sent in my resignation
on the twenty-fifth of September, a few days after having
notified the plenipotentiaries that if peace were not signed
by the first of October, I would then treat only on the basis
of uti possidetis. Uncertain what result would be produced
by this declaration, 1 sought to detach Bavaria and Wirtem-
berg from Austria, and sent to them, under different pretexts,
General Desaix, whom curiosity had brought into Italy. But

* Clarke (Henri Jacques Guillaume) Duke of Feltre, was born at Landrecies
in 1765. He was educated at the Ecole Militaire of Paris, and entered the
army In 1782, and attained the grade of general in the early wars of the Revo
lution. Under Napoleon he acted mostly in a diplomatic character, and was
rewarded for his services with the title of Duke of Feltre. He was an industrious,
laborious man, and a good administrator. After the restoration, he became a
servile fiatterer of the Bourbons, and enjoyed considerable favor at court. His
chief foible was pride of descent; he spent much of his time in hunting up old
family documents, and sought to prove himself related to half of the faubourg
St. Germain. His conduct as minister of Louis XVIIL did much to blast the
reputation he had previously acquired under Napoleon. He died in 1818. —
Biographie UniverseUe.

Cain.] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTRIA, 187
surrounded as he was by the agents of Austria, it was impos
sible for this officer to succeed in his mission.
Cobentzel takes part in Negotiations. — The moment the
imperial deputation received the news of the eighteenth
Fructldor, they dispatched General Meerfield in all haste to
Vienna. As the Emperor could no longer hope any thing
from a royalist reaction, he immediately sent Meerfield back
with Count Cobentzel, who was furnished with more positive
instructions. Henceforth the negotiations progressed with
less interruption. But Austria did not appear anymore
pliant ; far from renouncing Mantua, which had been assured
to her in the preliminaries, she now demanded Venice, the
Legations, and the line of the Adda. Indignant at such pre
tensions, I contested even Dalmatia and Eagusa, of which
she had already taken possession. The Directory did not
confine itself to these menaces : it formally declared, as its
ultimatum, to limit Austria by the Isonzo, and to send her for
an indemnity to the secularizations in Germany — a circum
stance that seemed to render the rupture inevitable.
Napoleon and the Directory. — In the mean time the Direc
tory, seeing the danger of accepting my resignation after the
services 1 had rendered the republic, sent an agent to me to
enter into satisfactory explanations. Having determined to
continue the war, it felt that it still had need of my sword,
and it now conceded every thing which it had formerly refused.
The army of Italy was reenforced by three demi-brigades
and a regiment of cavalry ; more than eight thousand requi-
sitionnaires joined the skeletons of my infantry ; I was
also promised a remonte of sixteen hundred horses ; it
also submitted the treaty of alliance offensive and defensive
with Piedmont for the ratification of the councils ; finally,
as a proof of its condescension, Kellerman was removed and
the ambassador Cacault was recalled from Naples, because I
had previously shown dissatisfaction at their conduct.

188 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Ch. IIL
Peace of Campo-Formio. — I did not wait the effect of all
these resolutions ; but, encouraged by the secret mission of
Bottot, and pretty certain of the sanction of the Directory,
I determined not to limit myself by the instructions of the
ministers, who would have produced the same results at
Passeriano as at Lille, After the usual form of high demands,
made with the design of more easily obtaining the object
desired, I decided abruptly to close without any further
authorization. Many reasons contributed to produce this
result. Our army in Italy was in a fiourishing condition,
and had a good base of operations in Osoppo and Palmanova ;
but the season was too far advanced for a campaign in
Carinthia, and by allowing the Emperor the winter for
organizing his forces, we would risk all the advantages of
the initiative. Besides, the position of the respective armies
was not in our favor. The Austrians were near the centre
of their power, in the neighborhood of their magazines and
d6p6ts, with their flanks secured on the one side by Croatia
or Hungary, and on the other by the Tyrol, all warlike
provinces, ready at a moment's warning to second military
operations. We, on the contrary, had every thing to fear
for our rear ; Naples was ready to embrace the first oppor
tunity to give vent to her hatred ; Venice wished to remove
us from her neighborhood ; and the King of Sardinia, whose
treaty of alliance had been rejected by the council, might
take this occasion to declare against us. Moreover, Austria
had opposed to me the main body of her forces, while the
mass of ours was still on the Ehine, some two hundred
leagues behind my army, which, for a month or more, would
be obliged to sustain the whole weight of the war. In fine,
the rupture of the Directory with England, the incoherence
of the plans adopted by the government in case of war, made
it my duty to be less exorbitant in my demands, and to con
sent to the double cession of Venice and Salzbourg. There-

Cain. CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTRIA, 189
fore, on the seventeenth of October, when everybody was
expecting a renewal of hostilities, peace was signed at Campo-
Formio.* Conditions of the Treaty. — The treaty consisted of
twenty-five articles patent, ceding Belgium and Lombardy,
(Mantua included), and consenting to the limits of the Ehine
and the Alps ; the States of Venice were ceded to Austria
as far as the left bank of the Adige, with the fortress of
Verona and a fixed arrondissement. The provinces of Brescia
and Bergamo, situated on the right bank, were given to the
Cisalpine Eepublic, and the Ionian Islands to France. Four
teen secret articles, more important in some respects than the
treaty itself, specified the limits of the Eepublic and the dis
position to be made of the resulting territory. Should the
Diet refuse the cessions on the left of tbe Ehine, the Em
peror promised to give no support to the German Empire :
the free navigation of this river and of the Meuse was prom
ised : France consented to the acquisition by Austria of the
* When the French ultimatum was made to Cobentzel, he positively refused
to receive it, preferred a new trial of arms, and charged to Napoleon's obstmacy
the blood that would be shed in the new contest. Upon this Napoleon, with
great coolness, although he was much irritated at this attack, arose, and took
from a mantelpiece a little porcelain vase, which Count Cobentzel prized as a
present from the Empress Catharine. " WeU," said Napoleon, " the truce is at an
end, and war is declared ; but remember, that before the Autumn, I will shatter
your monarchy as I shatter this porcelain.'' Saying this, he dashed it furiously
down, and the carpet was instantly covered with its fragments. He then bowed
to the congress and retired. The Austrian plenipotentiaries were struck dumb.
A few moments afterward, they found that as Napoleon got into his carriage
he had dispatched an officer to the Archduke Charles, to inform him that the
negotiations were broken off, and that hostilities would commence in twenty-
four hours. Count Cobentzel, seriously alarmed, sent the Marquis of Gallo to
Passeriano, ¦with a signed declaration that he consented to the ultimatum of
France. It was on signing the treaty on the following day, October seventeenth,
that Napoleon directed the first article .acknowledging the French Republic to
be stricken out. "The French Republic," said he, " is like the sun ; they who
can not see it must be blind. The French people are masters of their own coun
try; they formed a Republic; perhaps they may form an Aristocracy to-morrow ;
and a monarchy the day after. It is their imprescriptable right ; the form of their
government is merely an affair of domestic law." — MonthoUm.

190 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IIL
country of Salzbourg, and that she might receive Innviertel
from Bavaria, and the city of Wasserbourg on the Inn.
Austria ceded the Frickthal to be given up to Switzerland,
the Imperial Fiefs for Liguria, and the Brisgaw to the Duke
of Modena in exchange for his states which had been amal
gamated with the Cisalpine Eepublic. France agreed to
yield the Prussian states between the Ehine and the Meuse,
Indemnity was promised, in Germany to the princes who had
been dispossessed on the left of the Ehine, the same as to the
Stadtholder, In fine, article VII, left an opening for still
further partitions, in stipulating that if one of the contract
ing powers should make any acquisitions in Germany, the
other might make equivalents.
Results of the Treaty. — This was a glorious peace, and
might have been lasting ; it was glorious inasmuch as it
secured to France Belgium, the line of the Ehine and of the
Alps, Mayence, great influence in Italy, and the Ionian
Islands — an important possession which might secure to us
the key of the Levant and afford immense maritime advan
tages ; it might have been lasting, because it gave Austria
ample compensation for the provinces she had ceded to us.
Being now separated from Piedmont by the Cisalpine Eepub
hc, Austria had suffered to pass into our hands the infiuence
over tbe house of Savoy and northern Italy ; but her own
territory, contiguous to the Adige, with Verona, Legnago,
and Venice, gave her a much better base for future operations
against this part of Italy, Peace ought, therefore, to have
appeared to her so much the more advantageous as she bad,
as it were, been rewarded for her defeats. Beaten at Jem-
mappes, Fleurus, Juhers, Loano, Ettlingen, Montenotte, Lodi,
Castiglione, Bassano, Areola, Eivoli, she had, nevertheless,
rounded off her territory by an addition of three millions of
inhabitants ; she had exchanged her distant provinces of
Belgium for Galicia, which was bordering on her own fron-

Ch. IIL] OAMPAIGNOF 1797 IN AUSTRIA, 191
tiers ; she had received the states of Venice in exchange for
Lombardy, with which she could hold no communication
e.'ccept by passing through foreign territory ; she had ex
changed the port of Antwerp, blasted and ruined by the
closing of the Scheldt, for that of Venice, which was much
more advantageous to her commerce and to her political power.
As to France, she had additional reason to rejoice at this
peace, inasmuch as the English had just gained a great naval
victory ; Duncan had, on tbe eighteenth of October, at Cam-
perduyn (Camperdown) on the coast of North Holland,
beaten and destroyed half of the Dutch fleet, and this im
portant success might raise an additional obstacle to a mari
time peace, and also increase the difficulty of trading with
Austria. But the highest passions were excited, and they
did not fail soon to involve the two hemispheres in a new
conflagration. The mania of propagandism which had seized
upon the Directory, the want of any fixed system in our
foreign policy, the hatred borne by all foreigners to our re
publican institutions, could not fail, in a short time, to pro
voke a new war.
Revolution of Xa Valteline.— Scarcely had the treaty of
Campo-Formio been signed, when new elements of discord
began to rise : the revolution of the Valteline was the begin
ning. This country, subject to the Ligues-Grises, had
strong motives for wishing ita emancipation ; it was properly
a part of Italy, as it,spoke:the same language, was situated
on the southern slope of the Alps, and drew all its grain
from Italy. Its inhabitants, excluded from all political
functions, very naturally desired an order of things that
would give them some part in the government. An insur
rection was incited, against the Grisons ; these called for the
mediation of France. France answered by annexing the
Valteline to the Cisalpine Eepublic. The sterile advantage
of extending tiie territory of this republic to the high.Alps,

192 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IIL
caused the danger of this junction of the Valteline to an
Austrian province to be overlooked. In fact, the French
Eepublic, certain of tbe friendship of the Swiss, ought not
to have given to a state, whose existence was as precarious
as that of the Cisalpine, rights which might some day revert
to the ancient possessors of Lombardy. The Valtehne, uni
ted to the Grisons, closed the access of Switzerland on the
side of the Tyrol, diminished the influence of Austria over
the Helvetic valleys, secured the Cisalpine frontier, and per
fectly covered the line of French troops called to fight on the
Adige. To unite this province to a state formerly Austrian,
was to establish a direct contact between the upper Tyrol
and the communications of the French army, to open the
route of the Tonal and the Breglio by Sondrio on Milan, in
fine to give the key of the Ehetian Alps to Austria, if she
should ever regain possession of the Adda.
Negotiations at Rastadt. — Austria had made peace only
on her own account ; it was still necessary to treat with the
Empire. This crowd of petty German principalities were of
themselves incapable of carrying on the war, and a treaty
with them would have been a mere formality, had it not
been necessary to obtain their assent to the cession of the left
bank of the Ehine in favor of France, and of Salzburg and
Innviertel in favor of Austria. Moreover, it was necessary
to indemnify the princes who had lost territory by these
arrangements. A congress was assembled at Eastadt to
settle these minute and complicated questions. I repaired
thither as the head of the French legation ; the other mem
bers were Bonnier and Treilhard ; but I soon perceived that
the discussions, being no longer supported by victory, were
taking a deplorable turn which did not at all suit me. I was
too much accustomed to decide authoritatively to have suffi
cient patience for a long and minute investigation. I there
fore left Eastadt, having first provided by a military con-

Ca III.] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTRIA. 193
vention for the execution of the treaty of Campo-Formio,
so far as concerned the transfer of Mayence to our troops and
the evacuation of the other places of the Ehine by the
imperialists. Passage of the Simplon asked of the Valois. — To consoli
date as much as possible the young repubhc which I had
created, I had, on leaving Italy, demanded of the Valois free
passage by the Simplon for the troops returning to France.
I was desirous to possess this upper valley of the Ehone
which offered us the most direct communications with Milan,
especially at a time when Piedmont, still independent, might
range herself on the side of our enemies. The Swiss very
properly declined acceding to a demand which destroyed the
system of their neutrality. The Directory, already designing
to revolutionize that country and to draw it within its own
meshes, was now only the more inclined to execute its impru
dent project.
Directory foments Revolution in Switzerland.— Eewbel
and Talleyrand had formed the project, it is said, of sur
rounding France by petty democratic republics, either to
cover our frontiers by separating them from Austria, or to
form a federative system capable of balancing new coalitions.
They flattered themselves by this singular means to create a
new system of political equilibrium, not between the masses
of powers, but between the dogmas of governments ! To
think of defending the French Eepublic against European
monarchies by surrounding it with a girdle of petty demo--
cratic states, was a piece of Utopian diplomacy destitute of
the first principles of common sense. These feeble states,,
instead of avoiding points of direct contact with Austria,,
would keep us in continual altercation ; as they could only
exist under the protection and patronage of France, we
would be obliged to mingle in all their frontier difficulties
with Austria. A Cisalpine custom-house officer could,, there--
VOL, 1. — 13.

194 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IIL
fore, bring about a war as easily as the nez coupe of the
English Jeffreys had between George 11, and Louis XV,
Our alliance with Spain and our friendly relations with
Prussia showed that it was very easy to acquire weight in
the real balance of Europe without attaching to it any doc
trinaire ideas : these in international policy have but little
weight, and are more often a pretext than an object.
Conformably to this' absurd project of the Directory,
Mengaud was charged with sthring up at Bale, Aran, and
Zurich, a revolution in which France could interfere as she
had done at Genoa, Mangourit was doing the same among
the Valois ; and similar effects were easily produced in tbe
Pays-de- Vaud, which had been ceded to the canton of Berne,
in 1565, under the guarantee of France.
Reclamation of the Vaudois. — With better foundation for
their demands than the Valtelines, or the bourgeois of terra-
firma, and all those who demand their part of inalienable
political rights, the Vaudois wished to obtain from the
Bernese the same prerogatives which they had enjoyed under
the Dukes of Savoy. This was no body of politicians de
manding equality, it was an enlightened people demanding,
for their notables, the part in public affairs which belonged
to them by treaties. France was the guaranteeing power, and
therefore she possessed the right of intervention ; but instead
of doing this nobly and in good faith, she did it in a repre
hensible and underhand way.
Invasion of Berne. — The Vaudois rose in insurrection,
drove away the Bernese magistrates (bailies), and called to
their aid the division of Massena, which was then cantoned
in Savoy, on the banks of Lake Geneva. This division
entered the country in the early part of January, under the
orders of Brune, and advanced as far as the borders of the
Pays-de- Vaud. The Bernese assembled in all haste a corps
of twenty thousand mihtia on the Sarine. The Senate of

CallL] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTRIA, 195
Berne, distracted by internal dissensions, and paralyzed by a
powerful French party, decided to make concessions : it
promised to revise its constitution in the course of a year,
and to admit a number of deputies representing the ancient
subjects of Vaud and Argovie, Th6 more reasonable of the
Vaudois were disposed to accept these concessions, but the
majority rejected them : in times of revolution, every thing
is suspected and unsatisfactory ; and these advantages, which
really exceeded their most sanguine hopes at the outset^ now
appeared insufficient to the sectaries of liberty and equality,
who wished all or nothing. Moreover, pacific concessions
did not at all suit the views of the French Directory, who
wished to profit by the frenzy of its partisans to subject all
Switzerland to its influence, and to establish a central gov
ernment which should be under its own domineering control.
It required Beme to disband its army and to give pledges of
its sincerity. The old avoyer, Steiger, a venerable magis
trate, very different from the degenerate oligarchists of Venice
and Genoa, preferred the resort to arms. Beme, showing
herself as great in the moment of danger as she had been
moderate in the beginning of the difficulties, most nobly
answered to this appeal. The combat soon began c Schawem
bourg penetrated from Bienne on Soleure and on Berne with
a division of tbe army of the Ehine, while that of Brune
was driven back on the Sarine. They nevertheless formed a
junction the next day at Berne. A superb arsenal and a
treasure of twenty milhons became the prey of the avaricious
conquerors, who were much more occupied in enriching
themselves with the Bernese spofls, than in sustaining the
political rights of the Vaudois, for which they pretended to
fight. Helvetic Constitution. — ^A uniform constitution was con
cocted by Talleyrand, Ochs, and Laharpe, to bind into one
bundle the uncivihzed democrat of the httle cantons and the

196 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IIL
proud oligarchist of Berne. It was necessary to employ artil
lery to impose upon the Swiss this pact of the united Helvetic
Eepublic. I had been a warm partisan of the Vaudois ; I
had even advised that their just demands be sustained by
diplomacy, and by an imposing demonstration ; but I was
indignant at the ulterior conduct of the Directory toward the
Swiss. In driving these mountaineers into the arms of Aus
tria, we lost all support to our armies on the Adige, and
Italy became subject to the masters of the Ehetian Alps,
which take in reverse all the lines of the Adige, the Mincio,
and the Ticino, We were certain to pay dearly for this
error, which cost us, in 1799, all Italy to the Var,
Neutrality of Switzerland. — The question of Swiss neu
trality was connected with the highest combinations of Euro
pean policy. The German Empire, Austria, France, and
Italy, were equally interested in preserving this neutrality.
Without it the line of the Ehine was a vain barrier, and the
Alps no longer secured France and Italy from invasion. By
possessing Switzerland, France weakened instead of strength
ening, her power ; for the slightest success of the Austrians
on the banks of the Var opened to them the access of the
Jura,, and enabled them to attack the soil of France by the
only vulnerable point of her frontier. The same reasoning
applies to Italy ; with the neutrality of Switzerland, France,
then mistress of Mantua, of Pizzighettone, and the fortresses
of Piedmont, had a very decided advantage over the impe
rialists, reduced as they were to the walls of Verona and to
the ramparts of Palma-Nova. But destroy the prestige of
this neutrahty, and the least success obtained in Switzerland
by an imperial army, would destroy all defense in Italy, and
force the French army to fall back in order to arrest the
enemy on the confines of Dauphiny, or on the banks of the
Ehone. The plans of the Directory, in destroying the neu
trality of Switzerland and violating that territory, were, all

Ca IIL] OAMPALGN OF 1797 IN AUSTRIA, 197
things considered, the height of folly. In considering the
increase thus given to the French hue of defense, we are not
to regard the mere circular extent of a hundred leagues, but
the permanent contiguity of a line running from Venice by
Trente and Lake Constance to the marshes of Friesland and
the North Sea, This space being cut by the mass of the
Alps, and the centre neutralized, each of these isolated frac
tions would necessarily present an independent line of opera
tions. One might, therefore, select on either of these wings
a strategic point most suitable for his operations, without
being troubled with what was passing at the accessories.
For example, operations by the left to cover the Ehine, would
be carried on between Strasburg and Mayence without a;ny
danger to the other extremity along the sea or on the neutral
hue. If operations were dhected by the right for the protec
tion of Lombardy, the defense would be entirely confined to
the line of the Mincio or the Adige. If, on the contrary,
the Swiss territory be included in the front of operations, the
line of defense would extend from the Adriatic to the mouths
of the Yssel, and for this entire extent of three hundred
leagues every point would be exposed to an attack. The
lines of the Adige and the Ehine (between Strasburg and
Mayence) would then be only secondary fractions, subordi
nate to other operations ; and, should the combatants be
drawn into Switzerland, the occupant of this country,
reduced to defend himself there, would be obliged to cover
Bale, Sehaffhausen, Eheineck, St, Gothard, the Simplon, and
Mont-Cenis, without being able to dispense with imposing
forces on the Ehine and the Po. Thus the defensive power,
having its forces cut up into twenty separate corps, would be
greatly exposed to an active and enterprising opponent, who,
by the rapidity of his movements, might multiply his assail
ing forces. Indeed, the following campaign did not fail to
prove that, although the salients Scha,ffhausen and the

198 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IIL
Simplon offer strategic advantages for a simple passage,
Switzerland, as a field of operations, should never be
included in the plan of a campaign. This truth is fully
demonstrated by the events of 1799, and the operations of
1805 and 1809, With my title of mediator, and the power
ful infiuence I possessed in Switzerland, I could have taken
possession of that country with impunity, but interest
directed me to leave it intact. However highly I valued two
or three debouches, I knew how to render them subordinate
to the calculations of policy, and I have proved that a route
may always be found for manoeuvring on the communications
of the enemy, without trampling under foot national rights,
and destroying the equilibrium of European states.
Revolution in Rome. — A few days before the fall of Berne,
Eome had surrendered to Berthier. My brother Joseph had
been named ambassador near the Holy See. All Italy was
then in a fever : it was a strife who should plant the first
tree of hberty. Naples was also in fermentation, and the
prisons were insufficient to contain all who were arrested on
suspicion. Eome could not, in this revolutionary excite
ment, forget entirely her former greatness : all who, in the
country of Cicero, of Emilius, and of Brutus, could read
their alphabet, threw off the monastic and pontifical yoke to
bring back the glorious days of the consular government,
and, strange as it may seem, a part of the clergy partook of
these sentiments. Since the peace of Tolentino harmony
had been but partially established : Joseph felt that he must
act with prudence. The partisans of France exhibited a
desire to reestablish the Eoman Eepubhc, but he persuaded
them from the project. Being afterward indirectly informed
that a conspiracy would break out on the twenty-sixth of
December, he thought to give proof of his loyalty to the
Holy See by frankly reporting the facts to the Cardinal
Secretary of State, Doria. But these princes of the church

Ca III.] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTRIA. 199
were too much prejudiced against us to appreciate such an
act of kindness. They redoubled their watchfulness and
severity, but, in spite of all their precautions, an insurrection
actually broke out on the twenty-eighth, in the vicinity of
the palace of France ; the multitude invaded the enciento
of its jurisdiction, crying out : Long live the Roman Repub
lic ; Long live the French Republic. Charged upon by the
gendarmes and the trabans of the Pope, this crowd took
refuge under the portico of the palace, which it was impos
sible to prevent. They were pursued and fired upon even in
the courts.
Proclamation of the Roman Republic. — This act was a
violation of the law of nations. Young General Duphot,
an officer of merit, affianced to one of my sisters, rushed out,
sword in hand, to defend an asylum regarded as sacred, and
was basely murdered, being pierced with many balls. The
quality of the offender adds to the heinousness of the offense.
Such an act on the part of the sbirri of the Pope could not
be passed over unpunished, Berthier marched upon Eome,
and encamped, on the tenth of February, at the head of two
divisions under the walls of the castle St, Angelo, Five days
after, at the foot even of the Quirinal, was heard the cry of
Eoman Liberty, a cry that had not been uttered in the
vicinity of the capital since the famous conspiracy of Eienzi.
The people assembled in the Forum, like their illustrious
ancestors, drew up a declaration of their enfranchisement,
and proclaimed their consuls, a senate, and tribunes. It was
a ridiculous parody of the Eome of the Scipios ; but these
magic words struck the minds of the rest of Europe, and if
the Directory had been more skilful, and better advised in the
choice of its agents, it might have drawn immense advan
tage from it. Berthier, yielding to the wishes of the people,
marched at the head of his grenadiers to the capital, and
there proclaimed the recognition of the Eoman Eepublic.

200 LIFE OP NAPOLEON. [Ch. HL
The Pope had no other alternative than to abdicate ; and
what was exceedingly annoying to Pius VI., this revolution
took place on the fifteenth of February, the twenty-fifth
aniversary of his pontificate, and three days after, to return
thanks for the abolition of his sovereignty, and the reestab
lishment of the Eoman Eepublic, a solemn Te Deum was
chanted in St. Peter's by fourteen Cardinals! On the
twentieth of February the Pope left Eome, never to return ;
Berthier gave him an escort. He repaired to the Carthusian
Monastery of Pisa, where he remained till the thirtieth of
April, 1799, when he was transferred to France. The con
quest of Eome became an unfortunate affair by the ulterior
faults which followed it, and the great extension it gave to
our line of operations. The government of Eome should
have been organized, and a small corps left for its defense,
the rest of the army being withdrawn to the line of the
Adige. This rich city was overrun by mffitary chiefs, who
were not very delicate in their distinctions of meum and
iuum, and more particularly by numerous depredating civil
agents, who fell upon the treasures of St. Peter like a cloud
of vampires. The army was left without food or pay, while
these rascally civilians were swimming in gold ; it mutinied,
as the British seamen had done a year before, and if a military
revolt is ever susceptible of excuse, it certainly was under
such circumstances. Massena, who had succeeded Berthier,
was forced to leave the army, which he could not recall to
duty, and which accused him (unjustly, perhaps,) of not only
tolerating these abuses, but even of participating in them.
Two such events as the invasion of Eome and Switzerland
were more than sufficient to put an end to the peace of
Campo-Formio; indeed, under the circumstances, that treaty
could be little more than a truce.
Napoleon's Reception at Paris.— While these events were
preparing a new storm, my new title of general-in-chief of

Ca IIL] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN AUSTRIA. 201
the army of England, and still more, the project of an ex
pedition into Egypt, called me from Eastadt to Paris. 1
could not better celebrate my return to the capital than by
bringing there the ratification of peace. Therefore, I was
received with transports bordering on delirium. All hearts
opened to hope ; the wounds of La Patria were about to be
healed ; with her glory raised to the clouds, France was
about to reestablish her political relations on both conti
nents, and, sooner or later, force England into a peace which
would secure our conquests ; industry, the arts, commerce,
would then take the impetus which the Eevolution seemed
calculated to impress : in a word, every thing seemed to
promise a rich and prosperous future. The Directory, giving
me a formal audience on the tenth of December, at the Lux
embourg, proclaimed me the man of Providence, one of those
rare prodigies which nature bestows upon the human race
only at periods far remote. France did not fail to echo the
pompous eulogy of its president. 1 was forced to take
refuge under the modest garb of a member of the Institute
in order to escape the importune acclamations of a people
always enthusiastic in its admiration and ever ready to
change its object. The authorities were emulous in giving
testimony of national gratitude. A committee of the Coun
cil of Ancients passed an act presenting me with the estate
of Chambord and a grand hotel in the capital ; but the
Directory, alarmed at the proposition, refused its assent.
General Remarks. — During the two years that I had com
manded in Italy, 1 had filled tbe world with the eclat of my
victories ; the coalition had been dissolved ; the Emperor
and the princes of the empire had formally recognized the
French Eepublic ; all Italy had submitted to our laws and
influence ; two new republics, like the French, had been
created ; England alone remained in arms, but she had mani
fested a desire for peace, and the fault of its not being signed

202 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IIL
rested with the Directory. To these great results in the ex
ternal relations of the Eepublic, must be added advantages
gained in its interior administration and in its military
power. At no time had the French soldiers shown so decided
a superiority. It was due to the influence of the victories in
Italy, that the armies of the Ehine and the Sambre-et-Meuse
had been able to carry the French standards to the banks of the
Lech. At the beginning of 1796, the Emperor had one hun
dred and sixty thousand troops on the Ehine, ready to invade
France. Our brave but undisciplined armies were then
scarcely capable of securing the fortifled lines of defense,
much less of making conquests. The victories of Monte
notte, of Lodi, etc., carried the alarm to Vienna ; they forced
the Aulic Council to recall from its armies in Germany Mar
shal Wurmser, the Archduke Charles, and more than sixty
thousand men, thus establishing the equilibrium there, and
enabling Moreau and Jourdan to resume the offensive. More
than one hundred and twenty millions of extraordinary con
tributions had been raised in Italy ; one half of this had
supported my army, and the other half, transmitted to the
treasury of Paris, had assisted in providing for the ex
penses of the interior and the support of the armies of the
Ehine. In addition to all this, the treasury owed to my vic
tories an annual saving of seventy millions, which, in 1796,
was required for the support of the armies of the Alps and
of Italy. Considerable provision had also been made in
hemp and ship-timber, and the vessels captured at Genoa,
Leghorn, and Venice, had greatly increased our naval force
at Toulon. The National Museum had been enriched by
chefs-d'oeuvre of the arts from Parma, Florence, and Eome,
which were valued at more than two hundred millions. The
commerce of Lyons, Provence, and Dauphiny had begun to
revive the moment the great debouche of the Alps was
opened. The naval forces at Toulon, reorganized and reen-

Ch. m.] CAMPAIGN OF 1797 IN ITALY. 203
forced by the squadrons of Spain, now ruled the Mediter
ranean, the Adriatic, and the Levant. Happy days seemed
assured to France, and for these she was indebted to the
conquerors of Italy.

CHAPTER IV.
NAPOLEON'S EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT.
Difficulties of Napoleon's Position at Paris — Origin of the War in Egypt — State
of Hindostan — Projects of the Sultan of Mysore, and the Apathy of France
— State of the EngUsh Forces — Object of the Expedition into Egypt — Napoleon
examines the Port of Antwerp — The Continent again involved in hostile
Preparations — Napoleon departs from Toulon — Capture of Malta — Debark
ation at Alexandria — March on Cairo — Battle of the Pyramids — Entrance
into Cairo — Naval Battle of Aboukir — Results of this Battle — Difficulties
with the Porte — Revolt of Cairo — Expedition into Syria — Passage of the
Desert, and takmg of Jaffa — Resistance of St. Jean-d'Acre — Battle of Mont-
Tabor — Continuation of the Siege of St. Jean-d'Acre— Raising of this Siege
— Return to Cairo — Debarkation and Battle of Aboukir — Napoleon decides to
return to France.
Difficulties of Napoleon's Position at Paris.— My bril
liant reception in the capital was sufficient to flatter the
vanity of the most modest, and to incite the least ambitious.
It was evident that I could aspire to every thing in France.
Nevetheless the moment had not yet arrived to profit by this
popularity ; it was necessary to wait until the Directory
should enthely destroy its own influence, France had pro
claimed me her hero ; but this was not sufficient, and to
become the head of the state, it was necessary to be its
saviour and restorer. However great my claim to the
national gratitude, it did not give me the right of overthrow
ing an established government to which I owed my rapid
advancement and a part even of my glory : it would even
tually destroy itself by its own incapacity and the disasters it

Ch. IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT. 205
would bring upon France ; then only could I appear on the
stage as the saviour of my country. I knew well what would
be the inevitable course of events. It was only necessary to
leave the silly heads of the Directory to their own measures ;
for, independently of the weakness of the individuals com
posing this body, it could not, from the nature of things,
continue a long time. Either the Directory would attempt
to seize the dictatorship, like the Committee of Public Safety,
or it would itself fall a prey to anarchy, like the Executive
Council of 1792 ; in either case, its fall was inevitable.
Origin of the War in Egypt.— Nevertheless the part I had
to play was embarrassing. They had conferred upon me the
pompous but illusory title of general-in-chief of the army of
England. This was a mere bugbear, by which the cabinet of
London was not to be duped ; there was nothing prepared at
that epoch to give to the project any reality ; all that could
possibly be done was to throw some twenty or thirty thou
sand men into Ireland : an enterprise, advantageous without
doubt, but not suited to my ambition. I was too important
a personage to remain with folded arms at Paris. Although
the Directory had mingled its acclamations with those of all
France, I knew that Eewbel and Merlin were secretly opposed
to me : under a pretext of a hierarchy of powers, they cen
sured the resolution which I had taken of my own accord ;
they accused me of having treated with Austria instead of
marching upon Vienna, which, in their opinion, would have
secured the revolution of Germany, and given Eewbel the
pleasure of fabricating a few democratic republics from the
debris of the Holy Empire ! This was, according to them,
the most infallible means of securing the triumph of the
principles and the preponderance of France over all her
neighbors. They supposed an empire like Austria could be
revolutionized as easily as Eome or Milan, or rather they
were ignorant that no one could be less disposed in favor of

206 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Ca IV.
their Utopian theories than the subjects' of the court of
Vienna. Their shallow declamations against me were scan
dalous. It was necessary for me to take some step ; for
every day the most opposite factions knocked at my door :
now, the royalist agents sought to demonstrate to me the im
possibility of continuing the repubhcan system in France,
and to induce me to restore the monarchy ; now, the most
ardent sectaries of the Eepublic came to complain of the
assaults of the Directory upon liberty, and to urge me to act
the Gracchus. I was therefore obliged to make common
cause with the Directory, or to join in the conspiracy against
it. I was unwilling to do either. The only reasonable
course for me to pursue was to absent myself, and to do so
with eclat. I knew that to keep the public attention fixed
on me it was necessary to attempt something extraordinary.
Many anonymous letters, very well written, had already been
addressed to me, warning me of the difficult part which I
had to play in France, One of these letters advised me to
form a state for myself in Italy, as Dumouriez had thought
to do in Holland. But I was not foolish enough to do this,
I shall allude to this proposition again.
I had spoken vaguely during the negotiations of Campo-
Formio of a project on Egypt, although I had then no idea
of taking charge of it myself. Talleyrand had also men
tioned it. On my return, I offered to put it in execution.
As the results might be immense, the enterprise seemed
worthy of my ambition. Of course the majority of the
Directory received with delight a proposition for ridding
themselves of a pacificator whose popularity they feared.
They were therefore enchanted to see me thus anticipate
their wishes by a voluntary exile. Some statesmen wished
to retain me, endeavoring to convince me that I was called
by the circumstances of the time to take the helm of affairs.

Ca IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT. 207
I replied that the pear was not yet ripe, and that I was going
to win new titles to their confidence.
We had no very accurate idea of what was passing in the
East, for the loss of Pondicherry and the European embar
rassments of the Eepublic had withdrawn attention from
that quarter. But we remembered that Tippoo-Saeb, chief
of the empire of Mysore, founded by Hyder-Ally with the
assistance of France, had proposed to Louis XVL, in 1788,
to drive the English from India, if France would assist him
with eight thousand European troops, and with a good num
ber of officers to lead his forces ; and that Louis XVI., on
account of the internal troubles of France, had not accepted
a proposition which would have embarrassed him with a
maritime war at the moment when he was threatened with a
revolution. Finally, we knew that the English, to punish
Tippoo for this message, had assisted the Nizam against him,
and, having besieged him in Seringapatam, had forced him
into a treaty in 1792, stripping him of half his dominions.
We therefore had reason to expect some support from the
Sultan of Mysore. We also knew that the Mahrattas,
although enemies of the Mogul and Mussulman race, were
equally hostile to the English East India Company, and that
it might be possible to find among them the elements of a
powerful alliance. But to appreciate fully the expedition
into Egypt, it will be necessary to speak more particularly
of the real state of India prior to that epoch.
State of Hindostan. — The Tartar prince Aureng-Zeb,
contemporary of Louis XIV., extending the conquests of his
predecessors, founded in the centre of India the Mogul
empire, with a population of not less than fifty millions, a
revenue of nine hundred milhons, and an army of eight
hundred thousand men. This immense empire was divided
into numerous provinces governed by Subadars and Nabobs.
This conqueror died in 1707 ; and such is the miserable con-

208 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Ca IV.
dition of the despotic dynasties of the East, that his succes
sors, in the short space of forty years, harassed by their own
vassals and attacked by the Persians under the terrible
Thamas Kouli-Kan and by the Mahrattas, were compelled to
ask the aid of Europeans, and to surrender to them several
provinces. The story of the revolutions and counter-revolu
tions that have taken place within the last fifty years in the
presqu'ile of the Ganges, seem more like Arabian tales than
history. Passing over the details of these contests, we will
look merely at the general results.
It was not till the middle of the eighteenth century that
the British East India Company, appreciating the system
proposed by the skilful Dupleix, for France, began to take
part in the quarrels of the native princes. Here, as in
Europe, the British policy was to divide and conquer. At
one time sustaining the Hindostan princes against Mussul
mans of the Mogul dynasty, and at another taking the
part of the latter against the natives, if these seemed too
strong, this Company succeeded in appropriating to itself the
most important parts of the territory of both its proteges
and its enemies. At the epoch of the French Eevolution,
India was divided into five principal states : those governed
by Mussulman princes were at the south ; Mysore, subject to
Tippoo-Saeb ; at the north, Mogul, subject nominally to
Schah-Alloun, but in fact to his principal officers ; still
further north, Zeman-Schah reigned over the Afghans, who
inhabited Candahar and Cabul. By the side of this king
dom lay that of Beloochistan, inhabited by a warlike and
savage people. In the centre of the presqu'ile was the empire
of the Mahrattas, founded by Sevaji, an Indian prince, who,
having maintained himself in possession of the kingdom of
Sattara, afterward succeeded in capturing the greater part
of the conquests of tbe Moguls in the Deccan. Soon after
his death all the petty tributary princes rendered themselves

Ca IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT. 209
independent of the great rajahs who succeeded him, and
whose authority was successively circumscribed to the fortress
of Sattara. Feigning to recognize the right of this family
to the crown, the Peishwah, its prime minister, obtained
absolute power over the northern part of the presqu'ile
where he founded the kingdom of Poonah. Madaji-Schin-
diah did the same in the north and east. This able man,
conquering the army of Ismael-Beg, and succoring Schah-
Alloun against the ferocious Golaem-Cadir, succeeded in
reestablishing the preponderance of the Mahrattas in the
states of Mogul, where he exercised supreme authority in the
name of the emperor, to whom he left only the palace and a
small income ; sole heritage of the colossal power of Aureng-
Zeb. Madaji-Schindiah had been seconded in his operations
by a European corps, or one organized and instructed in the
European manner by a Savoyard officer named Boigne. This
celebrated Mahratta died in 1794 ; and his nephew, Dowlut-
Eow, without inheriting his talents, pursued his system, pre
served his preponderance over the Mogul, and succeeded in
extending it, in 1796, as far as the states of the Peishwah,
placing Bodje-Eow, whom he held entirely under his tutelage,
on the throne of Poonah. General Peyron had succeeded
Boigne in the command of the army of Schindiah, composed
of five brigades of European organization, thirty-four thou
sand well disciplined infantry, and a very large force of
cavalry. A third Mahratta state, governed by the Eajah of
Berrar, extended to tbe north of the Deccan : although less,
powerful than the two preceding, it was one of the most
formidable members of the confederation. The family of
Holkar reigned over Malwa, and twenty other petty feuda
tory princes, independent of these, had diaghirs, a kind of
dotation. It thus appears that the Mahratta people formed a
numerous confederation, much like the German Empire, dif-.-
fering from it only in the nature of Eastern organization and
VOL. I. — 14.

210 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IV.
Eastern institutions. The Hindoo confederation presented,
in fact, the smgular spectacle of a great hereditary rajah
possessing vast dominions without authority, and surrounded
by two great dignitaries who, not satisfied with making their
power hereditary, did not scruple to divide among themselves
the domains of the prince from whom they received the
investiture. Still more to be pitied, the emperor of the
Moguls distributed crowns without the power of retaining one,
for, properly speaking, he was a sovereign without subjects ;
a despot incapable of making himself obeyed, he sold to
adventurers the r^ht of exercising absolute authority in his
provinces ; poor, though all the money of Hindostan was
stamped with his image ; he prided himself in having great
kings for his tributaries, though he depended upon their
generosity for his own support.
The finesse of Lord Clive, the profound Machiavellism of
Hastings, and the wise policy of Lord Cornwallis had suc
cessively been directed to connect the Company with the com
plicated interests of these states, and to intermeddle in their
differences with an appearance of loyalty. Always appear
ing upon the scene as an umpire, this Company was enabled
to arrange the conditions of treaties to suit its own interests ;
it aided the weaker power against the stronger for the double
purpose of profiting by the spoils of the latter and of remov
ing all obstacles to its own ambition. Thus, by the aid of
the Mahrattas and the Nizam, it had, in 1792, conquered Tip
poo-Saeb, whom it could not forgive for having sent ambassa
dors to Louis XVI. with proposals for expelling the Enghsh
irom India. Two years after, the Mahrattas in their turn
attacked the Nizam, overrun the country with two hundred
thousand men, -without any efforts on the part of the Enghsh
Company to succor this prince, whom it held under its tute
lage. Either dissatisfied with this conduct of the Company,
or aspiring to independence, he had coiffided to an officer

Oa IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT. 211
named Eaymond the care of organizing, in the European
manner, an army of fifteen thousand men, and gave him, for
their pay, the revenue of a rich province.
Projects of the Sultan of Mysore,— Tippoo-Saeb, since
the unfortunate treaty of Seringapatam which had deprived
him of half his empire, had thought only of vengeance.
France, distracted by anarchy and discouraged by the loss of
Pondicherry, seemed to have forgotten the advantage it
might derive from the hostile disposition of the people of
Hindostan against the Enghsh Company. Not a vessel, not
a man had been sent to India ; and from the carelessness of
the governors of the Isle-of-France, one would suppose that
the very existence of the two presqu'Ues of the Ganges had
been entirely forgotten. At the end of 1796, Tmguet had
thought of sending assistance to the Sultan of Mysore, but
his project was based on the possibility of forming battalions
of negroes in the plantations of the Isle-of-France, and its
execution was never even begun. A few adventurers were
on the eve of doing what Louis XVI. and the Committee of
Public Safety had neglected. Eippaud, a Corsican, cast
away on the coast of Mangalore, was taken to Tippoo-Saeb,
and by relating the victories of the Eepublican armies in
Europe, excited in that chief the hope of obtaining succor
from the ancient allies of his father. He sent an ambassa
dor to the Isle-of-France with a project of alhance to be
submitted to the Directory ; a project so well combined that
it would have done credit to the best European diplomatist.
The reply of Governor Malartie shows that it was not ap
preciated by him ; he, however, sent to the Sultan thirty non
commissioned officers, artillerists, and artisans, who were
estimated at a high price, but who disgraced the French
uniform by their revolutionary extravagances, and furnished
a pretext to the English Company to assail the Sultan of
Mysore. We have reason for believing that the Directory

212 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IV.
were never well informed of what took place on this occasion.
Nevertheless Tippoo did not stop here : seeking to allay the
rivalry of the Mahrattas, he sought to arm the Peishwah and
Schindiah against tbe Company ; and carrying his -views still
further he sought the alliance of Zeman-Schah. The joint
forces of these several states might amount to fifty thousand
men armed and disciplined as Europeans, and three hundred
thousand soldiers of the native organization. If the tumul
tuous impetuosity of the Mahrattas, the chivalric bravery of
the Eajpootas, and the unbridled ambition of the chiefs,
had been so directed as to act in concert for tho deliverance
of India, no doubt this formidable coalition would have soon
triumphed over the English, particularly if a French division,
commanded by an able general, had served to regulate the
operations of these combined forces.
State of the English Forces. — The English East India
Company had then for allies only two or three subaltern
nabobs and the Nizam ; still this last, in sending the
English battalions of its guard to throw themselves into the
hands of Eaymond, gave reason to think that it would
return sooner or later to the policy of its predecessor, who
had fought under the flag of Hyder-Ally. But the Company
had now become redoubtable in itself, for each of the three
Presidencies of which it was composed formed veritable em
pires. The first of these, including Calcutta, Bengal, the coast
of Orissa, and the rich valley of the Ganges as far as Oude,
was the centre of the general government, and was equal
to the mother country in power and wealth. The second,
composed of the possessions of the Deccan about Madras, had
its seat of government in that city. The third, established
at Bombay, united the establishments of Malabar and Surat
to the factories of the Persian Gulf The joint forces of
these Presidencies amounted to twenty-five thousand Euro
peans and sixty thousand well organized Sepoys.

Ca IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT. 213
Object of the Expedition to Eygpt. — Such was the state of
India when I undertook to open a direct communication with
that country. I was convinced that this was the shortest
way to reach the heart of England, for at this epoch India
¦was every thing to her, excluded as she was from the greater
part of the American continent. The expedition to Egypt
had three objects : 1st. To establish on the Nile a French
colony, which, without resorting to slave labor, might supply
the loss of St. Domingo and all the sugar islands ; 2d. To
open to our manufacturers new outlets in Africa, Arabia,
and Syria, and to furnish to our commerce all the produc
tions of this part of the world ; 3d. To furnish a base of
operations for moving an army of fifty thousand men on the
Indus, and of raising the Mahrattas, the Hindoos, the Mus
sulmans, in a word, all the oppressed people of these vast
countries. An army, one half of Europeans and the other
half of the people of the burning climates of the tropics,
transported by ten thousand horses and as many camels,
carrying with them provisions for fifty or sixty days, and
water for five or six, and a doubly furnished train of artillery
with one hundred and fifty field-pieces, would reach the
Indies in four months. The desert is no obstacle to an army
abundantly supplied with camels and dromedaries. This
expedition would give an exalted idea of the French power ;
it would draw public attention to its chiefs ; it would sur
prise Europe by its boldness — these motives were more than
sufficient to induce me to attempt it.
Egypt, it is true, was tributary to the Ottoman Porte,
who was one of the oldest allies of France, and who, since
the age of Francis I., had made common cause with her.
But the Mameluke being the true master of the country,
and in open revolt against the Grand-Seignior, we had reason
to beheve that the Divan, already fully occupied with war
against Passwan Oglu, Pacha of Widdin, and against the

214 LIFE OP NAPOLEON. [Ca IV.
Wechtabies, and so weak as to be unable to reduce a large
body of insurgent pachas, would not blindly join our ene
mies for the mere shadow of suzerainty, which, if neces
sary, we could acknowledge as weU as the Mamelukes. We
had every reason to expect, with a skilful negotiator, to
succeed in convincing the Divan of our friendly dispo
sition. Napoleon Inspects the Port of Antwerp. — FuU of confi
dence in the results of my mission, I urged forward the
preparations for my departure. But in order to distract the
attention of the enemy from the ports of the Mediterranean,
where every thing- was in full activity, I profited by my title
of general-in-chief of the army of England to make an
inspection of the ports of the coast. Having gone as far as
Antwerp, I saw in the superb basin of the Scheldt the
important advantages that might one day be derived from
this position : it had upon me the same effect as the beauti
ful Neva had upon Peter the Great.
New Troubles on the Continent. — In the mean time the
political horizon of the continent was again overcast. After
my departure from Eastadt, the congress had broken off the
discussions upon the conditions of peace with the German
Empire. The French plenipotentiaries had difficulty in
obtaining the cession of the left bank of the Ehine, for it
overturned the constitution of that empire by absorbing the
three electorates of Mayence, Treves, and Cologne. But the
great powers, having tasted the benefits of secularization,
hoped to make acquisitions at their convenience. Austria
thought to secularize the archbishoprics of Saltzbourg,
Passau, and Trent ; Bavaria, the bishoprics of Franconia
(Wurtzbourg, Bamberg, Aicbstedt) ; Prussia, those of
Munster, Paderbora, etc. These powers, therefore, definitely
agreed to the line of the Ehine. It was a vain formality,
for the Directory, in its presumptuous career of propagan-

Ch. IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT. 215
dism, was already embroiling the whole continent in new
difficulties. England took advantage of these difficulties to
form a new coalition, and sounded the alarm at the same
time at St. Petersburg, at Vienna, Berlin, Turin, in Tus
cany, and at Naples. It was generally believed that the
Empress of Eussia, at the moment of her death, was about
signing a treaty of subsidy with England. Already an impe
rial ukase had ordered a levy of one hundred and thirty
thousand recruits ; whether these preparations were intended
for taking part in the continental contest, or for the conquest
of Turkey, or to punish the young Gustavus of Sweden for
his rupture of the contract of marriage with the grand
duchess Alexandrina, they announced the approach of great
events. But the Emperor Paul, in ascending the throne,
instantly changed tbe affairs of the north. He revoked the
levy, and directed his whole attention to the internal affairs
of his vast empire. These pacific demonstrations had an
immediate influence upon the Eussian finances, the price of
paper money even exceeding its nominal value. But the
whimsical character of the emperor gave hope to the cabinet
of London that he might yet be induced to join in the war
against France, and no means for obtaining this object were
left untried. At this time an event took place at Vienna,
which might serve, in some degree, as an index of the popu
lar feelings of the Austrians, and of the present sentiments
of the government. Bernadotte, our ambassador at Vienna,
had raised the tricolored flag on his hotel in celebration of a
victory over the Austrians. The hotel of the embassy was
attacked by an irritated populace, and the flag seized and
burnt ; Bernadotte left Vienna the next day. The Directory
at first wished to declare war, and to place me in command ;
but I persuaded it from such a course, demonstrating that
Bernadotte was in the wrong, and that Austria, if resolved
on war, would have avoided such a hasty and immature act.

216 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IV.
Nevertheless there were other circumstances which indicated
new difficulties. I, therefore, wished to defer my departure,
but the Directory having settled the affair of Bernadotte,
insisted ; and placed in the alternative of ruin or obedience,
I complied. The Directory, delighted at getting rid of me,
granted all my requests. 1 prepared my departure in pro
found secrecy ; this was necessary for its success, and added
to the singular character of the expedition. Never were
such formidable preparations better disguised.
Departure from Toulon. — I repaired to Toulon on the
tenth of May, 1798. On the nineteenth, I set sail with
thirteen ships of the line, six frigates, and transports for
twenty-five thousand troops. 1 was joined at sea by the
squadrons from Bastia, Genoa, and Civita-Vecchia, with seven
or eight thousand men who also belonged to the expedition.
On the ninth of June, we reached Malta.
Taking of Malta. — I had maintained an understanding
with a small number , of French officers, more devoted to
their country than to this knighthood, already falling to de
cay ; the Order had made no preparations for defense ;
nothing was ready to oppose us, and if we had not taken
possession, it is certain that the English -ft'ould have done so,
for this post was essential for our communications with
France. I feared lest some measure of their former glory
might induce the knights to defend themselves, which might
have retarded, and perhaps defeated, my expedition : for
tunately for us they surrendered more readily even than I
had hoped, and thus placed in my hands one of the strongest
works in Europe.
Debarkation at Alexandria.— After having left a good
garrison at Malta with the necessary instructions for its
defense, I continued my voyage with rare good luck. The
English fleet in pursuit crossed our course without meeting
us. It arrived at Alexandria before us ; but Nelson, hear-

Ca IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT. 217
ing that we had not been there, went in search of us on the
coast of Syria. We reached Alexandria on the evening of
the thirtieth of June. 1 commenced the debarkation the
same night at the anchorage of Marabou, and tbe next day
I marched on Alexandria with the part of my army which
had already debarked. A column followed the shore of Mar
abou, and made an attack on the side of the New Port. Two
others turned the city, and assailed it on the side of Pompey's
Pillar and the gate of Eosetta. A numerous population
manned the walls and the towers of the city of the Arabs.
My artillery had not yet been landed ; nevertheless our
columns carried the first enciento by assault ; the new
city and the forts capitulated the same day. The posses
sion of Alexandria gave me a secure footing in Egypt.
The debarkation continued without obstacle. My army,
thirty thousand strong, was divided into five divisions
under the orders of Generals Kleber,* Desaix,f Eeynier,:^
* Kleber (Jean Baptiste) was born at Strasbourg in 1754. His parents were
poor, but his early education was attended to by the curate of a village of
Alsace. He was admitted, while stiU young, into the military school of Bavaria,
where he completed his education and was commissioned m the army of the
Electorate. He afterward resigned and returned to France. He entered the
French army in 1792 and distinguished himself at the defense of Mayence. He
served in the following campaigns, and had already acquired a brilliant reputa
tion when he started ou this expedition, which has immortalized his name.
f Desaix (Louis Charles Antoine) was born at St. Hilaire-d'Ayat, in 1768.
He was educated at the military school of Effiat, and at the age of fifteen, en
tered the army as sub-lieutenant. He early distinguished himself for his enthu
siastic love of study. His promotion was very rapid, for we find him a brigadier-
general in 1793 ; in 1794 he was made general-of-division and greatly distinguished
himself with the northern army, and also, in 1796, with the army of the Rhine.
He joined Napoleon in Italy in 1797. A mutual attachment was instantly
formed, which continued till the death of Desaix on the field of Marengo.
X Reynier (Jean Louis Ebeuezer) was born at Lausanne, in 1771. He re
ceived a scientific education to prepare him for the profession of engineer. He
entered the military service in 1792, and was made general-of-brigade in 1794.
He had greatly distinguished himself previous to the campaign in Egypt. He
served in the south of Italy during the campaigns of 1805 and 1806. He served
in Spain, and also under Napoleon, in the campaigns of 1809, 1812, and 1813.
He was made prisoner at the battle of Leipsic, and died in the beginning of
1814. He was the author of several works on Egypt.

218 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IV.
Bon,* and Menou ;t my cavalry, amounting to three thousand
men, had only three hundred horses ; the remainder were to
be mounted in this country.
March on Cairo. — To give the Mamelukes no time to con
cert means of defense, it was essential to push forward
rapidly the conquest of Egypt. The elite of their forces was
composed of cavalry, the most redoubtable in the world ;
their infantry were merely militia, inferior in every respect to
our soldiers. Success depended on the rapidity of our attacks
and the consternation produced by our victories. The crusa
ders had failed against Egypt because theirs was a war of
religion, carried on against the entire masses of Islamism.
This danger was now to be avoided. Thanks to the revolts
and independence of the Mamelukes, the Mussulman popula
tion was divided ; we came as the friends of the Porte and
thus gained a good part of the Turks. Victory is always
the surest means of making partisans ; by offering at the
same time the laurel and the olive, we might gain those who
were inclined to peace, and whom the violent administration
of a warlike horde rendered very unhappy. St. Louis had
required four months to reach Cairo, and had there halted ;
I would reach there in fifteen days and immediately push
forward to other conquests.
* Bon (L. A.) born at Romans in 1758, first entered the army in 1*775, but
after some years' service in the colonies retired to civil life. He again entered the
armyinn92, and in 1794 was made general-of-brigade. He distinguished himself
in the Italian campaigns of 1796 and 1797, and won great admiration by his
bravery and skill in Egypt. He was killed at the siege of St. Jean-d'Acre.
His widow and family were afterward most liberally provided for by Napoleon.
f Menou (Jacques Frangois) was born in Touraine in 1750. He was of a
noble family and was a ma/rechal-de-camp in the army before the revolution. He
was a, pohtician of some distinction, but had seen little service ; he owed his
place in the army of Egypt rather to political influence than to military merit.
After the death of Kleber he became the commander-in-chie^ but was utterly
incompetent to the duties of his station. After his return to France, he received
from Napoleon several political appointmente, but was no longer employed on
military service. He died in 1810. Biographie UniverseUe.

Ch. IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT 219
I left Alexandria on the sixth of July ; and directed my
march across the desert upon Eahmania, where I was rejoined
by Kleber, who had marched by Eosetta, taking possession
of this place. On the way we first encountered the Mame
lukes, a part of whom were repulsed by my advanced guard
under Desaix. We now ascended the Nile, and pressed
forward toward Cairo.
Combat of Chekreiss. — But before reaching the capital of
Egypt it was necessary to fight. On the thirteenth of July,
we encountered Mourad-Bey, the most courageous of all the
Mameluke chiefs, who was posted, with four thousand horse
men, near the village of Chebreiss, with his right flank cov
ered by a fiotilla. Nothing can compare with the beauty of
the coup-d'ceil presented by this African cavalry ; the ele
gant figures of the Arabian horses, relieved by the richest
trappings ; the martial air of the riders, the variegated bril
liancy of their costumes, the superb turbans enriched with
their plumes of office ; all together presented to us a spec
tacle new and peculiar. The Turkish cavalry, which is really
very fine, is, however, far from equal to that of the Mame
lukes. The combat began between the fiotillas ; ours, which,
in ascending the Nile, kept pace with our march, was first
attacked by the enemy. To disengage it, I attacked Mourad-
Bey. I adopted the order of battle used by the Eussians
against the Turks, each division being formed in squares
enclosing the equipages, and the few cavalry which I pos
sessed. These squares were disposed in echelons so as to fiank
each other. In vain did the Mamelukes present themselves
against the different sides of the squares ; at last, harassed
by the • fire of my artillery, they fell back toward the
capital. Battle of the Pyramids. — On the twenty-first of July,
we arrived in sight of Cairo ; we had seen the pyramids for
some days. The aspect of these wonderful monuments of

220 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [CalV.
antiquity, braving the storms of ages, and now surrounded
by the superb cavalry of the Mamelukes caracoling in the
plain, excited in the breasts of my soldiers a mingled feeling
of astonishment and pride. I profited by this to raise their
enthusiasm to the highest pitch, addressing them in words as
lasting as the Pyramids themselves :
" Soldiers ! you have come to rescue Egypt from bar
barism ; to bring civilization into the East ; and to save this
beautiful land from the yoke of England. Forty centuries
are looking down upon you from the tops of these monu
ments !"
Mourad-Bey had armed the village of Embabeh with artil
lery, and the intrenchments with mihtia, supported by six
thousand Mameluke and Arabian cavalry, I advanced with
my squares, Desaix and Eeynier were to extend their line,
the right in advance, so as to cut off all communication from
Embabeh to the upper valley of the Nile, while the divisions
of Bon and Kleber should attack the front of the intrench
ments. The Mamelukes seeing Desaix in march, attacked
him in great numbers ; but all their brilliant charges failed
against the intrepidity of the French squares. Never were
charges better made, or better sustained : but the vigor and
ardor of these famous Mameluke horsemen even augmented
the disorder in their own ranks ; unable to penetrate our
squares they sought to die in the attempt. At the left the
intrenchments of Embabeh were carried by our troops, and
the enemy, seeing himself shut in between our hue of squares
and the Nile, fled toward Upper Egypt, except fifteen hun
dred men who were drowned in the river ; and their camp
and forty pieces of artillery fell into our hands.
Napoleon enters Cairo. — This brilliant victory cost me
only two hundred men hors de combat, and it opened to me
the gates of Cairo, which I entered on the twenty-fifth,
Ibrahim-Bey, who commanded the Mamelukes of the right

Oh. IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT. 221
bank of the Nile, fell back on Belbeis, Mourad-Bey, with
those of the left bank, took the road to Upper Egypt, I
sent Desaix in pursuit. This able general with his small
force established himself in Upper Egypt, and checked the
operations of Mourad-Bey, who, always beaten, but never
discouraged, renewed his attacks with admirable constancy.
To complete our conquests it was necessary to dispose of
Ibrahim-Bey, I left Cairo on the seventh of August with
the divisions of Eeynier, Menou, Kleber, and the cavalry,
directing my march on Belbeis. Ibrahim retired toward the
desert of Syria ; 1 continued the pursuit. On the eleventh
my cavalry overtook and defeated his rear-guard at Salchich.
Ibrahim escaped, with about a thousand cavalry, across the
desert to Gaza. I left Eeynier at Salchich with orders to
fortify this post as a protection to Egypt on the side of Syria,
The division of Kleber was directed on Damietta, the pos
session of which rendered me master of all the shore. With
the division of Menou 1 returned to Cairo,
Naval Battle of Aboukir. — But all my hopes were marred
by the fatal event at Aboukir, which was caused by neglect
to obey my orders. I had several times directed that our
fleet should be withdrawn into the old port of Alexandria, or
if that could not be effected, to immediately set sail for
France. It was pretended that the canal leading to this
port was too shallow for our vessels of the line, but the
soundings made by my orders proved that a seventy-four-
gun ship could pass. Brueys thought the operation hazard
ous, and preferred the open sea to a possible blockade in port.
He, therefore, made preparations to sail for Corfu or Toulon,
While ranged in close order in the harbor of Aboukir he
was attacked on the evening of the first of August. Nelson
pierced his ill-arranged line, and destroyed the left, while the
right was obliged to remain an idle spectator of the combat.
The battle continued thhty-six hours, and ended in the de-

222 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Ca IV.
Struction of three quarters of our fleet. Admiral Brueys, by
a glorious death, expiated his fault, which proved so fatal to
the French navy.*
''' Alison endeavors to attribute to Napoleon all the faults of the battle of
Aboukir, but^ notwithstanding his erroneous statements and garbled quotations,
his documents prove the very reverse of what he asserts. The account given by
Jomini, in the text, is perfectly correct. Napoleon urged upon Brueys, time and
again, the importance of securing his fleet in the harbor of Alexandria ; he sent
engineers to make the soundings at the entrance, suggested to the naval com
mander the use of water camels or butts on which to float his larger ships over
the bar ; Braeys wished to take position in Aboukir Bay, where he could secure
his line by land batteries. But on the twenty-sixth of July, he had determmed
to follow Napoleon's advice, and wrote to him that he would enter the port. On
the thirtieth Napoleon -wrote to Braeys, " I am induced to believe that you are
by this time safely in the port." The battle was fought on the first of August.
With respect to Alison's charge, " that the only real culpabihty in the case is
imputable to Napoleon, in having endeavored, after Braeys' death, to blacken
his character," in his report to the Directory, it may be remarked that it is not
trae. The report states nothing but what is given in his previous correspond
ence -with Braeys. He says that the Admiral had neglected his advice, which
was actually the case, but he speaks of his error in the mildest possible terms.
Indeed, he and Braeys were personal friends, and it was to this friendship that
Napoleon attributes Braeys' un-willingness to sail for Corfu till he could hear from
him at Cairo. This looks much more like excusing his faults than like " blacken
ing his character." The following is Napoleon's letter to Madame Braeys on her
husband's death : " Your husband has been killed by a cannon ball, while fight
ing on his quarter-deck. Ho died ¦without suffering ; the death the most easy
and the most envied by the brave. I feel warmly for your grief The moment
which separates us from the object we love is terrible ; we feel alone on the
earth ; we almost experience the convulsion of the last agony ; the faculties of
the soul are annihilated ; the world is seen only through a vail which distorts
every thing. We feel as if nothing longer binds us to life ; that it were far
better to die ; but when after these first and unavoidable throes, we press our
children to our hearts, tears and more tender sentiments arise ; life for their
sakes becomes tolerable. Yes, madam, they will open the fountains of your
heart; you ¦wUl wateh their childhood, educate their youth ; you will tell them
of their father, of your present grie^ of the loss which they and the republic
have sustained in his death. After having resumed the interest in life by the
cord of maternal love, you ¦will, perhaps, feel some consolation from the friend
ship and warm interest which I shall ever take in the widow of my friend."
For further information on this subject, the reader is referred to Gourgaud,
vol ii., Norvins, vol. i., and to Thiers' History of the Eevolution. Alison rests
his assertions on such absurd authorities as Bourienne, and an anonymous work
called " Memoires d'tm Homme d'Etai," neither of which, however, confirm his
most important statements against Napoleon. These have no other origin than
his own imagination.

Ca IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT. 223
Fatal Consequences of this Event.— Although this catas
trophe changed the chances of our expedition, still we were
not without hopes of success. We could maintain ourselves
in possession of the country if we should succeed in attach
ing the inhabitants to our cause. With money, arms, and
officers, we could recruit our legions as weU as the Mame
lukes. All my efforts were now directed to this object. But
to this there Avere two opposing obstacles : the first was the
maritime blockade, which prevented any commerce of export
ation, the true source of that country's wealth ; the second
was the religion. The Koran directs the extermination of
idolaters, or subjects them to pay tribute ; it allows no
obedience or submission to an infidel power. In this it is
more favorable to a military spirit than the Christian religion,
which directs us to render unto Caesar the things which are
Caasars, and declares that the empire of Jesus Christ is not
of this world. We have already said that in the tenth,
eleventh, and twelfth centuries, the dogmas of Islamism had
raised up immense obstacles to the crusaders in Syria, for the
war being one of religion, was necessarily one of extermina
tion, in which millions of Europeans were destroyed. If
such a spirit had animated the Egyptians in 1798, we should
have been lost ; my little army, incited by no fanatical zeal,
and already disgusted with the country, could not have held
out six months against a population of several millions of
exasperated Mussulmans. Fortunately for us the intercourse
between the Egyptians and Europe had destroyed the in
fluence of these precepts of the Koran, Eeligious hatred
had not been carried to fanaticism, as in the tenth century.
I therefore did not despair of conciliating the Imans, the
Muftis, the Ulemas, and all the ministers of the Mussul
man religion. The French army, since the revolution, was
indifferent to all forms of worship ; even in Italy, they
never went to church. I took advantage of this circum-

224 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IV.
stance to persuade the Mussulmans that my soldiers were so
many cenobites, disposed to embrace Mohammedanism. The
Christians of different denominations in Egypt, who were
quite numerous, wished to profit by our presence to get rid
of the restrictions imposed on their worship. I opposed this,
and took care to maintain religious affairs on the same foot
ing as they were. Every day, at sunrise, the Scheiks of the
Grand Mosque came to my house ; they overwhelmed me
with marks of their regard, and I held long conversations
with them on the life of the Prophet and the contents of the
Koran. I assisted at many of their ceremonies, and, by
respecting their usages and then belief, succeeded in inspir
ing them with great confidence.
Difficulties with the Porte. — By the same system, I used
every effort to calm the Porte. On landing in Egypt, I
had sought to prove that there was no reason for its taking
umbrage at my expedition, as I had come to chastise the
rebellious Beys, to destroy the English commerce in the
Indies, and to render Egypt the entrepot of the East. I
hoped that Talleyrand would repair to Constantinople for
the same object ; but the old fox feared the Seven-Towers ;
confiding his mission to a subaltern he found pretexts for
staying at Paris, and thus left an open field for tbe ministers
of Eussia and England. Nevertheless the Porte still hesi
tated to declare openly against us ; but the destruction of
our fleet soon removed its doubts. On the first of September,
Euffin, our charge-d' affaires at Constantinople, . was con
ducted to the Seven-Towers, and war was declared. Up to
this time I had conceived well-grounded hopes for the success
of our project of colonization. Egypt, except an occasional
incursion of the Mamelukes, appeared tranquil. The savans
who had accompanied my expedition were exploring this
antique cradle of ci-vilization ; scientific establishments,
formed under their direction at Cairo, contributed to drive

Ch. IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT. 225
away the ennui which one is so apt to feel in a strange land ;
some of these learned men assisted in forming armories,
founderies, powder manufactories, and all the military re
sources furnished by the arts. But the rupture with the
Porte clouded our happy prospects.
Revolt of Cairo. — Tbe news of this event now spread
through Egypt and caused a general fermentation. The
chiefs of the Mussulmans having declared against us, we were
now only Christian dogs, and to exterminate us was merito
rious service. A serious revolt broke out at Cairo on the
twenty-second of October. General Dupuis, who commanded
there, and some three hundred of our officers and soldiers,
were strangled. It became necessary to resort to severe pun
ishment ; my troops who were encamped about the city
penetrated there and made a great carnage of those who were
found armed. After two days of massacre tranquillity was
restored, and the quelhng of the sedition seemed to consoli
date our power in Egypt. Desaix had just completed the
subjugation of Upper Egypt, gainingover the remains of the
Mamelukes, the victoiy of Sediman.
Expedition into Syria. — Our repose was not of long dura
tion ; 1 learned that the Turks were assembling an army in
Natolia to enter Egypt by marching along the eastern coast
of the Mediterranean. Djezzar, pacha of St. Jean d'Acre,
was already collecting magazines for this army, and prepar
ing to furnish it a reenforcement of troops collected in Syria.
The best means of disconcerting these projects was to destroy
the preparations before the Ottoman army could come to the
support of Djezzar. 1 therefore resolved to march into
Syria with such of my troops as were not absolutely neces
sary to guard the coasts, and to maintain tranquillity in
Egypt during our absence. On the tenth of February I left
Cairo with the divisions of Bon, Lannes, and the cavalry.
On the seventeenth I reached El-Arich, where I found the
VOL, I. — 15.

226 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. IV.
divisions of Eeynier and Kleber, which had come from Sal
chich and Damietta. Eeynier had already carried the village
of El-Arich by assault, but the fort still held out. This
little fort might, for a long time, have resisted our means
of attack, but fortunately the garrison capitulated on the
twentieth. Capture of Jaffa. — Although the total force of my expedi
tion did not exceed thirteen thousand men, still I was obliged
to make them march by isolated divisions across the desert
which separated us from Syria, so as not to exhaust the
wells, our only resource in this arid country. After forty-
eight hours of the most fatiguing march, we reached tbe
plain of Gaza, All the army united near this city, which
had been evacuated by the enemy, leaving us in possession
of its great magazines. On the third of March we reached
Jaffa, Tbe garrison was numerous and disposed for defense.
I established batteries against the outer wall. On the seventh
the breach was found practicable, and the city carried by
assault. We captured on this occasion two thousand pris
oners, who very much embarrassed me. The weakness of my
army did not allow me to detach an escort to guard them ;
on the other hand, they could not be released on parole, for
they did not consider it binding ; moreover a part of them
-had already been discharged at El-Arich, on their promise
not to again serve against us, and were now taken in arms.
Knowing of no other course to pursue, I caused them to be
shot. I did this with great repugnance ; but as the bar
barians treated Christian prisoners in this way, and gloried
in sending their heads to Constantinople, I felt tbe less
scruple in the course I was forced to pursue. My enemies
have not failed to reproach me with this action, which,
judged of by the rules of civilized warfare, is not justifiable,
but which the laws of retaliation, and of necessity, in the
difficult circumstances in which I myself and my army

Ca IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT. 227
were placed, will perhaps excuse it in the eyes of pos
terity.* Resistance of St. Jean d'Acre.— Djezzar-Pacha had taken
every means for the defense of St. Jean d'Acre, which place
was invested on the eighteenth of March, The fortifications of

¦" Thiers, in speaking of this event, says, " that when Napoleon summoned
the commandant of Jaffa to surrender, the latter replied by cutting off the head
of the messenger I The place was then carried by storm after extraordinary exer
tions, and having no means of disposing of the prisoners without allowing them
to return and swell the enemy's ranks, he decided on a terrible measure, the
only cruel act of his life. Transported into a barbarous country, he had invol
untarily adopted its manners." Alison gives the following version of this affair.
" When the prisoners were assembled, a council of war was summoned to delib
erate on their fate. For two days the terrible question was debated. What was
to be done with these captives ? and the French officers approached it without
any predisposition to cruel measures. But tie difficulties were represented as
insurmountable on the side of humanity. If they sent them back, it was said,
to Egypt, a considerable detachment would be requfred to guard so large a
body of captives, and that could ill be spared from the army in its present
situation ; if they gave them their liberty, they would forthwith join the garrison
of Acre, or the clouds of Arabs who already hung on the flarJss of the army ;
if they were incorporated' unarmed in the ranks, the prisoners would add griev
ously to the number of mouths, for whom, already, it was sufficiently difficult to
procure subsistence. No friendly sail appeared in the distance to take off the
burden on the side of the ocean ; the difficulty of maintaining them became
every day more grievous. The committee, to whom the matter was referred,
unanimously reported that they should be put to death, and Napoleon, with
reluctance signed the fatal order. It was carried into execution on the tenth of
March." These circumstances greatly palliate, though, of course, they can not fuUy
justify the act. The opportunity thus offered to Alison to blacken the character
of Napoleon is too good to be lost, and he accordingly proceeds to give
him what he calls "his deserts;'' such phrases as "atrocity," "foul deed,"
"iniquitous and atrocious act," "execrable deed," etc., are most unsparingly
applied. It may be interesting to the unprejudiced reader to compare Alison's remarks
in this place with his labored defense of Hastmgs for the cold-blooded murder
of Nuncomar, for the horrible Eohilla war, carried ou under his direction, and
for the cruel treatment and robbery of the princesses of Oude. In the former
case, Macaulay says, " a man was unjustly put to death in order to secure a
political purpose.'' In the second case, " Mr. Hastings put down by main force
the brave struggles of innocent men, fighting for their liberty, "he folded his
arms and looked on, while thefr villages were burned, their children butchered,
and their women violated." " More than a hundred thousand people fled from
their homes to pestilential jungles, preferring famine and fever, and the haunts

228 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CalV.
the place consisted in a wall flanked by towers and surrounded
by a ditch. But our means of attack were not even suffi
cient for the reduction of these shght obstacles, for Sidney
Smith, commanding the English cruisers, had captured the
siege-train which I had sent from Alexandria by sea, and put
it in battery against us. The trench was opened on the
twentieth of March, Djezzar, under the direction of a
French engineer and a French artillerist, made a most des-
of tigers to the tyranny of him to whom an English and a Christian govern
ment had, for shameful lucre, sold their substanee and their blood, and the honor
of their wives and daughters," "The finest population of India was subjected
to a greedy, cowardly,, cfuel tyrant." To extort money from the princesses of
Oude they were seized and imprisoned at Tyzabad. "Their two male attendants,"
continues Macauley^ " were, by orders of the British government, seized and
imprisoned, ironed, starved almost to death, in. order tO' extort money from the
princesses. After they had been two months in confinement their health gave
way. They implored permission to take a little exereise in the garden of their
prison. The officer who was in charge of them stated, that if they were allowed
this indulgence, there was not the smallest ehance of their esoapifig, and that
their irons really added nothing to the security ot the custody in which they
were kept. He did not understand the plan of his superiors. Their object in
these infUctions was not security, but torture f and aU mitigation was refused.
Yet this was not the wotst. It was resolved by an English government that
these two infirm old men should be delivered tathe tormentors. For that pur
pose they were removed to Lucknow. What horrors their dungeon there wit
nessed, can only be guessed. Food was allowed to enter the apartments of the
princesses only in such scanty quantities that their female attendants were in
danger of perishing with hunger. Month after month this cruelty continued,
tiU at length, after twelve hundred thousand pounds had been wrang out of tho
princesses, Hastings began to think that he had really got to the bottom of their
revenuCr and that no rigor could extort more. Then at length the wretched
men who- were detained at LuckhOw regained their liberty. When their irons
were knocked off^ and the doors of their prison opened, their quivering lips, tho
tears which ran down their cheeks, and the thanksgivings which they poured
forth to the common Father of Mussulmans and Christians, melted even the
stout hearts of the English warriors who- stood by." These are the words of an
impartial English writer, long years after the events had transpired. Alison
justifies these proceedings on the ground of the " overbearing pressure of state
necessity." Hastings, he says, " did evil that good might come of it," and he,
therefore, has no words of censure for him, only the most unbounded praises for
his " firmness and ability," his " great achievements," his " far-seeing wisdom
and patriotic disinterestedness." His deeds, he says, " originated in overbear
ing necessity." Verily, circumstances alter cases I "It is your bull that has
gored my ox."

Ca IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT 229
perate deffense. My first assault on the twenty-eighth, hav
ing failed, the hopes of the besieged were increased.
Battle of Mont-Tabor. — From my posts of observation at
Saffet and Nazareth, I received intelligence of the approach
of an army from Damascus and Palestine, To check this
hostile force, I dispatched toward the Jordan two small corps
of observation, Kleber, with his division, to Nazareth, and
Murat, with a detachment of about two thousand men, to
Saffet, A few days afterward 1 learned that the enemy had
passed the Jordan at the bridge of Giz-el-Mesania, and that
Kleber would be attacked, I fiew to his assistance. I left
the camp before St. Jean d'Acre on the fifteenth of April,
followed by the division of Bon and the cavalry : the next
morning I arrived near Mont-Tabor in sight of the enemy,
who, with the great mass of his infantry, occupied the village
of Fouli. Their cavalry of about twenty thousand horse,
inundated the celebrated plain of Esdrelon, where the division
of Kleber, formed in two squares, and entirely surrounded,
maintained its position with admirable bravery. My arrival
was a thunderbolt to the enemy : already discouraged by the
invincible resistance of Kleber's squares, they did not ven
ture to fight my fresh troops, but precipitately fled. We
carried the village of Fouh with the bayonet, and the Otto
man army, utterly routed, fled across the Jordan at the bridge
of Giz-el-Mesania, and retired on, Damascus, This singular
victory had such a marvelous effect upon the enemy that he
did not venture to trouble our army again during the siege.
I left Kleber at Nazareth, and with the rest of the troops
returned to Acre
Continuation of the Siege.— The siege was pushed with
obstinacy, but with little success. The Turks, directed by
Philippeaux* and Tromelin, and assisted by the English of
* Philippeaux was an emigrant engineer-officer of great meirat and distinc
tion ; he had been a schoolmaster of Napoleon at Paris, and bad studied with

230 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CalV.
the squadron of Sidney Smith, defended themselves with
great valor. The place had already sustained five assaults
when a flotiUa, fitted out at Ehodes, and having on board
the famous corps of Hussein-Pacha, came to reprovision the
port. Seeking to anticipate this succor, I directed, on the
eighth of May, the sixth assault to be made. Again we were
repulsed. There seemed no further hope of carrying the
place. By obstinately continuing the siege, I might risk the
safety of my little army, I was therefore obliged to prepare
to retreat. But I was so little accustomed to reverses that I
could not retire from this enterprise without making one
more attempt, Kleber had just rejoined me ; his troops
were fresh ; I flattered myself that they might assist me in
carrying a place whose open breaches presented some chances
of success. On the morning and evening of the tenth of
May, I renewed the attack for the seventh and eighth times.
The ardor of my troops seemed to have acquired new
strength ; but nothing was capable of shaking the obstinate
intrepidity of the besieged.*
Raising of the Siege.— On the twenty-second of May, I
raised the siege and directed my march to Egypt. On the
way we laid waste all the country, both to supply ourselves
with provisions for crossing the desert and to deprive the
him the science of engineering. Tromelin was an artillery officer, also in exile.
He afterward returned to France and asked service under Napoleon. The lat
ter gave him a colonel's commission, saying to him, "I only ask you to injure
my enemies as much as you did me in Egypt."
* Napoleon received during the siege an affecting proof of devotedness.
While he was in the trenches, a shell fell at his feet ; two grenadiers who ob
served it, immediately rashed toward him, placed him between them, and raising
their arms above his head, completely covered every part of his body. Happily
the shell respected the whole group ; nobody was injured. One of these brave
grenadiers afterward became General Dumesnil, who lost a leg in the campaign
of Moscow, and commanded the fortress of Vincennes, at the time of the inva
sion in 1814. The capital had been for some weeks occupied by the allies, but
Dumesnil stiU held out. Nothing was then talked of in Paris but his obstinate
defense and humorous reply when summoned by the Eussians to surrender :
" Gfive me back my leg, and I will give up my fortress." (Las Oasas.)

Ca IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT. 231
Turks of the means of following us to the frontiers of Egypt.
I was obliged to leave behind all who could not follow us.
There were fifty men sick of the plague who could not move
with the army, and who must be left to the ferocious Djezzar.
I caused opium to be administered to them to relieve them
from their sufferings. In this 1 did wrong : but yielding to
a natural feeling of humanity I did to them what, in similar
circumstances, I could wish done to myself. In this action,
from which I could derive no possible advantage, I had no
idea that I was furnishing to my enemies matter for calum
nious interpretations.* I ought to have left these unfortu
nate men to the mercy of the Turks, since such was the hard
lot which destiny had reserved for them.
® It is believed that the author has here fallen into an error, which does not
appear in his great scientific History of the Wars of the French Eevolution. In
the retreat from Syria, Napoleon showed every care for his sick, giving up, for
their transportation, the horses of his artUlery and his staff; he himself gave
the example to his officers of marching on foot. From Jaffa, three separate
detachments of sick were dispatched for Egypt; the first under Colbert, by sea^
directed on Damietta, the other two by land, on Gaza and El-Arich. About
fifty or sixty, declared incurable, could not be taken with the army, for want of
means. Napoleon suggested to his physujian Desgenettes, that it would be
more humane to give them opium than to leave them to the cruelties of the
Turks. But the proposition was rejected and not again alluded to. Napoleon
said at St. Helena, that he would have advised this course if the case had been
that of his o^wn son. This circumstance furnished grounds for believing that
opium was actually administered, and the report was most industriously circu
lated by the English. But it has since been disproved by the highest authority
and indisputable evidences. Even Alison dares not venture to assert its trath,
but expresses a fear that it may have been so. His language is as follows :
" At Jaffa he visited the plague hospital, inviting those who had sufficient
strength to rise, to raise themselves on their beds, and endeavor to get into lit
ters prepared for their use. He walked through the rooms, affected a careless
air, striking his boot with his riding-whip in order to remove the apprehensions
which had seized all the soldiers in regard to the contagious nature of the
malady. Those who could not be removed were, it Is feared, poisoned by orders
of the general ; their numbers did not exceed sixty ; and as the Turks were
within an hour's march of the place, their recovery hopeless, and a cruel death
awaited them at the hands of those barbarians, the moment they arrived, the
painful act may perhaps be justified, not only on the ground of necessity, but of
humanity." This story was first circulated by Sir Eobert Wilson, with all the horrible

232 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IV.
Return to Cairo. — Eeturning into Egypt, I marched to
Cairo with the main body of my forces, and reached that
place on the fourteenth of June. Kleber retm-ned to Dami
etta. I left a strong garrison at Cattieh. In the mean time
Desaix had finished the subjugation of Upper Egypt, the
battle of Semanhout having completed the ruin of the Mame
lukes. The ill success of my Syrian expedition had made me still
more sensible of the necessity of influencing the people through
tbe instrumentality of the ministers of Islamism. I proposed
to them to publish a fetam, directing the people to take the
oath of obedience to the general-in-chief. The proposition
startled them, and an old man replied to me : Why do you
not turn Mussulman with your whole army .? A hundred
thousand men would then flock to your banners, and being
disciplined by you, you could with them restore the Arabian
power and conquer the entire East. I opposed to this the
necessity of circumcision and abstinence from wine. But
they said that an accommodation could be made with Heaven :
that a man might drink wine and still be a good Mussulman,
provided that he doubled his good works. I then caused to
be drawn the plan for a mosque more grand than that of
Gemil-el-Azar, under the pretext of raising a monument to
the conversion of the army ; but in fact I wished to amuse
them and gain time. The fetam. of obedience was given by
the Scheiks, who declared me the friend of the Prophet, and
¦ especially protected by him. The report was generally cir-
details which his ever-fraitful imagination could suggest. To give the account
the greater probability, he asserted that he possessed indisputable evidence,
which would soon be produced. It, however, never appeared. Dr. Desgenettes
and others afterward completely refuted the story, and at this day none but a
rabid English tory or a Scotch libeler would think of attaching tho slightest
credit to it. For a very important and detailed account of Napoleon's treatment
of his sick, the reader is referred to Dr. Desgenettes,' " Histoire Mediqaie de
VArmee d' Orient"

Ca IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT. 233
culated that in less than a year the whole army would assume
the turban, and our soldiers soon felt the good effects of this
innocent, and, under the circumstances, justifiable ruse.
Battle of Aboukir. — Toward the end of July the Mame
lukes again appeared in Lower Egypt, and Mourad-Bey again
descended toward Gizeh. While engaged in making my
dispositions to pursue him, I heard that fifteen thousand
Turks had just landed from the fleet of Ehodes at the presqu'ile
of Aboukir, and carried by assault the fort of that name. I
felt the necessity for instant action. On the twenty-fourth
of July, the part of my army destined for this expedition was
assembled at the wells between Alexandria and Aboukir.
The next day I attacked the Turks. The two lines of in
trenchments with which they had secured the presqu'ile were
successively carried, notwithstanding the obstinate resistance
which they opposed. At the same time Murat succeeded, by
my orders, in penetrating between their lines with some
squadrons, and creating a panic there. All endeavored to re
gain their vessels, and those who were not killed in the at
tempt perished in tbe waves ; of twelve or thirteen thousand
men, only two thousand made their escape into the fort, and
two hundred, with the Pacha commanding in chief, were
taken prisoners. All the others were killed or drowned.
Our loss was about a thousand men hors-de-combat. This
victory fully effaced the stain which the defeat of our fleet
had attached to the name of Aboukir. The fort, after a warm
bombardment, surrendered on the second of August. This
success consolidated my power in Egypt, so that with an
annual reenforcement, it could be maintained.
Napoleon returns to France.— At this epoch more im
portant affairs were attracting my attention. At St. Jean-
d'Acre we had learned that a new coalition was foi'med against
France. We had received by Sidney Smith many English
journals and the French gazette of Frankfort, informing us

234 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca IV.
of the reverses of our armies in Italy and of tbe Ehine, and
the successive revolutions which had disorganized and dis
graced the Directory. 1 had also received a letter from the
government announcing the departure of Admir&l Bruix from
Brest, to combine with the squadrons of Toulon and of Spain
to carry home the army of Egypt should circumstances re
quire it. They renewed the authorization of my return to
France. Bruix had not made his appearance, and it was
probable that he had been driven from his course, or had
given up the undertaking.
1 felt myself able to restore to my country the lustre of
victory and the benefits of internal and external peace. Every
thing now proved that the French were tired of the Eevolu
tion, and that it was time to bring it to a close. It was
necessary for me to hurry back, or some one else might profit
by these favorable circumstances. I had now no motive for
prolonging my stay in Egypt. The country was completely
conquered, and the only task left was to colonize it. The
principal arrangements for this were made, and Kleber was
as capable as myself of carrying them into execution. I
, could better serve my country in Europe than to remain here.
Moreover the time was propitious. If my reputation had
suffered any by the affair of St. Jean d'Acre, it was more than
retrieved by the brilliant and important victory of Aboukir.
I therefore set sail for France on the twenty-fourth of August,
with four small vessels, leaving Kleber the commander-in-
chief of the army of Egypt. I have been much blamed for
this step, but unjustly. In the first place, I was fully au
thorized by the government. In the second, the Egyptian
expedition was either desperate, or capable of sustaining
itself. If a treaty of evacuation was to be signed, the lowest
officer in the army was as capable of doing it as the highest ;
on the other hand, Kleber was fully capable of conquering
all the enemies then existing in the country. This general.

Ca IV.] EXPEDITION INTO EGYPT. 235
intelligent, enterprising, vahant, was one of the finest men
in Europe. He was the beau-ideal of an officer ; terrible in
combat, calm and cool in combination, able in administra
tion, beloved by the soldiers ; he resembled, in all respects.
Marshal Saxe. Though not among the first rank of captains,
still he was capable of becoming one ; though as yet no great
strategist, he was, by his genius and habit of command, pretty
jertain of learning the art. I will hereafter speak of the
results of this happy choice. To follow tbe thread of events,
we will now trace a rapid outline of the campaign of 1799.

CHAPTEE V.
CAMPAIGN OF 1799.
Situation of Europe in 1798 — Exorbitant Demands of the Directory at Eastadt
— Eussia in Favor of the Empire — Negotiations of Prince Eepnin at Berlin —
Embarrassments of Prussia — ^Views of Austria — Secret Convention between
England and Naples — Favorable Chances for Austria — Alhance between
Austria and Eussia — Pohcy of the Directory — Affairs of Switzerland — Treaty
of Alliance concluded at Paris — The smaller Cantons refuse the Oath of
1 Fidelity — Expedition of Schauwembourg against Stanz — The Grisons call upon
the Austrians — French Law of Conscription — Consequences of the Defeat at
Aboukir and the Declaration of War by the Ottoman Porte — Decree for a
Le^vy of two hundred thousand Men — Embarrassed State of the Finances —
Negotiations paralyzed by the Intermission of Spain — State of the Negotia
tions at Eastadt — England — Eussia — Spain — Portugal — Sweden and Denmark
— War commenced by the Court of Naples — Joubert seizes upon Piedmont
and occupies Tuscany — Ferdinand flies to Sicily — Championnet takes Posses
sion of Naples — Erection of the Parthenopean Eepublic — The Eussians
advance toward Italy — The Directory takes the Initiative without Preparation
 Massena gets Possession of the Grisons — The Archduke marches against
¦ Jourdan — ^Battle of Stockach — Eeverses in Italy — Eetreat of the Army behind
the Rhine — Attack upon our Plenipotentiaries at Rastadt — Tardy Enterprise
of the Archduke — Suwarrow in Lombardy — Grand Naval Expedition of
Admiral Bruix — Macdonald's Army evacuates Naples — Suwarrow enters
Turin — ^Massena driven from the Grisons — The Archduke penetrates into
Switzerland — Massena evacuates Zurich — The Archduke paralyzed by Cabinet
Orders — Macdonald returns upon Modena — Suwarrow attacks him on the
Trebia — General State of Affairs — Dissatisfaction agakist the Directory — '
Political Operations of SiSyes — Address to the Councils — The Nomination of
Treilhard is annulled — Merlin and LardveillSre resign — Consternation at the
Result of the Battle of Trebia — Formation of Clubs — Talleyrand is replaced
—The Directory close the Manege— New Plan of Operations proposed —

Ch. v.] CAMPAIGN OF 1799, 237
Joubert is charged ¦with its Execution— He debouches from the Apennines —
Battle of Novi — Massena recaptures the smaller Cantons — Project of the
Archduke — New Plan of the Coalition — The Archduke Marches on Manheim
— Plan of Suwarrow — Battle of Zurich — Korsakof retires to the Ehine—
Suwarrow passes the St. Gothard and marches on the Muttenthal and Glaris--
Defeat of the Austrians in this Canton — Difficult Eetreat of Suwarrow-^Efforts
of Korsakof on Winterthour— Movements of the Archduke and Suwarrow —
Descent of the Anglo-Russians into Holland — Lecourbe raises the Siege of
Philipsbourg — Efforts of Championnet to save Coni.
Situation of Europe in 1798.^ While we were hoping to
found, on the banks of the Nile, a formidable point d'appui
for overthrowing the English power in India, France found
herself threatened Upon her own territory. My departure
for Egypt, instead of rendering the Directory more prudent,
had only increased the desire for new conquests. Its agents
treated the Cisalpine Eepublic as the Eoman proconsuls
formerly treated the nations she had conquered. In Pied
mont the agents of propagandism excited such serious trou
bles that the king deemed it necessary to ask the assistance
of the French troops to calm them, BrUne, pretending to
fear the dangers that might result from them to the army,
required that Charles Emanuel should deliver up to him the
citadel of Turin, in order to secure the public tranquillity.
Exorbitant Demands of the Directory at Rastadt. — The
Congress at Eastadt, having at first recognized the Ehine
as the boundary of France, after my departure took a step
directly the opposite. The Directory, dissatisfied with the
conditions of the treaty of Campo-Formio, soon redoubled
its pretensions, and preferred, through ita plenipotentiaries,
the most exorbitant demands, asking the forts of Kehl and
Cassel ; all the islands of the Ehine ; the demolition of
Ehrenbreitstein ; in a word, to place themselves offensively
on the right of the Ehine, in violation of the conditions of the
treaty : moreover, the free navigation of all rivers emptying
into the Ehine was demanded, and that the debts of the

238 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca V,
countries conceded to France on its left bank, should be paid
by those given us as indemnities ; this was the height of
absurdity. Such demands were not the result of a noble
ambition, but rather of a morbid trickery, and a love of
propagandism. The composition of the Directory, the stoic
Eewbel, the aristocrat Barras, the pettifogger Merlin, the
fanatic Lar6veillere, the poet FranQois-de-Neucbateau, were
not men of true ambition, but of mere pretension — short
sighted politicians. Adding these exaggerated pretensions to
the revolutions with which Europe was everywhere threat
ened, it was evident that peace could not be of long dura
tion. If war did not immediately break out, it was because
the enemy wished time for preparation.
The cabinet of Vienna, though acquainted with the dispo
sitions of England and Eussia, was nevertheless desirous of
negotiating. It preferred to make its complaints, and demand
redress of grievances, before resorting to arms. Negotiations
were opened at Selz. Baron Thugut, who had resigned to
avoid signing the treaty of peace with us, had just resumed
the portfolio from the hands of Cobentzel, and the latter had
come to Selz to negotiate with Fran9ois-de-Neuchateau.
The special object of these conferences has not been avowed,
but we may conjecture what were the interests agitated
there ; it is evident that the councillors of Francis II. be
trayed his confidence, if they admitted the state of Europe
at the middle of the year 1798 to be equivalent to that
which had been stipulated at Campo-Formio. It was true
that at each of its aggressions, the Directory had openly
protested its desire to maintain friendly relations with the
Imperial house, as if it were necessary to assail directly a
state of the first order to give just cause for war. Instead
of the evacuation of Switzerland, and the reestablishment
of its entire independence, which were to be the first pledges
of the execution of the treaty of peace, the recent conven-

CaV] CAMPAIGN OF 1799, 239
tions, transforming the Cisalpine Eepublic, Eome, and even
Piedmont, into mere conquered provinces, authorized the
cabinet of Vienna to demand that these states should be
restored to independence, or that the House of Austria should
obtain equivalents, at least, for this increase of a rival
power. If we are to believe reports which have too much
the appearance of probability, several provinces in the Italian
peninsula were bartered at Selz as an indemnity to the
Emperor for his loss of Saltzbourg and Innvierthal, and for
permitting the ascendency of France over the new Eepublics.
Russia and the Empire. — The cabinet of Vienna, convinced
by the rejection of its propositions that no accommodation
could be expected with the Directory, decided to ally itself
to Eussia. This latter power could hardly remain an idle
spectator of events which were changing the face of Europe,
as the guarantee of the state of Germany in virtue of the
treaty, of Teschen, it saw tbe German Empire threatened with
destruction by the extension recently given to the system of
secularization and indemnity. And even had Paul I. been
but little interested, on the score of policy, in what was pass
ing in Switzerland, at Turin, at Eome, and in the Mediter
ranean, still he would naturally have been drawn into these
events from the affection which he had constantly shown for
the Order of Malta.
Negotiations at Berlin. — The cabinet of St. Petersburg
felt all the advantage of its position, and yielding to the
proof of dangers which threatened the general system of
Europe, it sent Prince Eepnin at first to Berlin, and then to
Vienna, as much to induce these two courts to desist from
all indemnity in Germany, as to concert the means of forcing
back the ambition of the Directory within the limits marked
out by treaties.
Embarrassment of Prussia. — The first object of this mis
sion was not difficult to accomplish, for Frederick- William

240 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca V.
found in the terms even of the treaty of Campo-Formio the
means of recovering Guilderland, if the system of indemnity
were rejected. But Prussia, more scrupulous on the second
article, i)ersisted in observing a neutrality. The young King,
animated with a love of wealth, exaggerating the advantages
of peace, directed his whole attention to repairing the breaches
made in the state by the dissipation of his father. He was
convinced that policy imposed on him no other combinations
than that of forcing respect to his frontier and his flag, and
of enriching his own country, while his rivals were devoting
all their energies to mutual destruction. Severe critics have
found fault with the administration of Count Haugwitz, the
prime minister ; and notwithstanding the eloquent defense
published some years afterward by the celebrated Lombard,
it yet remains to be demonstrated that the cabinet of Berlin
fully appreciated all the advantages of its position. Un
doubtedly this position was a delicate one ; Prussia, as is
usually the case with powers of the second order, was called
upon to maintain the equilibrium bet^ween two superior
masses just ready to come in collision. On whichever side
the cabinet of Berlin took part, the balance of power might
so incline as to render all counterpoise useless ; and yet it
was embarrassing to remain a mere idle spectator of the dis
memberment of the German Empire, and the subjugation of
Switzerland and Italy. An armed mediation had probably
been much better than a strict neutrality. This kind of
intervention, when of proper and timely application, often
marks a vast and profound policy ; all the logic of Lombard
had not sufficed to prove that Prussia might not, by such a
course, have prevented a war. By pronouncing with firm
ness, frankness, and moderation, she had obliged the Directory.
to evacuate the territories invaded since peace was declared,
and the cabinet of Vienna to moderate its pretensions.
Views of Austria. — Austria on her side, however much

OaV] CAMPAIGN OF 1799. 241
disposed to fulfil her engagements, could not overlook the
necessity of laying the basis of the future relations of the
four great powers. She could not fail to gain by doing this ;
for if they should fail to agree, there was every chance in her
favor in a resort to arms. The news of the defeat of Aboukir
and of the declaration of war by the Ottoman Porte against
France, proved conclusively to the cabinet of Vienna, that in
again entering the war, it would be their own fault if they
did not reconquer and hold a great part of Italy. Fortune
seemed again to place it within their reach. It was true
that there was an army of one hundred thousand French
between the Alps and the Tiber, but this army, left in want
and neglect by the political administrators, and scattered
over an immense territory to secure our conquests, was utterly
incapable of taking the field with any chance of success.
Besides the arbitrary acts of the Directory toward the Cisal
pine Eepublic, and the despotism successively exercised by
Trouv6 and Brune over the magistrates of an independent
Eepublic, had disgusted the Lombards, even those most
attached to France, at the same time that it redoubled the
hatred of the partisans of Austria. Brune had, indeed, been
replaced by Joubert in the command of the army of Italy ;
but the evil had been done, and an impression made which
it was very difficult to efface, especially while the original
causes were still existing. Piedmont had been no better
treated, and we had given abundant cause to the court of
Turin for hostile feelings toward us. Far from acting -with
frankness toward our ally, we had attempted to revolution
ize that country, as we had Switzerland, and to make her
enter into the absurd system of democratic balance of which
I have before spoken ; and the occupation of the citadel of
Turin, far from arresting the partisans of propagandism, only
rendered them more audacious. Thus Charles-Emanuel,
although he had concluded the treaty of offensive and de-
VOL. I. — 16.

242 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ca V.
fensive alliance, promising us an auxiliary corps of eight
thousand men, could not submit, with good grace, to such
treatment as he received. The Grand Duke of Tuscany,
notwithstanding his desire for peace, was still an Austrian
prince ; this was enough to determine his course. Tbe Di
rectory coveted his territory, as a link to connect the Eoman
with the Ligurian and Cisalpine Eepublics. These projects
could not fail to make us enemies. The venerable Pius VI.,
deposed from his temporal power, nevertheless exerted his
spiritual influence to incite our enemies against us.
Secret Convention between England and Naples.— To
these chances of success for Austria, it must be added that
the cabinet of Vienna counted on assistance from Naples,
this latter power being evidently of a hostile disposition
toward France. A treaty signed the nineteenth of May,
1798, as a simple defensive measure, had been followed by a
levy for completing the Neapolitan army. Acton did not
wait for the victory of Nelson before manifesting his inten
tion of returning to his former system of policy ; the recep
tion given to this admiral, in spite of the treaty of Paris,
permitting him to be provisioned in the port of Syracuse, so
as to facilitate his pursuit of the fleet which was conveying
my army, unmasked the partiality of this cabinet. A secret
convention, signed on the eleventh of June, by the plenipo
tentiaries of the two courts, had formally allied Naples and
England against France. No sooner was the victory of
Aboukir known than the councillors of Ferdinand IV.
threw off the mask, by ordering a levy of all men between
the ages of eighteen and forty-flve years, to protect, it was
alleged, the coasts of the Two-Sicilies against the dangers to
which they had become exposed since the taking of Malta.
Not only were the regular regiments filled to the comple
ment, but a larger body of well organized provincial militia
had raised the force of the Neapolitan army to sixty thou-

CaV.] CAMPAIGN OF 1799. 243
sand men : a powerful auxiliary, which ought to have
secured to the imperial armies a decided superiority in the
Peninsula. Chances in favor of Austria.— Under such circumstances,
when the Eussians and the Turks were marching in concert
against the common enemy ; when, on the one side, Lom
bardy was holding out to her its hands, and, on the other, the
very heart of her states was menaced by the irruption of the
French in Switzerland — how could Francis IL hesitate to
act ? Even if he had renounced all ambition of regaining
his possessions, the safety of the Austrian monarchy imposed
on him the duty of rescuing Germany from the danger
threatened by the establishment of the French at the gates of
the Voralberg. But be that as it may, his first care was to
secure Naples from the fate of Eome, by signing the defen
sive treaty of May 19th. This was deemed sufficient to
guarantee her from invasion.
Her Alliance with Russia. — To these alliances of simple
precaution, there soon succeeded measures of more serious
import : no sooner was the futility of the conferences of
Selz known, than Count Cobentzel departed for Berlin and
St. Petersburg, for the purpose of joining the interests of
these two courts. The alliance with Eussia was not difficult ;
and, in October, an auxiliary army, with Suwarrow at its
head, entered Gallicia and directed its march on Moravia.
On the other side, the Aulic Council, on bearing the fall of
Berne, hastened to put the imperial armies on a respectable
footing ; this measure was but too well justified by passing
events. Policy of the Directory. — In fact, was there any hope left
that Eewbel and his colleagues could be brought to adopt a
more moderate system ? Had the influence of Talleyrand
in the pohcy of France been marked by any thing to justify
his reputation as a good diplomatist ? Indeed, had not aU

244 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CaV.
these invasions and steps of false pohcy been made since his
instaUation into office ^
Revolution in Holland. — The exactions of the agents of
tbe Directory extended from the sources of the Tiber to the
mouths of the Ems and the conflnes of Ehetia. The oppres
sion of these tyranical proconsuls was felt wherever there
appeared the slightest germ of resistance, and wherever men
dared to believe that liberty did not consist in blind obe
dience to their pretensions. The Cisalpine Eepublic had
hardly recovered from its astonishment at the arbitrary dis
missal of its magistrates when Holland had her turn. Here,
at least, the pretext was plausible. The Batavian constitu
tion being accepted, the only thing wanting was tbe appoint
ment of the new authorities. The Provisional National
Assembly, such as it had remained after the twenty-second
of January, had decreed on the fourth of May, after the
example of the convention, that the greater part of the new
legislative body should be taken from its own members, so
natural is it to wish to retain authority when one has once
tasted its charms. General Daendels, anxious to manifest
his love of liberty, went to Paris to denounce the -views of
certain members of the government. These denunciations
were sustained by Charles Delacroix, then minister at the
Hague. The Batavian Directory hurled against its refrac
tory general an order of arrest, and demanded his surrender
from France. But Daendels, having made his court to
Eewbel, returned on the tenth of June with orders to General
Joubert to assist him in his enterprise. The contest soon
began ; the commissioners designated to replace the cham
bers were arrested by the Directory. The National Assem
bly prepared for resistance ; and Daendels, in imitation of
Augereau, appeared at the head of a few companies of grena
diers, dissolved the legislative body, and sought to arrest
three Directors, Wreede, Langen, and Finyie ; but two of

CaV.] CAMPAIGN OF 1799, 245
these took to flight, and the third was soon released,. The
power was confided to a provisional government, until the
constitutional authorities could properly be organized.
Affairs of Switzerland. — Switzerland was not exempt
from these commotions. The constitution which had been
fabricated at Paris after models entirely unsuited to the con
dition of the people, was everywhere rejected by the smaller
cantons. The Grisons called upon the Austrians, in con
formity to ancient treaties, for protection, and a division of
the corps of Bellegard advanced to Coire. The unusual bur
dens to which the country was subjected by the cantonment
of forty thousand men seemed odious : the vexatious conduct
of the proconsul Eapinat at length completed the exaspera
tion of the two parties ; he had caused the dismissal of two
Directors who were replaced by Laharpe and Ochs. The
first hesitated to act ; but the fear of being accused of hav
ing drawn his country into difficulty without the courage to
extricate it, decided him.
Treaty of Alliance concluded at Paris. — A treaty be
tween Switzerland and France was signed at Paris, on the
nineteenth of August. For the honor of the negotiators,
Jenner and Zeltner, as well as of the Helvetic government,
we must believe that these stipulations were dictated by
force, and justified by the refusal of all the neighboring
powers to interfere in favor of the oppressed ; for this alli
ance offensive and defensive imposed on Helvetia the furnish
ing of a contingent, and the construction of two mffitary
roads, into Italy on the one side, and into Suabia on the
other. It was worse than a conquest and a formal reunion
to France ; for, in case of war, Helvetia would be obliged to
bear all the burden of the levies and imposts, and all the
consequences of being made the theatre of the war, without
the slightest hope of compensation. The paltry price paid
for this sacrifice was the acquisition of the Frickthal, and

246 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [CaV,
the promise of the evacuation of Switzerland in three months :
an illusory clause, the execution of which seemed impossible,
and even in contradiction to the tenor of the treaty.
The smaller Cantons refuse the Oath.— While the Hel
vetic Directory was thus joining its destinies to those of the
French Eepublic, under such unfavorable auspices, the in
terior was threatened with civil war. The carrying into
operation of a constitution accepted with so much repug
nance, was not enough ; they required the whole people to
take a solemn oath of fidelity. This oath, taken in the
greater part of Helvetia, met with a strong opposition in the
smaller cantons. Schwitz and Underwald, especially, swore to
die rather than submit to it. The Directory was much in
censed that the sons of William Tell should dare to think
themselves more free than Jacobins.
Expedition against Stanz. — Schauwembourg, resolved to
stffie all resistance in the germ, directed two columns against
the canton of Underwald. Two or three thousand exaspera
ted peasants, ill-armed and ill-directed, opposed an army of
seven or eight thousand veterans, victorious in a hundred
battle-fields : they fought bravely, and as the men perished
one after another, the ranks were filled by the women ; but
there was no possibility of success. After a most bloody
contest, the inhabitants were either killed or subjugated, the
towns and hamlets were burned, and the whole country laid
waste. Let us draw the veil over these scenes of horror, so
utterly disgraceful to France, who thus prostituted the blood
of her brave men to impose, at the cannon's mouth, the meta
physics of a few republican fanatics on a people who had
long known and appreciated the principles of true liberty.
Schwitz and Uri, to avoid the disasters of Stanz, took the
required oath ; but they did not less fail to experience a
thousand vexations.
Can upon the Austrians for Protection. — But the fate of

Oh. v.] OAMPAIGNOF 1799. 247
the Grisons was still to be decided. Florent Guyot, the
French Minister, copying the Planta and the Salis-Seevis,
could not induce the patricians to submit to the popular
regime and the most onerous of political yokes. Vainly did
they solicit at Paris the preservation of their antique in
stitutions and their independence : the reply of Talleyrand
leaving them no hope, they submitted themselves to the
councils of Salis, who, being in the Austrian interest, called
upon the cabinet of Vienna for assistance. A corps of six
or seven thousand men, stipulated in ancient treaties with
the Emperor Maximilian, was sent for their protection ; on
the nineteenth of October an imperial division entered Coire.
French Law of Conscription. — The Directory, on the
return of Frangois-de-Neuchateau, began to feel the necessity
of preparation for war. Its armies were mere beggarly skele
tons ; the best regiments were fighting on the banks of the
Nile and in the sands of Syria. Eequisitions furnished no
men, the old revolutionary law being no longer possible of
execution. The Directory appealed to military men for some
new project for recruiting the army ; and General Jourdan
presented one, near the end of August, for subjecting to
military service, without distinction, all men between the
ages of twenty and twenty-five. This levy, less harsh than
the old system of requisitions, effected one entire generation ;
by ranging the entire military population into five classes, it
permitted the calling out successively the required number
of men, leaving a chance of drawing lots and obtaining sub
stitutes. Consequences of the Defeat of Aboukir.- The disaster of
Aboukir, and the declaration of war by the Ottoman Porte,
proved to the Directory the impossibility of maintaining our
conquests in Egypt against the combined forces of England
and Turkey. It now began to regret bitterly ever having
undertaken this expedition.

248 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca V.
Levy of Two Hundred Thousand Men. — The only course
to be pursued, under these circumstances, was to press for
ward the levy to complete the army organization, to negotiate
with moderation, so as at least to gain time, and, if the thing
was yet possible, to really avoid a rupture. They proceeded
to levy a part of the two hundred thousand conscripts, which
a law of the twenty-eighth of September put at the disposal
of the Directory. A treaty signed at Luzerne, on the thirtieth
of November, stipulated for the levy of an auxiliary Helvetic
corps of fifteen thousand men which France agreed to equip
and support. The conscripts were levied without much diffi
culty, except in Belgium, where the standard of revolt was
raised by a few malcontents ; but it was readily put down
by military power.
Financial Difficulties. — But there was still greater difficulty
in obtaining money than men. The factitious representa
tions of money were destroyed ; specie had disappeared ; the
regular imports were almost nothing, while, on the contrary,
the expenses were tripled by the premiums it was necessary
to pay to procure contractors for supplies.
Negotiations continued. — Notwithstanding the activity of
preparations for hostilities on all sides, either through a
desire for peace, or for the purpose of gaining time, the nego
tiations were continued through the mediation of Spain, the
Spanish ambassadors at Paris and Vienna exchanging the
respective propositions. Austria, in deference to Eussia and
Prussia, was ready to renounce the Innvierthal, but asked in
exchange Mantua, the hne of the Mincio, the evacuation of
Switzerland and Eome by the French troops, and the resto
ration of the independence of Piedmont and the Cisalpine
Eepubhc. If these demands had been made in good faith,
with the intention of establishing a bona fide peace, we can not
deny their justice. But was it not to be feared that when
Mantua was once surrendered, and Italy and Helvetia evac-

Ch. v.] CAMPAIGN OF 1799. 249
uated, the cabinet of Vienna would provoke a new war .?
When a mutual distrust is established between great powers,
there results only tricks of policy and diplomatic stratagems :
the Directory wished to monopolize every thing that could
strengthen her against her enemies ; and Austria saw in
tlifise encroachments a spirit of intolerable usurpation. Thus
in spite of the pacific state of affairs at the Congress of Eas
tadt, the increase of military forces was pushed with activity.
The Eussians advanced into Mora-via without precipitating
a step which circumstances might yet render unnecessary.
Negotiations at Rastadt. — The congress at Eastadt, during
this interval, had progressed toward the accomplishment of
its task, without observing that its labors -were subordinate
to the private negotiations between the great powers. The
French had obtained almost all that they desired. The demo-
htion of Ehrenbreitstein presented some difficulties, but the
deputation of the Empire was too much inclined for peace not
to consent to it on condition of the restitution of Kehl, which
we had destroyed. The system of secularization presented
by Eoberjeot had just been adopted, the ultimatum of the
French plenipotentiaries for the first basis was admitted, and
every thing seemed to take a satisfactory turn when the news
of the march of the Eussians toward Moravia provoked a
note from the French government, signifying that it would
be regarded as a declaration of war if these troops should
cross the territory of the Empire, and all negotiations would
be suspended, till proper satisfaction was given on this sub
ject. This note terminated the operations of the congress
of Eastadt, which thenceforth existed only in name, for the
war of the second coalition had already begun by the hostih-
ties of Naples.
England. — To see the thunders of all the other nations
directed upon France, now deprived of her ablest defenders,
was a real triumph for England. This time at least her

250 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Ca V.
cabinet had no need of deep-laid combinations to form a new
coalition, for the folly of the Directory had done more than
all the agents of Albion to unite the opposing interests of
Eussia, the Ottoman Porte, and Austria. Nevertheless, the
British minister lost no opportunity to incite them against
France ; for he offered subsidies, in November, to the cabi
net of Vienna which refused them, it is said, on account of
the negotiations then pending with the French Directory in
relation to the cession of a part of Italy. The English
squadrons, since the victory of Aboukir, had commanded the
Mediterranean, and, for the purpose of forming a permanent
establishment there, had just taken possession of the island
of Minorca. The island of Gozzo had been retaken by
Nelson in the name of the King of Naples, and Malta,
already blockaded by sea, was soon to be invested by land.
But England did not confine herself to these external
means of strengthening her power ; the union of Ireland and
Great Britain, with the formation of a single imperial
parliament, was calculated to form a reconciliation and
amalgamation of the two people, and to greatly increase the
national power. The increase of military forces resulting
from the detachment of five thousand men to the East
Indies, and an expedition to destroy our power in Egypt,
required a corresponding increase of the levies and expenses.
The navy, by multiplying its stations and colonial conquests,
also required proportional pecuniary sacrifices. The interest
on the immense national debt was annually increased by new
loans, notwithstanding the admirable system of sinking funds.
But new plans of taxation added an immense sum to the
receipts of the preceding year, and easily covered the annual
budget. Russia. — The wrecks of the Order of Malta, refugees in
Germany, had just conferred on the Emperor Paul the dig
nity of Grand Master of the Order, in place of Baron

CaV.] CAMPAIGN OP 1799, 251
Hompesch, and the sentiments of this prince, known for a
long time, left no doubt as to the value which he would
attach to this title. The Turco-Eussian fleets arrived in
the Archipelago near the end of October, and, preceded by an
appeal of the Greek archbishop to the faithful, raised the
Ionian Isles against the French, who, confined in small nurn-
ber within the ramparts of Corfu, soon found themselves
attacked both by land and sea.
Spain. — The cabinet of Madrid remained faithful to its
natural alliance, notwithstanding the many sacrifices required
of it by the chiefs of our turbulent Eepubhc, and although,
contrary to the real interests of both France and Spain, it
was anew to hazard its fleets on the ocean, or on the Medi
terranean. One had thought from its imbecility, and from the
conduct of France toward Piedmont and Naples, alhes of the
family of Charles IV., that this monarch would have followed
his pohtical interests in connecting himself with the cabinet
of St. James. But, drawn on by the course of events, Spain
agreed to furnish her stipulated contingents ; at the same
time the efforts of her diplomatic agents at Paris and Vienna
to prevent hostihties, attested that she appreciated the con
sequences of a maritime war.
Portugal. — Portugal was chained more closely than ever to
the car of British fortune, and the victory of Aboukir was a
certain guarantee that she would remain in this dependence
for a long time.
Sweden and Denmark. — No change of importance had
taken place in the situation of Sweden and Denmark. Al
though their flag began to feel the shackles placed by Eng
land upon the commerce of neutrals, they stfll prospered
amid the umversal embarrassments.
War commenced by Naples. — The signal for the new war
was given, to the great astonishment of Europe, by the Nea
politans, who on this occasion seemed animated by a most

252 LIFE OP NAPOLEON. [Ca V.
unusual military ardor. The court of Naples had increased
its army to seventy thousand men, and placed the celebrated
Mack* at its head. This general, the disciple of Lacy, had
directed with success the expedition of tbe Prince of Cobourg
against Dumouriez, in 1793 ; but in the campaign of 1794
his plans were a violation of the principles of the art : he
had imagination and intelligence, but was wanting in spirit
and judgment, Ferdinand IV,, vain of the pomp and show
of his battalions, and incited on by Nelson and Acton, ven
tured to throw himself with fifty thousand men upon the
Eoman states, which were then defended by Championnetf
with eighteen thousand men, scattered from the Adriatic to
the Mediterranean, Mack advanced, between the twenty-
thhd and twenty-seventh of November, on Eome, in several
columns, and obliged the little army of Championnet to fall
back on Civita-Castillana (ancient Veii), whose natural
ramparts enabled him to wait there for reenforcements. To
seek these, the general-in-chief departed for Ancona, In his
absence Mack attacked MacdonaldJ and Kellermann who
repulsed him with loss. Championnet, on his return, cap
tured at Calvi an isolated Neapohtan regiment, which had
ventured to threaten his communication : he afterward
manoeuvred to cut off the division of Damas, which had

* Mack (Charles Baron Von) was bom in Franconia In 1753. He early dis
tinguished himself against the Turks, and was gradually promoted, till in 1804
he became commander-in-chief in the Tyrol, Dalmatia, and Italy. He was then
fifty-two years qf age. After the defeat of Ulm he retired to his farm in
Bohemia, and died in obscurity, in 1828. — Encyclopedia Arruericoma.
f Championnet (Jean Etienne) was bom at Valencia in 1762. He entered
the Spanish army at the age of fourteen, but afterward returned to France, and
was rapidly promoted till he became commander-in-chief of an army. He died
in ISJ'O.
X Macdonald (Etienne Jacques-Joseph Alexandre) was born at Saucene, in
France, in 1765. He entered the army at about nineteen, beeame a colonel at
twenty-seven, general-of-brigade at twenty^eight, and general-of-di^vision at
thirty. He was made a marshal of France on the field of Wagram. He died
in 1840.

CaV.] CAMPAIGN OF 1799. 253
taken the direction of Viterbo. Mack being alarmed, evac
uated Eome, and Ferdinand IV. retreated to Naples, ordering
a levee-en-masse. Damas, abandoned by his friends, con
cluded a treaty with Kellermann for permission to reembark.
Seizure of Piedmont and Occupation of Tuscany.— Cham
pionnet returned to Eome on the thirteenth of December,
and remained there some days, waiting to hear from Northern
Italy ; for it was reported that the King of Sardinia and the
Grand Duke of Tuscany had risen at the same time, and
made common cause with the King of Naples, The relations
between the Directory and the court of Turin were such as
to give credence to this report, Joubert, on hearing of the
invasion of the Eoman Empire, made requisition, through
the ambassador Eymar, for the contingent of eight thousand
men stipulated in the treaty of the preceding year for all
wars of the French Eepublic in Italy, The cabinet of
Turin excused itself on the impossibility of immediately col
lecting this division, and Joubert, without waiting for the
ulterior orders of the Directory, but sure of acting in accord
ance with its views, drew up a kind of manifesto of his
griefs, united, on the fifth of December, the division of Vic
tor and Dessolles* on the Tecino, and while Novara, Suza,
Coni, and Alexandria were falhng by surprise into the hands
of the French, he directed these two divisions on Verceli,
The Piedmontese troops, after a semblance of resistance,
were driven in upon Turin, which city the republicans,
already masters of the citadel, entered at the same time with
the enemy. Charles Emanuel, humiliated and disgusted
with his unstable and limited power in Piedmont, signed, on
* Dessolles (Jean Joseph Paul Augustin) was bom at Auch in 1767^ He
entered the army at t^wenty-five; chef-de-bataUlon at twenty-six; general-of-
brigade at thirty, and general-of-division at thfrty-two. He distinguished him
self as chief-of-staff to Scherer, Moreau, and Prince Eugene, and as general-
of-division in Italy and Spain, His great bravery won for him the name of
the French Denis.

254 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [OaV.
the eighth of December, a renunciation of all rights to the
throne of that country, and went into voluntary exile, it was
said, to Sardinia, merely stipulating for his personal safety
till his arrival there. But no sooner had he reached Leg
horn, than he published a solemn protestation against an act
drawn from him by force. Having thus effected without diffi
culty the dethronement of this sovereign, Joubert directed a
division on Florence, when his own, ready to strike, was ar
rested by new protestations of attachment from the Grand
Duke of Tuscany, and perhaps, also, by orders from the
Directory. Nevertheless, the division occupied Leghorn, and
a part of the Grand Duchy. Being now certain of the sub
mission of all Italy, Joubert hastened to announce to Cham
pionnet that he could resume tbe offensive against Naples,
and sent him reenforcements.
Ferdinand flies to Sicily. — The ill-success of the expedi
tion to Eome had so terrified King Ferdinand, that he left
Naples, the twenty-first of December, and embarked for Sicily
at night, with as much precipitation and disorder as if the
French had been at the gates of his capital,
Championnet takes Naples. — But Championnet, waiting
to bear from bis left, which, under Dubesme, was to subju
gate Pescara, and arrive by Sulmona, did not pass the Vol-
turna and invest Capua, till the third of January, In the
centre, the division of Lemoine advanced upon Popoli, over
throwing the corps of Gambs, and then proceeded to Venafro ;
on the extreme right, Kellerman and Eey marched by Itri on
Gaeta, which important place, with a fine garrison of three
thousand men, but commanded • by an octogenarian officer,
was basely surrendered without striking a single blow, A
general insurrection ordered by the court and the priests,
was near changing the entire face of affairs, for Championnet
was besieged in his own camp under the walls of Capua.
But the provisional government, confided by the King to

CaV.] CAMPAIGN OF 179 9, 255
Prince Pignatelli, had so little confidence in the insurgent
people that it hastened to sign an armistice, giving us Capua,
Benevento, and a sum of two millions. On hearing of tbe
armistice, the exasperated people accused Mack and the pro
visional government of treason ; disarmed the troops of
Damas, which had returned from Orbitello by sea ; and sent
detachments to arrest Mack. Pignatelli demanded troops of
Mack for his personal protection against the infuriate mob ;
but the brigade of Dillon, sent for this purpose, was arrested
and disarmed by the insurgents ; and Mack himself sought
safety in the camp of Championnet, by surrendering himself,
the fifteenth of January, a prisoner of war.
Championnet, having now united all his divisions, ad
vanced toward the capital. The population of this city and
the environs, incited by the priests, ran to arms with the cry
of Viva la Santa Fede, forced the viceroy, Pignatelli, to fly
for safety into Sicily, and threatened to bury themselves
beneath the ruins of Naples. In default of military courage,
this people was animated by lively and tumultuous passions ;
the resistance was, like the excitable and fickle character of
this people, obstinate the first day, but disorderly and feeble
the second. Championnet entered, victorious, into Naples,
the twenty-first of January. If the court of the Two
Sicilies had declared war after the opening of hostilities on
the Adige, there had been some reason in it, but to rush in
this way blindfold to its own destruction, was an act of per
fect madness. Nevertheless this fault turned to the account
of the coalition by the more serious ones which it caused the
French government to commit.
Erection of the Parthenopean Republic. — The Directory
ha-ving one hundred and sixteen thousand men in Italy, esti
mated its power there by what I had accomplished with fifty
thousand men ; it thought to occupy all, and consequently
became weak everywhere. Fifty-three thousand had sufficed

256 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Oh. V
to Championnet for the reduction of Naples, and if the
Directory had offered Ferdinand an acceptable peace, no doubt
this pusillanimous prince would have hastened to accept it,
so that the army of Championnet could have returned to
Mantua in time to take part in the campaign. But instead of
doing this, Eewbel thought to create a Parthenopean Eepub
lic; an absurd project, requiring military force to sustain this
Utopian theory against the court of Naples, the English, the
priests, and six millions of people ; thus depriving us of
thirty thousand men on the Adige, and exposing them to
almost certain ruin. Adding to this detachment, the division
of Gauthier in Tuscany, the troops required for the occupa
tion of Piedmont, the division of Valteline for securing the
junction with the army of Helvetia, the division of Liguria,
we have in all sixty thousand men on detached service, leav
ing Scherer only forty-seven thousand combatants on the
Adige, and ten thousand at Mantua ; a force entirely
insufficient to oppose the powerful preparations of the
coalition. The Russians advance toward Italy. — Already the Eus
sian troops, crossing Styria, are directing their march upon
Italy ; the Archduke Charles crosses the Inn, enters Bavaria,
and advances toward Ulm. General Kray assembles sev
enty-one thousand Austrians between Verona and the Taglia
mento. The Directory takes the Initiative.— The Directory, like most
imprudent governments, had rendered itself offensive to its
neighbors, without being prepared to sustain its aggressions.
It now resolved to anticipate its enemies, and charged Gen
eral Lahorie, formerly aid-de-camp to General Moreau, but a
man without genius, with drawing up a plan of operations.
Jourdan, with the army of the Danube, hardly thirty-six
thousand strong, was to move on Ulm, between this city and
the mountains, while Massena, with thirty-eight thousand

CH. v.] CAMPAIGN OF 1799. 257
men of the army of Helvetia, should advance across the Ehe
tian and Tyrolean Alps, that is, across the precipices of the
Grisons, of the Voralberg, and the Tyrol, to the Inn. At
the same time Scherer, at the head of forty-seven thousand
men, was to attack Verona and the Adige. In other words,
Sch6rer was to oppose seventy-one thousand Austrians assem
bled under the orders of Kray, between Verona and Udina,
and soon to be sustained by two Eussian corps of twenty-
thousand men each. Jourdan was to attack the Archduke
Charles, who had at least seventy-eight thousand men, on
the Lech and in the Voralberg ; and Massena was, in part,
to oppose Hotze, detached from this army, and, in part,
Bellegarde, who covered the Tyrol with forty-four thousand
Austrians. A third Eussian army of thirty thousand men,
under Korsakof, arriving in July, would serve as a reserve to
that of the Archduke.
Massena seizes the Grisons. — Massena, notwithstanding
the disproportion of the respective forces, commences opera
tions on the sixth of March ; he passes the Ehine, turns and
carries the Fort of Luciensteig, and then debouches on Coire,
where Auffenberg, invested with three thousand men, is forced,
to surrender ; be now pushes the debris of this corps on the
Engadine, where Lecourbe, coming from Bellinzona, has
penetrated by Tusis. General Dessolles marches from Bormio
on Taufers, at the head of the division of Valtehne, designed
to effect the junction ; he there overthrows the corps of
Laudon, who, cut at the same time by the right of Massena^
loses four thousand men and saves hardly five hundred fugi
tives across the glaciers.
The Archduke marches against Jourdan. — The Archduke
Charles, hearing of the passage of the Ehine by Jourdan,
advanced against him at the head of sixty thousand men.
To facilitate the operations of his colleague, Massena had, on
the fourteenth of March, caused the intrenchments of Hotze
VOL. I, — 17,

258 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca V.
at Feldkirch to be attacked ; in spite of the vigorous efforts
of Oudinot * the attack failed, and the French were repulsed.
Hotze soon marched with the half of his corps against the
right of Jourdan to assist the Archduke. Massena, profiting
by this movement, renewed his attack upon the enemy's
intrenchments, on the twenty-second of March, with the
divisions of M6nard and Oudinot ; but, being again repulsed,
he withdrew his troops, with considerable loss, into the
Grisons and EhinthaL
Battle of Stockach. — Jourdan, on the twenty-fifth of
March, with only thirty-five thousand men against sixty
thousand, gave battle to the Archduke, attacking his whole
line at the same time ; St. Cyr, commanding the right, de
bouched by Tuttlingen, and Ferino with the left by Sehaff
hausen, at ten leagues from each other ! The Archduke from
his central position overthrew the isolated corps of Soult at
Stockach, and it certainly was no very difficult matter for
thirty thousand men to overpower ten thousand. St. Cyr,
who was within three leagues of the rear of the enemy's line,
with twelve thousand men,, had the good sense to seize upon
the Iwridge of Sigmaringen, and retire in haste on the Black
Forest so as to regain Strasburg. The right, under Ferino,
separated from the corps de bataille,. threw itself on Sehaff
hausen. Our troops made a fortunate escape,, for had I
eommanded the enemy's forces I could have destroyed the
whole army ; I would have dealt with the corps of St. Cyr
as I did -with the corps of Lusignan and Provera at Eivoli.
Reverses in Italy. — Sch4rer did no better. His adversary
• waited, between Verona and Legnago, the arrival of Melas
and the two divisions of Austrian reserve, before taking the

=* Oudinot (Charles Nicholas) was bom in 1767. He entered the army young,
became a captain at twenty-three, ohef-de-bataillon at twenty-four, colonel at
twenty-five, general-of-brigade the same year, and general-of-division at twenty-
eight. He was made marshal of France on the field of Wagram.

CaV.] CAMPAIGN OF 11 9 S. 259
offensive. Favored by this state of things, Scherer found
himself, with the main body of his forces, before two impe
rial brigades isolated in the intrenchments between the Adige
and Lake Garda. He attacked them on the twenty-sixth of
March with three divisions, carried the camp of Pastrengo,
the plateau of Eivoli, and the bridges of Polo on the Adige ;
then carried his centre under Moreau against Verona, while
the right extended itself toward Legnago. This last-named
general here found himself opposed to Kray and the elite of
his forces ; the Austrian general debouched from Legnago,
fell on Montrichard, pushed him by Auguiari on the Menago,
and threatened to cut off the road to Mantua. Kray, instead
of profiting by this success to draw the mass of his forces on
this point, repassed the Adige in order to march to the assist
ance of Verona, which was now threatened by the centre
and left of the French army. Moreau fought with the centre
before Verona, on the twenty-seventh, but without any
result. On the twenty-eighth, Scherer, who had for two
days groped his way along the whole line, thought to throw
the left under Serrurier across the Adige ; it would advance
from Pelo toward Verona, seek to turn this place, which,
from its position, it was impossible to do, and then debouch
in the middle of the whole imperial army. On the twenty-
ninth, they found that the manoeuvre was impossible, which
undoubtedly saved Serrurier from total destruction.
Sch6rer, remembering my manoeuvre of Areola, conceived
the ridiculous idea of repeating it ; he assembled two thirds
of his army- at Eonco for the purpose of passing the Adige
at that place, forgetting that, in 1796, 1 was master of Verona
and Legnago, and that in passing at Eonco I threw Alvinzi
into a cul-de-sac. But now the Austrians being masters of
these two places, the conditions of the problem were com
pletely changed. To throw himself upon Eonco with thirty
thousand men in the midst of seventy thousand enemies who

260 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. V.
were masters of Verona and Legnago, was to pass bis army
under the Caudine Forks. As a chmax of folly, the division
of Serrurier advanced alone, on the thirtieth, from Polo on
Verona in order to attract the enemy's attention, while the
mass of the army filed by the right toward Eonco. Kray
fell upon this compromised division, drove it upon Polo with
the loss of two thousand men ; the remainder only saved
themselves by hastily destroying the bridges. It was most
fortunate for Sch6rer that Kray, debouching from Verona,
on the second of April, forced him to renounce his absurd
project. The army returning from Eonco to Magnan through
horrible mud, had its right overwhelmed the fifth of April,
and was rallied under the cannon of Mantua in complete
disorder. If Kray, who, from the third to the fifth, was
opposed only by the two divisions of Moreau, had overthrown
them before the return of Sch6rer, the latter would have
been driven on the lower Po, and surrounded. In the battle
even, the Austrians deviated from their first plan, which was
a good one, and directed, mal-d-propos, their principal effort
on the right of the French, instead of attacking the left.
Nevertheless their -victory had important results : Sch6rer
could sustain himself only behind Mantua. After having
completed the garrisons of this city, Ferrara, and Peschiera,
he fell back in rear of the Chiesa.
Retreat of the Army behind the Rhine.— The retreat of
the army of the Danube drew after it the little army of
observation under Bernadotte, who had thrown a few bombs
into Philipsbourg. The Directory, at the same time, ac
cepted the resignation of Jourdan and united his troops, as
well as those of Bernadotte, under the command of Massena.
This unfortunate beginning proved to the presumptuous
Directors the impolicy of then plan. They had begun war
without having prepared the means, thinking that one hun
dred and twenty thousand scattered French were capable of

Ca v.] C A M P A I G N OF 1 7 9 9i 261
conquering two hundred thousand concentrated Austrians,
But in other respects this unequal contest was not without
credit to the generals and soldiers of tbe Eepublic ; and we
hardly know which is most astonishing, the temerity of the
French government, or the inconceivable timidity of the
Aulic Council in deriving so little profit from its advantages.
Attack on our Plenipotentiaries at Rastadt. — But the
stupor caused by an event so unexpected was soon dissipated
by the tragical denouement of the interminable Congress
of Eastadt. In entering Swabia, Jourdan had declared
Eastadt a neutral town, giving a safeguard to the congress.
This situation favored the designs of France, who wished to
detach the princes of the Empire from the Austrian alli
ance : aheady the turn of the negotiations promised the
Directory full success, when the battle of Stockach and the
retreat of the army of the Danube caused the diplomatic
scales to suddenly inchne on the side of the conqueror. From
this time also the cabinet of Vienna undertook to direct the
affairs of the south of Germany. Desiring to know the state
of the negotiations between the princes of the German Em
pire and the Directory, it charged Count Lehrbach, its min
ister plenipotentiary, to devise some means to get possession
of their correspondence with the Eepublican negotiators.
The count could devise no surer way of accomplishing this
object than to seize upon the papers of tho French legation
at the moment of the breaking up of the congress, and he
was authorized by his court to make upon the Archduke
Charles a requisition for the troops necessary for this coup-de-
main. The Archduke at first refused to allow his soldiers to
mingle in any way in these diplomatic affairs ; but when
Count Lehrbach exhibited the orders of his government to
this effect, the Archduke felt obliged to obey, and put at his
disposal a detachment of Szeckler's hussars. The colonel of
the corps was admitted to the secret. The officer charged

262 LIPEOP NAPOLEON. [CaV.
with the affair was only to carry off the French diplomatic
papers, and if an opportunity occurred, to administer some
blows with the flat of the sabre upon the persons of Jean
Debry and Bonnier, as a punishment for their haughty bear
ing in the negotiations. Eoberjeot, a fellow-student and per
sonal friend of the Austrian minister, had been excepted by
name from this course of treatment.
The French plenipotentiaries were to depart on the twenty-
eighth of April ; but, on the evening of the nineteenth, they
were summoned to retire immediately, as the city was to be
given up to mflitaiy occupation the next day. They there
fore set out the same night for Strasburg. But hardly
were they outside of the town when the Austrian hussars, on
the watch for their prey, surrounded the carriages ; but for
getting the details of their instructions, these soldiers, the
greater part of whom were intoxicated, struck the envoys
without distinction of person with the edge of their swords,
and left Bonnier and Eoberjeot dead on the spot. Jean
Debry, severely wounded in the arm and head, escaped as by
miracle, and at daylight sought refuge in the house of the
Prussian minister. This unprecedented violation of the
most sacred rights produced in France an electrical effect.
On every side was raised the cry of vengeance, and the same
energetic feeling was manifested by the nation as in 1792.
The Directory profited by this state of things to facilitate
the levy of the conscription, and to give a degree of momen
tary popularity to its cause.
Tardy Enterprise of the Archdnke. — In the mean time the
Archduke Charles had not profited by his successes ; if he had
passed the Ehine at Sehaffhausen with sixty thousand men, and
combined an attack with the forty thousand of Bellegarde,
Massena, half-buried in the Engadine, would have been lost.
But they gave the French time to carry into Switzerland the
entire army of Jourdan as fast as it returned to Alsace, and

CaV.] CAMPAIGN OF 17 99. 263
Massena, who had taken the command of it, established
the mass of his forces along the Ehine as far as Lucisteig,
prolonging his right into the Engadine. The Austrians had
committed the fault of rendering Bellegarde independent of
the Archduke, and it is undoubtedly to this circumstance,
as much as to the sickness of this prince, that we are to
attribute the .inconceivable inaction of his army from the
twenty-seventh of March to -tlie fourteenth of May.
Suwarrow in Lombardy. — During this interval, Suwarrow*
arriving on the Chiesa, the seventeenth of April, drove Scherer
behind the Adda. The French army was already reduced to
twenty-eight thousand men by losses in battles, detachments
for garrisons, and the mania of occupying all Italy. Scherer
scattered what remained from Pizzighettone to Lecco. The
right, under Montrichard, was even thrown across to the right
bank of the Po to cover Modena and Bologna, or to enter
into communication with Tuscany and Eome. The Directory,
justly irritated against its general, recalled him, Moreau took
command on the night of the twenty-fifth of April, and was
attacked early the following morning, without having had
time to rectify the position of his forces. Although the
allies had employed thirty-five thousand men to blockade
Mantua, Peschiera, and Ferrara, they still had fifty-four
thousand on the Adda. To cover a line of twenty leagues
with twenty-eight thousand men against a force double that
number, is impossible : the detachments of Moreau, assailed
on the twenty-seventh of April, at Cassano and Vaprio, are

* Suwarrow was bom at Luskoy, a village of the Ukraine, in 1730. He was
educated in the Mihtary Academy of St. Petersburg. He entered the army at
seventeen, and distinguished himself in the Seven Years' War. He was a gen
eral at thirty-eight. He distinguished hhnself mostly in the wars against the
Turks and in Poland, for which services he received from his government rich
rewards, and the titles of count, prince, marshal, and generalissimo of the Rus
sian forces. He died in the early part of 1800, soon after his return from Italy.
 Encyd-'pedia, Americana.

264 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Cn. V.
pierced by the centre ; and Serrurier, cut off toward the left
at Verdirio, is forced to lay down his arms. Two days after,
Suwarrow enters Milan. Moreau, who had reached the Ticino
with hardly twenty thousand men, divides them on Valencia
and Turin. Suwarrow passes the Po at Placentia to march
on Alexandria. Kray is charged with the blockade of
Mantua. Count HohenzoUern attacks successively the places
of Peschiera and Orci-Novi, which are reduced in a few
days. He is then charged with besieging the citadel of
Milan, and with observing the troops which are returning
from the Grisons into the Valteline. Kaim blockades
Pizzighettone, which place is surrendered without opposition.
Klenau, by the aid cf a powerful flotilla, armed at Venice, and
assisted by the defection of General Lahoz, and by the insur
rection of the adjoining pro-vinces, attacks Ferrara, The
entire edifice which I had constructed in Italy is crumbhng
into ruins with tbe most frightful rapidity.
Expedition of Admiral Bruix. — The Directory, seeing the
danger threatened by the new coalition, resolved upon a
maritime expedition, for the triple purpose of uniting the
squadron of Brest with those of Spain in the Mediterra
nean, of bringing home the army of Egypt, and of returning
into the ocean to attempt a descent upon Ireland, which had
been projected for so long a time. Some say that it was
intended, at first, to embark some of our forces in Italy and
reenforce my army in Egypt, but that the unfavorable turn
of our affairs there, and our expulsion from Lombardy,
compelled them to change this part of the project. Be
this as it may, Bruix sailed the beginning of April with
twenty-five vessels from Brest to Cadiz and then to Toulon.
He put to sea again the thhtieth of May ; formed a junction
at Carthagena with the Spanish forces under Massaredo ;
made his cruise without having revictualed Malta, without
having succored Egypt, in a word, without having under-

Ch. v.] CAMPAIGN OF 1799. 265
taken any thing ; and again entered Brest with the Spanish
fleet. Keith, his fleet being increased by reenforcements to
forty-eight vessels, sought for him in vain in the Mediterra
nean, and followed him to before Brest. This expedition,
which had no other result than to bring the Spanish squadron
as a hostage to Brest, and to concentrate all our naval means
in that port to be blockaded or to rot, is still an inexplicable
enigma to all naval men.
Evacuation of Naples. — While they were thus driving us
from the Grisons and Upper Italy, Macdonald, who had suc
ceeded Championnet, after fighting at Naples, in the Abruzzos
and Apulia, against the debris of the Neapolitans and an
insurgent multitude, had just received orders to return toward
the Po, and was marching on Eome. Suwarrow detached
the division of Ott upon Modena to observe him. A Turco-
Eussian fleet had reduced the Ionian Isles, and laid siege to
Corfu. The destruction of the army of Naples seemed cer
tain ; to the fault of recalling it too late, they had added the
new absurdity of directing garrisons to be left in the forts at
Naples, at Gaeta, at Capua, at Civita-Vecchia, and at Eome.
Moreau was convinced at Turin that the capital of a subju
gated kingdom cannot be well disposed toward a conqueror,
who reduces it to the post of a provincial city ; be ought to
have thrown a garrison into the citadel and to have concen
trated his forces toward Valencia and Alexandria, in order to
cover Genoa and the passages of the Apennines, the preser
vation of which, was indispensable to save Macdonald and
the army of Naples. Suwarrow had followed Moreau by the
right bank of the Po, and the road to Alexandria. His
advanced guard took the road from Valencia to Turin by the
left bank. This guard, too ardent, attempted to pass the
river without orders at Bassignano, to attack the French
camp near Valencia ; but meeting a timely charge from the

266 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca V.
eighteen thousand men wffich still remained to Moreau, it
was repelled with loss.
Suwarrow enters Turin. — This skirmish and the fine
defense of Moreau near Marengo and Alexandria, did not
prevent Suwarrow from passing the Po again at Cambio
and entering Turin as a conqueror, on the twenty-seventh of
May, the inhabitants of the city attacking the garrison in
concert with the advanced guard of Wukassowich. Moreau
arrived at Asti, surrounded by enemies and insurgents who
had just surprised Ceva and thus intercepted his last com
munication. He resolved to unite his forces on the Apen
nines, opening for himself an issue to join the division of
Perignon, who was guarding Liguria.
Massena is driven from the Grisons. — While these things
•v^ere occurring in Italy, Massena, pressed on all sides in the
Grisons, got off much more easily than could have been
expected. Wearied with an inaction of five weeks, (from the
twenty-seventh of March to the thirtieth of April), the
Austrians bad finally combined an attack upon the fort of
Lucisteig for the first of May, in concert with a party of the
Grisons who had asked their aid. But Hotze managed the
affair so badly, that one of his columns, under the orders of
General St. Julien, debouching before tbe others, fell into the
midst of the division of M6nard, who surrounded it and forced
it to surrender. A redoubtable insurrection broke out the
same day in all the Alps, from Coire to Schwitz and Altorf :
Massena was obliged to send the entire division of Soult to
reduce these two httle cantons and to reestablish the com
munication with the St. Gothard.
Lecourbe, having ventured into the Engadine, sustained
himself against the superior forces of Bellegarde, and covered
himself with glory at Zernetz, while the small division left
by Dessolles in the Valteline under the orders of Loison was
exposed to the attacks of the right of Suwarrow. It seemed

CaV.] CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 267
lost, for sooner or later the enemy would pierce by Coire on
Dissentis, or by the Italian baihwicks on the St. Gothard.
Lecourbe saw that he could not do better than to first relieve
Bellinzona, menaced by Count HohenzoUern. He marched
on Taverna and drove out the prince of Eohan on the thir
teenth of May, the very moment when a storm much more
formidable was breaking out on his left. The Austrians,
after having passed a fortnight in recovering from the skir
mish of the first of May, had at last concluded to try, on
the fourteenth, a new attack on Lucisteig, and the Archduke
had sent for this purpose a reenforcement of twelve thousand
men, with orders to act in concert with Bellegarde. By
these powerful means they succeeded in carrying the fort,
pierced the division of Menard, threw back his left on Sar-
gans, and pushed his right, in the direction of Dissentis, to
the foot of the St. Gothard. Lecourbe left Loison to defend
the avenues of Airolo, and hastened to the defense of the
menaced Alps.
The cabinet of Vienna, more intent upon consolidating its
power in Italy than in destroying the organized corps which
we had compromitted in the Grisons, had directed Bellegarde
to leave only the division of Haddick to take the St. Got
hard, and march by the Valteline on Milan, in order to reen
force Suwarrow, who was about to attack several of the for
tifications and also the army returning from Naples. This
contributed to save Lecourbe, who returned on Altorf after
a retreat not less honorable than difficult ; he very much cut
up the brigade of St. Julien, which had descended from
Dissentis on the valley of the Eeuss, and another detach
ment which had ventured into the Muttenthal between him
and the corps-de-bataille of Massena.
The Archduke penetrates into Switzerland. — On his side
the Archduke Charles, thwarted in some measure by the
departure of Bellegarde for Italy, had at last passed the

268 LIFE OP NAPOLEON. £Ch. V.
Ehine at Sehaffhausen on the twenty-seventh of May. Hotze
passed the river toward Cone ; Massena fell back behind the
Thur, thinking to prevent the junction of the two corps,
attacked that of Hotze at Frauenfeld, and gained a partial
advantage which did not prevent him from retiring on Zurich
two days afterward. This city has a bastioned enceinte of
very thick masonry ; on the south side where the Limmat,
which runs impetuously from the lake, serves as ditches, the
body of the place is commanded by the Zurichberg, and not
withstanding the defiladement of its works, it could not long
resist a siege. Massena had caused a large intrenched camp
to be marked out upon this mountain in order to connect its
defense with that of the plateau of Hong.
Massena evacuates Zurich. — The Archduke attacked him
on the sixth of June, but without success : an Austrian
column succeeded, by ghding secretly along the lake, in
reaching the gate ; but it was punished for this audacity.
Nevertheless the position of Massena was a critical one. At
the approach of the Austrians, the mountaineers of the
Grisons, of the smaller Cantons, and of the Valois, had
taken up arms. The success of the allies in Italy threatened
the Simplon and the St. Bernard ; the St. Gothard was car
ried, and Lecourbe driven back on Schwitz and Altorf. It
would have been imprudent for him to sacrifice his army in
order to hold Zurich with a defile in rear. Massena preferred
the line of the Albis, a precipitous mountain which borders
the Limmat and the lake from Bruck to Utznach ; he there
fore abandoned the city to the Austrians.
The Archduke paralyzed by the Aulic Council. — The Arch
duke now received orders from the Aulic Council to attempt
nothing decisive before the arrival of the powerful reenforce
ments of Korsakof, who was approaching with thirty thou
sand Eussians ; he therefore remained, till the month of
August, encamped behind Zurich, which gave to Massena

CaV.] CAMPAIGN OF 1799, 269
time to secure himself in his fine position, and to the Direc
tory an opportunity to send him reenforcements,
Macdonald returns upon Modena. — In the mean time Mac
donald had evacuated Naples and Eome, in order to rejoin
Moreau ; weakened by the garrisons which he had been
directed to leave behind, but reenforced by the division -ssliich
had occupied Tuscany, he advanced with thirty thousand
men on Modena. Moreau detached the division of Victor
on the Trebia, which formed a junction with Macdonald at
Firenzuola on the fourteenth of June. Moreau himself
defiled through the Apennines in order to descend into the
plain. He thought to unite the thirty-four thousand men
of Macdonald with the sixteen thousand which he had in
Liguria. In thus resuming the line of the Po with fifty
thousand men, he hoped at least to relieve Mantua, which
the scattered position of the enemy's troops rendered not
impossible. Nothing is more likely to cause an injudicious
dissemination of troops than rapid conquests over an enemy
who is himself too much scattered. The allies experienced
this : at the moment that Macdonald descended from the
Apennines on Modena, Kray was before Mantua, Hohen
zoUern and Klenau toward Bologna, Ott at Parma, Secken-
dorf and Wukassowich toward Ceva and Montenotte ;
Frolich was observing Coni ; Lusignan was near Fenestrelles ;
Bagration had just subdued Suza ; Suwarrow with the corps-
de-bataille of Melas, and the division of Kaim, was besieg
ing the citadel of Turin ; finally, Bellegarde, having de
scended from the Valteline on Milan, was going to swell the
forces of the Eussian general in the central plains of the
Bormida, and Haddick, left in the Valois, was guarding the
Alps against the right of Massena. As soon as the allies
heard of Macdonald's approach, they sent against him the
detachments of Klenau and HohenzoUern, who marched on
Modena, and were separately beaten on the twelfth of June :

270 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca V.
the latter, quite seriously cut up, was driven behind the Po,
and the former fell back in a little better order on Ferrara.
Suwarrow attacks him on the Trebia. — Suwarrow, hearing
these events, left Kaim at Turin to blockade the citadel, and
hastened, by forced marches, to join Ott at Placentia ; he
directed Kray to leave only a small division under Mantua,
and also to march by Mezzana-Corte on the Po, where he
hoped to collect fifty tliousand men independently of Belle
garde, who remained near Alexandria to observe Moreau.
Suwarrow arrived on the Tidone, the fifteenth of June, found
Ott closely pressed, but reheved him and repulsed Victor.
Macdonald, the next day, concentrated his scattered columns
and attacked the enemy. Kray not having yet arrived^,
Suwarrow had collected only thirty-three thousand men, so
that the two armies were about equal A most sanguinary
combat took place between these forces, animated on the one
side by the remembrance of ancient victories, and on the
other by that of recent advantages. Macdonald, who was
waiting for Moreau at the foot of the Apennines on the left,
committed the fault of directing his efforts in the opposite
direction and along a river without bridges, where his army
might be repulsed. Suwarrow, with better judgment, directed
his efforts against the opposite wing, certain that if he re
pulsed the left of the French he would obtain great results.
After a most memorable contest of three days, the French
army, with half its number hors^de-combat, was driven back
upon Tuscany. Its loss seemed certain ; but Moreau having
beaten Bellegarde in the plains of Alexandria, the army of
Suwarrow being itself turned, and Kray having by the posi
tive orders of the cabinet remained quiet under Mantua, the
Eussian marshal, disgusted with the conduct of his affies,
left Macdonald time to return by the Corniche from Pontre-
moli, and to bring his army back to Spezzia ; it was truly in
a deplorable state, but to save it at all was accomplishing

CaV.] CAMPAIGN OF 1799. 271
much. This diaster destroyed all hope of repairing our affairs
in Italy. Suwarrow, victorious at the Trebia, had first
designed to fall upon, Genoa and complete our total expul
sion from Italy, but the Emperor had given positive orders
to the Austrians to limit themselves to the sieges of Mantua,
Alexandria, and Tortona.
General State of Afalrs. — In less than four months from
the opening of the campaign, the French armies had been
driven from, all their conquests and some leagues from their
frontiers. Notwithstanding the one hundred thousand con
scripts which had been incorporated in the different regiments,
there remained scarcely two hundred thousand men — ex
hausted by fatigue, discouraged by twenty defeats, in want
of every thing — to oppose the victorious Austro- Eussian
armies, seconded as they were by the people of Italy and
Switzerland, who had by this time become fatigued and
disgusted with the tyrannical yoke of the Directory. Every
where fortune seemed to have deserted the Eepublican stand
ards ; the army of the East, forced to raise the siege of Acre
after sixty days of open trench,, had returned to Egypt ; in
India the English had carried by assault the capital of Mysore,
di-viding with the Nizam this kingdom of the ancient ally of
France. The King, of Naples and the Grand Duke of Tus
cany returned to their capitals ; the King of Sardinia was
recalled by Suwarrow. The coalition was triumphant, and
England, who was its soul, impatient to accelerate the down
fall of the French Eepublic, signed a treaty with Eussia for
an expedition to drive the French from Holland. The ascen
sion of the Prince of Brazil to the throne of Portugal, which
he had in fact occupied for tbe last seven years under the
title of Eegent, in consequence of the mental alienation of
the Queen, left this kingdom not less subject to English
policy. The French Directory. — Such, in few words, was the

272 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca V.
situation of the belligerent powers ; but France had other
¦vicissitudes than the fate of arms ; and the Directory, even
had it been able to overcome the external opposition caused
by its absurd system of foreign policy, could hardly have
dispersed the storm which was collecting against it in the
very heart of the Eepubhc. After the eighteenth of Fruc
tldor, arbitrary power and immorality seemed to have been
its only rules of conduct. It had inherited the embarrass
ments of the Committee of Public Safety, without being heir
to the dictatorial power from which that body had derived
its strength. In seeking to extend its control over the people,
it had lost the public confidence ; the nation regarded each
step of the Directors in the career of power as an act of
insupportable tyranny, formally opposed to the object of the
Eevolution. The legislative body took advantage of these
difficulties to oppose the Directors. It accused them of
" having violated the laws of nations in attacking, without
manifesto or declaration, Switzerland and the Ottoman
Empire ; of having suppressed the primary assemblies, erected
bastiles, banished whoever had the misfortune to displease
them ; of holding seats of justice in Holland, Italy, and Swit
zerland, and attempting to reduce the representatives to a
state of continual servility." Under such a state of public
feeling, all attempts of the Directory to carry the elections
proved abortive, and the new deputies arrived with a firm
resolution to overturn a tyranny which the dangers of the
country and the hope of victory alone had thus far sustained.
Political Operations of Sieyes. — The nomination of Sieyes
in place of Eewbel confirmed the Deputies in their project.
This new Director having perceived that Merlin and Treil
hard, imbued with the doctrines of their predecessors, com
pletely controlled the feeble Lareveillere, felt the importance
of destroying this majority, and conferred on this subject
with my brother Lucien and Genissieux, the leaders of the

Ca v.] CAMPAIGN OF 17 9 9. 273
Councils. It was now determined to seize the first occasion
to eliminate these Directors by a coup-d'etat like that which
had been made on the eighteenth of Fructldor, to get rid
of obnoxious legislators.
Address to the Councils.— To this effect, addresses from
several of the departments were sent to the Councils. The
leaders attacked in a special manner the administration of
the Directory, which, with seven hundred and twenty-five
millions of taxes, let each branch of the public service suffer
for want of funds ; they accused the Minister of War of
having sold at prices below their value, for purposes of specu
lation, one hundred and thirty thousand fire-arms from the
arsenal of Paris. La Vendue was in insurrection, and Bel
gium was opposing, with an armed hand, the levies of men
and taxes. Each day's session brought the most virulent
attacks against the mediocre chiefs of the executive power.
Treilhard's Nomination annulled. — The contest might have
been uncertain so long as the threatened Directors acted in
concert. It was therefore necessary to begin by destroying
this triumvirate ; but how to do this without a direct violar
tion of the constitution ? In seeking to overthrow it, would
not a pretext be given this body for attacking the national
representation ? In this perplexity a Deputy recollected very
opportunely that Treilhard had been elected three days sooner
than the law allowed : the two councils seized upon this
pretext to annul his nomination. It is said that Treilhard
himself acknowledged the illegality of his appointment, and
left his colleagues with more pleasure than regret. This
operation for some days completely paralyzed the Directory
by the division of the four remaining members. But the
number was soon completed by the appointment of the
minister Gohier, who inclined the balance in favor of the
reform party.
Merlin and Lareveillere resign. — Still it was only a half
VOL. I. — 18,

274 LIFE OF NAPOLEON [Ch, V-
victory, for it was yet necessary to get rid of Merhn and
Lareveillere, These at first attempted to make way against
the storm, but being menaced with charges against them at
the tribune, they sent in their resignation on the night of
the sixteenth and seventeenth of June. Their condescension
disarmed the violence of the legislative body, which was
satisfied with merely loading them with sarcasms. They
were called mere ciphers, men of small capacity, of small pas
sions, and petty vengeances ! In their places were appointed
Eoger-Ducos, an old conventional, and General Moulins.
Sieyes still remained leader of the Directory. Bernadotte
was appointed Minister of War.
No sooner were these changes effected than the news of
the evacuation of Zurich and Moreau's retreat upon the
Apennines, showed the necessity of more vigorous measures.
It was no longer the question to investigate tbe deficit of the
finances, but rather to devise means to supply this deficit.
Jourdan proposed a forced loan of one hundred millions
levied on the wealthy classes : a disastrous measure always
repugnant to public opinion, and which the urgency of the
circumstances alone could justify. All classes of the con
scription were placed at the disposition of the Directory, and
if the levy had been executed without obstacle, it would have
furnished a reenforcement of two hundred thousand men.
Time and money were alone wanting. Battalions of national
guards were placed as garrisons in the frontier fortifications,
so as to render all the regulars disposable, and to prepare for
the dangers of an invasion.
Consternation at the news of the Battle of Trebia*—
Hardly were these measures adopted, when the news of the
battle of Trebia came to add to the public distress. So'
¦many disasters, justly merited, affected the different parties
very differently : the good and patriotic French were sorely
grieved at them, the republicans were enraged, internal

Ch. v.] CAMPAIGN OF 1799. 275
enemies rejoiced, but all, with one accord, agreed in pro
nouncing anathemas against the government which had
brought them upon the country. Where then are the con
querors of Turcoing, of Fleurus, of Eivoli, of Castiglione .?
was heard from all parts. Are not the armies composed of
the same soldiers and commanded by the same generals, who
formerly carried the glory of France from tbe Noric Alps to
the confines of Bohemia? In reflecting more attentively
upon the causes of former successes, it was perceived that
they were produced by masses skilfully directed upon im
portant points, rather than by mere valor and love of country,
as had been supposed. Although moments of crisis and of
popular excitement are ill calculated for reflection, it was,
nevertheless, perceived that results had been attributed to
general causes, which, in reality, were due mainly to indi
vidual skill. A universal clamor rose against Eewbel and
Talleyrand for the impolitic administration and usurpation
of the government. Even those who were the least capable
of pointing out what course ought to have been pursued,
saw evidently that the government had been ill administered.
Formation of Clubs. — The public calamities led to the
formation of new political clubs. A society, worthy offspring
of the Jacobins, was formed at the Manage ; there, at the very
door of the Council of Ancients, they declaimed about the
ignorance and stupidity of the administration. To avoid the
law against societies directed by presidents, they appointed
Drouet regulateur des debats. These ardent republicans,
without wishing for the triumph of the proletaires, thought
to turn these leaders to their o-wn account, and soon the
club of the Manage equaled that of the Cordeliers. France
was threatened with an anarchy more horrible than that of
1793, for then the dictatorial power of the Committee of Pub
lic Safety, sustained by victory, remedied, in some degree, the
vices of a mere popular government ; but as no such

276 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca V.
authority now existed, there seemed no barrier to protect the
nation from plunging into the gulf of anarchy. Already the
tribune of the Manege resounded with accusations against
those who directed the administration of affairs, and the
populace only waited for the signal for beheading them.
After Eewbel and Sch6rer, the conduct of Talleyrand was
most severely condemned : he was formally accused of pro
jecting the fatal expedition to Egypt, the cause of all their
misfortunes. Compelled to seek some means of justification,
he declared that the expedition bad been planned before he
came into office. This threw the responsibility upon Charles
Delacroix, who, to exculpate himself, declared that although
the project might have been agitated before the Eevolution,
it never had been made a question of discussion while he
held the portfolio.
Talleyrand is superseded.— The justification of Talley
rand not satisfying his opponents, the Directory, in deference
to public opinion, appointed Eeinbard minister of foreign
affairSj Eobert Lindet to the finances, and Cambaceres as
minister of justice. But a change of ministers could not
immediately effect a change of foreign policy, as there was
no chance of negotiating a peace, and the dismissal of Talley
rand was not sufficient to dissolve the coalition. In looking
at the past, they found good reasons to bitterly regret the
extravagances of 1798. How different would have been the
results if they had applied themselves to consolidating the
influence of the Eepublic in Italy, in interesting Spain in it
by the aggrandizement of the infant Duke of Parma, and
the House of Savoy by just indemnities, instead of aliena
ting the courts of the peninsula by the revolutions of
Genoa, Eome, Montferrat ! To raise a power in favor of
the son-in-law of Charles IV. would have been an excellent
means of proving to the queen of the Two Sicilies and to
Charles Emanuel, of Piedmont, that we knew how to esti^

Ca v.] CAMPAIGN OF 1799. 277
mate the alliances of princes who frankly entered into
friendly relations with us ; it would have induced Spain to
redouble her efforts at sea, and at tbe same time to furnish
for the common guard of Italy the contingent stipulated at
San Ildefonso. By this means, instead of having need to
send Macdonald to Naples, and Gauthier to Tuscany, we
should have had one hundred and forty thousand French,
Spanish, and Italian combatants to oppose the imperialists
on the Adige.
The Manege closed. — But the time for recriminations
was passed. To preserve our power in Italy was no longer
the question ; the means of saving France were now to be
looked after. The attention of the Directory was now
turned to the interior of France, where the ravings of the
society of the Manege threatened a general anarchy. Such
disorders at the very door of the legislative palace became
intolerable ; the society, driven from their place of sitting,
installed themselves in the Eue du Bac, under the presidency
of the regulateur Augereau. The debates became daily
more stormy ; the eulogy of Baboeuf, pronounced from the
tribune of the society, proved that it was time to strike.
Sieyes appointed Fouche minister of police ; this ancient
proconsul, whose business energy no one can deny, hastened
to close this den of Jacobinism, at the same time that the
Directory prohibited the abuses of the public press.
New Plan of Operations. — This was all well enough for
the interior ; but something else was requisite to arrest the
enemies of France. Certain of obtaining by the new law the
two principal elements of war, the Directory now occupied
itself with devising the means of repelhng the threatened
invasion on the east. It directed the topographical bureau
to draw up a plan of operations against the aUied armies on
the supposition of Massena's being driven from Switzerland^
and to indicate the natural and artificial obstacles which

278 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. V.
might in this direction be opposed to a great invasion. Al
though a mffitary officer of distinction had pointed out in a
luminous memoir its natural direction in the trough of the
Jura and the Vosges, General Clark, cffief of this bureau,
persisted in maintaining that it should be directed by Swit
zerland and the Coast Alps on Lyons. He consequently
presented a long work, pointing out all the measures to be
taken for covering the frontier of the Alps. These views
consisted principally in forming an army for guarding the
two St. Bernards, the Simplon, Mont-Cenis, Mont-Genevre,
and the Col de I'Argentiere ; while the army of Italy, de
bouching from the Apennines, should resume the offensive
to prevent the siege of Coni and raise that of Mantua, and
the army of Helvetia should operate a powerful diversion on
the Limmat.
Joubert is charged with its Execution. — The new Direc
tory feeling the necessity of some brilliant stroke to save its
credit, Joubert, a young general of much promise, was
appointed to replace Moreau in Italy, while the latter was
destined for the command of the army of the Ehine. Joubert
was to reorganize an army of forty-five thousand men in Li
guria and to advance anew on the Po, to relieve Mantua.
Championnet, put on trial for having dared to brave the
proconsuls of the Directory at Naples, descended from the
prisoner's box to take command of an army of thirty-four
thousand men which had been organized in the Alps. If the
proximity of Grenoble and Chambery was a sufficient motive
for this army, instead of sending the troops by Provence to
Genoa, there certainly was no sufficient reason for appointing
two chiefs to these armies and assigning to that of the Alps
a part principally defensive. Mantua, but weakly blockaded
for some months past, had been more strongly invested since
the fall of Peschiera, and, all the preparations being made,
Kray was to open the trenches on the fifteenth of July;

CaV.] CAMPAIGN OP 1799. 279
Latour-Foissac capitulated on the thirtieth. At the same
time Chasteler and Bellegarde besieged still more vigorously
the citadel of Alexandria, which capitulated on the twenty-
second of July, after seven days of vigorous attack, in which
the Austrian artillery very much distinguished itself
He debouches from the Apennines. — Joubert arrived about
the beginning of August and debouched from the Apennines
on Novi, on the twelfth. He was accompanied by Moreau,
who, called to the command of the army of the Ehine, never
theless wished to remain with his young friend till after the
battle. They hoped to have only some forty thousand men
to oppose. It had been rumored that Mantua had capitu
lated, but they did not believe it. On the evening of the
fourteenth of August, the right and centre had united on the
superb plateau of Novi, at the foot of the Apennines, where
they learned the sad news that not only had Mantua sur
rendered, but that Kray's corps, which had besieged it, was
united to Suwarrow, ready to receive them in the plain. It
hardly seemed credible that a place which had resisted me
ten months should, in three, have been reduced by the Aus
trians. But Latour-Foissac had made a very poor defense.
Admitting that it had been attacked more regularly and that
the means of defense were much inferior to those of the Aus
trian marshal, nevertheless it is certain that he might have
prolonged the defense for at least a fortnight, which had
been time enough to save it.
Battle of Novi. — They received, during the evening, a con
firmation of this disaster which placed the matter beyond the
possibility of doubt. There remained now no object for our
army to risk a battle against a superior enemy. It was neces
sary to return to the Apennines and concert some new project
with Championnet ; but occupying so good a position, ex
pecting the left to join them the next morning, they did not
deem it necessary to make a precipitate retreat, for it did not

280 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CaV.
seem probable that the enemy would attack so formidable a
position, when it was for his interest to draw them into the
plain. But Suwarrow thought differently, and directed the
attack to be begun on the morning of the fifteenth of August
at break of day, by his right under the orders of Kray. Al
ready the Austrian columns were climbing the slopes of the
•eminences which were covered with vines, and debouching
upon the plateau. Joubert hastened to the threatened point,
put himself at the head of the thirty-fourth regiment, re
pulsed the enemy, but was himself killed at the first dis
charge : ¦* it was scarcely six o'clock in the morning. Moreau,
who seemed in this campaign to be destined to direct all the
unfortunate contests, took command of the army which was
now engaged contrary to its wishes and without any object ;
he at first succeeded in repulsing the enemy. The battle
had continued on our left ever since three o'clock, when, at
nine, Suwarrow debouched against the centre at the head of
the Eussian corps, and seemed determined, at all hazards, to
caiTy the front of Novi and its heights. St. Cyr, defended
himself with great bravery ; twice the enemy, repulsed and
taken in flank by Watrin, was driven quite to Pozzolo-For-
migaro. At last Melas with the reserve, or rather with the
left of the allied forces, arrived at two o'clock from Eivalta,
moved along the Scrivia, made eight battalions of grenadiers
ascend the reverse of Monte-Eotundo where runs the road
from Genoa to Gavi, and thus turned the position. Suwar-
* The folio-wing is Napoleon's portrait oT Joubert : " He was a native of Ain.
He studied law, but the Revolution made him adopt the profession of arms. He
served in the army of Italy and was there made brigadier and general-of-division.
He was taU, slender, and naturally of a feeble constitution. But he had strength
ened it in the toU of camps, and in mountain warfare. He was intrepid, violent,
and active. He was sincerely attached to Napoleon, who, in 1797, charged him
to present to the Directory the colors of the army of Italy. He fell gloriously
at the battle of Novi, when he was yet young, and had not acquired sufficient
experience. He possessed qualities which would have raised him to great
military renown." He was of the same age as Napoleon.

Ca v.] 0 A M P A I G N 0 F 1 7 9 9. 281
row and Kray seconded this operation by a new effort. Ee
treat now became both inevitable and difficult. It was at
last effected by cross roads on Pasturana, where the defile
becomes almost impassable. Perignan and Grouchy, in order
to give time to the column to pass the defile, fought in front
of it against quadruple forces which tbe enemy brought
against them from all points of a circle. They were wounded
and taken prisoners with five or six thousand brave men, who
shared their fate ; a good part of the artillery fell into the
enemy's hands. This fatal day irrecoverably fixed the fate
of Italy.
Massena retakes the smaller Cantons. — Massena, more
fortunate, gained about the same time (August fourteenth)
a signal advantage. By a singular chance he had recaptured
the line of the high Alps which he had lost in June, at the
very moment that the Archduke Charles, reenforced at last
by Korsakof, had intended to resume the offensive on the
opposite side.
Project of the Archduke. — The Archduke wished to con
centrate his army below Bruck in order to cross at once the
lines of the Aar, the Limmat, and the Eeuss rivers, all
considerable streams, which united near this city. From
Bruck to Aran, it was only four leagues, and on the same
day the Archduke might pass three important barriers and
seize the heights of the Jura which separated Aran from
Bale. This movement would have compromitted, in a great
degree, the safety of the French army which was extended
on the Albis as far as Glaris. The Directory, wishing to
urge forward the enterprises of Joubert and Massena, had
pressed the latter to resume the offensive. Lecourbe, having
been reenforced, attacked the corps of Simbschen, got pos
session of the Grimsel, the Furca, the St. Gothard, and the
Crispalt, and took four thousand prisoners. The division of
the Valois drove Eohan from the Simplon. Soult and

282 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca V.
Chabran attacked the canton of Glaris, and the left of the
Linth. These partial successes, instead of being fortunate,
would have led to the ruin of the army, had not the project
of the Archduke failed.
Thirty thousand Austrians and as many Eussians had
united, on the sixteenth of August, opposite the village of
Dettingen. The single division of Ney covered Bruch and
the Frickthal : there were only six battalions to dispute the
passage. Such is the inconvenience of having immense lines
and numerous points to guard. The one hundred and twenty-
two battalions and one hundred and forty squadrons which
composed the armies of the Ehine and the Danube would have
formed, if Switzerland had been neutral, an imposing army
between Ulm and Strasburg ; while now, compelled to cover
everything from Geneva to Dusseldorf, they presented an active
force of only seventy or seventy-five thousand men, scattered
along a line of one hundred leagues ; there were only eight
thousand at the enemy's point of passage. The Austrians,
neglecting the ordinary precautions, hoped to throw across
their bridge under the protection pf forty pieces of cannon
which swept the bank, without passing over troops to cover
the pontoniers. The brigade of Quetard, which assembled
at the noise, was soon forced to retire ; the Austrian howit
zers set fire to Dettingen, A battalion of carbineers of
Zurich threw themselves into the ruins of the houses, and by
means of their excellent carbines, these brave and skilful
marksmen cut off many of the enemy's pontoniers. More
over the rocky bottom of the Aar prevented the ponton
anchors from taking hold. Many hours passed in this way.
Ten thousand French, under the orders of Ney, having had
time to coUect near the point of passage, the Archduke
became discouraged and renounced his project. This failure
of the Archduke to establish bis bridges was the greatest
piece of good fortune for the French ; for had his pon-

CaV.] CAMPAIGN OF 179 9. 283
tomers been successful, it is hardly possible to calculate the
immense disasters that would have followed, Massena was
then with the reserve in the Muttenthal, and half of his army
must have been lost.
New Plans of the Coalition. — The allies, intoxicated with
their victories, had seen their line for a moment compro
mitted by dissensions between Suwarrow and the cabinet of
Vienna, The Eussian marshal, on his arrival in Turin, had
strongly urged the recaU of the King of Sardinia to his capi
tal. But Thugut, a more wily diplomatist, wishing to form no
conclusions as yet on the future fate of Piedmont, strongly
opposed this. He had already sold at Selz some of the
Piedmontese provinces, and perhaps he wished to make, on
the return of the king, a speculation to obtain from him
the Novarais as a condition of peace, and thus to divide
with the House of Savoy the title and functions of portier
des Alps. This policy displeased Suwarrow, who, thwarted
also by the inaction of Kray at the epoch of the Trebia,
complained with so much bitterness as to threaten serious
dissensions in the camp of the allies.
The cabinets of London and Vienna agreed to propose to
the cabinet of St. Petersburg a new project ; it was agreed :
1st, That all the Eussian troops of Suwarrow and Kor
sakof should unite in Switzerland to form the centre, and
to penetrate into Franche-Comt6 in concert with a corps of
Austrians ;
2d, That the Archduke Charles should move ¦with the
mass of his army on Manheim, retake this place, pass the
Effine, both to assist Suwarrow and to favor an Anglo-Eussian
expedition which was to make a descent upon Holland ;
3d, That the expedition, under the Duke of York, com
posed of twenty-five thousand English, and fifteen thousand
Eussians under General Hermann, should dehver Holland,
and, aided by the troops of the Stadtholder levied there,

284 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CaV.
as well as by the diversion of the Archduke, drive the French
from Belgium ;
4th. That Melas should command the Austrians, now left
arbiters of Italy, and complete our expulsion from Liguria
and Piedmont ;
5th. That the Eussian fleet, after having subdued Corfu,
should assist the attack on Ancona which was confided to
the corps of Froelich ;
6th. That the English shoidd aid the Neapolitans in the
reduction of the garrisons left in Naples, Eome, Civita-
Vecchia, etc.
The Archduke marches on Manheim. — As Suwarrow was
to leave Italy and debouch into Switzerland, the Archduke
had to effect his own movement on the Lower Ehine. He
commenced his march on the thirty-ffist of August ; but
unwilling to leave Korsakof alone exposed to the blows
apparently designed for him by the cabinet of Vienna, he
left the corps of Hotze, of about twenty-five thousand men,
in the smaller cantons, and that of Nauendorf, of ten thou
sand men, at the junction of the Aar with the Ehine, so as
to cover the Black Forest and the Eussian right. Tbe Arch
duke, hearing at Doneschingen that General Muller had
passed the Ehine at Manheim with eighteen thousand men,
and was then bombarding Philipsbourg, directed tbe corps of
General Starray to the assistance of that city, and marched
^himself, with fifty-five thousand men, to sustain him. Muller
did not wait for him, but hastily repassed the Ehine, leaving
the feeble division of Laroche to guard Manheim. The
Archduke attacked it on the seventeenth of September,
penetrated by the t^e-du-pont of Neckerau, and, in spite of
the efforts of Ney, gained possession of the place and fifteen
thousand prisoners.
Suwarrow's Plan. — Suwarrow had a difficult task ; the
attempt of Moreau to raise the blockade of Tortona had

Ch. v.] CAMPAIGN OF 1799. 285
induced him to defer his departure till the eleventh of Sep
tember, eleven days after the Archduke, whereas, to concert
matters well, he ought to have set out first. Departing from
Asti three roads offered themselves to his choice ; he could
debouch by the Valois in the Pays-de-Vaud to effect a diver
sion, but it exposed him to be beaten without a chance of
cooperation ; he could cross the St. Gothard without artillery,
debouch on Schwitz and unite with Hotze, while his material
went by Coire ; finally, he could, from Como, take the route
of the Splugen and effect his junction by the Grisons with
out fighting. He preferred the St. Gothard as more certain
than the first, and as shorter than the third.
Battle of Zurich. — Informed by Suchet of the departure
of Suwarrow for Switzerland, and knowing that the Arch
duke had moved the mass of his army on Manheim, Massena
determined to fight Korsakof before the arrival of the mar
shal ; for if he waited for the conqueror of Novi, he would
in all probability be driven on the Jura. He assembled
about thirty-eight thousand men, and determined to make
the attack on the twenty-fifth of September. Soult passed
the Linth at Schoenis. Hotze and his chief-of-staff being
slain at the first fire, his corps became disordered and was
driven on the Toggenbourg with the loss of five thousand
men hors-de-combat. Mortier attacked Zurich on the left
bank of the Limmat. Lorges and Menard passed the Limmat
at Fahr, in order to turn Zurich, and assail the Zurichberg.
Korsakof had received notice from Suwarrow that he
would be at Schwitz on the twenty-sixth, and his corps-de-
bataille was lying in front of the little town of Zurich to
attack the Albis, when the cannon of Foy and Lorges thun
dering in the direction of Fahr, gave notice of the danger
which threatened it. In the mean time the Eussian general,
not liking his position, pushed his left between the Zil and
the lake, and repelled the false attack of General Drouet. It

286 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Ca V.
was not till the arrival of Massena and Lorges at the north
of Zurich that he saw the perils of his position. He had a
division opposite Bruck, but was cut off from it by the pas
sage of Massena at Fahr : it was necessary to decide imme
diately either to penetrate by the Albis and join Su-n^arrow
in Schwitz, or to attack Lorges with all his forces and drive
him across the Limmat, Korsakof did not know how to
act ; the fear of disobeying Suwarrow made him reject the
only wise course which he could pursue, that of falling on
Lorges with his entire force. The news of Hotze's death
and the defeat of his corps increased his embarrassment ; he
persisted in maintaining himself with half his forces between
the Zil and Zurich, where Mortier and tbe grenadiers of
Klein fought him all day without any decided results. But
Oudinot and Lorges were already cannonading the gate of
Winterthour, and crowned the heights which commanded
Zurich on the north, the only retreat which remained to the
enemy. Korsakof retires on the Rhine. — Korsakof decided, dur
ing the night, what course to pursue. His whole army
crossed Zurich and debouched on the morning of the six
teenth, to recover the road to Sehaffhausen, which it suc
ceeded in doing after having repulsed the division of Lorges.
But the latter, on receiving a reenforcement, resumed the
attack, and cut off the enemy's columns, while Mortier pene
trated the little town of Zurich, now guarded by only a few
tirailleurs. Korsakof succeeded in reaching Sehaffhausen,
abandoning to us five thousand wounded, two thousand pris
oners, and all his artillery. He had more than ten thousand
men hors-de-combat, and Hotze at least five thousand.
Suwarrow passes the St. Gothard. — Hardly had Massena
completed this brilliant victory, when he received the news
of Suwarrow's success at tbe St. Gothard. The marshal,
delayed three days at Lucerne, had not been able to attack

Ca V] CAMPAIGN OF 17 99. 287
Airola and the southern slopes of the mountain tffi the
twenty-third and twenty-fourth. Assisted by Strauch, he
dislodged Gudin, forced him to retire on the Furca, and
bivouacked at the Hospice. A column of six thousand
Eussians, under Eosenberg, was to march across the rocks,
the snows, and the precipices of the Crispalt to descend on
Urseren, and to strilce Lecourbe, should he venture to make
a stand at the Devil's Bridge. This march, as audacious as
difficult, attained its object : Lecourbe, hearing at the Hos
pice of the arrival of the enemy at Urseren, took his resolu
tion in desperation, threw his cannon into the Eeuss, climbed
the almost inaccessible mountains of Geschenen, followed
along their sides, and redescended to Wasen ; but he learned
here that another Austrian column from the Grisons was
already in possession of the valley toward Amsteg ; while
Suwarrow, on his side, bad forced the rear-guard at the
Devil's Bridge, after a bloody combat, and had effected a
junction with Eosenberg. The audacity of Lecourbe in
creased in proportion to his danger ; he attacked the Aus
trian column without hesitation. The latter, threatened on
the other side by the reserve which was coming from Altorf
to meet Lecourbe, thought itself very fortunate in effecting
its escape by opening a passage to Lecourbe. He then
crossed the Eeuss at Seedorf, destroyed the bridge, and sup
ported himself against the mountains of Surenen and the
canton of Berne.
Suwarrow then descended without obstacle on Altorf and
Fluelen, but this was the termination of any practicable road,
and it was necessary to embark on Lake Lucerne, which was
the only means of communication between this canton and
that of Uri. The position was a critical one : Lecourbe had
an armed flotilla, and, moreover, had seized Upon a small
number of the barks found there. The Eussian general had
no time to hesitate ; he climbed the steep precipices of the

288 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CaV.
mountains of Kesseren in the Schachenthal, where no troops
had ever passed before, and which even Lecourbe had con
sidered impracticable : he lost there the few pieces of moun
tain artillery which he had with him, many men and horses,
and arrived exhausted in the Muttenthal on the twenty-
eighth, three days later than he calculated. Hearing of Kor
sakof 's disaster, he hoped at least to be seconded by tWo
divisions of the right of Hotze, who, in the general plan,
was to get possession of Glaris and secure a communication
with him.
Defeat of the Austrians. — These divisions, under the
orders of Jellachich and Linken, had in fact attacked the
single brigade of Molitor on the twenty-fifth. Jellachich
debouched on Wesen by the difficult path which runs along
the lake of Wallenstadt. Molitor imposed on him by the
stand which he took, and the Austrian general, hearing of
Hotze's defeat and thinking himself lost if he remained
where he was, in a coupe-gorge, retired on Wallenstadt.
The next day Linken, deboucMng from the Grisons in three
columns by the defile of Engi and the Todiberg, descended the
valley of Sernst, carried off one of Molitor's battalions isola
ted in the mountains, and advanced on Glaris ; but Molitor,
having disposed of Jellacffich, opposed to him the same
resistance ; and the Austrian general, hearing of the fate of
his colleagues, and fearing that he himself would be captured,
returned to the Grisons. It is to be remarked that Molitor,
with four French and two Swiss battalions, had thus routed
twelve thousand Austrians, at the very point of their junc
tion with Suwarrow. The localities favored it, it is true, but
his firmness, activity, and resolution are not the less worthy
of the highest praise.
Difficult Retreat of Suwarrow. — Suwarrow soon marched
from Mutten toward the Bragel, a difficult mountain, where
he still found the advanced guard of Molitor ; this convinced

Ch. v.] CAMPAIGN OF 1799. 289
him that the Austrians had disappeared from Glaris, and as
a climax to his embarrassment, Mortier and Massena, with
the conquerors of Zurich, had just arrived at Schwitz, and the
grenadiers of Klein at Einsiedlen. The least hesitation would
have lost all. Auffenberg and Bragation fortunately forced the
little advanced guard of Mortier at Kloenthal, on the thir
tieth, and descended on Glaris. Suwarrow followed them
with Derfelden. General Eosenberg, left with four batta
lions in the Muttenthal, was there attacked, on the first of
October, by Mortier, whom he drove in the most glorious
manner on Schwitz. The rear-guard, relieved by this suc
cess, reached the Bragel without loss. Molitor had fallen
back to Neffels, behind the Linth. Bagration was directed
to attack him on the first of October. They fought on both
sides with fury ; the little troop of Molitor did wonders ;
the enemy was not behind in bravery ; at last the arrival of
Soult's division, returning from the pursuit of the wrecks of
Hotze into the Grisons, decided the victory. This incident
aggravated still more the difficulties of Suwarrow, who had
not a minute to lose. He threw himself by the path of
Panix and Engi, that is, by the flanks of the Todiberg, into
the Grisons, a route frightful in the best season, but which
was then the more difficult and dangerous from being covered
with snow. The few horses and mules which he had left
were abandoned at the bottom of this gulf ; many hundreds
of men perished among these precipices. No language can
describe the horrors of this retreat. Glory is not the exclu
sive price of dangers and victories, it belongs equally to those
who brave the elements, nature, and privations. In this
view of the subject, there are few events more glorious for
both parties in this memorable war.
Efforts of Korsakof on Winterthour.- During this time
Korsakof had been reenforced by some Bavarians and by the
little army of Cond6, who had just come from the interior of
VOL. I. — 19.

290 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Ca V.
Eussia with three or four thousand Emigris to conquer France !
This general felt that to efface the stain of Zurich, it was
necessary at any price to relieve his general-in-chief from his
present difficult position. For this purpose he had advanced
from Lake Constance and Busingen on Winterthour ; but
attacked here by the reserves and the divisions of Lorges and
Menard, he was forced to retire behind the Ehine and destroy
his bridges.
Movements of the Archduke and Suwarrow. — The Arch
duke Charles had moved, as has been already said, on Man
heim by order of his cabinet ; he there soon received news
¦of the disaster of Zurich, which induced him to renounce all
¦other projects than that of saving the army ; he therefore
returned in all haste to Doneschingen. He proposed to Su
warrow to come and join him so as to re-enter Switzerland
by Sehaffhausen ; Suwarrow preferred to enter from his side
by Eheineck. The Austrian general opposed this double
operation, and the old marshal became irritated and took
the road to Bavaria, where he put his troops in cantonments.
Descent on Holland. — In the mean time the English and
Eussians had executed their projected invasion of Holland.
Abercrombie landed in North Holland, on the twenty-seventh
of August, with three thousand English, and the next day
was followed by twelve thousand more. He found no other
opposition than the small division of Daendels. The English
squadron of Admiral Mitchel entered the Texel, and the
3>utch sailors, incited by the Orange party, broke out in
insurrection, and forced Admiral Story to raise the Stadt-
holder's flag and surrender his squadron to the English,
The choice of the narrow presqu'ile of North Holland, well
suited for the protection of the first debarkation, was also
favorable to the defense of Brune. This general collected at
Alkmaer the French divisions of Gouvion and Vandamme,

and the Batavian divisions of Dumonceau and Daendels ;

CaV.] CAMPAIGN OF 17 99. 291
which together formed an army of about twenty-two thousand
men. On the tenth of September he attempted to force the
advantageous position of Abercrombie at Slaper-Dyc and was
repulsed. The Prince of Orange showed himself at the same
time on the frontiers of Friesland, but his partisans were not
numerous, and would do nothing in his favor. The Eussians
and English, on the sixteenth of September, landed the
remainder of the troops under the direction of the Duke of
York ; which increased their number to thirty-five thousand.
Brune also had reenforcements which carried his to twenty-
eight thousand.
On the nineteenth of September the alhes attacked Brune
at Alkmaer ; the principal effi)rt was made by the Eussians
near Bergen, and the English, instead of sustaining this
effort, threw the mass of their forces into the lagunes of the
Zuyder Zee. The Eussians divided into two columns ; that
of Hermann attacked Vandamme and drove him behind
Bergen ; but Gouvion and Eostolland, having rendered him
timely succor, the Eussian column, attacked in front and
flank, was overthrown ; Hermann himself, with two thou
sand meuy was taken prisoner ; the rest perished or were
dispersed. Essen,, who had advanced more to the left, being
attacked in front and threatened in rear, fled behind the Zyp.
Dundas, assisted by a Eussian brigade, had at first beaten
Dumonceau at Schoorldam. ;. but the reenforcements which
Brune sent there, soon forced him to retire with loss. At
the centre, Pultney gained an important advantage over
Daendels, but soon returned to his jiosition. On the left,
Abercrombie, finding only feeble detachments at Hoorn,
fatigued his troops by marching over difficult roads ¦without
any result.
A new attempt was made on the second of October, at
Egmont-op-Zee. But after several unimportant contests the
allies were again repulsed with considerable loss. Their

292 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CaV.
army was now shut up in the lagunes of Zyp ; the autumnal
rains increased the difficulty of their position ; tbe disaster
at Zurich left them no hope of succor from the Ehine ; the
Orange party did not move ; England had accomplished half
her object in the capture of the Batavian fieet. The Duke
of York, therefore, resolved to return to London, and secured
a safe retreat by an inglorious treaty of evacuation. This
treaty was signed on the eighteenth of October.
Such was the state of our affairs when I arrived in Paris.
Switzerland and Holland had just been happily delivered, at
the very moment when the projected union of the Eussian
forces in the centre of operations was calculated to menace
the French soil with invasion. But the successes of the
allies in Italy still threatened our departments at the south,
where reactionary passions began to foment in a manner
truly alarming. The state seemed more than ever exposed
to the rule of anarchy.
Lecourbe raises the Siege of Philipsbourg. — The depart
ure of the Archduke from Manheim to the assistance of
Suwarrow caused orders to be given to Lecourbe to recross
the Ehine and lay siege to Philipsbourg ; he succeeded in
making the investment, but Starray twice forced him to give
up the attempt. An armistice put an end to this enterprise
without any direct result on the fate of the war.
Efforts of Championnet to save Coni. — An operation of
still greater importance had also failed in Italy. Champion
net, who had succeeded Joubert and Moreau as commander-
in-chief in the Alps and in Italy, took advantage of Suwar
row's absence to endeavor to relieve Coni. In order to offer
an obstacle to a siege by Melas' troops, more than fifty thou
sand men were put in motion from Spezzia and the Bo
chetta, by the Argentiere, quite to Mont Cenis. Six or seven
scattered corps could not easily succeed against the army of
Melas, concentrated on the Stura between Turin and Alexan-

CaV] CAMPAIGN OP 179 9. 293
dria, and capable of moving in any direction he might deshe.
It was exactly a repetition of the battle of Eivoli, on a scale
ten times larger. Championnet, repulsed near the end of
September in a first attempt on Mondovi, made a more
serious attack at the end of October ; the same fault neces
sarily produced the same result. St. Cyr, with the right
wing, gained a very glorious success in front of Novi on the
twenty-fourth of October : but the division of the centre,
acting without concert on Fossano, were beaten, the third of
November, by thirty-four thousand Austrians. Another
combat took place on the tenth, when the French were so
scattered that the siege of Coni was carried on by the enemy
without further opposition ; it surrendered on the fourth of
December. While the centre was driven into the Alps, Kray
forced St. Cyr on the Bochetta, and Klenau, debouching
from the coast, attempted to carry Genoa.
While Melas was thus crowning a glorious campaign by
manoeuvres that did him honor. General Froelich had been
directed to reduce Ancona, where General Monnier had kept
the field notwithstanding the approach of a Eussian fleet,
and a corps of observation, composed of Eussians, Turks, and
insurgent peasants. The siege was flnally begun on the first
of November, and, notwithstanding the good defense of
Monnier and his little garrison, the place surrendered on the
twelfth ; the garrison of two thousand seven hundred men,
covered with laurels, returned to France on parole.
Such was the issue of this celebrated campaign of 1799,
so rich in events, of which I have merely traced an outline to
show the state of affairs at the time of my appointment to
the Consulate.

CHAPTER VI.
THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801.
Napoleon's Eetum from Egypt — Necessity of a Change in the Government —
Sieyes had long meditated a Change — Eevolution of the eighteenth Brumaire
— Project of a Constitution — Consular Government — Napoleon proposes Peace
— Fall of Tippoo-Saeb — ^Maritime Affafrs — Continental Armies — ^Plan of Cam
paign — Pius VI. and VH. — Project of the Allies on Genoa and Toulon — Mas
sena blockaded in Genoa — ^Napoleon's Plan of Operations ou the Ehine —
Camot Minister of War — ^Passage of the Alps — The French Army arrested by
Fort Bard — Melas deceived — Combat of Chiusella — Napoleon marches on
Milan — Passage of the Ticino — Disposition of Melas — Surrender of Genoa —
Passage of the Po— Battle of Montebello — Battle of Marengo — Convention of
Alexandria — Negot tions of General St. Julien — Disapproved by the Cabinet
of Vienna — Negotiations for a Naval and Military Armistice — Kleber proposes
to evacuate Egypt — He is forced to conquer at Heliopolis — Important Con
vention with the United States — ^The English quarrel ¦with Neutrals — ^Eup-
ture of the Negotiatioti of London — Conspiracy of Cerrachi — Expeditions
against Ferrol and Cadiz — Eesignation of Thugut from the Ministry — Occu
pation of Tuscany — Preparations on the Continent — Plan of Operations — Bril
liant Success of the Army of the Ehine — Armistice of Steyer — ^Inaction of
Brune — Passage of the Splugen — Operations of Brune — Junction of the Army
of the Grisons — Armistice of Treviso — Infernal Machine — The NeapoUtans
beaten in Tuscany — Expedition of Murat against Naples — Armistice of Foligno
— Peace of Luneville — Campaign of 1801— English Expedition against Copen
hagen — ^Naval Battle of Copenhagen — Armistice ¦with the Danes and Death
of Paul I. — English Descent upon Egypt — ^Eesignation of Pitt — Situation of
France — ^Necessity of a new Eeli^ous System — ^Best means of accomplishing
this Change — Chances in Favor of the Eeformation — The Concordat— Objec
tions made to it — Fault of my Successors — Negotiations of London — Pre
liminaries signed — Peace with Eussia and the Porte — Acquisition of Loui
siana — The Infant of Parma, King of Etruria — Expedition to St. Domingo
and Guadaloupe— Provisional Reunion of Piedmont — Affairs of Switzerland
and the Cisalpine — Italian Republic — The English — Lord CornwaEia Euvoy to

Oa VI.] CAMPAIGNS OP 1800 AND 1801. 295
Amiens — ^Debates upon Malta — The definitive Peace — Its Reception in London
and France — The Tribunat abolished — Consulate for Life — The Principles of
my Works — Solemn PubHcation of the Concordat — Reunion of Piedmont —
Couuter-Revolutiou in Switzerland — Friendly Eelatmns with Russia — Indem
nities in Germany.
Napoleon's Return from Egypt. — In tracing out the pre
ceding campaign, I have anticipated events : we will now
return to the vessel which sailed from Alexandria on the
twenty-fourth of August, bearing my destinies and those of
Europe. Our passage, though long, was fortunate, and, the
sixth of October, I landed at Frejus. My presence excited
the enthusiasm of the people. My military glory reassured
all those who had been alarmed at the idea of a foreign inva
sion. My journey resembled a triumph, and I saw on my
arrival at Paris that France was at my disposal, for every
thing seemed ripe for a great change.'*
Necessity of a Change in the Government. — After a revo
lution which had completely destroyed the social edifice,
* Thiers thus describes Napoleon's reception in Prance: " The inhabitants of
Provence had, for three successive years, been apprehensive of an invasion by
the enemy. Bonaparte had delivered them from this fear in 1796 ; but it had
recurred with more force than ever since the battle of Novi. On learning that
Bonaparte had anchored off the coast, they fancied that thefr saviour had arrived.
All the inhabitants of Prejus thronged to the beach, and in a moment the sea was
covered with boats. A multitude, intoxicated with enthusiasm and curiosity,
stormed tho vessels, and, breaking through all the sanatory laws, communicated
with the new comers. All inquired for Bonaparte — all were anxious to see him.
It was now too late to enforce sanatory measures. The administration of Health
was obliged to dispense the general from quarantine, otherwise it must have con
demned the whole population, which had already communicated with the crews,
to the same precaution. Bonaparte immediately landed, and resolved to set out
the same day for Paris.
" The telegraph, speedy as the winds, had already spread along the road from
Frejus to Paris the extraordinary tidings of the landing of Bonaparte. The
most confiised joy immediately burst forth. The news, proclaimed in all the
theatres, had produced an extraordinary ex;citement there. Patriotic songs eveiy-
where superseded the theatrical representations. Baudin, deputy of the Arden
nes, one of the framers of the constitution of the year IIL, a wise and sincere
republican, passionately attached to the republic and deeming it undone unless a
powerful arm should come to' uphold it, died of joy on hearing of this event"

296 LIFE OP NAPOLEON. [Ch. "VL
creating new interests and habits ; a government, desirous
of putting an end to the irregularities and license of popu
lar commotions, should not only endeavor to improve the
laws springing from these factions or enthusiastic commo
tions, but should establish a charter fixing invariably the
basis of organic laws, and the principles of public liberty ;
lea-ving to time and experience to draw up the detailed laws
requisite for the administration of the government, and to
determine the rights and duties of the citizens. Every intel
ligent magistrate saw that the constitution of the year III.
was detestable, and the authorities it had produced, destitute
of capacity ; but they were not so well agreed as to the rem
edies proper to be applied. It was very difficult to deter
mine these. At first sight it might seem most proper to
intrust the legislative body with reforming the constitutional
part. Nevertheless it was to be feared that this body, jealous
of all executive power, would endeavor to increase its own
authority at the expense of the other, thus destroying the
fundamental principles of the primitive institutions. If it
were given, on the other hand, to the executive power, it was
equally to be feared that under the pretext of public safety,
this would be equally inclined to increase its own preroga
tives at the expense of the legislative body. If, to avoid
these two rocks, the protection or reform of the constitution
were confided to a third authority, the desired object seemed
but little more likely to be attained, for the same contests
would continue, notwithstanding a change of name in the
contending parties. Much cruel experience had shown that
any important reforms, in a representative government, are
attended by great danger to public liberty, and the vices
introduced are frequently greater than those attempted to be
extirpated. There was one other means of reform, not less terrible than
the three already mentioned, but wffich is not fatal to the

Ch. VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 297
nations which are compelled to resort to it ; — I mean the
force of the bayonet. Whatever mere politicians may say upon
this subject, many instances may be cited where a resort to
this remedy has saved the nation from worse calamities, such
as the dissolution of the parliament by Cromwell, that of the
senate of Stockholm by Gustavus IIL, and the coup-d'etat
of the eighteenth Brumaire. It may very well happen, how
ever, as it frequently does, that these remedies are worse than
the disease itself. It is not my present intention to enter
into any minute discussion of these revolutionary reforms,
but merely to make a few observations necessary for appre
ciating the course -which I pursued in the important event
about to occur in France.
At this epoch every body in France desired a revision of
the constitution and the abrogation of the laws passed by the
Assemblies. The general opinion was against the Directory,
whose administration for the last two years- had produced
only disasters, whose despotic authority had shown, in the
events of the eighteenth Fructldor and the twenty-second
Flor6al, but whose inefficiency and absolute nullity had been
laid bare on the thirtieth Prairial. The people were equally
tired of the scandalous debates which daily occurred in the
Councils ; and their state of permanent hostility to tbe exec
utive power, caused a desire for a more just balance between
the principal authorities of the Eepublic.
Projects of Sieyes. — ^^Sieyes, occupying a place for the last
three months in the supreme magistracy, had attentively
examined the progress of public opinion. Advantageously
known by the success of his diplomatic missions, as well as
by his administrative talents, and still enjoying the popularity
acquired by his earlier writings, he conceived the project of
substituting, in place of tbe existing authorities, a govern
ment of more force and unity, and especially guaranteeing
the property and rights of citizens. He was the more in-

298 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ca VL
terested in this, inasmuch as the Jacobins, enraged at the
closing of the Manege, had already openly denounced him in
their journals and demanded that the Councils should annul
his election as unconstitutional ; some pretended that be bad
projected the calling of a prince of Brunswick to the throne
of France, and that his mission to Berlin was for this object
alone ; others thought this crafty constitution-maker had
reserved for himself the presidency for hfe of the Eepublic —
an office which he thought to estabhsh. This project was
possible, though not exempt from danger ; all France was
in fact conspiring for the overthrow of the present system,
and even the Directors themselves, though each in his own
way, were working with ardor for the ruin of the edifice
which they felt themselves incapable of sustaining. Many
of the legislators soon adopted the project of Sieyes, particu
larly the members of the Council of Ancients. But the
Council of Five Hundred, notwithstanding the changes of
Flor6al, still contained many old Eepublican zealots who had
opposed all the recent changes of the government. Never
theless my brother Lucien, president of this Council, had here
formed a powerful party.
One of the men upon whom Sieyes most relied was Talley
rand, under whose orders, as minister of foreign affairs, he
had acted wffile ambassador to Berlin. Besides a conformity
of views, Talleyrand was as desirous as Sieyes to revenge
himself for the vociferations of which a few months before he
had been the object. A brilliant triumph was the only thing
that could restore ffis former reputation, and to obtain
this, no sacrifice was too great. But a revolution of this
character could not be consummated without the assent of
the troops ; it was, therefore, necessary to gain over some
military chief of renown, but docile enough to follow the
course which they might mark out, and to stop when they
should command him. General Moreau and Joubert were

Ca VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 299
those upon whom they ffist fixed their attention ; the first
had inspired some distrust by bis equivocal conduct on the
eighteenth Fructldor, and death snatched away tbe second at
the moment when they flattered themselves that he would
gain by victory sufficient consideration to accomphsh this
great enterprise.
Effect of Napoleon's Return. — Such was the state of
affairs and of pubhc feeling when I arrived at Paris amid the
general acclamations of the people. Sieyes, thinking he could
do nothing without me, hastened, with Lucien, to place in
my hands aU the threads of the conspiracy ; it was now
agreed that my sword must achieve what they had conceived
and prepared. Never, perhaps, were circumstances more
favorable for the accomplishment of a project of this nature.
The majority of the Directory was composed of three men
of no importance ; Barras, the only one who had any
celebrity, owed his importance entirely to the day of Vende
miaire, and to some services rendered in the navy. If these
three Directors had been men of any influence or skill, they
might easily have baffied the conspiracy by the weapons
wMch the constitution had placed in their hands ; but their
own stupor left them plunged into a state of inertia. Be
sides, they were not fully agreed, and Barras himself was the
first to favor a change in the state, provided that he should
be permitted to play a part in it.
Although the Directory had changed three of its members
since the day of Prairial, still it had no authority. The
leaders of the Councils knew that no one would raise a voice
in favor of the majority of the Directory. Neither from
abroad nor from the army could the triumvirs expect any
support. The victories of Massena in Helvetia, and of Brune
in Holland, were compensated by the defeats of the army of
Italy, whose exhaustion and feebleness had opened the fron
tier of the maritime Alps. The ordinary levies were made

300 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. Vl
with greater difficulty from day to day, and the state of
penury m which the recently formed auxiliary battalions
were left, discouraged the conscripts from joining their colors.
The patriotic enthusiasm of 1792 had disappeared with the
circumstances which gave rise to it ; and the conduct of the
government had completely extinguished its last sparks. Add
to this that the victories of the enemy had again lighted up
the ffi-es of civil war in the Departments of the west, and
that the vociferations of 1793, renewed at the Club of the
Manege, had provoked the odious law requiring hostages
from the nobles, the relatives of the emigres, and the princi
pal proprietors of the cantons designated as royahsts. This
unfortunate measure, far from attaining its object, had
renewed the civil war and massacres in Poitou and Brittany.
The finances were squandered, the public credit destroyed,
and the sources of public income dried up. Thus the weak
ness of the government and the faults of its institutions had
united to place France upon the very brink of ruin. Every
body seemed desirous to rescue the country, and each had his
favorite plan. In these projects they all made me a confi
dant. They all counted on me, because they deemed my
sword necessary to carry their projects into execution. But
I counted on no one, and there was nothing to prevent my
selecting the plan which I might think the best.
Fortune was about to place me at the head of the state ;
I was called to rule the Eevolution, to prepare the future
destiny of France, and perhaps of the world. I could not
choose respecting a change of government ; the rule of the
Directory was already virtually at an end. It was necessary
to place in its stead some imposing authority, and there was
none more truly imposing than military glory. The Directory
must therefore be replaced, either by me or by anarchy. France
could not hesitate between the two. The republicans, who
had at first received me with so much empressement, dis-

Ca VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 301
trusted my projects. Even the presence of Sieyes did not
satisfy them. He undertook to draw up a constitution ; but
the Jacobins feared my sword even less than tbe speculative
pen of an abb6.
Revolution of the Eighteenth Brumaire. — All parties
now ranged themselves under two banners — those opposed
and those favorable to my elevation. Nevertheless, it became
necessary to employ the bayonet in effecting the revolution
of the eighteenth Brumaire, though I at one time had
hoped that it might be made by acclamation. The signal
was given in the Council of Ancients, where we had on our
side all moderate men, intelligent magistrates, the crafty and
the ambitious, and some of those political alchemists, called
doctrinaires, who sought for a balance of power as they
would seek for the philosopher's stone. But fearing a strong
opposition we had procured the calling of an extraordinary
session, at eight o'clock for the morning of the eighteenth
Brumaire (November ninth), taking care to notify our friends
first. The majority, one hundred and fifty members, met at
the appointed time and voted a transfer of the Councils to
St. Cloud, where they would be secure from the mob which
the partisans of the Directory might incite against us. I
was at the same time invested with the command of the
troops, and all authority necessary for securing the transfer
of the Councils and the maintenance of the public tranquillity.
The measures were taken with precision ; the Council of Five
Hundred, when notified of the decree of transfer, began to
murmur at it, but Lucien, the president, declared the session
closed and the Council adjourned to meet again the next day
at St, Cloud.
Immediately on being invested ¦with the command, I estab
hshed my head-quarters in the Tuileries, where a force of
eight thousand men was soon collected. 1 passed them in
review and harangued them. The most important posts were

302 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ca VL
intrusted to the generals most devoted to my interests. All
those who were dissatisfied with the Directory, and Moreau,
one of the first, came to offer me their services and to sohcit
a command. High-sounding proclamations were issued to
the Parisians, inviting them to remain quiet, and promising
public tranquillity and security. I sent to the Directors,
Barras, Gohier, and Moulins, an imperative invitation to
hand in their resignations. The two militaires obeyed, but
the lawyer refused, Barras sent me his resignation by his
secretary, hoping that our former relations might induce me
to give him a place in the new government. But I knew
him too well to make a colleague of him. His message was
received in the Tuileries, where a committee of Ancients, the
minority of the Directory (Sieyes and Eoger-Ducos), and the
greater part of the military chiefs were assembled, I took
advantage of the occasion to infiuence the minds of my troops
and all others present, Eeplying briefly to the messenger of
Barras, I added with a loud voice : " What have you done
with that France which I left so brihiant ? I left you
peace, I have found war ; I left you victories, I have found
defeats ; I left you the millions of Italy, I have found de
spoiling laws and wretchedness. What has become of the
hundred thousand Frenchmen whom I knew ? all my com
panions in glory ? They are dead 1 , , , , Such a state of
things can not possibly last ; in less than three years it would
lead us to despotism, , , , It is time to restore to the defenders
of the country that confldence to which they have such strong
claims. We wish no better patriots than those brave men
who have been mutilated in the service of the Eepublic."
The next day the legislators removed to St. Cloud, pre
ceded by five thousand soldiers, who guarded the avenues
and gates of the chateau. The Ancients had their session in
the ancient gallery, and at the orangery. The preparations
for the accommodation of the members delayed the session

Ca VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 18 00 AND 1801, 303
for a couple of hours, so that the Eepublicans had time to
concert a plan of resistance, or rather of attack. The sessions
were begun in a strong manner. I first entered the meeting
of the Ancients, and proved to them the existence of a con
spiracy, denouncing to them the overtures made to me by
Barras and Moulins to strike a coup-d'etat in their favor. I
demanded prompt measures to save the Eepublic ; they
opposed to me the constitution, and I showed that, violated
on so many occasions, it had become a mere collection of
words, utterly useless, except as a cloak to factions. After
strongly urging the majority not to disappoint the expecta
tion of France, I cried out : " Shall I tremble before fac-
tionists ! I whom the foreign coalition could not destroy !
If I am guilty of perfidy, be ye the Brutuses ; and you, ye
brave grenadiers who have accompanied me here — let those
bayonets, with wliich we have so often triumphed together,
be instantly pointed at my heart. But if any orator, paid
by foreigners, dares to pronounce the word outlaw, let the
thunderbolt of war instantly crush him. Eecollect that
I march accompanied by ihe god of fortune and by the god
of war !" It was Mahomet speaking to his faithful Seides t
These words, although addressed to my soldiers, were also
intended for my opponents. I was now engaged in the con
test, and I must either conquer or die. There was no middle
course. But it was not from tbe Council of Ancients that I
had most to fear ; my most formidable adversaries were sit
ting in the Council of Five Hundred. At the opening of the
session of this body, Gaudin, one of the secretaries, was
charged with proposing the formation of a committee of seven
members to report on the public danger, and on the means of
obviating this danger. His speech was the signal for the
tempest ; cries of Vive la constitution, d bas les dictateurs!
.drowned his voice. In the midst of this tumult Delbrel
moved that first of all, the representatives should renew

304 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Ca VL
their oath of fidelity to the constitution of the year 111. ; his
motion passed unanimously. Lucien saw himself compelled,
though unwillingly, to swear first. The republicans had suc
ceeded in producing a momentary enthusiasm, and in gain-
ingover to their party those who had not been admitted into
the secret of the conspiracy. But they did not know how to
profit by their first success ; and, instead of declaring the
country in danger and adopting a vigorous course, they con
sumed three hours in taking the oath and in vain debates on
the resignation of Barras. At this moment I descended
from the hall of the Ancients to that of the Five Hundred.
I had been informed of what was passing there, and presum
ing that the scene would not be very tranquil, I had put the
troops under arms and directed a detachment of grenadiers
to be ready to aid me if necessary.
' These precautions were not useless ; for hardly had I
crossed the threshhold of the door, when they raised the cry ,
of outlaios. Tbe Deputy, Bigonnet, sprung to the tribune,
and, apostrophizing me, directed me to retire. Some crowded
around the tribune, and others, by their threatening looks
and gestures, manifested their intention of making me suffer
the fate of Csesar. In vain did I endeavor to make myself
heard ; my most furious enemies, among whom I noticed
Ar6na and Destrem, advanced against me (it is said) armed
with poignards. Seeing that nothing could be effected in
this way, I left this assembly, of which an angry sea lashed
by the winds gives but a feeble image, and took refuge among
my soldiers. But my departure did not restore order ; Lucien,
left alone to make head against the storm, had to support
the invectives of a great number of the representatives who
accused him of being my accomplice, and insisted upon his
declaring me an outlaw. Every moment the disorder in
creased ; opposite propositions were made from the different
comers of the hall, and the president tried in vain to restore

Ch. VI.] CAMPAIGNS OF 18 00 AND 1801. 305
tranquillity. This violent state could not long continue :
Lucien, seeing his command disregarded and his voice drowned
by the vociferations of the most fiery members, stripped off
his insignia of office and left the hall m the midst of a de
tachment which I had sent to his rescue.
I only waited for this signal to avenge myself for the
insults I had received. But to give my conduct all the
forms of legality, Lucien harangued the troops, telling them
that the national representation was exposed to the poignards
of a band of assassins, and, in his quality of president, re
quiring their aid to drive these factionists from the council
hall To these words, closing with the usual phrase of Vive
la Republiqtce, the soldiers responded by Vive Bonaparte !
Twenty grenadiers advanced toward the hall, and the supe
rior officer, who preceded them, summoned the deputies to
retire. Prudon, Digonnet, and General Jourdan invoked the
constitution and apostrophized the grenadiers ; these, aston
ished at such words from one who had formerly led them to
victory, opposed only their force of inertia ; the slightest in
cident might have destroyed our projects. But Murat soon
decided every thing by declaring that the legislative body was
dissolved. The charge was beaten, new troops approached,
and in an instant the hall was abandoned by the representa
tives. Some fled to the Council of Ancients, and denounced,,
at the bar of the Council, the act of their expulsion. But
the Ancients paid little attention to their complaints, and
were occupied with the report of the committee on the for
mation of a provisional consular government.
At nine o'clock they succeeded in collecting together a con
siderable number of deputies in tbe orangery, and Lucien
declared the Council in majority and opened the session.
Most of the opposition members were absent, and the few
that were present were too much frightened to make any for
mal opposition. The project of Chazal passed, unanimously.
VOL. I. — 20.

306 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ca VI.
Its principal features were the abolition of the Directory, the
appointment of myself, Sieyes, and Eoger Duces as Consuls
of the Eepublic, the expulsion of sixty-one deputies, noted
as demagogues, the adjournment of the legislature for three
months, and the appointment of two temporary committees
of the two Councils, the one to make the necessary changes
in the organic principles of the constitution, and the other
to remodel the civil code. This law was soon sanctioned by
the Ancients, and, after receiving the oaths of the new ad
ministrators of France, the two Councils, at five o'clock in
the morning, closed their long and stormy session.
During the two days of these debates the inhabitants of
the capital remained perfectly tranquil. Accustomed to
political storms, and giving no faith to the promises of lib
erty given by a party of demagogues, they rejoiced at an
event which promised them more quiet and happy times.
No one took any interest in a constitution so frequently
violated by its pretended friends. The authorities of the
former government had lost all influence or consideration ;
all hope was placed in the coming administration. Natural
partisans of a regime somewhat monarchical, the nobles and
priests now looked for the end of their misfortunes ; land
holders for the resurrection of credit ; holders of national
property for the guarantee of their possessions ; the army
for an end of its disasters ; in fine, the whole population
looked for a new era of happiness and security. The aboli
tion of the odious laws of hostages and of forced loans, soon
justified a part of these hopes ; and public confidence, wffich
seemed to have departed forever, insensibly pervaded all
•classes of the nation. In this revolution Moreau had volun
teered his assistance, and, commanding a battalion under my
orders, had marched to the Luxembourg. This course of con
duct does not very well accord with the title of Seide of
Eepublicanism to which he frequently laid claim, nor

Ca VL] CAMPAIGNS OP 1 8 0 0 AND 1801. 307
with his pretended projects for restoring the Bourbons
in 1813 !
Project of a Constitution. — After the dissolution of the
Councils they were replaced by a legislative commission, and
a committee was charged with drawing up a new constitution.
Sieyes amused us with the project of a Grand Elector, who
should appoint two consuls, with the power of absorbing
them in case they ventured to exceed their powers. One of
these consuls was to be charged with the foreign policy and
war, and the other with the affairs of the interior. It was
the height of absurdity to think of ffividing the public
administration between two consuls independent of each
other, as if the internal and external affairs were entirely
disconnected ; but what seemed still more ridiculous was an
elector, without authority and without disposable forces,
charged with directing, and even impeacffing a consul who
had at his disposal an army of half a milhon of men ! It
was evident that SiSyes intended himself for the office of
absorbing elector, so as to govern without either the trouble
or responsibihty of doing so. This kind of Grand Lama
for a ruler did not at all suit a warlike nation, like the French,
much less a people plunged into all the embarrassments of a
great revolution, and an internal and external war to which
history hardly furnishes a parallel
Consular Government. — I demonstrated these faults, and
proposed a first consul, chief of the state, and two other con
suls as a consffiting Council This project was approved,
to the great displeasure of the disappointed Lycurgus. The
first place in this trio belonged of right to me ; and to
avoid all rivalry, I took good care that my rivals should be
neither military men nor men of ambition. I caused Cam-
bac^r^s and Lebrun to be chosen. The first was a jurist
celebrated for his erudition, the second had been an en
lightened administrator; both were men of business but

308 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VI.
without energy — in fine, just such coUeagues as I desired. The
ministry was composed as follows : Berthier, minister of war ;
Talleyrand, of foreign affairs ; Barbe-Marbois, and Gaudin,
of finance ; Bourdon, Forf'ait, and D6cr^s successively, of the
navy ; Abrial, then Eegnier, of justice ; Laplace, my brother
Lucien, then Chaptal of the interior ; the inevitable Fouche,
of police ; the important post of secretary of state, which
served as a kind of centre to all the other branches of the gov
ernment, was given to Maret, who united the talents of a
statesman to a thorough knowledge of diplomacy, and who
passed through the Eevolution with a reputation unsullied.*
The public voice had given to me the first place in the
state. The resistance which might be opposed to me did not
trouble me, because it only came from those who were ruined
in public estimation. The royalists had not yet appeared.
Had they come, they would have been instantly seized. The
mass of the nation had confidence in me, for they knew that
the Eevolution could not have a better guarantee than mine.
My strength consisted in placing myself at the head of the
interests which it had created, for by making it retrograde
I should have found myself on the ground of the Bourbons.
It was necessary that the nature of my power should be

* Hugues Bernard Maret was bom at Dijon in 1763. After completing his
studies, he repaired to Paris, and at the sittings of the States General became
reporter for the BulMin de VAssemblie and afterward for the Moniiewr. His flrst
diplomatic post was secretary of legation to Hamburg ; he was afterward pro
moted to Brussels, and in 1792 received the important mission to Loudon. On
his way to Italy as minister to Naples, he was arrested by the Austrians and
cast into prison, where he was confined for nearly two years. He distinguished
himself at the negotiations of Lille with Lord Malmsbury. After the eighteenth
Bramaire his career became inseparable from that of Napoleon, who sent him on
many important missions. He was made Duke of Bassano in 1809. On the
return of the Bourbons in 1815, he was banished to Gratz, in Syria, but in 1820
was permitted to return to France and settie upon his estates in Burgundy.
He has been described by all historians as a man of much intelligence, and a
most unshaken fidelity. He enjoyed the utmost confidence of Napoleon, and
never betrayed it.

Ca VI.] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 309
wholly new, in order that all ambitions should there find the
means of living ; but there was nothing definitive in its
nature. Men of theories, who wished something definitive,
found fault with it. This, however, was its great merit, for
it was a dictatorship in disguise, a kind of government most
suitable for times of crisis and in a transitory order of things.
Perhaps it would have been better to have boldly seized the
dictatorship ; every one would then have seen my power ; this
would have been of much advantage. The dictatorship would
have prejudiced nothing for the future, would have left opin
ions in suspense, and have intimidated the enemy by showing
him the firm resolution of France : but the name was objec
tionable, and the time for a definitive order of things had
not yet come.
If by the constitution I was only the first magistrate of the
Eepublic, I had for the baton of command a sword more
formidable than the sabre of Scanderberg. There was an
incompatibility between my constitutional rights and the
ascendency which resulted from my character and my actions.
The enlightened public felt this as well as I did. Things
could' not long continue so, and were naturally tending to
changes which would give force and stability to the state.
The public will placed me at the head of the state. I
had on my side a large body of the people ; my opponents
were mostly men who had lost the public confidence. In
assuming the reins of power I found more courtiers than I
wished ; my ante-rooms were crowded.*
* Thiers, an ardent republican, and staunch friend of republican governments,
writes as follows on the overthrow of the Directory, and the establishment of
the Consulate : " Such was the revolution of the eighteenth Brumaire, on which
such opposite opinions are entertained, which is regarded by some as an outrage
which annulled our straggling liberty, by others as a daring, but necessary act,
that put an end to anarchy. What may justly be said of it is, that the Revolu
tion, after assuming all the characters, monarchical, republican, and democratic,
at length took the mihtary character, because, amid that perpetual confiiot
with Europe, it was requisite that it should constitute itself in a strong and quiet

310 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VL
Napoleon proposes Peace.— The present situation of
France gave me uneasiness. Notwithstanding my chances of
success I preferred peace. I could then offer it in good faith,
for the preceffing disasters were not of my making. I could
come forward unembarrassed by the differences of the former
administration. Mr. Pitt refused it : and never did tffis
statesman commit so great an error, for this moment was
perhaps the only one when the allies could have made peace
with security. France, in asking peace, acknowledged her
self vanquished, and the people relieved themselves of all
their misfortunes, except that of being under the yoke of
adversity. By this refusal, the English minister forced me
to redouble my efforts, and in this way I extended my em
pire over the west of Europe. The form of this refusal was
not less extraordinary than the thing itself : I had addressed
manner. The republicans deplore so many useless efforts, so much blood spilt
to no purpose, in order to found Uberty in France, and they are grieved to see
it immolated by one of the heroes whom it had brought forth. But here the
noblest sentiment leads them into error. The Revolution which was to give us
liberty, and which has prepared every thing for our enjoying it some day or
other, ¦was not of itself, neither could it be, liberty. It was destined to be a great
straggle against the old order of things. After conquering in France, it was
requisite that it should conquer in Europe. But so violent a struggle admitted
not of the forms or the spirit of liberty. For a moment, and but a brief one,
the country possessed liberty under the Constituent Assembly ; but when the
populace became so menacing as to intimidate public opinion ; when it stormed
the Tuileries on the tenth of August ; when, on the second of September, it
sacrificed all those of whom it felt distrust ; when, on the twenty-first of January,
it forced every one to compromise himself with it by imbraing his hands in
royal blood; when, in August, 1793, it obliged all the citizens to hasten to the
frontiers, or to part ¦with their property ; when itself abdicated its power, and re
signed it to that great Committee of Public Safety, composed of twelve indi-
¦viduals — was there, could there be liberty ? No, there was a violent effort of
enthusiasm and heroism ; there was the muscular tension of a wrestler engaged
¦with a potent antagonist. After this moment of danger, after our -victories,
there was a moment of relaxation. The latter end of the Convention and the
Directory exhibited moments of liberty. But the struggle ¦with Europe could
be only temporarily suspended. It soon recommenced, and, on the first reverse,
all parties rose against a too moderate government, and invoked a mighty arm.
Bonaparte, retuming from the East, was hailed as sovereign, and called to
supreme power. It is absurd to say that Zurich had saved France. Zurich was

Ch. VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 18 00 AND 1801. 311
myself directly to the King of England : the letter remained
unanswered ; the secretary of foreign affairs wrote one to
Talleyrand in which he indicated the restoration of the
Bourbons as the only means of ending the war in Europe.
It was curious to see a government, which had twice, in
the treaties of Lille, recognised the Eepublic and the Direc
tory, now refuse to treat with an authority much more firmly
established, and made illustrious by victory. It was, in fact,
tbe very vacillating and temporary character of the Directory
wffich constituted its merits, for, in the estimation of England,
that was best which was best calculated to injure France.
At the same time that I proposed peace to England, I sought
also to treat with Eussia. Paul I. was indignant at the
reverses sustained by his troops in Holland, and cast the
blame of it upon the English. Suwarrow also complained
of tbe Austrian general for abandoning the smaller cantons
at the moment that he entered them. Irritated by his dis
astrous but honorable retreat, he afterward disagreed with

but an accident, a respite ; it required a Marengo and a Hohenlinden to save
her. It required something more than military successes. It required a power
ful reorganization at home of all the departments of the government, and it was a
political chie^ rather than a military chief; which France needed. The eighteenth
and nineteenth of Bramaire were, therefore, necessary. All we can say is, that
the twentieth is to be condemned, and that the hero made a bad use of the ser
vice which he had just rendered. But we may be told that he came to perform
a mysterious task, imposed, without his being aware of it, by Fate, of which he
was the involuntary agent. It was not liberty that he came to continue, for that
could not yet exist. He came to continue, under monarchical forms, the Revo
lution in the world ; he same to continue it, by seating himself; a plebeian, on a
throne, by bringing the pontiff to Paris to anoint a plebeian brow with the
sacred oil ; by creating an aristocracy with plebeians; by obliging the old aris
tocracies to associate themselves ¦with his plebeian aristocracy ; by making kings
of plebeians ; by taking to his bed the daughter of the Cfflsars, and mingling
plebeian blood with the blood of one of the oldest reigning families in Europe •
by blending all nations ; by introducing the French laws in Germany, in Italy,
and in Spain ; by dissolving so many spells ; by mixing up together and con
founding so many things. Such was the immense task which he came to per
form ; and meanwhile the state of society was to consolidate itself under the
protection of his sword; and liberty was to follow some day."

312 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VT.
the Archduke Charles, in consequence of which the Eussian
army separated from the Austrians and retired into Bavaria.
Profiting by this occasion, I endeavored to conciliate the
Emperor Paul ; I sent him back, without exchange or ran
som, five or six thousand prisoners with a complete new out
fit. Tffis was not lost : no treaty was concluded, it is true,
but the Eussians took no further part in the coalition, and
their army soon returned to Poland. Although its force was
reduced to thirty or thirty-five thousand, its retreat was
nevertheless an important event. The refusal of England
and Austria left me no choice ; I sought peace, but they
forced me into war ; it was therefore necessary to prepare to
prosecute it with vigor. Although European affairs fixed so
much of my attention, I nevertheless neither forgot the army
which I had left in Egypt, nor the maritime means necessary
for its succor.
Fall of Tippoo-Saeb. — Great events had occurred in the
East : at the moment that I raised the siege of St. Jean
d'Acre, our ancient ally Tippoo-Saeb fell in India. As soon
as the Enghsh mimstry had learned the certainty of my
descent in Egypt, it withdrew from the Tagus, Gibraltar,
and other ports, all the disposable forces, and set sail in all
haste with a corps of five thousand men for India. The Mar
quis of Wellesley resolved to profit, without delay, by these
reenforcements to strike a decisive blow against Tippoo-Saeb
so as to deprive us of the powerful support which this Mus
sulman warrior might afford us in the centre of Hindostan.
Certain of the alliance of the Nizam, and of the neutrahty
of Scffindiah and the Mahrattas, the sworn enemies of the
Mussulman caste, the English, under Generals Harris, Stuart,
and Wellesley (afterward Wellington), attacked the states
of the Sultan, and, after several combats more or less dis
puted, laid siege to Seringapatam which was breached and
taken on the third of May, 1799, after an assualt more cele-

Ch. VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 313
brated than bloody. Tippoo, faithful to his glory, buried
himself beneath the ruins of his palace, and his estates were
divided between the English company and its creatures.
This important and decisive blow, joined to the probable fall
of Malta which had been blockaded by the English for two
years, rendered the situation of our army in Egypt extremely
precarious, but not yet desperate.
Maritime Affairs. — I directed Gantheaume to leave Brest
and carry to Egypt reenforcements of arms and munitions.
The Spanish fleet being still conflned to Brest, where (it
will be remembered) it had returned with Brffix, and that
of Holland not yet recovered from the disaster of Camper-
down, I did not see, for the moment, any thing that could
be done at sea. Ireland no longer offered the same chances
as formerly under the Directory ; England, taking warning by
the descent of General Humbert's little detachment, had con
centrated there a powerful army under Lord Cornwallis : more
than forty thousand men had been successively transported
to Ireland, and the greater part of the insurgents, deceived
by promises which were never realized, had laid down their
arms. Since 1796, the affairs of St. Domingo had taken a
more favorable turn : Toussaint L'Ouverture having declared,
with his blacks, in favor of the Eepubhc, reestablished order in
the culture of the fields, defeated the mulattoes, shut up the
English in St. Marc, where General Maitland, despairing of
success, proposed to recognize him as sovereign of Hayti.
The Directory had sent Hedouville to him, but the adroit and
jealous Toussaint had forced him to return to France, and in
the hope of avoiding an open rupture with us, he declined
the proposition of our enemies and affected the most entire
devotion to the Eepublic. Guadaloupe supported itself with
success. Martinique had for six years been m the possession
of the Enghsh ; the Dutch colonies of Surinam, and Es-

314 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CaVL
sequibo, on the South American continent, had faUen into their
power, as weU as the island of Cura9ao.
Continental Armies. — If the maritime war offered few
opportunities for my activity, the continental war occupied
me so much the more seriously. The army of Italy, reduced
to thirty thousand active men, had taken refuge on the rocks
of Genoa. Ten thousand others were guarding the Mari
time-Alps, and Dauphiny. The army of the Ehine, which
amounted to one hundred thousand combatants, was can
toned in Alsace and Switzerland, from Strasburg to Sehaff
hausen. Our troops did not venture to recross the Alps in
presence of the superior forces which the enemy had collected
in the basin of the Po. It was necessary for us either to
enter Germany and Italy at the same time, or to strike such
decisive blows on the Danube as to enable me to reconquer the
peninsula, by dictating peace to Austria. It was necessary
to recapture Mantua, Alexandria, and Milan, at Vienna.
This was my plan.
I called in the conscripts ; I caused arms to be forged ; I
woke up the sentiment of national honor, which had only
slumbered in the breasts of Frenchmen. I collected an
army, young, it is true, but full of enthusiasm. Our reverses
had again hghted up the fires of civil war in La Vend6e. I
sent there two divisions of the army of Brune which had
been so victorious in Holland. The approach of these troops
and a more moderate course on the part of the government,
caused the insurgents and the royalist chiefs to lay down
their arms. These forces were now disposable for operations
in the south of France.
Miserable as was the condition of the army of Italy, that
of the Ehine, united with the army of Helvetia, was in all
respects good ; I gave the command of it to Moreau, sending
him a sufficient number of recruits for completing his corps
and enabling him to take the offensive. The remainder of

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OF 180 0 AND 1801. 315
my disposable troops were collected at Dijon, where I organ
ized an army of reserve of forty thousand men which, from
this central position, could march into Swabia, Switzerland,
or Italy, as circumstances might requhe. The divisions
which had just suppressed the insurrection in La Vend6e,
formed the nucleus of this army.
Plan of Campaign. — The possession of Switzerland gave
us an opportunity to take in reverse the enemy's lines of
operation in Italy and Swabia. My first thought was to
leave on the defensive the army of Massena in the Apennines,
and to move those of the reserve and of the Ehine into the
valley of the Danube. The constitution of the year VIII.
not allowing a consul to command an army in person, my
intention was to give the command of the reserve to a lieu
tenant, and to leave the grand army to Moreau ; but in fol-
lowmg the head-quarters of the latter, I could direct the
operations of both. I wished Moreau to cross at Sehaffhau
sen, take Kray in reverse, and drive him into the angle of
the Main and the Ehine, cutting him off from Vienna ; m a
word, effecting against the left of the Austrian general the
same operation wffich, five years after, I effected against the
right of Mack at Donawert : we might afterward march
without obstacle against Austria and reconquer Italy at
Vienna. But it was impossible to overcome the obstinacy
of Moreau, who wished to play some brihiant part on his
own account. He at first refused to command under me, if
I came to his army ; and he afterward objected to my plans,
pretending that the passage at Sehaffhausen was dangerous.
I was not yet sufficiently firm in my position to come to an
open rupture with a man who had numerous partisans m the
army, and who only wanted the energy to attempt to put
himself in my place. It was necessary to negotiate with him
as a separate power, as indeed, at that time, he really was.
I therefore left him the command of the finest army which

316 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CaVL
France had seen for a long time, and aUowed him to move
upon the Danube at his pleasure. I myself decided to con
duct my conscripts by the St. Gothard into Lombardy, secur
ing the concert of Lecourbe, as soon as Moreau should gain
his first success. Our affairs in Italy at this time seemed
ruined beyond hope. England was preparing to act there
¦with an army ; Naples, Tuscany, Eome, encouraged by our
past reverses, might make great efforts against us.
Pius VI. and Pius VII. — In evacuating Italy, the Direc
tory had caused Pius VI. to be removed to France. This
was certainly a great error, if nothing more. They certainly
could not at that time expect to transfer the Holy See into
France,* and the Directory could not hope to entirely destroy
its infiuence. The aged Pius VI. had already one foot in the
grave, and he expired at Briangon, a few days after his
arrival. He appointed at his death the celebrated Chia-
ramonte. Bishop of Imola, who was proclaimed Pope, at the
beginning of 1800, under the title of Pius VII. He was
an excellent pontiff, and professed for me sentiments which
never belied themselves. We both regretted, more than
once, that our respective positions placed us in opposition.
But the Church wishes to rffie .... it is exclusive ; the
policy of the Vatican has always been the same since the
time of Gregory : if it has sometimes slept under moderate
and philanthropic popes, still it has always woke up under
the more ambitious, and Europe should never cease to
watch it.
Project of the Allies on Genoa and Tonlon. — England,
who had never neglected an occasion to expel us from a mari
time port, had concerted with Austria a project to drive us
even from Genoa ! General Abercrombie, after his unsuc-
* The transfer of the Pope to Paris by Napoleon was a different affair; Eome
was then a part of his possessions, and the removal was merely a change of the
Holy See from one of his capitals to another.

ChVL] campaign of 1800 AND 1801. 317
cessful expedition to Holland, was directed to assemble a
corps of twenty thousand English at Minorca, to assist the
imperialists. It is probable that the views of the cabinet of
London were not confined to Liguria, and that, full of confi
dence in the success of the fine army of Melas, it hoped to
carry the standards of the coalition even to the walls of
Toulon. Massena blockaded in Genoa. — The Austrian general, who
had an army three times as numerous as that of the French,
had succeeded in penetrating, April sixth, from Cairo to
Savona, and in this way cutting in two our line of defense.
Massena, with the right of the army, twelve thousand strong,
had been obhged to shut himself up in Genoa. Melas caused
this place to be invested with thirty-five thousand Austrians
under Ott, while Kaim covered Piedmont, and he himself,
with the remaining thirty thousand men, moved against the
left of the French army commanded by Suchet. The latter,
with only eight or nine thousand, pressed in front by supe
rior forces, and constantly turned by the left, was obliged to
faU back and cover himself behind the Var.
Napoleon's Plan of Operations. — The news of these events,
vexatious as they were in themselves, assured me that Melas
had directed his attention exclusively to the vicmity of
Genoa, and would not be prepared to parry the blow which
I was preparing to strike. I felt that the propitious moment
had arrived for invading Italy on the side where I was least
expected. But as it was necessary to hasten to the rescue of
Genoa, and as the march by the St. Gothard was a long one,
I resolved to attempt the St. Bernard, leaving the first of
these routes to the corps which was to march from the Ehine.
I set out from Dijon about the first of May.
First Operations on the Rhine. — In order to accelerate
the arrival of the reenforcements wffich Moreau was to send
me, it was necessary to wait for him to take the initiative ;

318 LIFEOFNAPOLEON* [Ch. VL
his army began to move about the last of April. It was
more than one hundred thousand strong, without including
the garrisons of Mayence, Strasburg, and the other places of
the Ehine. Kray, who was opposed to Moreau, had as large
a force, but the Aulic Council had paralyzed his left by order
ing it to remain in the mountains of the Voralberg. Favored
by this circumstance, which secured him the superiority of
disposable forces, Moreau made demonstrations by his left
toward Kehl, moved with the half of his army from Bale on
Engen, and there effected a junction with Lecourbe, who had
just passed the Ehine at Sehaffhausen at the head of the
army of Helvetia, which was to form the right wing. Kray,
encamped at the sources of the Danube, near Doneschingen,
instead of operating to prevent the junction, fell into the
snare, and pushed his right toward Kehl. While returmng,
his army encountered that of Moreau at Engen, when it was
too late ; it was beaten on the third of May. Lecourbe con
tributed most to this success by carrying Stockach, a decisive
point wffich menaced the enemy's line of retreat. Kray was
not more fortunate at Moskirch, two days later, although he
had been rejoined by his right wing before the arrival of
Moreau's left ; he now retired on Ulm in two columns ; one
of these was defeated at Biberach, on the eighth of May.
Having sustained great losses, he took refuge in the vast in
trenched camp at Ulm.
Carnot made Minister of War. — Berthier having been
made commander-in-chief of the army of reserve, the port
folio of war was given temporarily to Carnot. As soon as I
thought the battle of Engen had been fought, I ffispatched this
minister to detach twenty thousand men by the St. Gothard
on the Ticino ; I myself at the same time set out firom Dijon
for Geneva. Moreau was greatly offended at the mission of
Carnot ; nevertheless, after what had passed on the subject
of the plan of the campaign, how could I throw myself head-

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 319
long into Lombardy before being certain that the detach
ment would be made without some difficulty or delay ?
Passage of the Alps. — On the eighth of May, I arrived at
Geneva, from whence I ordered demonstrations to be made
toward Dauphiny, while the columns of the army of reserve
were already defiling by Lausanne toward the lower Valois.
The passage of the high Alps presented many difficulties,
but I knew that they were not insurmountable. I threw my
principal column, thirty-five thousand strong, on the Great
St. Bernard : General Chabran, with a division of four thou
sand men, took the road by the Little St. Bernard ; General
Moncey, with a corps of fifteen thousand men, detached from
the army of the Ehine, received orders to descend from the
St. Gothard on Belinzona ; a small column under the orders
of General Bethencourt was to pass the Simplon, directing
itself on Domo-Dossola ; finally, in order to distract the
attention of the enemy and deceive him with respect to my
movements, I ordered General Thureau to assemble about
five thousand men, drawn from the places of Dauphiny, and
to debouch on Suza by Mont Cenis and Mont GenSvre.
These well combined movements produced the most happy
results. Melas, kept in uncertainty by my stay at Geneva
and the demonstrations of Mont Cenis, prolongs his stay at
Ventimiglia. First thinking to march with twenty thousand
men into Piedmont, he now changes ffis opinion, and marches
later with only two strong brigades. His army is distributed
as follows : Wukassowich, commanding the right wing,
holds the upper Ticino, at the foot of the St. Gothard ; Lau
don guards the debouch of the Simplon ; Briey covers the
valley of Aosta with three thousand men ; Hadffick and
Kaim occupy, with twenty thousand men, the plain of Pied
mont, the debouch of Ivr6a, the valleys of Suza, Pignerol
and Coni : the main body of the army is fighting in Liguria
and on the Var. The seventeenth of May, General Lannes,

320 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. VI.
who commanded my advance-guard, leaves the town of St.
Pierre and marches on the Great St. Bernard. The baggage
and cannon are ffismounted, and the latter drawn upon
troughs or pieces of timber hollowed out and fitted to receive
them. My presence and the grandeur of the enterprise ani
mate the soldiers to overcome all obstacles.*
In penetrating these gorges of the Alps I felt the most
happy presentiments. The shouts of my soldiers, echoed
back by the mountains, announced to me a certain victory.

* Thiers thus describes Napoleon's personal passage of the Alps! "The arts
have represented him bounding across the snowy Alps on a fiery charger ; but
here is the truth unvarnished. He ascended Mount Saint Bernard in the gray
great coat which he always wore, conducted by a guide of the country ; display
ing, in the most difficult pathsj, the abstraction of a mind occupied elsewhere ;
discoursing ¦with the officers whom he met here and there on the road ; and then
at intervals conversing with the guide who accompanied him, making him talk
of his life, his pleasures, and his troubles, like some idle traveler who has no
better occupation. The guide, who was quite young, laid before him, with in
genuous simplicity, the particulars of his obscure life, and above all the grief he
endured for want of a little money, which rendered him unable to marry one of
the maidens of the valley. The First Consul, now listening to him, now ques
tioning the passengers, with whom the mountains were alive, arrived at the
hospital, where the good monks received him with great eagerness. Hardly had
he alighted, before he ¦wrote a note, which he handed to his guide, desiring him
to give it without delay to the administrator of the army, who had remained on
the other side of the Saint Bernard. In the evening, when the young man
returned to Saint Pierre, he learned with surprise how mighty was the traveler
he had conducted in the morning; and also that General Bonaparte had given
him a field and house ; in fact the means of marrying, and realizing all the
dreams of his modest and moderate ambition. This mountaineer died recently
in his own country, proprietor of the field which had been given to him by the
ruler of the world.
" This suigular act of benevolence, at a moment of so much preoccupation, is
worthy of attention. If it had been the mere caprice of a conqueror, distribut
ing at random good and evil, alternately crashing an empire and building up a
cottage, even such a caprice were worth the recording, if it should merely be to
tempt the masters of the earth to do likewise. But such an act reveals some
thing further. The human soul, in the moment when it bums ¦with ardent
wishes, is inclined to benevolence, and does good, as it were, to merit that good
which, itself, it seeks at the hands of Providence."
The First Consul halted a few minutes with the monks ; thanked them for
their cares toward his army ; and made them a splendid gfft, to be appUedJb the
consolation of travelers and the poor. /

Ch. VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 321
I was returning to Italy, the theatre of my first arms. My
grenadiers, after having reached the summit of the St. Ber
nard, threw up their caps with their red plumes into the air,
and uttered shouts of joy, the ordinary precursors of -victory,
A halt was made at the hospice, where through my care and
that of the good monks who here devote themselves to the
cause of humanity, refreshments were prepared for the columns.
After a short repose they gayly resumed their arms and de
scended the mountain, whose southern slope offered the most
smiling aspect, astonishing the eye and animating the courage
of my soldiers. The Alps were crossed, and we descended
like a torrent into Piedmont. We were all young, generals
and soldiers. We feared neither fatigues nor dangers ; we
cared' for nothing but glory.
The Army arrested by Fort Bard.— Nevertheless, an ob
stacle, whose importance we had not properly estimated, was
near arresting us at the very threshold of our career ! The
army descended the valley of tbe Doria, after routing, at
Chatillon, a small corps of the enemy, which was too feeble
to oppose our march. But on reaching the little Fort of
Bard which, situated on an impregnable rock, was gar
risoned by only four hundred men, we found our passage
closed. It refused to surrender at our summons, and resisted
all our attempts at an escalade. Lannes, with the infantry,
succeeded in effecting a passage by the mountains of Al
baredo ; but neither horses nor cannon could pass ! It was
almost maddening to see one's self arrested by a mere hand
ful of men !
I caused a new road to be cut through the rocks for my
cavalry. My soldiers like those of Hannibal, debouched by
a road cut out with their own hands. But if the Carthage-
nian general was embarrassed by his elephants, I was no less
so by my cannon. Seeing no other means of extricating
myself from this dangerous position, I resorted to stratagem.
VOL. I. — 21.

322 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CaVL
Covering the wheels of the carriages with straw so as to pre
vent all noise in their movements, we drew them, in the
night, while the garrison was asleep, through the streets of
the faubourg directly under the guns of the fort ! This bold
but perilous operation was attended with perfect success, and,
full of hope, we continued our march on Ivr6a.'* Lannes

•¦•¦• Napoleon was still at Martigny, when the couriers of Berthier came to
inform him of the difficulties of passing the little fort. " This announcement,"
says Thiers, " of an obstacle considered insurmountable at first made a terrible
impression on him; but he recovered quickly, and refused positively to admit
the possibility of a retreat. Nothing iu the world should reduce him to such an
extremity. He thought that if one of the loftiest mountains on the globe had
failed to arrest his progress, a secondary rock could not be capable of vanquith-
ing liis courage and his genius. The fort, said ha to himself might be taken by
bold courage; if it could not be taken, it still could be turned. Besides, if the
infantry and the cavalry could pass by it, with but a few four-pounders, they could
then proceed to Ivrea at the mouth of the gorge, and wait until their heavy guns
could foUow them. And if the heavy guns could not pass the obstacle which
had arisen, and if, in order to get away, that of the enemy must be taken, the
French infantry were brave and numerous enough to assail the Austrians and
take their cannon.
" Moreover, he studied his maps again and again, questioned a number of Italian
officers ; and learning from these that many other roads led from Aosta to the
neighboring valleys, he wrote letter after letter to Berthier, forbidding him to
stop the progress of the army, and pointing out to him, with wonderful precision,
what recounoissances should be made around the fort of Bard. He would not
allow himself to see any serious danger except from the arrival of a hostile corps,
shutting up the debouch of Ivrea; ho instructed Berthier to send Lannes as far
as to Ivrea by the path of Albaredo, and make him take a strong position there,
which should bo safe from the Austrian artillery and cavalry. When Lannes
guards the entrance of the valley, added the First Consul, whatever may happen,
it is of little consequence, the only result may be loss of time. We have enough
provisions to subsist ourselves awhile, and one way or other we shall succeed in
avoiding or overcoming the obstacles which now delay us."
The details of the several unsuccessful attempts to carry the place are too long
for insertion. The final operation is thus briefly given by Alison : " In this
¦extremity, the genius and intrepidity of the French engineers surmounted the
diflfioulty. The infantry and cavalry of Lannes' division traversed, one by one,
the path on the Monte Albaredo, and re-formed lower down the valley, while
the artillerymen succeeded in dra^wing their cannon, in the dark, through the
¦town, close under the guns of the fort, by spreading straw and dung upon the
streets, and wrapping the wheels up so as to prevent the slightest sound being
heard. In this manner forty pieces and a hundred caissons were drawn through
¦during the night, while the Austrians, in imoonscious security, slumbered above,

Ca VL] CAMPAIGNS OP 1800 AND 180 1. 323
had already taken this place, and driven the Austrians on
Eomano. There were only three thousand of the enemy in
the valley of Aosta, at the time of our passage ; but more
than thirty thousand were scattered in the valleys of the
Ticino and the Po.
Melas is deceived. — Melas had not comprehended my
manoeuvres. On learning that the army of reserve was march
ing toward Genoa, he imagined that our only object was to
make some demonstration toward the north of Piedmont, in
order to turn his attention from Genoa and relieve Massena
and Suchet. He deemed it merely necessary to detach from
Ventimiglia on Turin, a corps of seven thousand men. How
ever, he soon followed himself at the head of another division,
leaving Ott to besiege Genoa with twenty-five thousand men,
and Elsnitz to cover the Var with eighteen thousand more.
Still thinking that we were merely making a ffiversion, and
deceived by Thureau's attack on Suza the twenty-second of
May, Melas sent Kaim from Turin to oppose this little
column, and moreover assigned to him the greater part of
the reenforcements which he had brought from Nice ; he
marched, on the twenty-fourth of May, to Savigliano. He
thus had, to oppose the sixty thousand men I was leading
beside their loaded cannon, directed straight into the street where the passage
was going forward. A few grenades and combustibles were merely thrown at
random over the ramparts during the gloom, whidi killed a considerable number
of the French engineers, and blew up several of their ammunition wagons, but
vnthout arresting for a moment the passage. Before daylight a sufficient number
were passed to enable the advanced guard to continue its march, and an obstada
which might have proved the ruin of the whole enterprise was effectually over
come. During the succeeding night the same hazardous operation was repeated
witb equal success ; and whUe the Austrian commander was writing to Melas
that he had seen thirty-five thousand men and four thousand horses cross the
path of the Albaredo, but that not one piece of artillery or caisson should pass
beneath the guns of his fortress, the whole cannon and ammunition of the army
were safely proceeding on the road to Ivrea. The fort of Bard itself held out
till the fifth of June, and we have the authority of Napoleon for the assertion
that if the passage of the artillery had been delayed till its fall, all hope of success
iu the campaign was at an end,"

324 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch VL
into Lombardy, only eighteen thousand scattered in three
corps under Wukassowich, Laudon and Haddick,
I reached Ivr6a the very day that Melas was at Savigliano,
Chabran was left to continue the siege of Fort Bard. Thureau,
after forcing the pass of Suza, established ffimself at Busso-
lino, whence he could menace Turin ; Moncey, descending
from the St. Gothard, penetrated into the Italian bailiwicks-;
Bethencourt moved against Fort Arena. My plan developed
itself majestically, and the enemy was still ignorant of it 1
Combat of Chiusella. — General Haddick had marched from
Turin on the Chiusella, where he received the troops driven
by Lannes from Ivr6a ; these forces together formed a corps
of ten thousand men. Lannes attacked him on the twenty-
second, forced the bridge of Chiusella, and threw^the enemy
on Chivasso, He entered here the next day, and Haddick
retired to Turin and rejoined Melas.
Napoleon marches on Milan. — I had pushed my advanced-
guard on Chivasso merely to make the enemy believe that
Turin was my object ; but I took good care not to move in
that direction. To secure the execution of my projects,
which tended to nothing less than to seize all the communi
cations of the Austrians, it was absolutely necessary to ma
noeuvre on Milan : this was a thunder-clap that would act
on the opinion of the people of Italy, and strike terror into
the enemy's army, at the same time that it accelerated
my reunion with the fifteen thousand men whom Moncey
was conducting from the army of the Ehine. I marched
from Ivr6a by Santhia, Vercelli, and Novara toward the
Ticino. Passage of the Ticino. — The advanced-guard under Lannes,
now the rear-guard, masked my movement by marcffing by
Crescentino, Trino, and Mortara on Pavia, The new ad
vanced-guard, commanded by General Murat, forced the
passage of the Ticino at Turbigo, on the thirty-first. Gen-

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OF ISOO AND 1801, 325
eral Laudon had assembled some troops for the defense of
this river ; but he was beaten and lost fifteen hundred men
hors-de-combat. General Wukassowich, hastening from the
upper valley of the Ticino to his assistance, arrived too late,
and merely had time to save himself on the Adda. The
Austrians threw two thousand men into the castle of Milan,
and fell back to the number of six thousand, to the banks
of the Mincio. I entered Milan on the second of June.
Dispositions of Melas. — Melas, not yet knowing the charac
ter of the army to which he was opposed, at first thought of
passing the Po at Casale, in order to attack me in rear ; but
on learning from Haddick and Wukassowich that I had at
least sixty thousand men in Lombardy, he renounced the
plan, and thought it necessary to ffiaw to himself the forty
thousand men of Ott and Elsnitz before hazarding a battle.
Elsnitz had been left at the Var with seventeen thousand
men, and having, in spite of his superiority in number, been
unable to force the position of Suchet on the right of that
river, received orders to retreat so as to gain the head of the
valley of the Tanaro, and to descend as far as Asti. Ott
was directed either to close the affair with Massena immedi
ately, or to raise the siege of Genoa, repass the Bochetta,
and fly to the defense of the Po toward Placentia, The
retrograde movement of Elsnitz begun on the twenty-eighth
of May, Suchet, whose corps had been increased by reen
forcements to twelve thousand men, closely followed him
to the Tanaro, and by skilful manoeuvres against his right,
anticipated him at the Col-de-Tende, cut his centre, and
subjected him to a loss of eight thousand men hors-de-com
bat. The following days Suchet, advancing by Finale on
Savona, marched to the assistance of Genoa, but was too
late. Surrender of Genoa. — Massena capitulated on the fifth of
June, after sustaining a close blockade and a horrible famine

326 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca "VX
for sixty days. After the third of May he had several con
ferences with General Ott, when the latter received orders to
make him a bridge of gold if he would surrender immedi
ately, or to raise the siege, should he appear disposed to pro
long it. This incident spared Massena from resorting to the
act of desperation, upon which he had decided, rather than
to surrender a prisoner of war. He had resolved to throw
himself into Tuscany at the head of his famished column ;
the orders of Melas spared him this. The eight thousand
men still remaining of the French garrison, obtained free
egress ; but only six thousand rejoined Suchet in the eu'virons
of Savona. Ott, proud of his conquest, hastened to throw a
strong garrison into Genoa, repass the Bochetta, and march
by the valley of the Scrivia on Tortona, with the inten
tion of disputing our passage of the Po ; but he was too
late, for a double passage had been effected at the same time,
on the sixth of June, by Lannes, at San-Cipriano, and Murat
at Nocetto, near Placentia, after having easily defeated the
detachments sent to oppose them.
Passage of the Po.^Matters were now hastening to- a
crisis. I had aheady established myself on the enemy's
rear ; but he could yet escape by the right bank of the Po
by descending as far as Borgo-Forte, opposite Mantua. It was
therefore necessary to cut off this last resource. I decided
to cross the river with the di^vision of Watrin, Chambarlhac,
Gardanne, Monnier, Boudet, and the cavalry of Murat,
forming a total of thirty thousand men ; the remainder
were charged with securing my own communications with
Switzerland and guarding the left bank of the Po. The
division of Chabran, made disposable by the capitffiation of
Fort Bard, moved to Vercelli, and occupied Ivr6a, Chivos,
Crescentino, and Trino, Bethencourt continued to blockade
Arena ; Moncey remained in the Milanais. One of his divi
sions was posted at Pavia, another blockaded the castle of

Ch. VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 327
Milan, and the third occupied Crema and Brescia, so as to
check the Austrian troops which were posted on the Mincio.
The division of Loison blockaded Pizzighettone and the
Castle of Placentia, observed the Lower Po, and covered the
rear of my army. I confess that this position was too much
disseminated, and that the attempt to envelop Melas by
wishing to cover all was a little hazardous. It had been
more wise to unite fifteen thousand men on Tortona, because,
if Melas had defiled upon the Mincio by Milan, I should
nevertheless have conquered all Italy by a single march, and
by uniting myself to Massena, have had no further need of
my communications by the St. Bernard : but success intoxi
cates, and I wished all or nothing. Moreover I had hoped
that Massena would hold out some days longer, and that,
debouching by Tortona, we should be able to form a junc
tion by Novi.
Battle of Montebello. — It has just been said that the corps
of Ott marched in all haste from Genoa to take part in the
defense of the Po : he could not arrive in time, and only
reached Montebello, where he encountered the corps of Lan
nes. Being very desirous to reach Placentia, and thinking
that he had to oppose only a detachment of my army, Ott
precipitated himself upon the burg of Casteggio, contrary
to all the principles of war ; concentration being now his
only hope, all partial combats were to be avoided by the
Austrians. Lannes received the enemy at the head of the
division of Watrin and Chambarlhac ; he even took the
offensive, in order to turn him by the heights which com
manded this burg and all the country to the Po. The
Austrians fought with intrepidity ; victory was doubtful,
when the arrival of Victor with the division of Gardanne
decided the battle in our favor. The enemy with both his
wings turned, was completely defeated, his centre, driven to
the bridge of Casteggio, was overthrown : he lost six cannon

328 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Ca VI,
five thousand prisoners, and three thousand kffied and
wounded, Ott threw two thousand men into the citadel of
Tortona and fell back on Alexandria, where Melas was con
centrating bis forces, Tffis event was of the greatest im
portance, inasmuch as it diminished the enemy's forces by
eight thousand men at the very moment when he was obliged
to effect a passage, and animated the courage of my soldiers
on the eve of a decisive battle.
Battle of Marengo.— I continued my march on Alexandria.
The twelfth of March we passed the Scrivia and debouched
into the plain of San Giuliano. A rear-guard left by Ott at
Marengo was routed by the division of Gardanne and obliged
to repass the Bormida, I placed my army in echelons on the
road from Tortona to Alexandria. The ffivision of Gar
danne established itself at Pedrabona, opposite the tHe-du-
pont which the Austrians had preserved on the Bormida. It
was supported by Victor with the division of Chambarlhac
at Marengo, and by Kellerman's* brigade of cavalry. In
* Kellerman (Frangois-Etienne) was born at Meta in 1772. He was the son
of Franjois Christophe Kellerman, the victor of Valmy. In 1790, h© was at
tached to the French Embassy to the United States of America, and returned to
France in 1793. In 1797, he served with Napoleon in Italy and was adjutant-
general ; he distinguished himself at the passage of the Taghamento and, as a re
ward for his bravery, was sent to Paris with the colors captured on that occa
sion ; he was also promoted to the rank of brigadier-general. He also distin
guished himself in Italy in the campaign of 1799. In 1800 he crossed the Alps
with Napoleon and commanded a brigade of cavalry under Murat, which at the
battle of Marengo numbered four hundred and seventy men. In the first period
of this battle Ms command had greatly suffered and was reduced to two hundred
and fifty men when Bonaparte ordered him to be reenforced with one hundred
and fifty more. With this force he greatly distinguished himself in the final at
tack, and his brilliant charge contributed greatly toward tho victory of Marengo.
He was immediately -prom.oted to the rank «f ganeral-of-division and joined the
army of Brane with the command of three brigades of heavy cavalry. In 1805
he commanded a division under Bernadotte, and was wounded at the battle of
Austerlitz. In 1808 he served in Portugal, but the operations here were unfor
tunate, and he concluded to sign the famous treaty of Cintra. In 1809 he suc
ceeded Bessieres in the command of Northern Spain. In 1813 he distinguished
himself at the battle of Lutzen, and was wounded, on the eve of the battle of
Bautzen. He also served with credit In 181'4. On the return of Napoleon from

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OP 1800 AND 1801. 329
rear of Victor was Lannes, deployed near San Giuliano with
the division of Watrin and Champeaux' brigade of cavalry.
Finally the division of Monnier formed tbe last echelon at
Torre-di-Gafaralo. Eivaud's brigade of cavalry, posted at
Sale, observed the lower Tanaro and the Po on the right of
the army. On our left I sent General Desaix with the divi
sion of Boudet to Eivalta, in order to prevent the enemy
from defiling by his right toward Novi. Desaix was in this
way to endeavor to secure communications with the army of
Italy, which was descending tbe valley of the Bormida by
Dego on Aqui. I thought that I might safely do this, as
the enemy, from his indifference in the defense of the plain of
San Giuliano, seemed not to wish a battle, and on the con
trary was seeking so to manoeuvre as to fall back on Genoa,
and afterward gain Parma and Modena. Moreover I was
deceived by the false information of a spy whom I believed
in our interest, but who, it appeared, was acting a double
j)art. This error came near costing me dear.
Melas had not finished assembling his army till tbe thir
teenth. The next morning at break of day he passed the
Bormida at the head of thirty-five thousand men, and
attacked us with vigor. The di-vision of Gardanne was
forced to retreat : Victor ralhed it to the right of the divi
sion of Chambarlhac, which formed a line from the village of
Marengo to the Bormida. General Haddick, with the right
of the Austrians, deployed in two lines opposite the position
of Victor ; Kaim, who formed their centre, placed himself
obliquely to the left of Haddick ; Ott was thrown on Castel-
Ceriolo ; the reserve under the orders of Elsnitz remained in
rear of the right, on the road from Marengo to Alexandria ;
Elba he joined the standard of his former general and was appointed to the
chamber of Peers. At the opening of the campaign he received a command in
the army, and again fought with great bravery at the head of the fourth corps
of cavalry. On the second restoration of the Bourbons he was eliminated from
the chamber of Peers.

330 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VL
but two thirds of his cavalry was most untimely detached to
the south of Alexandria on the road to Aqui to observe
Suchet and Massena.
We were not prepared to receive battle. I hasten to
arrange my echelons in such a way that they may sustain
themselves, and to recall Desaix from Eivalta on San Giuliano.
At ten o'clock in the morning, I am obliged to push forward
Lannes, and put him in line at the right of Victor, whose
fiank Kaim is preparing to turn. Victor defends with vigor
tbe passage of the rivulet of Barbotta, which runs to
Marengo : a murderous and well-sustamed fire is kept up on
both sides : the Austrians sustain considerable loss ; Melas
engages half of the cavalry of reserve which remained after
his foolish detachment. This isolated brigade is precipitated
into the marshy rivulet, and the enemy, who had double the
number of cavalry, sees himself from the beginning of the
action deprived of the aid of that arm at the very moment
when it might decide the victory. Lannes succeeds in resist
ing the attack of the enemy's centre ; but in the mean time
Ott having passed beyond Castel-Ceriolo, and assisted by the
cavahy of the centre under the orders of Frimont threatens
to take our right in reserve. I oppose to him my grenadiers
of the guard. These eight hundred brave men advance into
the plain between Castel-Ceriolo and Villa-Nova and form
there a square like an impregnable redoubt, against which are
spent the reiterated efforts of the Austrian squadrons. Pro
fiting by the glorious resistance of this troop of the elite, I
direct on Castel-Ceriolo five battalions of Monnier's division,
in order to expel the light infantry of the enemy. Unfortu
nately, a vigorous charge of the Austrians on the left of the
division while on march, separates General Monnier from his
troops, forces him to throw himself toward Lannes, compels
the brigade of the left to retreat, and obliges that of Cara

Ca VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 331
St. Cyr to follow the movement of the line, at the moment
when his tirailleurs are penetrating into Castel-Ceriolo.
Nevertheless the instantaneous occupation of this village
gives a point-d' appui to my right and reestablishes my affairs
on this wing. But on the other wing we are less fortunate :
Victor, after having resisted the enemy for several hours, can
sustain himself no longer ; his left yields and loses the sup
port of the Bormida ; his centre is pierced, and ffis entire
corps is driven back on San Giuliano. The defeats of tbe
left exposes the fiank of Lannes and forces him to retreat ;
he effects this in good order across the plain in the direction
of La Ghilina.
Already the Austrians utter shouts of -victory. My gen
erals, Berthier in particffiar, think the battle decidedly lost.
Desaix and myself do not yet despair. This general advances
rapidly on San Giuliano ; the six thousand fresh troops which
he brings me, can, under such a chief, effect miracles. I
direct my whole attention to prolonging the movement of
retreat on the left, in order to gain time for Desaix to arrive
on the field of battle. The enemy, after a short halt, advance
with new ¦vivacity ; but the want of cavalry which bad been
foolishly directed against Suchet and Massena, prevents him
from profiting by the advantages of his position ; if a part
of his cavalry could be thrown against Victor it would com
plete the rout of the army, and decide the victory against us.
At last, near five o'clock in the afternoon, Desaix de
bouches from San Giuliano, and forms in advance of this
village ; Lannes establishes himself obliquely between the
right of Desaix and Villa-Nova ; the square of my guard
connects its right with Castel-Ceriolo. The cavalry of
Champeaux forms in rear of Desaix, and that of Keller
man in rear of the interval between Desaix and Lannes.
Victor endeavors to assemble his battalions in rear and to the
left of Desaix. The enemy advances, extending his line on

332 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VL
both flanks. His left, under Ott, already reaches Villa-
Nova ; his centre, after making a halt at the high ground of
Guasca, directs its course on San Giuliano, and the right
debouches from Cassina Grosa. Melas thinks himself so
certain of victory that he goes to Alexandria to dispatch the
news of my defeat to Vienna and Genoa, while his chief-of-
staff, Zach, is to advance in column by the great road to
Tortona to gather the fruits of victory. The latter has so
little doubt of his success, that he marches by echelons
separated by considerable intervals. The first, composed of
five thousand men of the elite, which he conducts in person,
is followed at the distance of a quarter of a league by three
other corps under Kaim, Bellegarde, and Elsnitz. At the
moment when the head of the column reaches San Giuliano,
my artillery of reserve is unmasked and pours in its deadly
volleys ; at the same time Desaix attacks with impetuosity ;
unfortunately, one of the first balls strikes this brave man in
the centre of his breast, and deprives France of one of her
ablest defenders, and me of one of my dearest companions
in arms. Our troops, exasperated at the death of their illus
trious chief, redouble their efforts. Our enemies, who thought
victory certain, are staggered by these attacks. Kellerman*
* The English translator of tbe American edition of Thiers' History of Napo
leon, makes this Kellerman the same as the one that gained the victory of
Valmy, and, to do this, makes an incorrect translation of Thiers' remarks on this
affair. He then adds in his notes: "He (Kellerman) was the real wvnneir of
the battle of Marengo, changing it by a single charge of cavalry from a rout to
a victory. For this Napoleon never forgave him." Again he contradicts Thiers
in saying that Napoleon recompensed aM his generals for their services at
Marengo, and says. " He (Napoleon) did not recompense Kellerman, No other
officer of his distinction but was made marshal of France far earlier than he.
It has been always stated, heretofore, that after Desaix's fall, Zach's men were
rallied, had assumed the offensive, and that the French foot were again in dis
order, when Kellerman charged, without orders, and retrieved the fight."
Alison makes a similar statement to the above, and then remarks, " United
with the great qualities of Napoleon's character, was a selfish thirst for glory,
and consequent jealousy of any one who had either effectually thwarted his
designs, or rendered him such services as might diminish the lustre of his own

Ca VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 333
seizes the moment to charge them in flank with four squad
rons. The column is broken, the head, crushed and sur
rounded, surrenders. Profiting by this advantage our troops
exploits. His undying jealousy of Wellington III! was an indication of his
first weakness, his oblivion of Kellerman's inappreciable services are instances
of the second. -* * * The obligation was too great to be forgiven. Keller
man was not promoted like the other generals, and never afterward enjoyed
the favor of the chief ou whose brow he placed the diadem."
Any one at all familiar -with French history must be forced to smile at the
innumerable absurdities into which these two writers have been carried by their
English prejudices ; the American, however, will feel mortified to see such absurd
notes attached by the English editor of the Americam edition of so impartial and
generally correct history as that of Thiers; and he will be not a little astonished,
upon examining the original text, to find it has been incorrectly translated so as
to make it support one of the foregoing statements respecting Kellerman. The
passage we allude to is this, " The brave Kellerman, who this day added much to
the glory of Valrm/^ attached to his name, dashed upon the squadrons," &c. This
is made to read in the Arajio- American edition, " The brave Kellerman, who, on
this day added so greatly to the glory he had won at Vahmy, dashed," &o.
Thiers, translated in this way, is made to support statements which he is very
far from doing in the original.
The elder Kellerman, to whom the translator of Thiers here alludes, was not at
the battle of Marengo, but for his victory of Valmy, won while Napoleon was a
mere captain. Napoleon made him a marshal of France among the very first that
were made. No one was made marshal " earlier than he." The younger Keller
man, his son, never was made marshal. The charge of Napoleon having neg
lected him is absurd. For his services in 1797 he made him a brigadier-general, and
honored him with the colors taken at the passage of the Tagliamento. In 1800,
the cavalry was commanded by Murat, and consisted of the three brigades of
Eivaud, Champeaux, and Kellerman, that of the latter being much the smallest
one. For his valuable services on the field of Marengo, he was made a general-
of-division, and attached to the army of Brune, with the command of three brig
ades, numbering, two thousand one hundred. Eivaud was also made a general-
of-division, but his command was not increased to the same degree as that of
Kellerman. Champeaux was killed at Marengo.
Kellerman did good service at Marengo for which he deserved and received
great credit. But it is absurd to call him the "realwinner" of the battle. On
this subject Thiers very justly remarks r " Some detractors have sought to attrib
ute to General Kellerman, the gaining of the battle of Marengo, and cousequentiy
all the results which this memorable day brought in its train. But if General
Bonaparte is to be despoiled of the glory of that day, why not attribute it to
that noble victim of the happiest inspiration, to that Desaix, who, divining the
orders of his chief before fie had received them, brought him the two-fold offering
of the victory and of his life 7 'Why not attribute it again to4hat intrepid defender
of Genoa, who, by detaining the Austrians on the Apennines, gave General
Bonaparte time to descend from the Alps, and handed them over to him already

334 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VL
push forward. Kellerman leaves it to the infantry to col
lect the prisoners, and advances against the ffivision of Kaim,
who is followmg Zach a quarter of a league in rear ; the
half defeated ? So speaking, Generals Kellerman, Desaix, Massena, could all be
the trae conquerors of Marengo I all except General Bonaparte I But in this
world, it is by the voice of the people that glory is decreed ; and it was by the
voice of the people that he was proclaimed conqueror of Marengo, who, discover
ing by the glance of genius, what advantage might be taken of the upper Alps
to burst down upon the Austrian rear, had, during three whole months, deceived
their vigilance ; who had brought into existence an army which had before no
being ; who had astounded Europe by the miracle of that creation ; who had
crossed the Saint Bernard without any beaten road ; who had swooped suddenly
upon the midst of startled Italy ; who had surrounded his unfortunate adversary
¦with unequaled art; who had, to sum the whole, delivered a decisive battle,
which if lost in the morning, was gloriously recovered in tho evening. And
certainly, had it not been won that night, it would have been on the ensuing
morning ; for independent of the six thousand men of Desaix's division, the ten
thousand men from the Ticino, and the ten thousand posted on the lower Po, pre
sented infallible means for the destruction of the enemy's army. Let us suppose
a case. Let us suppose that the Austrians, conquerors on the fourteenth of
June, had entangled themselves in the gorge of the Stradella, that they had
found at Placentia, Generals Duhesme and Loison, with ten thousand men to
dispute the passage of the Po, with General Bonaparte in their rear, reenforced
by Generals Desaix and Moncey — what would these Austrians have done in
this narrow gorge, blocked by a well-defended river, pursued by a superior army ?
They would but have experienced a disaster more serious than on the plains of
Bormida. The true conqueror of Marengo, therefore, is he who mastered fortune
by a series of combinations, admirable for their depth and power, unequaled in
the history of mightiest captains.
What shaE we say, then, more? He was well served by his lieutenants.
Nor is it needful to detract from any glory to make his shine the brighter. Mas
sena, by his heroic defense of Genoa; Desaix, by his most fortunate determina
tion ; Lannes, by his matchless firmness on the plain of Marengo ; Kellerman,
by his admirable charge of cavalry — all contributed to secure his triumph. He
recompensed them all in the most striking manner ; as for Desaix, he embalmed
his fate with the most honorable regrets. The First Consul ordered the most
magnificent honors to be done to the man who had performed for France services
so important ; he took every care of his military family, placing near his own
person his two aids-de-oamp, who were left ¦without employment by the death
of their master ; these were Colonels Rapp and Savary.
The follo^wing personal narrative of Desaix's aid-de-camp, afterward Duke of
Rovigo, would seem to put this question beyond a doubt. " It was now about
three o'clock, very few musket shots were fired, the two armies were manoeu
vring, and preparing for a last effort. General Desaix's division occupied the
point which came nearest in contact with the enemy, who were advancing in
close, deep columns along the road from Alejcandria to Tortona, leaving the

[Ch. VL CAMPAIGN OF 1800 AND 1801, 335
same disorder is carried here by a brilliant and timely charge
of the cavalry. The Austrians, in consternation, beat a
retreat. In vain their reserve attempts to sustain itself at
latter town on their left. They had nearly come up to us, and we were only
separated by a vineyard lined by the ninth light infantry, and a small corn-field,
which the Austrians were entering. We were not more than a hundred paces
apart, and could distinguish each other's features. The Austrian column halted
ou perceiving Desaix's division, the position of which became so unexpectedly
known to them. The direction of its march would infallibly bring it upon tho
centre of our first line. It was no doubt endeavoring to ascertain our strength
previously to opening its fire. The position was becoming every moment more
critical. 'You see how matters stand,' said Desaix to me; 'I can no longer
put off the attack without danger of being myself attacked under disadvantageous
circumstances ; if I delay I shall be beaten, and I have no relish for that. Go
then in all haste and apprise the First Consul of the embarrassment I experience ;
tell him I can not wait any longer ; that I am without cavalry, and that he must
direct a bold charge to be made upon the flank of that column, while I shall
charge it in front.'
" I set off at full gallop, and overtook the First Consul, who was causing the
troops placed to the right of the village of Marengo to execute the change of
front which he had directed along the whole line. I delivered my message to
him, and after hstening to it with attention, he reflected a, moment, and ad
dressed me in these words : ' Have you well examined the column ?' ' Yes,
General' (he went by this title at the time I speak of). ' Is it very numerous?'
' Extremely so. General.' 'Is Desaix uneasy about it?' 'He only appeared
uneasy as to the consequences that might result from hesitation. I must add
his having particularly desired I should teU you that it was useless to send any
other orders than that he should attack or retreat — one or the other ; and the
latter movement would be at least as hazardous as the first.'
" ' If this be the case,' said the First Consul, ' let him attack; I shall go in
person to give him the order. You ¦will repair yonder (pointing to a black spot
in the plain), and there find General Kellerman, who is in command of that
cavalry you now see; tell him what you have just communicated to me; and
desire him to charge the enemy without hesitation as soon as Desaix shall
commence his attack. You will also remain with him, and point out the spot
through which Desaix is to debouch : for Kellerman does not even know that
he is with the army.'
" I obeyed and found Kellerman at the head of about six hundred troopers, the
residue of the cavalry which had been constantly engaged the whole day. I
gave him the order from the First Consul. I had scarcely delivered my message
when a fire of musketry was heard to proceed from the left of tho village of
Marengo ; it was the opening attack of General Desaix. He rapidly bore down
with the ninth light regiment upon the head of the Austrian column ; the latter
feebly sustained the charge ; but its defeat was dearly purchased, our general
having fallen at the very first firing. He was riding in the rear of the ninth
regiment, when a shot pierced hia heart ; he fell at the very moment when he

336 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CaVL
Marengo : nothing can resist the impetuosity of our soldiers.
The enemy retreats across the Bormida in the greatest disor
der, leaving in our hands eight colors, twenty cannon, and
was deciding the ¦victory in our favor. Kellerman had put himself in motion as
soon as he heard the firing. He rashed upon that formidable column, penetrated
it from left to right, and broke it into several bodies. Being assailed in front,
and its fianka forced in, it dispersed, and was closely pursued as far as Bormida.
" The large masses of troops that were in pursuit of our left no sooner perceived
this defeat than they retreated, and attempted to reach the bridge in front of
Alexandria; but the corps of Generals Lannes and Gardanne had accomplished
their movement : those masses had no longer any commuuication with each other,
and were compelled to lay down their arms.
" The battle, which until midday had tumed against us, was completely won
at six o'clock.
" As soon as the Austrian column was dispersed I quitted General Kellerman's
cavalry, and was returning to meet General Desaix, whose troops were debouch
ing In my view, when the colonel of the ninth light regiment informed me that he
had been killed. I was at the distance of only a hundred paces from the spot
where I had left him. I hastened to it, and found the general stretohed upon
the ground completely stripped of his clothes, and surrounded by other naked
bodies. I recognized him, notwithstanding the darkness, owing to the thickness
of his hair, which still retained its tie.
" I had been too long attached to liis person to suffer his body to remain on
this spot, where it would have been indiscriminately buried ¦with the rest.
" I removed a cloak from under the saddle of a horse lying dead at a short dis
tance, and wrapped General Desaix's body in it, with the assistance of a hus
sar, who had strayed on the field of battle, and joined me in the performance of
this mournful duty. He consented- to lay it across his horse, and to lead the
animal by the bridle as far as Gorrofolo, while I should go to communicate the
misfortune te the First Consul, who desired me to follow him to Gorrofolo, where
I gave him an account of what had taken place. He approved what I had done,
and ordered the body to be carried to Milan for the purpose of being embalmed.
" Being only an aid-de-camp to General Desaix at the battle of Marengo, my
personal observations were limited to what the duties of that situation enabled
me to see; whatever else I have mentioned was related to me by the First Con
sul, who felt a pleasure in recurring to the events of this action, and often did
me the honor to tell me what deep uneasiness it had given him until the
moment when Kellerman executed the charge, which wholly altered its aspect.
"Since the fall of the Imperial government some pretended friends of General
Kellerman have presumed to claim for him the merit of originating the charge
of cavalry. That general, whose share of glory is sufflcientiy brilliant to gratify
his most sanguine wishes, can have no knowledge of so presumptuous a preten
sion. I the more readily acquit him, from the circumstance that, as we were
conversing one day respecting that battle, I called to his mind my having brought
to him the First Consul's orders, and he appeared not to have forgotten that fact.
I am far from suspecting his friends of the design of lessening the glory of either

Ca VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 337
six thousand prisoners. General Ott, who, in the mean time,
has advanced to Chilina, thinks himself fortunate in regain
ing Castel-Ceriolo already occupied by our thailleurs, and at
last, with difficulty, reaches the tite-du-pont of the Bormida.
Convention of Alexandria. — This was truly a great vic
tory, and it could not fail to produce incalculable results. As
General Bonaparte or General Desaix : they know as well as myself, that there
are names so respected that they can never be affected by such detraction ; and
that it would be as vain to dispute the praise due to the chief who planned the
battle, as to attempt to depreciate the brilliant share which General Kellerman
had in its succeasftil result. I wUl add to the above a few reflections.
"From the position which he occupied General Desaix could not see General
Kellerman : he had even desired me to request the First Consul to afford him
the support of some cavalry. Neither could General Kellerman, from the point
where he was stationed, perceive General Desaix's division : it is even probable
that he was not aware of the arrival of that general, who had only joined the
army two days before. Both were ignorant of each other's position, which the
First Consul was alone acquainted with ; he alone could introduce harmony into
thefr movements ; he alone could make their efforts respectively conduce to the
same object.
"The fate of thebattie was decided by Kellerman's bold charge: had it^ how
ever, been made previously to General Desaix's attack in all probability it would
have had a quite different result. Kellerman appears to have been convinced
of it, since he allowed the Austrian column to cross our fleld of battle, and
extend its front beyond that of the troops we had still in line, without making
the least attempt to impede its progress. The reason of Kellerman's not charg
ing it sooner was, that it was too serious a movement, and the consequences of
failure would have been irretrievable ; that charge, therefore, could only enter
into a general combination of plans to which he was necessarily a stranger.''
Alison, in support of his false account of this affair, refers to Jomini, Napo
leon's Memofrs, Dumas, Savary, and Bulow, not one of whom oonflrms his
statements, which have no higher authority than the petty lies of Bourrienne, the
scandal circulated in the saloons of Paris and collected by the gossiping Duchess
d'Abrantes, or by Alison's esteemed friend, " Captain Basil Hall." Directly
opposed to these are the positive statements of the generals who fought on
the fleld of Marengo, and of all the continental historians of acknowledged
authority. Napoleon's jealousy of Kellerman ia too absurd to merit serious attention I
Did he show this in promoting him from his insignificant command at Marengo
to the rank of general-of-division, and afterward general-in-chief of a corps-
d'armee, and by loading his family with favors ? In retum Kellerman served him
faithfully through his whole career. He was a brave man, but his generalship
can in no way be compared with that of Soult, Massena, Davoust, Suchet,
Desaix, Kleber, Ney, Lannes, Oudinot, Eugene Beauhamois, Macdonald, Victor,
and of many others that might be named.
VOL. Ii, — 22.

338 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [CaVL
Melas still had an army as numerous as our divisions which
were present at Marengo, he might resume the combat the
next day ; but if defeated, he must pass beneath the Cau
dine Forks and surrender at discretion. Having a bridge
across the Po at Casale, it has been said that he ought to
have taken advantage of it to tffiow himself on the left bank,
and attempt to force his way by Milan and Brescia on Man
tua. This might have been very well if he had been certain
of repelling Chabran and Moncey ; but should these succeed
in checking the heads of the Austrian columns in the low
grounds of Lombardy, where the troops could move only on
the causeways and dykes, would I not have had time enough
to pursue him, and force him to surrender ? In the direction
of Genoa his chances were scarcely any better : Suchet,
already at Aqui, could prevent the execution of such a pro
ject. The Austrian general was obliged to choose one of two
courses — either to attack me again at Marengo, or to surren
der to me the fortresses of Italy, and save to his master his
army of sixty thousand men ; the first was the most glorious,
but the second the most certain and prudent ; he would sur
render fortresses which did not belong to Austria, and pre
serve a fine army.
The next day after the battle, Melas sent me a messenger
to treat for a convention. I seized with joy this opportunity
to secure, without further bloodshed, the greater part of
Italy : I gave Melas permission to rethe with his army to
the Mincio ; in return he surrendered to me the fortresses of
Coni, Alexandria, and Genoa, Fort Urbino, the citadels of
Tortona, Milan, Turin, Pizzighettone, Placentia, Ceva, and
Savona, and the Castle of Arena. The armistice of Alexan
dria was shortly afterward extended to the army of Germany.
Moreau, rendered more circumspect by the large detachment
under Moncey, had skirmished for a month around Ulm and
the intrenched camp ; but, at last convinced of his supe-

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 339
riority over Kray, he began, about the middle of June, to
manceu^vre to deprive the enemy of the advantages of this
camp ; he passed the Lech, the right in advance, took pos
session of Augsburg, completed his change of front to estab
lish himself m battle array on the right bank of the Danube,
and to threaten Kray's communications with Vienna : this
manoeuvre was a good one, and proved completely successful.
The French army did not stop here, but crossed the Danube
at Hochstedt, revenged, in these plains, the defeat of the
French army Under Tallard and Marsin, and beat the left
and reserve of Kray, who was obliged to retreat to the Iser.
Moreau anticipated him at Munich, and made him change
his course to the Inn, where a convention, signed at Pars-
dorf, also put an end to hostilities in this directioui
I had reason to hope that the reverses of Austria would
dispose her to treat for peace. Even from the battle-field of
Marengo, I had charged St. Julien as a bearer of pacific mes
sages to the cabinet of Vienna, giving it to understand that
I was ready to treat on the same conditions as at Campo-
Formio. Although my brilliant victory bad not yet carried
me to the Noric Alps as in 1797, still the army of tbe
Ehine was in a much more threatenmg attitude than at that
epoch. Negotiations of General St. Julien.— The cabinet of Vienna
sent back M. St. Julien with a letter of credence from the
emperor himself, which caused me to give faith to whatever
he said. The intention of his government was to negotiate
in concert with England, with which power it had concluded
a treaty of subsidy two days before hearing of the disaster
of Marengo. The situation was embarrassing, and, in fact,
to treat separately eight days after such a transaction, would
have been a felony. General St. Juhen having delivered his
letters, I proved to him the advantages that must result to
his court from treating without loss of time ; for I could not

340 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VL
consent to any delay, without requiring the strongest guar
antees, inasmuch as our victories in all directions would
enable me to continue operations with success ; every week's
delay would therefore cost Austria a fortress or a province.
This officer, consulting the military interest rather than the
diplomatic position of his cabinet, signed, on the twenty-fifth
of July, the preliminaries of the same basis as the treaty of
Campo-Formio, Duroc was sent with ffim to Vienna to
obtain the ratification.
Disapproval of the Cabinet of Vienna. — Thugut, furious
that his envoy had gone further than he wished, exiled
him to Transylvania, and rejected the preliminaries, at the
same time signifying his readiness to continue the negotiations
in concert with the English ; for in the mean time Lord
Minto,. the English ambassador at Vienna, had declared that
his cabmet was disposed to negotiate for the common inter
ests of the two courts. Although, under the circumstances,
this resolution seemed natural enough, still I felt indignant
at it, becau.8e the emperor's letter was of a character to make
it binding upon ffis government to abide by the engagements
entered into by his envoy ;* because these engagements were
of themselves moderate ; because the intervention of Eng
land was intended to protract negotiations at a time when
delay was far more advantageous to them than to me ;
finally, because I was unwilling to connect the cause of
Austria with that of England, I therefore ordered Moreau
and Brune to immediately denounce the armistice both in
Italy and Germany.
Negotiations for a Naval and Military Armistice.— This
had its effect at Vienna. The cabinet felt the necessity of
peace ; on the other side I did not wish to decline it simply
because of a breach of forms, and, moreover, I had commenced
=" The emperor's letter stated, " You wiU give credit to every thing which
Count St. Julien shall say on my part, and I will ratify whatever he shall do."

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 341
negotiations at London by Otto for a naval armistice. I
wished to gain a double advantage from my victories on the
Inn and the Mincio : to obtain, on the one hand, a naval
armistice which would aUow me to send some frigates to
Egypt and Malta with arms, men, and munitions ; and, on
the other, to require Austria to give Up to me the places of
Ulm, Ingolstadt, and Philipsbourg. Austria consented to
it ; the armistice was signed at Hohenlinden the twentieth
of September, and confirmed at Castighone for the army of
Italy. England was unwilling to admit a naval armistice, in
hopes that Malta, which had been closely blockaded for two
years, would soon fall into her bands, and that she might
prevent any reenforcements from being sent to Egypt for the
purpose of consolidating our position there.
Kleber proposes to evacuate Egypt. — In fact an event had
just occurred in the East which might have important con
sequences. After my departure from Egypt, General Kleber,
looking at the dark side of things, had denounced me to the
Directory. When his letter reached Paris I was at the head
of the government ! I ffid not deem it necessary for Bona
parte the first consul to avenge the quarrels of Bonaparte
the general. I answered Kleber by encouragements. In the
mean time the Vizier Mehmed-Pacha, convinced that he
had only to present himself to gain the victory, advanced on
El-Arisch with fifty thousand men. Kleber proposed to him
to evacuate Egypt, which the Turks eagerly accepted. But
the English, hearing that this treaty was m full course of
execution and that most of the forts had aheady been sur
rendered to the Ottoman troops, now thought best to refuse
its ratification, although it had been negotiated in concert
with Admiral Sidney Smith. They did not doubt but that
Egypt woffid be entirely occupied by the Turks before their
refusal would be received, and that our army, compelled to

342 LIFE OP NAPOLEON. [Ca VI.
embark, would easily fall into theh hands. This Machiaveffic
calculation turned to the confusion of its authors.
Victory of Heliopolis.— Kleber had committed a manifest
impradence ; he felt the necessity of repairing ffis fault by
¦victory, and, on the twentieth of March, he moved against
the Vizier who_ was advancing on Heliopolis. In less than
four hours he completely routed the Turkish army, drove it
into the desert with a loss of ten thousand men, and returned
in triumph to Cairo, which place had momentarily been in
possession of a Turkish corps. The Vizier revenged himself
for tffis defeat by basely procuring the assassination of ffis
conqueror, on the very day of our victory at Marengo. The
victory of Heliopolis would have consolidated our position
in Egypt, if we could have sent a reenforcement of a few
thousand men and the necessary means for founding a colony.
Pitt, and Grenville feared this, and tried every means to post
pone the naval armistice. I showed them how ridiculous it
would be for me to cease hostilities toward one power, over
which I possessed such decided advantages, and to continue
them against the other. Grenville acknowledged the force
of the argument. They admitted the necessity of a naval
armistice and of breakmg up the cruisers ; but they wished
to interdict all navigation of state vessels, and to admit into
Malta and Alexandria provisions for only fifteen days. With
such terms it was hardly probable that peace could be made
either with the two powers coUectively, or with Austria
alone Important Convention with the United States.— I profited
by the leisure afforded me by this suspension of hostilities to
repair to Paris for the purpose of arranging our relations
with the United States. The absurd operations of the dema
gogue agents of the Committee of Public Safety had in
volved us, in 1793, in difficulties . -with these elder sons of
French Liberty, and the ffisgracefffi prevarications of the

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OP 1800 AND 1801. 343
agents of the Directory had prevented Pinkney from estab-
hshing between us that good harmony which ought never to
have been interrupted. In truth, the Americans had to re
proach themselves for having consented to the right of mari
time search, arrogated to herself by England ; but it was
not, by openly breaking with them, nor by an attempt at
intimidation, that they were to be brought to other senti
ments. My victories opened a new way. The deputies who
had been at Paris for two years came to an understanding
with my brother Joseph and Eoederer, and concluded at
Morfontaine, on the thirtieth of September, a convention
placing our ulterior relations on the same footing as the
most favored nations, and sanctioning the sacred principles
of maritime rights. The liberty of neutral navigation was
here solemnly proclaimed, with no restrictions but those
which result from the universal law regarding ports actually
blockaded, and contraband merchandise, that is, provisions,
arms, and military munitions. Finally, the principle that
the flag covers the merchanffise was here established, as the
only one which a just and wise legislation could admit.
The English quarrel with Neutrals. — This event was of
the highest importance ; for m the month of August, Den
mark and Sweden became engaged in serious disputes with
England, who, not content with setting at naught all the
rules of maritime law, did not blush to attack even convoys
escorted by Danish and Swedish sffips-of-war : Eussia and
Prussia, interested in maintaining the respect due to their
flags, took part in these important discussions : and a storm
which thickened on all sides began to threaten the British
trident Rupture of the Negotiations of London. — In such occur
rences it was not for me to set an example of yielding to
English pretensions. I was only the more firmly resolved
not to treat till I coffid secure my dearest interests by a

344 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VL
naval armistice. The conditiofis imposed by Lord Grenville
not accomphshing this object, negotiations were broken off
at London the ninth of October, and I declared that I would
offiy treat with England and Austria separately.
Conspiracy of Cerrachi. — The same day that the negotia
tions were broken off at London, my life was threatened by
a conspiracy at Paris. Some obscure factionists, comparing
themselves to Brutus and Cassius, meditated in darkness the
means of destroying a general whom their disordered imagi
nations painted as another Cromwell or an Oriental despot.
I was that night to attend the Opera, and all Paris knew it.
Fouch6 came to inform me that the conspirators, for want
of a capitol, had chosen the corridors of the theatre for the
execution of their bloody design. I was urged not to go.
I did not follow a course so unworthy, but took the neces
sary measures for securing the guilty. Cerrachi and Arena
were taken with poignards and arms with which they in
tended to assassinate me : they were tried and condemned.
Expeditions against Ferrol and Cadiz.— England, in the
midst of the disputes to wffich she had given rise, redoubled
her audacity and activity to secure all the advantages to be
derived from the existing state of things ; and to make the
English people forget the horrors of a famine which was
desolating the three Kingdoms, she carried her victorious fiag
to all parts of the globe. It seemed as though the English
government only wanted garrisons to take possession of half
the world. The loss of theso colonies reacted on the policy
of the European states as well as on their marine ; to deprive
a commercial people of distant trade takes from a nation the
first elements of a military marine, and deprives it of the
means of sustaining its colonial system.
For six months past Holland had been deprived of the
colonies of Surinam and Demarara on the American conti
nent ; the islands of Curasao and St. Eustacia had followed

Ch. VI.] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 345
the same fate. Admiral Popham had just set sail with an
expedition for the South Sea, A considerable armament, the
troops of which were to be commanded by General Pultney,
was preparing in part to join Abercrombie upon some impor
tant enterprise. A great maritime power threatens all at
once, without the enemy's knowing where to expect the blow ;
it can strike when and where it pleases. The expedition of
Pultney might intend a descent upon Holland which we had
stripped of troops to form the army of the reserve, and after
ward the Gallo-Batavian army, which was assembled by
Augereau at Mayence ; it might attack Antwerp, Flushing,
or Boulogne ; it might insult Spain, or descend upon Egypt.
I assembled a corps at Amiens under the orders of Murat,
¦with the impression that the attack was to be directed upon
Holland. This corps was composed, in part, of grenadiers
collected from all the garrison battalions in the interior. But
Pultney sailed toward the coast of Spain, where he thought
to do with the fleet of the Ferrol what Abercrombie and
Mitchel had done in the Texel with the Batavian fleet.
Pultney landed on the twenty-fifth of August, attacked Fort
St. Philip and the heights of Brion ; but Admiral Moreno,
having landed a part of the equipages of his squadron, baffled
a project which appeared to have been based on the hope of
a surprise, and on the ordinary negligence of the Spaniards;
Pultney having failed in this project, made sail for Cadiz.
At the same time Abercrombie, the armistice rendering his
forces useless in Italy, had received orders to appear before
Cadiz ; the junction of the two squadrons was effected at
Gibraltar. At tbe head of this new armada Lord Keith appeared, on
the sixth of October, before the rich city of Cadiz, then a
prey to the ravages of the yellow fever, and deserted by a
considerable part of its inhabitants. Less audacious than
the celebrated Essex, he at first confined himself to bombard-

346 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VL
ing the city ; General Morla, who was in command, opposed
him with a firm countenance. At last Abercrombie decided
to land a part of his troops at the point of San Lucar, but
they were soon reembarked, because (it was alleged) of the
fear of the pestilence. Perhaps with greater energy, these
two enterprises would have been successful ; it is incompre
hensible that such immense means should be expended upon
mere demonstrations.
Thugut retires from the Ministry.- While the maritime
war was pushed with so much activity, nothing was yet
decided upon the continent. Thugut, who in 1797 had
resigned from the ministry rather than treat with us, again
pretended, on the fourth of October, to yield the portfolio to
Count Cobentzel ; but the latter, ha^ving left Vienna in a
few days for Lunevffie, where a congress was to be assembled,
the portfolio was transferred to Count Lehrbach, under
whose name Thugut continued to direct affairs. He still
flattered himself that he would be able to deprive us of Italy.
His army was reenforced on the Mincio. The Neapolitans,
having terminated their intestine wars and juridical massa
cres ordered by tbe Queen, and barbarously executed on board
the vessels of Nelson, advanced to the confines of Tuscany.
Abercrombie might, at any moment, make a descent at Leg
horn with the little army which he carried from Minorca to
the coast of Tuscany and thence to Gibraltar. The Grand
Duke was organizing bis militia to aid an Austrian corps
commanded by General Sommariva.
Occupation of Tuscany.— I resolved to frustrate the junc
tion of these stormy elements. General Dupont received
orders to enter Tuscany, disarm the mffitia, and occupy
Florence and Leghorn ; which he executed on the sixteenth
of October after the slight combats of Barberino and Arezzo.
Preparations on the Continent.— The activity of pohtical
negotiations during the months of July, August and Sep-

Ca VI.] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801, 347
tember, had not prevented the two parties from contmuing
their military preparations, I had sent into Switzerland a
second army of reserve, formed at Dijon by Macdonald, of
about fourteen or fifteen thousand men. Augereau assembled
at Mayence a httle Gallo-Batavian army of the same force.
These two corps were intended to relieve my two principal
armies of those accessories wffich trouble the flanks, divide
the forces, and form the pretext of all the faults of mediocre
generals, Macdonald would cover, at the same time, in the
Tyrol, the left of Brune and the right of Moreau ; he might
become the corps of manoeuvre against the enemy and connect
the two armies, Augereau woffid sweep the left of the Dan
ube, check the forces wffich the enemy was assembling in
Bohemia, and leave Moreau's fine army entirely free in its
movements. The Austrians had also profited by this interval. The
Archduke Palatine had gone to Hungary to renew there the
levee-en-masse of 1797. The Archduke Charles, who had been
most unjustly deprived of the supreme command, urged for
ward, m the government of Bohemia, which had been con
ferred upon ffim, the organization of legions of ten or twelve
thousand men who were soon to enter into the line. Eecrffits
were collected from all the hereditary states for completing
the regiments. The little army of Cond6, changed from the
service of Eussia to that of England, and a fine Bavarian
contingent, further reenforced the imperialists. The Em
peror Francis, himself, repaired to ffis army to revive their
patriotism and love of glory. Yielding to considerations for
wffich it would be difficffit to assign any cause, he deemed it
his duty to replace Kray by the Archduke John, a young
prince, mstructed in the military art, but having neither the
experience nor the genius of his brother, the Archduke
Charles. They gave him for counsellors the same generals,
Lauer and Weyrother, who had been the guides of Wurm-

348 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [CaVL
ser and Alvinzi in the ^eat days of Bassano and Eivoli, and
who, not'withstanding aU their erudition, always manoeuvred
very well to secure their own defeat ; for nothing is worse
than erudition without correct principles. After these prep
arations, Austria thought it would be base for her to sur
render to us Mantua, of which she was still in posBessioni
It is rare that a state makes peace after a defeat, without
renouncing some of its lost possessions as a recompense for
the sacrifice of the others ; a nation, preserving its self-
respect, is seldom seen yielffing more than it has already lost,
when in a condition for self-defense. It wffi be hereafter
shown how these natural maxims were misconceived in the
conditions which they attempted to impose on me. All hope
of peace having disappeared, I decided to break the armistice,
in the midffie of November, notwithstanffing the rigor of the
season. Should we give Austria the advantage of a whole
¦winter's repose, the chances would be entirely against us ;
Moreau and Brune, therefore, received orders to resume
hostilities. Plan of Operations. — I had conceived a very bold project
for outfianking the army of Bellegarde on the Mincio, by
making Macdonald cross the Ehetian Alps so as to debouch
on Trent and throw the Austrians back on the lagunes of
Venice, at tbe same time that Brune attacked them in front.
In order to execute this the more certainly, Murat was
directed to march from the camp of Amiens for Italy, as
soon as the destination of Pultney should render his corps
disposable. I, for a moment, thought of marcffing with
eighty thousand men by the Noric Alps on Vienna, at the
same time that Moreau would arrive there by the valley of the
Danube. I decided, however, not to go in person to the army
of Brune, which, by the turn of events would only be an
accessory one ; I was confirmed in this resolution by what
had occurred at Paris at the epoch of Marengo. The party

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 349
conquered at the eighteenth Brumaire was not yet dead : at
the first news of the success of Melas, brought by a commer
cial courier, the Jacobins, thinking me conquered, proposed
to Carnot, the minister of war, it is said, a coup-d'etat
against me. We can only guess what course he would have
taken, if an hour afterward my courier, announcing a deci
sive victory, had not changed the face of affairs. I deemed it
more wise to direct matters from the interior of my cabinet,
and Berthier resumed the duties. of minister of war.
Macdonald found his task impossible of execution, and his
means disproportionate to the end ; he sent his chief-of-
staff to bring me his objections. After listening attentively
to the expos6 of this officer, I interrogated him on the pre
sumed force and positions of General Hiller's corps on the
side of Germany, and of the divisions of Laudon, Dedowich,
and Wukassowich, which covered the Italian Tyrol. Taking
a coup-d'ceil of tffis mass of the Great Alps between the
Ehine and the Affige, I analyzed the different hypotheses
which this vast theatre presented for my combinations, and
then replied : " We shall carry, without opposition, this
immense fortress of the Tyrol ; it is necessary to ma
noeuvre on the flanks of the Austrians, to threaten their
last point of retreat ; they wiU immeffiately evacuate all the
upper valleys. I will, in no respect, change my plans.
Eetum immediately ; I am about to break the armistice ;
Tell Macdonald that an army passes always, and in all
seasons, wherever two men can place their feet : the army of
the Grisons must be at the sources of the Adda, the Ogho,
and the Affige, within fifteen days after the resumption of
hostilities ; let the report of its arms be heard on Mount
Tonal which separates them ; and on reaching Trent, let it
form the left of the army of Italy, and manoeuvre in concert
with this last on the rear of Bellegarde. I shall be able to
reenforce them as soon as necessary : it is not on the numer-

350 LIFEOFNAPOLEON, [Ca VL
ical force of an army, but rather on the object and im
portance of the operation, that I estimate the importance of
the command,"
Brilliant Success of the Army of the Rhine. — Hostffities
recommenced toward the end of November, A few days
after, Moreau gained the decisive battle of Hohenlinden,
The Archduke John, wishing to take the initiative, instead
of awaiting us behind the formidable position of the Inn,
threw himself into the woody country between tffis river and
the Iser, ffi order to debouch on Munich, while the corps of
Klenau, with a good part of his cavalry, debouched by
Eatisbon and joined ffim at Dachau. The Archduke, by
Weyrother's advice, on the third of December, penetrated
into the great forest of Hohenlinden in four columns. Three
of these columns marched by roads, difficult at best, but now
rendered almost impassible by a deep snow. The principal
column, composed of the centre of the army with all the
parks and reserves, passing along a fine road, debouched two
hours before the others, on Anzing, fell into the midst of
Moreau's division, and met a warm reception. By a chance
not less fortunate, Eichepanse, going into the forest, engaged
the left of the Austrians which had been much retarded, thus
got possession of the road, and took the centre of the Arch
duke enfiagrant delit, by attacking him in reverse in a defile
of which Moreau was disputing the outlet. Assailed on all
sides in this coupe-gorge, the Archduke John, after having
lost one hundred pieces of cannon and twelve thousand men,
was exceedingly fortunate in regaining the Inn.
This ¦victory was so much the more fortunate as it had
been gamed without the right wing under Lecourbe, or the
left under CoUaud, taking any part in it ; Moreau had called
them to him as soon as he heard of the march made by the
enemy on the offensive, but they had not had time to arrive.
Tha victorious army pursued with impetuosity the fright-

Ca VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801, 351
ened foe. The heads of our columns, led on by Lecourbe,
Eichepanse, Decaen, young warriors, full of activity and
ardor, scarcely waiting for repose, pursued the enemy with
that vigor of which I had given an example in 1796. The
imposing barrier of the Inn, notwithstanding the three tites-
de-pont which had been intrenched during the armistice, and
the fortified place of Brannau, could not arrest them more
than a day. The faulty position of the enemy permitted
Moreau to menace the right, and to pass the Inn on the ex
treme left near Eosenheim. The Austrians made a stand in
advance of Salzbourg, and Lecourbe came near being engaged
there alone on disadvantageous terms : his firmness gave him
time to remedy the evil. The Salza, the Traun, and the
Enns were crossed with the same vigor. Eichepanse opera
ted with great skill, and succeeded in carrying off several of
the enemy's rear-guard. General Klenau, who had gone to
cover Eatisbon with a pretty numerous corps, particularly in
cavalry, paralyzed by the rout of the principal army, could
do no better than to join General Simbschen and the legions
of Bohemia, to fall upon the little army of Augereau, who,
after having reduced Wurtzbourg and invested its citadel,
was advancing toward Nuremberg. But the slight advan
tages gained by the Austrians on this secondary point, did
not prevent the main army from being driven back to St.
Polten in the greatest disorder. Eichepanse, Decaen, and
Lecourbe, in this short campaign covered themselves with
glory, particularly in the passages of the Inn and the Salza,
and the combats of Schwanstadt, Vocklabruck and Lam-
bach. The Archduke Charles took from the hands of his brother
the command of a defeated and disheartened army, which in
twenty days had lost twenty-five thousand men hors-de-
combat, one hundred and twenty pieces of cannon, and four
thousand carriages. Coming •without reenforcements and with-

352 LIFE OP NAPOLEON. [Ca VI.
out any immediate hopes, how could he be expected to imme
ffiately restore confidence and victory ?
Armistice of Steyer.-— He proposed an armistice. Moreau
had orders to consent to it, only on condition that Austria
would agree to separate her cause from that of England, and
to treat separately, and without delay. Forty-eight hours
were required for an answer from Vienna ; but Moreau refused
to suspend his march, certain that the results of anterior move
ments would give him a number of prisoners and a quantity of
baggage. Finally, the cabinet of Vienna, consented to every
thing, and General Grune signed, on the twenty-third of De
cember, an armistice at Steyer, for the army of Germany only.
Inaction of Brune. — The army of Italy had remained
wholly inactive. Brune had no interest in hurrying on
affairs, for he was waiting for Macdonald and Murat. On
the other side BeUegarde, ignorant of the destination of the
two last generals, waited only for a cessation of the autum^
nal rains to render his movements less difficult m the lagunes
of the Oglio and the lower Po.
Passage of the Splugen.— The army of the Grisons, obe
dient to my orders, rushed, full of ardor, across the snows
and glaciers of the Splugen, at an epoch when even the
traveler trembles to expose himself there with all the ordi
nary precautions to secure his safety. Drifted masses of
movable snow, concealing frightful precipices, threatening
avalanches, and a thousand dangers of all descriptions, were
insufficient to arrest the brave men accustomed to despise
death. The columns, after extraordinary efforts, debouched
at last on the smiling shores of Lake Como. But this was
not all ; food was required, and the Valteline was incapable
of furnishing it ; it was necessary to seek supplies for the
army in Lombardy. Macdonald crossed the secondary and
abrupt chains of the Col-d'Apriga, less elevated than the
Splugen, but more difficult, perhaps, for an army.

Cfl. VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 353
He proposed to Brune to send him his left wing, in order
to render more decisive his attack by the mountains. The
latter feared that, by weakening his forces in the plain, he
would expose himself to be defeated by Bellegarde ; and if
he were beaten and driven back behind the Adda, that the
army of Macdonald would be lost in tbe gulfs of the Tyrol
In some respects both were right ; it was well to act by the
left, but not to act in a partial manner. If I had been there,
I should have marched with my left and the corps-de-bataille
to join Macdonald, and treat Bellegarde as I did Wurmser in
1796 at Bassano, leaving only a light corps on the Adige.
Macdonald piqued at Bmne's refusal, went away to attack
the Tonal, whose icy crests now bristled with the enemy's
intrenchments, and was repulsed.
Operations of Brune. — The passage of the Mincio took
place on the twenty-fifth of December ; it was to have been
made near Monzambano ; the right, under Dupont, was to
make a secondary attack at Volta. A delay caused a counter-
order to be given to the centre and left ; Dupont did not
receive it till he had effected his passage, and thus the dem
onstration became the main attack. This wing had to sus
tain all the efforts of Bellegarde against Pozzolo. Suchet
came to his assistance without consulting Brune, and our
troops maintained themselves, by miracle, on the left bank.
The next day, Brune passed at Monzambano ; the enemy
yielded every where to the efforts of our army whose victorious
march was retarded but for a moment by the Adige. The
left, under Moncey, ascended the river by Eoveredo.
Junction of the Army of the Grisons.— Macdonald, on his
side, after having left the half of his little troop under Bara-
guey-d'Hilliers at the sources of the Adige, passed the rocks
of the Val d'Apriga, and descended on Breno, so as to com
municate with the brigade of Lecchi which Brune had sent
to meet him. Eepulsed, as has been said, at the attack of
VOL, I. — 23.

354 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ch. VL
the Tonal, he had to fall back by Pisogno and the Col de
San-Zeno on Storo, cutting a passage through the thick ice,
as he had done through the deep snows of the Splugen. This
short campaign was memorable, especially for the fatigue of
all kinds which the troops supported, and the natural obsta
cles overcome by their resignation, courage and devotion.
History will transmit it to posterity as one oif the monuments
of our glory.
Macdonald, at last, effected his communication with Moncey
on the fourth of January ; on the seventh he debouched by
the Col de Vesagno on Trent, where he was joined by Van
damme, who descended the valley of the Noss as soon as the
enemy had evacuated the Tonal. The right of Bellegarde,
caught at Calliano between Moncey and Macdonald, seemed
lost. General Laudon saved it by deceiving Moncey with a
false report of an armistice. The Austrians passed by the
Brenta to rejoin Bellegarde. Moncey, who thought to enter
Trent in consequence of the arrangement made with Laudon,
was greatly surprised to find Macdonald already there.
Piqued at having been the dupe of so old a stratagem, though
almost always repeated with success, he followed Laudon and
Wukassowich by the gorges of the Brenta. Macdonald fol
lowed, by Botzen, the trail of the Austrian division which
had covered the Grisons and the upper Adige, and which
Baraguey d'Hilliers was pushing on Meran. He was on the
point of surrounding it, when the armistice of Treviso tied
ffis hands, at the very moment when he was about to collect
at least some trophies of his hard and toilsome campaign.
Armistice of Treviso. — Bmne, who had advanced without
energy to Treviso, took it upon himself to conclude an armis
tice, lea^ving Mantua to the Austrians and granting a free
exit to the garrisons of the Forts of Verona, Legnago, Pes
chiera and Ancona, which they evacuated to him ; this was a
double folly ; for Mantua was to become the decisive pomt

Ch. VI.] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 355
of the coming negotiation with the cabinet of Vienna, and
the garrisons which he allowed to escape would soon have
been compelled to surrender prisoners of war. I had foreseen
this, and ordered Brune, three days before, not to treat with
out obtaining Mantua. This order reached him two days
too late. This strange convention was so much the more
absurd on our part, as Murat was at this very moment de
scending into Lombardy, and arrived on the Po with a fine
corps of the 6lite of twelve thousand men. I ordered Brune
to immediately break this armistice, and push forward, at
least till he obtained the cession of Mantua. Cobentzel,
hearing at Luneville of tffis ffifficulty, consented to the sur
render of this place, thus giving force to the convention of
Tre^viso. Infernal Machine. — Although every thing had succeeded
to my wishes, nevertheless the event of the third of Nivose
(December twenty-fourth) taught me that I was still over a
volcano. This conspiracy was unexpected '.^ it is the only
one of which the pohce ffid not get some previous intimation.
It succeeded, because it had no confidants. It was simple,
for it included only my carriage as it was passing in the Eue
St, Nicaise, which was to be blown up by a mechanical con
trivance, denominated the Infernal Machine. I escaped by
miracle. The interest shown by all classes in my escape,
indemnified me for the risk I had run. The time was ill-
chosen ; for nothing was prepared in France for the restora
tion of the Bourbons, The guilty were sought out. I sus
pected only the Brutuses of the street comers. In commit
ting crimes, the perpetrators seek to make an honor of it. I
was astonished when, upon inquiry, it was ascertained that it
was to royalists that the inhabitants of the Eue St, Nicaise
were indebted for being blown into the air.
The Neapolitans beaten in Tuscany.— During the discus
sions between Brune and the Austrians, the Neapolitans,

356 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CaVL
who never did any thing at the proper time, thought to drive
our detachments from Sienna and to invade Tuscany. Count
Damas entered there at the head of eight thousand Neapoli
tans. Sommariva, starting from Ancona, was to raise an
insurrection m the neighboring valleys and cross the Apen
nines to form a communication with him. Murat was then
approaching Parma. Miorlis, taking council only from his
audacity, marched with three thousand Franco-Oisalpins on
the Neapolitans, and completely routed them at San Donate,
on the fourteenth of January. The armistice of Treviso,
paralyzing Sommariva, exposed Naples to our blows.
Murat's Expedition against Naples.— Certain that peace
would soon be concluded with Austria, or at any rate that
the armistice woffid give us plenty of time to deal with
Naples, I ffirected Brune to reenforce Murat with two divi
sions, and ordered the latter to march upon Eome at the
head of twenty-seven thousand men. I coveted the superb
harbor of Tarentum, which had served the Carthagenians as
a bulwark to resist the Eoman power in the peninsula, and
where, with some new works, the most numerous fieets could
find a refuge. It had to me a double interest at the time
when Egypt -was stffi in our possession : it was an advanta
geous point of departure for carrying succor to our establish
ment there.
Murat advanced without obstacle as far as Foligno. In
the mean time the court of Naples began to appreciate the
danger threatened by the consequences of the battle of
Marengo. If Queen Caroline was carried away by her hatred
to us, it nevertheless must be conceded that she bad a supe
rior mind. She repaired to Vienna, and thence to St. Peters
burg to sohcit the support of Eussia, which had so power
fully contributed to her restoration to the throne. The
intentions of Paul I. on Malta would naturally incline him
to any project calculated to give ffim consideration at Naples ;

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND ISOl. 357
but the taking possession of this island in the name of Eng
land so exasperated him that he decided to make common
cause with me. He sent M. Kalitschef to Paris, and Le-
waschof into Italy. The feelings of tffis enthusiastic prince
were carried so far that Louis XVIIL was obliged to leave
Mittau and repair to Warsaw.
Armistice of Foligno. — I had too much interest in pleasing
Paul, and too little to gain in paralyzing the great forces at
the extremity of the presqu'ile, not to listen to the interces
sion of Lewaschof Murat, in accordance with my orders,
signed, at Foligno, an armistice with the court of the Two
Sicilies, which gave us satisfaction for all our complaints,
and consented to our occupation of the roadstead of Taren
tum until the general peace. Soult was detached with ten
thousand men to take possession of it, and I directed him to
immediately commence the construction of the necessary
works for securing it from the Enghsh. Murat had gone to
Eome where he was well received by the Pope. He assured
the Holy See of my pacific intentions toward him, and good
harmony was soon established between us.
Peace of Luneville.— The peace signed, February 9th, at
Luneville, put an end to this second coalition ; it differed
very httle from that of Campo-Formio. The principal
amendment ceded Tuscany to the Infante of Parma, trans
porting the Grand Duke to Salzbourg, This clause was im
portant as it called in the intervention of Spain in the affairs
of Italy, as it was under Lams XIV, and Louis XV,, and com
pletely ffisinherited the house of Austria, which, possessing
Verona and Venice, miglit have more easily entered there to
the aid of Tuscany, The other principal articles of the
treaty were : first, the Emperor, stipulating both in the
quality of Emperor of Austria, and in the name of the Ger
manic Empire, cedes Belgium and all the left of the Ehine ;
second, he consents that Lombardy shaU form an independ-

358 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VI
ent state ^ third, in exchange, Austria retains the states of
Venice to the Affige, the thalweg of wffich, from the Tyrol
to the sea, forms the boundary ; fourth, the Duke of Modena
receives Brisgau in exchange for his state, which is annexed
to the Cisalpine Eepubhc ; fifth, the Grand Duke of Tus
cany renounces his states and his part of the Isle of Elba to
the Infante Duke of Parma, and is to receive a full and
entire indemnity in Germany ; sixth, France surrenders
Kehl, Cassel, and Ehrenbreitstein, on conffition that these
fortifications remain in their present condition ; seventh, the
princes ffispossessed on the left of the Ehine are to receive
mdemnity in the German Empire ; eighth, the Batavian,
Helvetian, Cisalpine and Ligurian Eepubhcs, being recog
nized as independent by article eleventh, then people are to
adopt such form of government as they may deem best.
Tffis article, though conformable to the principles of pubhc
and natural law, was an inevitable germ of discord, and
we soon had occasion to prove this. What is just, is not
always wise and politic. All things considered, the day
when this peace was signed, appeared to me the most happy
of my hfe, for it was one of the most fortunate for France ;
she was again great and respected ; she could taste the sleep
of the Lion, and wake in an imposmg attitude on the bosom
of prosperity.
Campaign of 1801. — At the moment when I was termina
ting, with so much advantage, the war of the second coalition,
important events were preparing in the north of Europe, and
in Africa. To properly understand these, it will be neces
sary to go back a little. The great maritime power of the
English had degenerated into an unsupportable despotism.
Neutrals had been no more spared than the enemy. The
principles of international law had in all time prescribed
that convoys of merchant vessels escorted by neutral ves
sels of state, shah be free from visit ; but that, in ex-

Ca VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 359
change, state vessels shall convoy neither prohibited goods,
nor foreign ships. These just rules were the last refuge of
European commerce in time of ¦war. But England most
unblushingly violated the most consecrated of maritime
rights ; she seized convoys destined for France ; those carry
ing French merchandise, and articles useful to the Eepublic.
She even attacked and carried away Danish and Swedish
frigates for attempting to defend the property intrusted to
their care, and for which their own honor, and the honor of
their government was pledged ; to fail in this charge was to
tarnish and disgrace their flag. With such international
laws, the commerce of Eussia, Denmark, Sweden, Prussia,
Holland, would be completely at the mercy of the cabinet
of St. James, and no nation could recognize such a state of
things without renouncing its independence and the prin
cipal sources of its prosperity.
English Expedition against Copenhagen. — ^England replied
to the just reclamations of the neutral governments, that she
ought to do every thing she could to secure her maritime
power, and that she could do all that she wished. These
pretensions and the usurpation of Malta by England, who
took possession of this island in her own name, instead of
that of the Order of which Paul I. was grand-master, offended
Eussia, Prussia, Denmark, and Sweden. All cried to arms
against a monopoly both insulting and injurious. Prepara
tions were making at Copenhagen, Stockholm, Cronstadt,
and at Eeval. A quadruple alliance was formed in the
north for the preservation of their honor and maritime
rights. , England knew well that after getting rid of Austria, I would
direct all my efforts to the naval affairs. It was therefore
important for her to attack the northern powers ¦with vigor,
before allowing time for any concert of action between us ;
it was necessary to attack the others while twenty-five Eus-

360 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VL
sian men-of-war were stffi frozen in their ports. The cabinet
of St. James, far from yielding to the storm, sent an ambas
sador to Copenhagen, supported by twenty men-of-war.
The ultimatum having been rejected through the influence
of Bemstorf, Nelson effected the passage of the Sound, an
operation of no serious ffifficulty, inasmuch as the Swedish
batteries refused to fire upon him, and presented himself
before Copenhagen. The approach to tffis place was defended
by ten old hulks of vessels, a number of gun-boats, and two
formidable land batteries on the right and left of the line.
Naval Battle of Copenhagen. — On the second of April,
Nelson attacked this line with twelve ships and several
frigates, passing along the side of the middle ground which
di^vides the channel into two parts ; one of his vessels ran
aground. The combat was terrible; the right of Nelson
could effect notffing against the Three Crown battery, and
his centre was overwhelmed by a violent cannonade ; eight or
nine hundred guns were vomiting death upon ffis vessels.
There was so little space that the vessels were certain, if dis
mantled, to run aground on the bank where they would be
still exposed to the fire of the Danish line. The position
was so hazardous that the admhal-in-chief, Parker, gave the
signal for retreat. Nelson replied by the signal for deadly
combat. Nevertheless the Danish hulks had greatly suffered,
many of them were rendered completely unmanageable and
floated out between the two fires. Nelson, who had just
rim aground with his own and two other vessels, now re
sorted to a flag of truce, under pretext of saving the wounded
of the Danish hulks, which, according to him, had surren
dered, but of which he could not get possession.
English Armistice with the Danes.— The prince-royal, who
had covered himself with glory in defending the land bat
teries, and preparing to resist the English, fell into the snare
of Nelson and concluded au armistice. Although the condi-:

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 361
tions of this armistice were very honorable to the Danes, it
was of immense importance to tbe English. It is certain
that had not this armistice been made. Nelson would have
been greatly embarrassed to effect his escape. It is said,
as a reason for forming this armistice, that during the battle
the Prince of Denmark had learned of the death of Paul I.,
an event calculated to dissolve the Confederation of the
North. This is possible ; for the emperor fell on the night
of the twenty-second of March, and the news might have
reached Copenhagen by the second of April. Be that as it
may, the success of the English at Copenhagen, and the
pacific dispositions announced by the Emperor Alexander on
his coming to the throne, destroyed all the hopes of the neu
trals, and England, on the eve of a threatening crisis, came
out ¦victorious.
English Descent upon Egypt. — Her arms were not less
fortunate in Egypt. The result of the battle of Heliopolis
had shown the cabmet of St. James the necessity of taking a
more decided part. The turn given to affairs in Italy ren
dered a large body of troops disposable. Abercrombie was
appointed to lead them to the banks of the Nile. He landed
at Aboukir, on the eighth of March, ¦with sixteen thousand
men, and was soon followed by six thousand others. He was
to act in concert with the army of the Grand- Vizier who
debouched from Syria by the desert, and the corps of Baud
coming from India by Suez. If Menou had been a man of
abffity he would have beaten these corps separately, and
driven the English into the sea, as I had previously done
with the Turks. But he divided his own troops, and, con
trary to the advice of his generals, engaged his corps in de
tails. After losing the battle of Alexandria, where Aber
crombie met a glorious death, the French general was forced
to shut himself up in that place, while Belliard, left with
too many people at Cairo, was mvested there by the com-

362 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VL
bined forces of Hutchinson and the Turks. As a climax of
ill-luck, Admiral Gantheaume, whom I had dispatched ¦with
a reenforcement of six thousand men, appeared three times
on the coast of Egypt without having the courage or address
to effect a landing ; he returned as often to Toulon, so that
Belliard and Menou had no other recourse than to sign suc
cessively treaties of evacuation.
Resignation of Pitt.— In the mean time, Pitt had felt that
there was no legitimate object for war, and that it was time
to make peace. Even before the fleet of Parker set sail from
Yarmouth, he had decided to facihtate negotiations for peace ;
he now retired, and his successor hastened to renew with
Otto, who still remained at London, the negotiations which
had been interrupted at the end of 1800,
Situation of France. — The Eepublic was prospering from
day to day ; on taking the helm of government, finances had
occupied my first care. They were in the most sad disorder ;
I applied myself incessantly to regulate them. Ten destruc
tive systems had succeeded each other since the time of M.
Colonne. The annual receipts at the end of the reign of
Louis XVI. amounted, according to the famous report of
Necker, to four hundred and eighty millions, but there was
a debt with an interest of two hundred and sixty millions.
There remained scarcely two hundred and twenty millions
for the annual expenses of three hundred and eighty millions,
besides the interest on the debt, so that there was an annual
deficit. This deficit was to be made up by loans, which
only made the matter worse. The Constituent Assembly,
under the pretext of economy, thought to reduce the entire
expenses to five hundred and thhty millions, but the reduction
was merely on paper, and never in reality took place. A
milhard of assignats, hypothecated on the national domains,
had enabled the ministry to get along till the end of 1791.
The expenses of the war forced them to successively augment

Ca VI.] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 363
these emissions ; and the second Assembly, in order to court
popularity, avoided forced contributions and had recourse to
paper money. The Convention made so ridiculous an abuse
of the assignats that the sum emitted was carried to fifty
milliards, on account of their depreciation. There was a time
when the sum of from twelve to fifteen thousand francs in
paper money was given for a gold piece of twenty-four francs.
The Directory bad, at first, rejected this depreciated paper
and proclaimed a first bankruptcy, ordering the exchange of
the assignats for drafts, at thirty for one ; but no one had
confidence in rags which did nothing but change their names,
and it was necessary to come back, in all government trans
actions, to specie. This transition was a very difficult and
dehcate operation where the country was engaged in internal
and external wars, and especially when a maritime war was
ruining ports, colonies, and all commerce of exportation.
For ten years the pubhc debt had been left unpaid, or paid
in valueless assignats. The Directory had felt itself unable
to pay in money the two hundred and forty millions annually
required to pay for the prodigalities of Louis XIV., the
Eegent, and Louis XV. I thought, after the eighteenth
Fructldor, to reduce the debt two thirds, that is, to about
seventy millions funded, and ten millions floating. The
remainder was reimbursed in admissible bons, in purchases
of national property. This second bankruptcy had so shaken
the public credit that the consolidated third was worth only
twelve to the one hundred, and the other two thirds, payable
in bons, were utterly valueless.
Notwithstanding this rescission of two thirds of the debt,
the budget was increased to between seven and eight hundred
millions, that is, three hundred millions more than under the
administration of Necker. The wants of the navy and army
and the expenses of the Eepublican government, caused tffis
increase ; in truth, the provinces of Belgium, of the left bank

364 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VI.
of the Ehine, Savoy, and the Comt6 of Nice, furnished to the
treasury an increase from the imposts, which might be esti
mated at sixty milhons. The Directory had never been able
to raise the receipts to one half of the sum indicated in the
budget ; it provided for the wants of government by cutting
and selling extraordinary quantities of wood from the national
domain, by odious forced loans, by money brought from Italy,
and by a ruinous floating debt.
To give order and facility to the public receipts, I caused
them to be divided by twelfths from month to month. The
receiver-generals were to sign monthly obligations for all taxes
on freehold and personal property ; so that the treasury,
certain of its means, had, after the first of January of each
year, at its ffisposal the capital necessary to secure all kinds
of service. The order in the comptabiliti and expense was
placed on a par with that of the incomes ; confidence was
immediately restored. Indeed, I was obliged to establish a
kind of " chambre ardente," to repair the squanderings which
had been introduced into the supplies, the sale of the na
tional domains, and of the wood. The pitiless Deferment
was placed at the head of this liquidation, who, judge and
prosecutor at the same time, cut away in somewhat a revo
lutionary style, but who saved the state from the disagreeable
necessity of being the dupe of avaricious collectors and of
ignoble usurers.
By these wise measures our budget of expenses, which,
from time to time, varied from six hundred and eighty to
eight hundred millions, was constantly supplied ; the trea
sury was never embarrassed for a single moment, if we ex
cept two or three days of crisis occasioned by the fault of
the minister ; the rentiers, contractors for supplies, the civil
functionaries, the army, the navy, were all regularly paid.
Public credit rose to an equality to the interest of money ;
a sinking fund was created to increase the guarantees ; and

Ca VI.] CAMPAIGNS OP 1800 AND 1801. 365
France, whose dissolution, for want of money, the pohtical
economists iu English pay were daily prophesying, was nevef
in a more prosperous situation than at this epoch.*
Every thing in the interior was progressmg equally with
the public finances, the war and the national policy : the
important codes were in course of preparation ; the list of
emigres was reduced to a thousand individuals, noted as
movers of insurrection or chiefs of parties, more than one
hundred thousand being recalled, and their property, wffich
remained unsold, with few exceptions, restored. Public edu-*
cation, faUen into disorder, was reorganized by a decree of
May 1st, 1802, and Fourcroy and Fontanes successively
placed at its head. Factions seemed quiet ; so much eclat
had silenced them. La Vendue was gradually becoming
tranquil : the departure of Puisaye for America, and the
death of Frott6,f. who was taken and shot at the moment
when he was stirring up a new insurrection in Britanny, left
the party without a leader. Georges, the most audacious of
all, had been forced to take refuge m England, and the
others, wearied with being made mstruments and victims,
thought offiy of repose. Even the Jacobins were obliged to
applaud my victory, for it was as profitable to them as to
me. 1 had no rivals.
Necessity of a new Religions System. — To complete the
entire pacification of France, it was necessary to bffild up
again the altars, overthrown in times of the most violent
anarchy. The clergy had been schismatic smce the famous
civil constitution of 1791, the churches were deserted and
fallen into ruins. I deemed it incumbent upon me to rees-
tabhsh the CathoHc religion for the same reasons that had
* For the details of these financial operations the reader is referred to Thiers,
History of the Consulate, Book I.
f Alison's account of Prott^'S arrest and execution is utterly fiilse. For the
time fasts in, this case, see Thiers' Consulate,.

366 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [OaVI.
induced Henry IV. to adopt it two centuries before. But if
it was important to restore the ministers of the Church, it
was no less necessary to bridle their ambition. It was neces
sary to shut out that army of men of no country, marching
under the banner of a foreign chief, who, for ten centuries,
in order to raise the tiara above crowns, had substituted
ignorance, superstition, fanaticism, and intolerance, for the
admirable precepts of the evangelist. In a word, it was
necessary to reestablish the religion of the F6n61ons, and not
that of the Loyolas or the Mouchys.
Means of accomplishing this Change. — There offered three
different means of attaining tffis object : the first to again
subject the Galilean Church to the discipline of the court
of Eome, and so limiting its power as to prevent any inter
ference in affairs of state ; the second, to shake off entirely
this troublesome patronage, and to profit by the indifference
inspired by the revolution toward all religious matters, in
order to decorate a French prelate with the patriarchship,
attributing to him the canonical investiture, and in other
respects leaving the Catholic religion with all its existmg
forms ; finally, the third was to declare the Catholic and
Protestant churches equally under the care of the state, and to
favor the extension of the latter, which had already spread
over a part of France, ¦without the introduction of the Church
hierarchy. Chances in Favor of the Reformation. — The latter method
woffid have been, perhaps, more suited to the future interests
of France and those of tbe party which had triumphed in the
Eevolution. Some -writers have thought that this would
again have hghted up the insurrection in the west, and have
dissatisfied that part of the Eepublic wffich it was then very
important to calm. Undoubtedly then fears were well
founded, if the reform had been attempted by force, for not-
¦withstanding my power, I might well have failed where

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801, 367
Henry VIII, and Gustavus Vasa succeeded : great reforma
tions in religion are the results of circumstances ; to attempt
to force them makes more martyrs than proselytes of the
people. Mild measures alone can impose laws upon men's
consciences. In the existing state of Catholicism in France,
it is probable that no invincible obstacle would have been
offered to the introduction of a system placing the primitive
religion of Henry IV, on a level with that of Charles IX,
Had I been able to foresee the events of 1814 and 1815, I
should not have hesitated to pronounce in favor of the Ee-
formed Church. It would have been one of tbe strongest
barriers to the restoration of the Bourbons, especially if it
had been adopted by the intelligent part of the nation. The
Stuarts have proved the difficulty of reconciling a fallen
dynasty and a nation professing a different religion. Those
who have wished to form a comparison between the restora
tion of Charles II. and that of Louis XVIIL, have not
appreciated this difference of situation. But influenced by
my vast projects, I sacrificed mternal advantages to external
policy. On the one side, all the facilities for propagating the
Eeformed religion were then conjectural : it was possible
that the introduction of a new religious system would, in
spite of appearance, excite the strongest passions. My
power was still new, and it was important to consolidate it ;
I had greater motives than Louis XIV. for saying, L'itat,
c'est moi ; every thing calculated to produce division or
resistance appeared dangerous to my interests, whatever
may have been its ultimate influence for the public wel
fare. The Concordat. — It was on this account that the sub
stitution of a French patriarchship for the Holy See ap
peared to me even less sure of success than the Eeformed
Church ; for if the civil constitution imposed on the clergy
in 1791, had caused so much opposition in France, could it

36'8 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CaVL
be hoped that the priests of the south and west would con
sent to renounce their obhgations to the Pope, and to recog
nize a prelate whom he could not fail to excommunicate ?
Would not this measure expose the peace of the provinces to
be disturbed by a papal bull forbidding obedience ? More
over, the influence of France in Italy, Spain, and Ireland,
might be weakened by any change in our religious belief To
oppose England, it was absolutely necessary to have the con
currence of Spain, which was ruled more by the priests than
by the sovereign : what hope could we have of perpetuating
the alliance between a state governed by monkish fanaticism,
and a Eepublic struck by the thunders of the Vatican ? It
was therefore preferable to leave the church with the schism
already existing, than to engage in a change so delicate and
so dangerous. But as such a course was not calculated to
produce the immediate result which I desired, and as I had
already experienced in Italy the influence which the Catholic
religion is susceptible of gi^ving to a government, I preferred
to treat -with the court of Eome for the reestablishment of
religious matters on pretty nearly the same footing as they
had existed previous to the Eevolution. I nevertheless ob
tained for the Galilean Church more freedom than it had
ever before enjoyed ; the number of episcopal sees was con
siderably reduced, the government retained the power of
opposing itself to the excesses of religious fanaticism, and
the dangers of " ultramontane" maxims.
Objections made to this Concordat. — This transaction, as
honorable to tbe moderation of Cardinal Gonsalvi as to
myself, nevertheless encountered considerable reproach both
from the partisans of the Eepublic and some celebrated pub
licists. " Bonaparte," they say, " applied himself, in vain,
to destroy the remains of the Eevolution, and to close all
access to counter-revolutionists, since, by his concordat, he
ffimself opened to the latter a safe entrance, and excavated

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OF 18 00 AND 1801. 369
the mine which overthrew his edifice." This is mere exag
geration : it was the armies of all Europe combined that over
threw my work ; the spiritual arms of Eome had but a small
part in it. Nevertheless 1 afterward saw my error in not
entirely throwing off the ultramontane yoke. I was wrong
in thinking to avoid the dangers of religious fanaticism
by contracting its limits. By remembering how different
was the religion of Gregory VII. and Boniface VIII. from
that of the first bishops of St. Peter, we can judge what
fanaticism is capable of doing in a short time, where it has a
point of support from which to move the world. I thought
that I had secured France and Europe from its pretensions,
but experience proves that I was mistaken.
Fault of my Successors. — The concordat with its articles
reglementaires, filled all the conffitions of an excellent relig
ious pact ; it secured to society the means of keeping the
people under laws of a pure and severe morality ; it guaran
teed the nation and government against the ambition of a
cosmopolite clergy. Eeligious morality is of inappreciable
value to humanity. Its dogmas may even become a powerful
pohtical lever in the hands of a statesman, when the influ
ence of its ministers is confined within proper limits ; but it
often serves as a cloak to factious societies, and to destroy
the authority of the most powerful sovereigns, if they neg
lect to restrain the infiuence of priests within the just limits
which it should never pass. It is not easy to check the
authority of a power which founds its pretensions on the
mysteries of the Divinity, and thus places them beyond the
reach of civil laws.
Spain and Turkey are sad examples of the evils which
theocracy may bring upon a nation when the chiefs of the
church are in opposition to the depositaries of the temporal
authority. Eussia, England, Holland, Prussia, and all Prot
estant countries, prove the advantages resulting from sub-
voL. I. — 24.

370 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VL
jecting the clergy to the civil laws, and to the political.
authorities of the state, without permitting any foreign
interference. That ten centuries of barbarism and error
should keep the sovereigns of the seventeenth century under
the weight of Eomish infiuence, and under the sword of the
soldiery of Loyola, we can readily believe ; they could not
throw off this yoke without exposing themselves to a relig
ious revolution, always disastrous when foreign influence is
made to interfere, as Spain experiencd in the troubles of the
League, But that the ministers of my successors should,
instead of preserving the salutary restraints secured by the
concordat, seek to overthrow the edifice erected for the
security of the government and for France, was an incompre
hensible absurdity ; it was treason to the throne and to the
nation for which posterity and indexible history will hold
them accountable. How could those holding the reins of
authority so neglect the simplest axioms of government as
to favor the establisment of the ultramontane theocracy ?
Tho first of these axioms is, that, as religion is the means of
morality to the people, so should it be an element of force to
the government : as soon as its ministers pass these limits
they become men of ambition and factionists, more to be
feared than any other class, since they have a fanatical mul
titude at their disposal, and place themselves beyond the
reach of human power. That princes of the church, like
Ximenes, Mazarin, and Eichelieu, should desire a sacerdotal
rule, is very natural : but such a thing is very extraordinary
in a lay chief of the nineteenth century.
What has occurred since my exile has proved that, in a
philosophical view of the subject, I did not pursue the
wisest course. But in examining my system in a political
view of our relations -with Italy and Spain, it will find favor
in the eyes of the statesman.
Negotiations at London.— The negotiations with England,

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 371
resumed after the resignation of Pitt and the peace of Lune
ville, did not progress as we deshed. Egypt and Malta were
a stumbling-block to the two cabinets. The English had
debarked twenty thousand men at the mouths of the Nile
with success ; they were waiting the issue of this operation
to treat more advantageously. On my side, I wished to give
myself an equivalent situation by threatening Portugal and
even England with an invasion. My brother Lucien, then
charged with the embassy of Madrid, received orders to con
cert these measures with the Spanish government.
A little army assembled at Bayonne under my brother-in-
law, Leclerc, crossed the Castries, and presented himself
toward Almeida, at the same time that the Prince of Peace,
at the head of thirty thousand Spaniards, descended the
valley of the Tagus and threatened Lisbon. The Prince
Eegent hastened to purchase peace at the price of thirty
mffiions and the cession of Olivenza to Spain. This result
did not accomplish my object ; I refused to ratify the treaty,
requiring the entire occupation of the kingdom. At the
same time I had assembled a flotilla at Boulogne to menace
Ireland or the coast of England. Nelson attacked this
flotiUa with his incendiary macffines, but was repulsed
with loss.
These reciprocal demonstrations had little influence on the
negotiations, for they dragged along till the middle of July
without any definitive results. The English did not press
them because they learned from day to day the successes of
Abercrombie in Egypt ; but on the other side the presqu'ile
of Tarentum was occupied, Naples reduced, Portugal threat
ened ¦with invasion ; finally, the continental peace was daily
consolidating itself, and it was necessary that this uncertainty
should end. Otto, on the fourteenth of Jffiy, notified the
English cabinet that I refused to ratify the treaty of Badajos
between Spam and Portugal, and that I insisted on the occu-

372 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CaVL
pation of the latter kingdom, as a means of compensation for
the Spanish colonies which they (the English) retained. This
declaration led to others on both sides, so that the negotia
tions agam begun to make some progress. In a note of the
twenty-seventh of July, Otto explained in these terms :
" The French government desires to neglect nothing calcu
lated to lead to a general peace, which is at the same time
for the interest of humanity and the interest of the allies.
It is for the King of England to decide whether it is equally
so for the interest of his policy, his commerce, and his peo
ple ; and, if such be the case, whether a single island more
or less distant can be a sufficient reason for prolonging the
calamities of the world.
" The undersigned has shown, in bis last note, how much
the First Consul has been grieved by the retrograde move
ments of the negotiations ; but Lord Hawkesbury, contest
ing this fact in his note of July twentieth, the state of the
question is recapitulated with the frankness and precision
which affairs of this importance require.
" The question is divided into three parts : the Mediterra
nean, the Indies, and America. Egypt will be restored to
the Porte ; the Eepublic of the Seven-Isles is recognized ;
all ports in the Adriatic and the Mediterranean occupied by
French troops will be restored to the King of Naples or to
the Pope ; Mahon to Spain ; Malta to its Order ; and if
England deems the destruction of the fortifications of this
place as essential to her interests, this also will be agreed to.
In India, England will retain Ceylon, and thus become com
plete mistress of these immense and wealthy territories;
the other establishments will be restored to the allies, the
Cape of Good Hope included. In America every tffing will
be restored to its former owners. The King of England is
already so powerful in this part of the world that to require
more would be to pretend to the same preponderance in that

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801,' 373
part of the world which he now holds in India, Portugal
will undoubtedly preserve her integrity.
" The foregoing are the conditions which the French
government is ready to sign. The advantages to be drawn
from them by the British government are immense ; to pre
tend to greater, is to reject a peace, just and honorable to
both parties. Martinique not having been conquered by
British arms, but having been placed by its mhabitants into
the hands of the English, tffi such time as France shoffid
establish a government, can not be regarded as an English
possession : never will France renounce it.
" It now only remains for the British cabinet to signify the
course which it wishes to pursue ; and if these conditions are
not satisfactory, it wiU at least prove to the world that the
Fust Consul has neglected nothing, and has shown a dispo
sition to make any sacrifice to restore peace and spare
humanity the tears and blood wffich must inevitably resffit
from a new campaign."
The negotiation was prolonged till the beginning of Sep
tember. England no longer limited her pretensions to Trini
dad ; she laid claim to Tobago and the Dutch possessions on
the American continent ; she placed obstacles in the way of
the restoration of Malta. Mistress of Asia, she no longer
disguised her wishes to control America and the Levant. On
the eleventh of September, I caused a strong and peremp
tory declaration to be made, insisting upon the occupation
of Portugal by my troops, if she did not close the matter.
Preliminaries signed. — This firmness had a happy effect.
The English government renounced not only the possession
of Demarara and Berbice, but also their freedom, wffich it
had at first substituted for the claim to retain them. Finally,
the preliminaries of this peace, so ardently desired, were
signed at London on the first of October, between Otto and
Lord Hawkesbury, Article first, directed the prompt cessa-

374 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VL
tion of hostihties both on land and sea, and the restitution
of all conquests made by either party after the treaty. The
eight following principal articles, stipulated the restitution
to the French Eepublic and its allies, Spain and Holland, all
possessions and colonies occupied or conquered during the
war, with the exception of the Island of Trinidad and the
Dutch possessions m the Island of Ceylon, of which his
Britannic Majesty retained the full and entire sovereignty :
the opeffing of the Cape of Good Hope to the commerce and
navigation of the two contracting powers, which were there
to enjoy equal advantages : the restitution of Malta and its
dependencies by the Enghsh to the order of St. John of Jeru
salem ; the restitution of Egypt to the Porte, the contracting
powers also guaranteeing its other possessions : the guarantee
of the possessions of Portugal : the evacuation of the King
dom of Naples and the Eoman States by the French, and of
Porto-Ferrajo by the English, as well as all ports and islands
which they occupied in the Mediterranean or the Adriatic :
the recognition of the Eepubhc of the Seven Isles by the
French Eepublic, etc., etc.
The news of this event spread universal joy throughout
Europe : commerce, so long stagnated, received a new im
pulse. The neutral powers took no part against the happy
pacification, although it deprived them of all chances of con
traband commerce ; they anticipated a better future and
more friendly relations, which would mdemnify them, in
some degree, for the burdens imposed by the new maritime
rules of the English. Even at London the most extravagant
joy was exffibited ; the people seemed as though they had
passed from the depths of despair to the very pinnacle of for
tune. My aid-de-camp, the bearer of the ratification, had
his horses taken from the carriage by this people, who drew
him in triumph through the streets.
Peace with Russia and the Porte.— I was tffis year very

Ch. VL] CAMPAIGN OF 1800 AND 1801. 375
actively engaged in regulating our foreign policy. A treaty
was formed with the Emperor Alexander on the eighth and
eleventh of October ; our differences with the Porte were
also terminated by a treaty ; 1 ratified the convention of
Monfontaine with the United States ; finally, I regulated
the affairs of the Cisalpine Eepublic, of Batavia, and Swit
zerland. Acquisition of Louisiana. — I obtained from Spain the
retrocession of Louisiana, which we had lost, in 1793,
by the disgraceful peace of Paris. The position of this
country, so favorable to agriculture, gave it great value in my
estimation. Placed between Mexico and the United States,
it might one day render me the arbiter of North America :
possessing the mouths of the Mississippi, we could control
the commerce of the entire country watered by the tribu
taries of this immense river. If we lost St. Domingo, we
could find on the Mississippi the soil and chmate necessary
for the culture of our colonial commodities. Two years
afterward 1 gave up all these hopes, by selling this precious
colony to the United States : the fear that the English might
get possession of it and form an establishment which might
one day secure them an influence over Mexico and the United
States, was the principal cause which induced me to this
alienation of French territory.
The Infante of Parma, King of Etruria.— While they
were negotiating the peace of London, I directed all my
efforts to place the little neighboring states on a suitable
basis. I caused Tuscany to be ceded to the Infante Duke
of Parma, who was to be recognized as King of Etruria.
This prince, of the Spanish branch, would bring a Spanish
contingent against the Austrian branch in Italy, so often as
I might deem necessary, as had been done under Philip V.
and Louis XV. At the same time I drew closer the bonds
of connection with the royal family of Madrid. I had need

376 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VL
of this power for my maritime designs, and for the expulsion
of England from America. Moreover, I gained by this the
acquisition of the Duchy of Parma, as an exchange. As a
seal to these relations Lucien proposed to me to divorce
Josephine and marry Isabella, Infanta of Spain. This
alliance would immediately have produced great advantages ;
it, nevertheless, had its objections. I thought that Lucien
was actuated, in this matter, by his hatred to Josephine,
and I directed ffim to not again introduce the subject.
Expedition to St. Domingo and Guadaloupe. — I profited
by the freedom of the seas, restored by the treaty of London,
to attend to our colonial affairs. On my elevation to the
Consulate, I found our colonies a prey to civil war, the
whites, blacks, mulattoes, attempting their own mutual
destruction. The whites were nearly extinct, and the mulat
toes, though full of energy and courage, numbered only forty
thousand to five hundred thousand blacks, of whom twenty-
five thousand men were already organized in regiments. I
determined to side with the latter, and loaded them with
benefits. To Toussaint, their chief, who had shown talent
and zeal in fighting the English, I sacrificed Eigaud and the
mulattoes, confiding to Toussaint all the interests of the
colony, thinking that he would be satisfied with this. But
is there any limits to ambition "} Urged on by English in
triguers, he published a coloffial constitution, and proclaimed
himself President for life, as I had made myself consffi.
This changed the course of my policy. I now determined to
side with the mulattoes, who, from their superiority of mind
and education, were the most influential men of the island.
I armed thirty ships and sixteen frigates, which carried suc
cessively about twenty-five thousand men to St. Domingo,
I gave the command to my brother-in-law. General Leclerc,
instructing him to restore the influence of ihe mulaMoes, to
capture a hundred of the black chiefs, the chiefs of battalion

Ca VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 377
included, and to fill the vacancies with the mulattoes and
whites. Leclerc landed, but, influenced by the old colonists,
he did every thing to exasperate the mulattoes instead of
conciliating them. Nevertheless, by their assistance he suc
ceeded in reducing the eastern part of the island, and Port-
au-Prince. Toussaint, Dessalines, and Christophe resisted,
burnt the towns along the coast, and took refuge among the
ffills. Defeated in several combats, they at last offered to
surrender. On the part of Toussaint this was a mere feint to
await the rains and fevers of autumn. They soon discovered
his ruse, and seized him and sent him to France, where he
died in prison. But Leclerc, instead of obeying my instruc
tions, maltreated Eigaud, who had returned to the island by
my orders, arrested him and forced him to fly again to
France ; other mulattoes were ill-treated and some were even
drowned. This incited new insurrections, and the chiefs of
the two castes stifled their mutual resentment in order to
exterminate the whites. In the mean time the yellow fever
broke out among our troops, and in three weeks carried away
two thirds of our fine army. Twenty thousand men were
dead, or dying in the hospitals. The new regiments lost
half their number within twenty-four hours after landing.
The crews of the vessels were also cut off, leaving the rem
nant of these brave men no means of escape. My brother-
in-law had at least the consolation of not surviving tffis dis
aster : he himself died of this cruel epidemic.
At Guadaloupe, Admiral La Crosse had been no more pru
dent toward P6lage, than Leclerc toward Eigaud, and the
colony rose in insurrection against him. Eichepanse was
sent there, and, more fortunate than Leclerc, his efforts were
attended with success.
Provisional Reunion of Piedmont. — The prosperity of my
European affairs indemnified me for this disaster at St.
Domingo ; Piedmont, at first organized as the twenty-seventh

378 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Ca VL
mihtary ffivision, to be afterward formally united to France,
secured my empire beyond the Alps, Holland, Italy, and
Switzerland equally recognized the laws which I dictated,
Switzerland and the Cisalpine Republic. — My negotiators
at Luneville, guided by principles of justice, bad stipulated
that the neighboring Eepublics, which had grown up under
French influence, should be free to form their own laws.
Nothing could be more just than this provision ; nevertheless,
these states being constituted and recognized by the treaty,
these expressions might apply only to their future independ
ence, without that the state then existing and solemnly
recognized should be troubled by counter revolutions. It
was important that Holland, the Cisalpine Eepublic, and
Helvetia should have charters posterior to the treaty ; and
that they should not accuse France of having constrained
them in their choice. A new government was formed at La
Haye, and I assembled a new Italian consulate at Lyons for
the month of December, 1801.
Italian Republic. — The Batavian Eepublic centralized its
power in the person of its magistrates the most devoted to
France, which could not fail to extend my influence over it-
The Cisalpins erected an Italian Eepublic, the presidency of
which they conferred on me for life. Of course I was not a
stranger to these different measures. Italy required a chief,
and no one had a better right than myself to the title. France
had agreed to form the Cisalpine Eepublic into a separate
state ; but I had not deprived myself of the liberty of accept
ing the magistracy of it. I know that this may seem some
what a play upon words ; but certainly one has a right to
interpret treaties as much as possible to his own advantage.
Austria did not think best to oppose this measure, and no
other European power had any particular interest in it, for
the institution was merely a temporary one.
Operations of the English.— If the preliminaries of London

Ca VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 379
had excited enthusiastic joy among a portion of the English
people, they, nevertheless, met with a strong opposition.
The official communication having been made, on the thir
tieth of October, to Parliament, tbe champions of the exclu
sive party, especially Grenville and Windham, severely criti
cized the conditions of this treaty, pretending that they were
far more advantageous to France than to England. The
latter declared that the ministers having signed the death-
warrant of their country, he knew not whether he was invited
to a festival or a funeral. According to him, they had given
to France the means of disputing the empire of the seas,
since they had restored her commerce, and given her an
opportunity to reestablish her navy. He also contended that
the peace was neither sure nor necessary. The opposition,
Sheridan for example, approved the peace, but opposed its
stipulations, because, he said it would bring about the na
tional degradation ; sad prognostics for the durability of a
treaty in a country where the general interest, inseparable
from the national honor, is the flrst of virtues and the sound
est of duties. This was the first time, since the beginning of
the war, that the partisans of Fox and Sheridan were seen
to vote with the constant supporters of tbe ministry. Pitt
added to the public astonishment by proclaiming himself a
defender of a treaty wffich he made it his glory not to have
signed. These debates in the two houses of Parliament show
how different the same thing may appear when viewed through
the medium of passion. The partisans of the ministry applied
themselves to demonstrate the advantage of the acquisition
of Ceylon and Trinidad ; the one placed as a sentinel to the
vast possessions of India, and the other fortunately situated
for observing South America, for a point of departure against
the rich Spanish provinces of Caraccas and Venezuela, or
against the French and Dutch possessions in Guiana. The
sanction of the conquest from Tippoo, and the surrender of

380 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ca VL
Egypt, did not escape the notice of these apologists. Lord
Spencer attacked the treaty with arguments more specious
than real, but calculated to pique the national pride.
" We have gathered," said he, " but little fruit from the
immense sacrifices we have made ; we have restored to France
and her allies establishments which have cost us the greatest
efforts, and whose preservation was due to the brave men
who conquered them, due to the security of the British em-
phe, and essential to guarantee us against the aggrandisement
of France on the continent.
" The protection wffich was pretended to be due to the
allies, was a derisory excuse, since they have allowed Olivenza
to be taken from Portugal, and have made no mention of the
house of Orange which had sacrificed itself for the cause of
England, but whose devotion has been rewarded by ingrati
tude and neglect.
" The cession of the Cape and Cochin will open to the
rivals of England the road to India ; France gains a formid
able position at the mouth of the Amazon, and recovers the
Antilles, while England has excluded herself from the Meffi-
terranean, by giving up Malta."
To these exaggerated reproaches. Lord Spenc^ added his
regret at seeing consolidated, by this peace, the principles of
the French Eevolution, at the very moment that I was about
to destroy them ! This was not the only error that he com
mitted : the threatening possessions which he saw at the
mouth of the Amazon was only a desert extending from
Guiana to Cape North and to the river of Arowary, of which
the preliminaries made no mention ; they only knew that
Portugal had yielded them to France by the treaty of Madrid.
As to Cochin and the Cape of Good Hope, declared a free
port, they were not possessions capable of causing any
serious uneasmess respecting the commerce of India.
Lord Cornwallis Envoy to Amiens. — Notwithstanding

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 381
the many clamors, the new ministers persisted in following
out the system which had been decided at the negotiation :
Lord Cornwallis was sent to the Congress of Amiens, where
be was to put the seal to the definitive peace, in concert with
my brother Joseph, the Chevalier d'Azora and Schimmel-
penninck, the latter for Holland and the other for Spain.
The English negotiator was received at Paris with the most
distinguished honor. Although his countrymen showed
themselves sensible of these attentions, and notwithstanding
that the preliminaries had laid the basis with so much pre
cision that it seemed impossible there could be any material
difficulty in the negotiations, nevertheless, at the opening of
the conference at Amiens the old jealousy and inveterate ffis-
trusts seemed to preside over the most important matters of
the two cabinets.
Difficulties about Malta. — Malta at first presented new
difficulties : the minute precautions taken by the powers
respecting its disposition prove more conclusively than any
thing else the importance attached to tffis place. The Order
of St. John of Jerusalem, to which it was now to be restored,
was then scattered and in a state of schism, and, in the eyes
of England, was an insufficient and suspected guardian.
Lord Cornwallis observed at first that if the English lan
guage' was incompatible with the rules of the order, it was
necessary, through reciprocity, that the French language
should be forbidden ! This matter was at last arranged ; but
new difficulties arose. I then proposed that the fortifications
be destroyed, and that Malta be made a lazaretto for all
nations, the knights being restored to their primitive func
tions of simple hospitallers. England opposed this, because
she hoped one day to get possession of this formidable
fortress. My minister then offered to place this island under
the King of Naples, as Lord-paramount, but with the
guarantee of Eussia, Austria, Prussia, Spain, England, and

382 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Ch. VL
France. If the troops of the order were insufficient, each of
the six great powers should furnish a contingent. Malta
would be respected m time of war, and might serve as a
lazaretto to all parties.
England accepted these propositions with certain modifica
tions ; she wished the garrison, in default of Maltese troops,
to be composed of Neapolitans. The palace of the King of
Naples being under the guns of the British fleets, it would
be easy for England, in the event of war, to force the govern
ment of the Two Sicffies to espouse the interests of the cab
inet of St. James, and thus obtain, if not the retrocession,
at least free egress for her squadrons. As these pretensions
could not be admitted, and as I desired that the order should
remain independent, I proposed that a Swiss garrison should
be put in Malta, large enough to enable the place to defend
itself This continuation of the discussion, though no
obstacle to the peace was made on our side, was not disagree
able to me, as it gave me time to finish the organization of
the Italian Eepublic, whose consulate, then assembled at
Lyons, offered me the presidency. It was of no great im
portance that tbe treaty should formally recognize me as
President of the Eepublic, but if the matter should be con
summated previous to the signature of the treaty, there could
be no grounds, in case of a future rupture, to charge me
with obtaining this thing by force.
Definitive Peace signed.— I at last thought best to yield
to the obstinacy of the cabinet of St. James ; and it was
agreed that the King of Naples should fumish to Malta a
garrison of two thousand men for a year, dating from the
restitution of the forts, and that if the Order did not raise,
by the end of the year, a sufficient force for defending the
island and its dependencies, the Neapolitan troops should
remain until their place should be supplied by others agreed
upon by the guaranteeing powers. After some other discus-

Ch. VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 383
sions on the territory claimed by France around Pondicherry,
and the fisheries of Newfoundland, the plenipotentiaries
having passed over the question of the recognition of the
new states of Italy by the English government, peace was
formally signed on the twenty-seventh of March.
Doubts have been raised as to the good faith of the two
contracting parties ; certainly the treaty was very defective,
and not well calculated to prevent difficulties. My own per
sonal position was such as to cause me to attach great value
to this peace, which in the public estimation added vastly to
my glory ; by giving a new impulse to the internal prosperity
of France, it brought me very much nearer to the throne :
my sincerity, therefore, could not well be doubted, especially
as all the principal omissions were in my favor, and it was
greatly to my advantage to leave them just where the treaty
placed them. But the case was different with the English
government : in avoiding all discussion on Tuscany and
Piedmont, whose dethroned princes were still her allies, it
must be supposed that England kept these as pretexts for a
rupture. To consider the matter merely in the relation of
political formahties, the Kingdom of Etruria might exist
without being recognized by the court of London, and cer
tainly the maritime peace would not have been disturbed for
a century : but how could the port of Leghorn be opened to
English commerce, if the ministry refused to recognize the
prince who reigned there ? The question of Piedmont was
still more serious : after the treaty of Luneville, this country
had been divided into six departments ; this, indeed, was not
a formal reunion, but the administration of this vast terri
tory by General Jourdan, in the name of France, under the
denomination of the twenty-seventh territorial division, was
a sufficiently plain indication of its ultimate fate. England
could not have kept silent, except designedly, on this impor
tant circumstance ; for even supposing that the French gov-

384 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CaVL
ernment might for a long time postpone the formal reunion,
still it was not less true that France administered the gov
ernment of tffis coimtry on her own account, and disposed of
its revenues, troops, and fortifications.
Upon Switzerland there was a silence not less extraor
dinary ; and, although the British trading companies and
fleets had nothing to gain from the inhabitants of the rocks
of St. Gothard, nevertheless, the disposition of a state con
nected with France by so many relations, political, commer
cial, and militany, was a matter of much importance to the
ministry of George III.
It ¦will be seen hereafter how important these omissions
were, and that the fault of them is to be attributed to the
party most interested in regulating these different objects.
However, the treaty differed but little from the preliminaries.
The only important difference was in relation to the House
of Orange, for whom the remarks of Lord Spencer were not
lost, and in whose favor an indemnity was stipulated ; and,
on the other side, the cessions made by Portugal in Guiana,
at the moment of making the treaty, were sanctioned, and
the disposition of Malta settled.
Its Reception in London and France. — These modifica
tions in the conditions of the treaty were not calculated to
procure for it any better reception than the preliminaries.
The English commercial community, seeing the departure of
the French armaments for the Antilles, and the speedy sub
mission of San Domingo, showed less satisfaction with this
peace than had at ffist appeared. The aristocracy were dis
pleased to see that a democratic and republican branch could
bring forth good fmits. Every possible means had been
taken to decry tbe preliminaries, and it was not surprising
that the definitive treaty should be received by the multitude
with a coldness, strikingly contrasting with the enthusiastic
reception of the first. The same objections brought against

CaVI.] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 385
the preliminaries were repeated on the reading of the treaty
of Amiens ; Lord Grenville attacked it -with his strong
and concise logic. He contended that the ministry, in
restoring to France her colomes, had done nothing to dimin
ish her preponderance on the continent. Since the prelimi
naries, the consulate of Lyons had consolidated my influence
over Italy. The report of the cession of Louisiana to France,
kept secret for two years, began to spread the alarm in
America, as well as in England ; finally, the death of the
Duke of Parma caused the Duchy to fall into my hands : the
Island of Elba already belonged to us. Party animosity
was carried so far that Windham even reproached the min
istry ¦v\'ith ha-ving taken insufficient means to secure the
independence of Malta, by placing it under the safeguard of
a power whose ports were occupied, and whose capital was
besieged by the French.
The minister Hawkesbury replied that the infiuence ac
quired by France over one of the secondary states of the
continent, interested England only indirectly, and that, a
few cases excepted, such a matter could not be regarded as a
sufficient reason for engaging in an interminable war. He
observed further, that the state of the continent, as sanc
tioned by the peace of Luneville, authorized a rupture so
much the less as Eussia and Prussia had recognized the
changes made in Italy. The latter part of this argument
was specious, for no public transaction had sanctioned the
abandonment of Piedmont, nor of Switzerland, and the
reunion of the island of Elba with France.
But these clamors of a double opposition did not prevent
the ministry from ratifying the treaty, nor the chambers
from voting, by a very large majority, the customary thanks
to the King. Amicable relations were soon established
between the two governments. Lord Cornwallis was appointed
VOL. I. — 15.

386 LIFEOFNAPOLEON. [Ca VL
ambassador to Paris, and I selected General Andreossy, a
ffistinguished officer of artillery, for the court of London.
The treaty had been better received in France, where all
were scandalized at the declamations of the English oligarchy
against what was called the triumph of revolutionary prin
ciples, while in fact these were daily disappearing from France.
Coup-d'etat against the Tribnneship. — In fact I had
just dissipated the last cloud which had appeared on our
political horizon, and turned it to the advantage of my
authority. Wherever there is no centre of undisputed power,
there are found men who wish to claim it themselves. Such
was the case -with respect to the power which I now held.
My authority was only a temporary magistracy ; it was
therefore unsubstantial. Certain men who had the vanity
to think themselves capable of ruhng the state, commenced
their political campaign against me. They chose the tribune
for their place of arms. They there began to attack me
under the name of the executive power. These modem
Gracchi contended that all authority, that is all executive
power, was hostile to hberty. Starting from this false base
they regarded as praiseworthy any act calculated to oppose
and embarrass the executive government. If I had yielded
to these declamations, they would have been fatal to the state.
It had too many enemies on aU sides to divide its forces or
•to lose time in mere contests of words. Eecent occurrences
were not sufficient to silence these demagogues, who preferred
the interests of their own personal vanity to those of their
country. To enhance their own popularity, they occupied
themselves in contesting the taxes, decrying the government,
and contriving obstacles to impede its march. The consular
govemment woffid have terminated hke the Directory, had I
not destroyed this opposition by a coup-d'etat. I dismissed
the recalcitrant tribunes.* This was called eUmmating ; the
* According to the constitution of December 15, 1799, the iribimat consisted

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OF 180 0 AND 1801. 387
word was happily chosen. Among the elimines was Benja
min Constant, the favorite of Madame de Stael, a woman
extraordinary and celebrated, but for whom intrigue was a
necessary element ; she wished to be first everywhere, and
to lead in political affairs, as her peculiar sphere.
Consulate for Life. — This measure was called for, both by
the situation of France and by the projects I was meditatmg
for giving sohffity to the government of which I was the
head. I saw more clearly from day to day that the consti
tution of the year VIII. was only a transitory one, and could
not last. Counterpoised authorities will only answer for
times of peace ; the dictatorsffip alone suits times of great
difficffities. It was therefore necessary to strengthen the
authority wffich had been confided to me, every time there was
danger, in order to prevent relapses. In truth a dictatorship
for life would still have been only provisional; something defin
itive was required by the people to give them a strong attitude
toward foreigners and tranquillity at home. But in the
existing state of public opinion, I could consult offiy the
wants of the moment. It was enough for the occasion that
I had the authority necessary for effecting internal qffiet and
prosperity, and a preponderance abroad ; the name magis
tracy was notffing. The consffiate for life, which was con
ferred on me the second of August, became the foundation
of the edifice wffich I was to construct. This dignity had
already been prolonged for ten years by a senatus-consultum of
May sixth, which woffid have carried it to 1820 ; but I pre-
of one hundred iribmes, chosen by the conservative senate from the three lists
of candidates proposed by the departmental colleges. The powers of the iribwnai-
were very limited; it could neither initiate a law nor give it force ; the first was
done by the consuls, and the second by the legislative body; the functions of
the iribwiai were merely deliberative. — Encyclopedia Americana.
Thiers says that many of the most intelligent and well disposed tribunes were
strongly opposed to the course pursued by the majority toward the constilar
govemment. Many of the demagogues who ¦were eliminated merited their
punishment.

388 LIFE OF NAPOLEON, [Ca -VI.
ferred making it for life, and to wait for more permanent
institutions. My task was to put the finishing stroke to the
Eevolution, by giving to it a legal character, so that it might
be recognized and made legitimate by the legal code of
Europe. I knew that before this could be effected the legis
lative power must be consolidated, and all excesses destroyed.
I thought myself capable of accomplishing this task, and I
was not mistaken.
Principles of my Government.— The principle of the
Eevolution was the destruction of castes, not that of ranks ;
it was the equality of rights, and not of classes : and on
this principle I formed my laws. The excesses of the Eevo
lution showed themselves in the triumph of demagogue
maxims ; these I destroyed ; I took sides with no faction ;
these therefore disappeared : the excesses had manifested
themselves in the destruction of religious worship ; this I
restored : in the existence of the emigrants ; these I recalled :
in the general ffisorder of the administration ; this I regulated :
in the ruin of the finances ; these I restored : in the absence
of any authority capable of governing France ; I supplied
this want by taMng the reins of state into my own hands.
Few men have ever done so many things in so short a
time. History wffi some day point out what France was
when I was made consul, and what she was when she dic
tated law to Europe. I had no need to employ arbitrary
power to accomplish these great objects. Probably this
power would not have been deffied me, but I did not wish it ;
I preferred to govern by laws. I made many laws ; they
were precise and severe, but just. I caused them to be rigor
ously observed, for that was the duty of the throne ; but I
had them respected. They will survive me. The civil, com
mercial, and criminal codes, drawn up under my direction,
and m discussing which I took an active part, woffid be of
themselves sufficient to render my reign ffiustrious.

Ca VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 389
I felt the necessity of restoring to the army the powerful
incentive of military decorations, which had been suppressed
by a fatal and abused system of leveling ; I created the
Legion of Honor into which all persons who should render
important service to the state coffid enter ; this order vio
lated no principle of equality, for the" only distinctions ad
mitted were those based on the importance of the service
rendered to France. Nevertheless, it was misunderstood and
opposed by those captious tribunes, who could see in my
creation nothing but pretorian guards : it passed by a small
majority. Official Publication of the Concordat. — The concordat
with the Pope had been secret for eight months, for two
reasons : first, in order to obtain the resignation of the titular
emigrant bishops who seemed determined to oppose the new
arrangements : second, to discuss at leisure in the Council of
State regulations necessary to brffig the religious system of
the state in accordance with the opinions and wants of the
nation. A prelude to these measures was made in establish
ing a special ministrj'^ for the churches, giving the portfolio
of it to Portalis. 1 took advantage of the publication of
the defiffitive peace, to proclaim at tbe same time this great
moral and political act. It was, in the eyes of the Eepubli
cans and of tbe army, one of the most dehcate subjects to
manage ; for if each one appreciated the morality of the
gospel many of the citizens had a repugnance for its minis
ters, to whose intrigues and cabals they attributed a part
of the troubles of the Eevolution. Nothing less than the
seventy-seven regffiation-articles was requhed to dissipate the
fears inspired by the return of the recalcitrant clergy into the
Eepublic. These articles, pledge of a wise and just tolerance,
regulated the relation of the different Protestant professions,
and thus estabhshed the churches which had formerly been
anathematized. They took from the Eoman Cathohcs all

390 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [Oa VI.
subject of religious ffispute, and rendered the concordat in
harmony ¦with the spirit of the age ; but the court of Eome,
to whose dogmas and infiuence their innovations seemed
opposed, did not hesitate to secretly imdermine them.
The concordat, thus modified, was promulgated on the
eighteenth of April, after having been submitted to the legis
lative body for approval. The ceremony which took place
on this occasion at Notre-Dame, attended by a pomp wholly
new, offered to the astonished Parisians a striking contrast
to the barefaced wickedness affected by the ruling powers of
1793. Since the fetes of the Dauphin's birth, and the cele
brated federation of the Champ-de-Mars, no ceremony had
ever been so magnificent as this. The cortege, composed of
the guard and of detachments from the different corps of the
army, which accompanied the Consffis, the legate of the
Pope, the mimsters and deputations of the senate, to Notre-
Dame, certainly effaced all impressions which kingly eclat
had left upon the public mind. The studied solemnity of
this politico-religious ceremony was a sinister augury to the
partisans of the Eepublic : it was openly said that the
magistracy no longer existed except in name. Several
generals (Lecourbe, Monnier, Delmas and others) incurred,
by their disapprobation, a ffisgrace, from which they recovered
only by offermg their services at a time when they deemed
the safety of the country as necessarily connected with that
of my person. By means of these organic articles, the con
cordat at first produced only favorable results, for it raUied
to the government miUions of the country people who for
nine years had lamented the overthrow of the altars.
Reunion of Piedmont. — The King of Sardinia, Charles
Emanuel VL, retired to his island, had, on the fourth of
June, abdicated the throne in favor of his brother, Victor
Emanuel IV. Piedmont was formally united to France the
eleventh of September. The island of Elba had been so

CaVL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 391
uffited some weeks before Nothmg was said in Europe on
this event, for it had been foreseen, Turin having been for a
year occupied as the head-quarters of a mffitary division, and
made subject to French laws. Nevertheless silence was not
consent, and the sanction of treaties was reqffired to legalize
these reunions. The Duchy of Parma was also to revert to
us on the death of the duke, since his son had, in exchange,
just been proclaimed Kmg of Etruria. I took possession of
this beautiful country on the ninth of October, little think
ing that it would one day become the heritage of a widow
who would outrage my memory, and be wanting at the same
time to her own glory and that of her son.
Counter-revolution in Switzerland. — But in Switzerland
the deshed changes were not so easily effected as in the Cis
alpine Eepubhcs : the forms imposed upon this Eepublic by
the Directory had created many malcontents. These, insti
gated by Austria, and thinking themselves authorized by the
treaty of Luneville, took up arms and attempted to reestab-
hsh the old Bernese oligarchy. I sent Ney with twenty
thousand men into Switzerland. The Bernois and the
smaller cantons, who had openly attacked the Helvetian gov
ernment and driven its weaker forces to Lausanne, were
summoned to disband their contmgents : order was restored,
and I assembled fifty Swiss deputies at Paris to consult with
them on the institution best calculated to satisfy the different
parties. The act of mediation of the 19th of February,
1803, was the result of these wise measures, and to which
the Swiss owed their entire pacification. There was only
wanting to this act some indemnity to the Bernois, and the
selection of theh city as the permanent capital of Switzer
land, to make it fuffiU all the conffitions necessary for the
welfare of the country.
Relations with Russia. — Every thing was now arranged
except the affair of the German indemnities. I was for a

392 LIFE OF NAPOLEON. [CaVL
long time afraid lest the eagerness of the Emperor Alexander
to estabhsh amicable relations with England might lead to a
misunderstanding between us. These affairs being very com
plicated, there was reason to fear lest they might result in a
rupture of the peace of Lunevffie. The moderation of
Alexander seconded my views for the repose of the continent.
In fact, we then had no cause for rivalry ; France and
Eussia were at that time natural allies. If I had made con
quests not yet sanctioned by Eussia, the latter had acquired
the best part of Poland without the sanction of France ;
both had concessions to make.
German Indemnities. — It was necessary to come to an
agreement on the indemnities promised by the treaty of
Luneville to Austria and the Grand-Duke of Tuscany ; on
that promised by France to Prussia for the left bank of the
Ehine ; on that claimed by Bavaria in exchange for the Pala
tinate ; finally, on that of the House of Orange. To obtain
all these indemnities it was necessary to encroach upon the
Holy Eoman Empire. Eussia, as the guaranteeing power of
the treaty of Techen, had the first voice in the chapter : it
was necessary to act in concert, and we succeeded to my great
satisfaction. Of course, I might have dispensed with the
mtervention of Eussia in this affair ; but her antecedents
authorized this course, and I could not with good grace
dispute with her a right which I arrogated to myself. We
then agreed to act as the mediators, and to act frankly and
with good faith in the great work of pacification. Austria
was not satisfied with these arrangements ; her intentions on
the Innviertel had failed ; and the Grand-Duke of Tuscany
had received but half of the indemnity claimed ; finally, the
entrance of the French troops into Helvetia, was near creat
ing difficulty with the cabinet of Vienna. Nevertheless
these difficulties were arranged ; and the good intelhgence
between me and my powerful ally was still further strength-

Ca VL] CAMPAIGNS OF 1800 AND 1801. 393
ened by the reestablishment of the commercial treaty made
in 1787 by Segur, between France and Eussia. Finally, the
great decree (recez) of the deputation of tbe old German
Empire completed the continental peace : Europe again
breathed freely. England alone, jealous of our prosperity,
was preparing for a new contest.
Peace had given a powerful impetus to the prosperity of
France. Our ports were fiUed to overflowing with the vessels
of all nations ; Paris had become the rendezvous of all
Europe ; the English, deprived for the last ten years of the
pleasures of the continent, came there in crowds. Our trade
in wines and other products of the country resumed its
former activity ; our manufactures, especially those of Lyons,
gained a greater reputation from the fact that all the re
sources of art and science had been applied to give a greater
development to the good taste as well as to the material
modes of the fabrication. This Eevolution, so much calum
niated and misconceived, because it was soiled by abominable
excesses and disgraced by demagogues, impressed on the whole
nation a general movement of industry and activity, which
gave promise of the highest destiny. It was necessary to
consolidate its fruits, to banish its excesses, destroy its false
maxims, and collect its heritage ; imbecUes only could tffink
of making it retrograde.

APPENDIX TO VOLUME I.

THE BOSAPARTE FAMILY.
We have already mentioned several members of this
family in the foot notes. But as the extraordinary career
of Napoleon, and the recent elevation of his nephew, Louis
Napoleon, to the imperial throne of France, has directed
public attention to the origin and history of the Bonaparte
family, the following sketch has been prepared by the Trans
lator. It is compiled mainly from Appleton's " New American
Cyclopfedia," the '•' Encyclopaedia Americana," and "Biogra
phie des Contemporains."
Some writers have attempted to trace the origin of the
Bonaparte family to Emanuel IL, a Greek Emperor of the
house of Comnenus, whose two sons, after the fall of Con
stantinople, fled to Italy under the name of Bonaparte. It
is a historical fact that a Bonaparte family was distinguished
among the nobles of Italy in the middle ages. The names
of Bonapartes appear among the Florentine patricians in the
" Golden Book of Bologna, and are also mscribed in the
" Golden Book of Venice," and in the nobility records of
Treviso. Vv'hen Napoleon's ancestors first settled in Corsica
is uncertain, but is supposed to have been during the con
tests between the Guelphs and Ghibellines,
Chakles Maria Bonapakte, Napoleon's father, was born
in Ajaccio, March 29 th, 1746. He called himself a Florentine
noble and patrician, and was educated as a lawyer in the

396 APPENDIX,
university of Pisa, He became one of the most popular
advocates in Corsica. He fought with Paoli for the indepen
dence of Corsica against the Genoese, and wished to accom
pany him into exile, but was prevented by the tears of his
young wife. On the annexation of Corsica to France, he
became assessor of the Eoyal Court of Justice. Count Mar-
boeuf, the French commissioner, retained his name on the
register of nobles, and also procured for his son Joseph a
place at the school at Autun, and for Napoleon at Brienne.
In 1779 he was the deputy of the Corsican nobility to Paris,
On account of his health he subsequently retired to Mont-
pelier where he died February 24th, 1785. He was buried
at that place.
Maeia Letitia Eamolino, his wife, was born at Ajaccio,
August 24th, 1750. She was of Italian origin. He fell in
love with her at the age of fourteen, but as her parents were
of the Genoese party, while he was a Paolist, their marriage
did not take place till several years later. She bore him
thirteen children, eight of whom survived their father and
attained majority. The names of these eight follow in the
order of their birth : viz., Joseph, Napoleon, Lucien, Louis,
Eliza, Pauline, Caroline, and Jerome. Madame Bonaparte,
after the death of her husband, resided with her children in
their country house on the sea-shore near Ajaccio. It was
owned by a bachelor uncle, who lived with the family. He
was wealthy, but very parsimonious. Anecdotes are told of
the means resorted to by Napoleon and his brothers to wring
money from the miser. Although the young Bonapartes
enjoyed all the necessaries of life, their mother's means were
not such as to afford them money for the purchase of those
thousand little luxuries which every boy covets, but which it
is often better he should not have. When the English con
quered Corsica in 1793, she fied with her mother and family
to MarseiUes. After the 18th Brumaire, (1799), she went to

appendix, 397
Paris, but not till after Napoleon's elevation to the imperial
dignity, was she distinguished as Madame Mire. She was
appointed general protectress of charitable institutions, and
in that capacity, maintained a separate household. After the
reverses of Napoleon she went to live with her half brother.
Cardinal Fesch. All her property was confiscated in 1816.
During the last years of her life she was blind and bedridden.
She died in 1836, in the eighty-sixth year of her age. She
is described as a woman of remarkable beauty, and great
energy and decision of character. She always retained her
original simplicity and dignity of manner, and never seemed
elated by the dazzling success of her family. Napoleon, in
speaking of his mother, said : " Left -without a guide, with
out support, my mother was obliged to take the direction of
affairs upon herself But the task was not above her strength.
She managed everything, and provided for everything with
a prudence which could neither have been expected from her
sex nor from her age. Ah, what a woman ! where shall we
look for her equal. She watched over us with a solicitude
unexampled. Every low sentiment, every ungenerous affection
was discouraged and discarded. She permitted nothing but
that which was grand and elevated to take root in our youthful
understandings. She abhorred falsehood, and would not tol
erate the slightest act of disobedience. None of our faults were
overlooked. Losses, privations, fatigue, had no effect upon
her. She endured all, braved all. She had the energy of a
a man, combined with the gentleness and delicacy of a
woman." Joseph Bonapaete was born at Corte, in Corsica, Jan
uary 7th, 1768. He was educated at the college of Autun, in
France, and at the university of Pisa. Eeturning to Cor
sica, he studied law there, and in 1792 became a member of
Paoh's administration. But when that patriot declared
against the French Convention, he removed, with his mo-

398 APPENDIX,
ther's family, to Marseilles, There he was married to the
daughter of a wealthy banker, whose youngest daughter had
also touched the heart of Napoleon, but was afterward mar
ried to Bernadotte, the king of Sweden, In 1797, Joseph was
elected to the Council of Five Hundred, from one of the depart
ments of his- native island. On repairing to Paris, however,
he was sent by the Directory as ambassador to the Papal
court, where the indiscreet zeal of certain Italian republicans
soon involved ffim in difficulties with the government, and
he demanded his passports. He resumed his seat in the
Council of Five Hundred, while Napoleon was absent in Egypt,
and, in connection with his brother Lucien, prepared the way
for the 18th Brumaire, which made Napoleon First Consul.
The success of the scheme created Joseph Councillor of State,
in which capacity he negotiated the treaty of peace and com
merce with the United States in 1800. The following year
his diplomatic skill was of service in concluding the treaty
of Luneville with the emperor of Germany, and that of
Amiens with England. When Napoleon assumed the impe
rial crown, Joseph became an imperial prince, and grand
elector of the empire. In 1806, the emperor gave him the
kingdom of Naples, which he hesitated at first to accept,
but afterward took, acting as the mere locum tenens of his
brother. In 1808 Napoleon transferred him, much to his regret, to
the throne of Spain, a position for which he was entirely un
suited fi-om his want of military talent and energy and firm
ness of character. On the expulsion of the French armies
from Spain he returned to Paris. In January, 1814, when
Napoleon took command of the army, Joseph was appointed
lieutenant-general of the empire, and the head of the council
of regency. In this capacity, when the allied army invested
Paris, in March, 1814, he authorized Marmont to treat for a
suspension of arms, and subsequently consented to a capitu-

APPENDIX. 399
lation. When his brother abdicated, he repaired to Switzer
land, where he resided, busily engaged in political intrigues
for the restoration of the emperor, until he again joined Napo
leon in Paris, in 1815. During the Hundred Days he occu
pied a seat in the imperial senate ; but on the second reverse
of the emperor, he took solemn leave of him at the He
d'Aix, and quitted France and pohtics forever. Assuming the
title of Count de Surviffiers, he purchased a splendid coun
try-seat at Bordentown, New Jersey, on the banks of the
Delaware, and hved in opulent retirement, till 1830, The
revolution of that year in France induced him to write to
the Chamber of Deputies, in behalf of the claims of his
nephe^w^, Louis Napoleon, who is now the emperor ; but as
the letter was not read in the chamber, he repaired to Eng
land in person. He does not appear to have been able to
effect anything for his nephew, and after a brief sojourn in
England, he removed to Florence, in Italy, where he died,
Joseph was a man of entirely different constitution from his
brother ; he was not made for camps or councils ; his am
bition was moderate, and he was fond of books, of pictures,
and of society. The correspondence betwen himself and his
brother, which has been published since his death, is one of
the most important contributions to history that has been
made for a long while ; for it reveals the confidential inter
course of the two brothers, and throws a great deal of light
upon the details of important transactions.
Napoleon Bonapaete, the second son, was born at
Ajaccio, August 15th, 1769, and died at St. Helena, May
5th, 1821. The main incidents of his hfe are narrated by
Jomini in the text of tffis work.
Lucien Bonapaete, was born at Ajaccio in 1775. He
removed to Marseilles in 1793, and in 1795 married Cffiistine
Boyer, daughter of an innkeeper. In 1796 he was appointed a
commissary of war, and 1797 was elected deputy to the Coun-

400 APPENDIX.
cil of Five Hundred. He soon distmguished himself as a popu
lar orator and advocate of the rights of the people. Not lono-
before the 18th Brumaire he became president of the council
and prepared the proceedings of that day. After the consu
lar government was organized, he became minister of the
interior. In 1800 he was sent as minister to Spain, where
he soon acquired great influence. His first wife died in 1802,
and, in 1803, he married the widow of the banker Jouber-
thon, much against the wishes of Napoleon, and the two
brothers were never afterwards fully reconciled. In 1804 he
retired to Italy and took up his residence in the neighbor
hood of Eome, where he devoted himself to the arts and
sciences. In 1808 the Pope created him Prince of Canino
and Musignano. In 1810 he applied to Mr. Hill, the Eng
lish ambassador at the Sardinian court for the purpose of
going to the United States, and, having received satisfactory
assurances from him, embarked at Civita Vecchia with his
family, personal property, and a retinue of thirty-five per
sons. He, however, was seized on the voyage by a British
cruiser, taken to England and treated as a prisoner of war.
While confined in Ludlow castle, he wrote a poem, called
Charlemagne, which was published at Eome in 1814. After
Napoleon returned from Elba Lucien went to Paris on a
mission from the Pope. He tried to take his seat in the
chamber of peers as an imperial prince, but his pretensions
were not admitted inasmuch as he had never been accredited
as such ; he therefore only appeared as a common peer.
After the battle of Waterloo, he left for Italy but was im
prisoned by the Austrians in the citadel of Turin. After his
release in September, 1815, he resided on his estate at Viterbo
in the neighborhood of Eome. In 1817 he solicited pass
ports for himself and son to the United States. They were
refused, but finally his son was permitted to go. He died at
Viterbo, July 29th, 1840.

APPENDIX. 401
Lucien Bonaparte was highly distinguished as an orator,
but less so as a writer, and particularly as a poet. In addition
to ffis Charlemagne already referred to, he published a poem
in twelve cantos, called La Cyrniide. He was also the
author of several other works : Reponse aux Memoires du
general Lamarque ; Museum Etrusque de Lucien Bona
parte ; Memoires sur la Vie de Lucien Bonaparte, etc. His
eldest son, Charles Bonaparte, ¦visited the United States,
and in 1822 married his cousin, the daughter of Joseph, who
then resided at Bordentown. He was highly distinguished
for ffis scientific attainments, and the author of a splendid
continuation of Wilson's " American Ornithology."
Louis Bonapaete was born at Ajaccio, September 2d,
1778. He went at an early age to France, chose the military
career, and was educated at the military school of Chalons.
In his reply to Sir Walter Scott, he speaks with great affec
tion of the paternal care which Napoleon took of him in his
youth. He was with Napoleon in the campaigns of Italy
and of Egypt, distinguishing himself particularly at the
bridge of Areola. He was appointed by the first consul am
bassador to St. Petersburg, but he did not go there in conse
quence of the death of the emperor Paul. In 1802 he
married Hortense Beauharnaise, the daughter of Josephine,
but the union was not a pleasant one, inasmuch as her love
did not go with her hand, and he was obstinate and eccentric.
Napoleon, on becoming emperor, made him governor of Pied
mont, and afterward, in 1806, when the repubhc of Holland
was transmuted into a kingdom, king of Holland. He re
fused subsequently the crown of Spain, although his wife,
instigated by the emperor, strenuously urged his acceptance
of the dignity. From the beginning Napoleon 'and Louis
Were not cordially agreed, and this refusal aggravated their
estrangement. Napoleon's idea always was, that the coun
tries he conferred on his family should be governed in the
VOL. I.— 26.

402 APPENDIX.
interest of himself and of France, v/hile his brothers were
apt to feel that they ought to be governed with reference to
the domestic policy of each nation. Louis, as a Holland
magistrate, favored trade with England, and encouraged the
Dutch nobility, and when he commanded a contingent of
his own troops on the continent, he did so as king of Hol
land, whereas Napoleon wished him to command as a mere
French general. But this the stubborn temperament of
Louis would not brook, and he was consequently often treated
with studied contempt. When the splendid assembly of
vassal princes was held in Paris, in 1809, Louis was not
invited to be present. At last their disagreements came to
an open breach ; his wife, who was devoted to the emperor,
left him to reside in Paris, and Napoleon sent Oudinot with
a large force to compel him to abdicate, which he did in
favor of his son ; but the emperor refused to acknowledge
the son, and in July, 1810, annexed Holland to the empire,
Louis removed first to Toplitz in Bohemia, and then to
Gratz in Styria, as the Count St, Leu, In 1813 he offered
his services to the emperor, who accepted them, but gave
him no employment. When the Batavians, on the downfaU
of the empire, resumed their independence, he asserted his
right to the throne, but they refused to listen to his preten
sions. His wife, in the mean time, had obtained, through
the interference of Alexander, a grant of the domain of St,
Leu, with the title of duchess, and he opened a suit against
her for the restitution of his two sons, who were in her keep
ing ; but the return of Napoleon put a stop to the proceed
ings. Louis then retired to the Papal States, where he
devoted himself to literature, publishing Marie, ou les Hol-
landaises, a romance of Holland life ; Documents historiques
et reflexions sur le gouvernment de la Hollande ; Memoires
sur la vers^ation ; a Reponse d Sir Walter Scott, and

APPENDIX. 403
several poetical compositions. He died at Leghorn, July
25th, 1846, but his body was buried at St. Leu, in France.
Eliza Bonapaete, eldest sister of Napoleon, was born at
Ajaccio, January 3d, 1777 (or, according to some biographers,
in 1773 or 1774), and died at the Villa Vincentina, near Trieste,
August 7th, 1820. She was educated in a convent at St.
Cyr, lived with her mother in Marseilles at the breaking out
of the Eevolution, married at Paris, in 1797, Felice Pascale
Bacciochi, a Corsican noble, was made princess of Lucca and
Piombino in 1805, and Grand Duchess of Tuscany in 1808.
The vigor and state with which she ruled her principality
gained her the appellation of the Semiramis of Lucca. She
protected hterature, science, and the mdustrial arts, and was
especially the friend and patron of Chateaubriand and Fon
tanes. In 1814 she retired to Bologna ; thence, the next
year, to Austria, where she lived with her sister Caroline,
the widow of Murat ; thence, with her family, to her estate
of Viha Vincentina, where under the title of Countess of
Compignano, she passed the remainder of her life. She left
two sons, Jerome Charles, who ffied in Eome in 1833, and
a daughter, Napoleone Eliza, who married Count Camerata,
and whose only son. Napoleon, born 1827, kffied himself
March 3d, 1853.
Pauline Bonapaete, was bom at Ajaccio, October 20th,
1780. When the English occupied Corsica in 1793, she went
to Marseffies, where she was on the point of marrying Fr6ron,
a member of the convention, and son of that critic whom
Voltaire made famous, when another lady laid claim to his
hand. The beautiful Pauline was then intended for General
Duphot, who was afterward murdered at Eome, in Decem
ber, 1797 ; but she bestowed her hand, from choice, on Gen
eral Leclerc, then at Milan, who had been, in 1795, chief of
the general staff of a division at Marseilles, and had there

404 APPENDIX.
fallen in love with her. When Leclerc was sent to St.
Domingo, with the rank of captain-general. Napoleon ordered
her to accompany her husband with her son. She embarked
in December, 1801, at Brest, and was called by the poets of
the fleets, the Galatea of the Greeks, the Venus Marina.
Her statue, in marble, has since been made by Canova, at
Eome — a successful image of the goddess of beauty. She
was no less courageous than beautiful, for when the negroes
under Christophe, stormed Cape Francois, where she resided,
and Leclerc, who could no longer resist the assailants, ordered
his lady and child to be carried on shipboard, she yielded
only to force. After the death of her husband, November
23d, 1802, she married, at Morfontaine, November 6th, 1803,
the prince Camillo Borghese. Her son died at Eome, soon
after. With Napoleon, who loved her tenderly, she had
many disputes, and as many reconciliations ; for she would
not always follow the caprices of his policy. Yet even the
proud style in which she demanded what her brothers begged,
made her the more attractive to the emperor. Once, however,
when she forgot herself towards the empress, whom she never
liked, she was obliged to leave the court. She was yet in
disgrace, at Nice, when Napoleon resigned his crown in
1814 ; upon which occasion she immediately acted as a
tender sister. Instead of remaining at her palace in Eome,
she set out for Elba, to join her brother, and acted the part
of mediatrix between him and the other members of his
family. When Napoleon landed in France, she went to
Naples to see her sister Caroline, and afterwards returned to
Eome. Before the battle of Waterloo she placed all her
diamonds, which were of great value, at the disposal of her
brother. They were in bis carriage, which was taken in that
battle, and were shown publicly at London. He intended to
have returned them to her. She lived, afterwards, separated
from her husband, at Eome, where she occupied part of the

APPENDIX. 405
palace Borghese, and where she possessed, from 1816 the
Villa Sciarra. Her house, in which taste and love of the
fine arts prevailed, was the centre of the most splendid
society at Eome. She often saw her mother, her brothers
Lucien and Louis, and her uncle Fesch. When she heard of
the sickness of her brother Napoleon, she repeatedly re
quested permission to go to him at St. Helena. She finaUy
obtained her request, but the news of his death arrived
immediately after. She died June 9th, 1825, at Florence.
She left many legacies, and a donation, by the interest of
which two young men of Ajaccio wffi be enabled to study
medicine and surgery.
Caeoline Bonaparte, youngest sister of Napoleon, was
born at Ajaccio, March 26th, 1782, and died in Florence,
May 18 th, 1839. She came to France in 1793, married
Joachim Murat, January, 1800, became Grand Duchess of
Berg in 1806, and Queen of Naples in 1808. She gained
the affection of the people, patronized letters, restored the
Neapolitan Museum of Antiquities, organized the excavation
of Pompeii, and established a school for three hundred girls.
Made a widow in 1815, she retired to Haimburg in Austria,
and took tbe title of countess of Lipona, the anagram of
Napoh (Naples). She was permitted to visit Paris in 1830,
where she resided three months, to obtain indemnity for the
castle of Neuilly, which her husband had purchased, and
which had been restored to the family of Orleans. The
French Chamber, in 1838, granted her a pension for life of
one hundred thousand francs. She left two sons and two
daughters. Jerome Bonapaete, the youngest brother of Napoleon,
was bom at Ajaccio, December 25th, 1784, and died at Paris
in 1859. He was educated under Madame Campan, at
Paris, and next at Juilly, and was early placed in the naval
service, where he remained until 1801 when he was sent as

406 APPENDIX.
lieutenant, to St. Domingo, under General Leclerc, his
brother-in-law. Eeturning soon to France, as a bearer of
dispatches, he received an independent command, and sailed
again for Martinique. During the hostffities of 1803 be
tween France and England, he cruised between St. Pierre and
Tobago, but for some reason or other he was obliged to leave
the station and went to New York. December 24th, 1803,
he married Miss Elizabeth Patterson, the daughter of a
wealthy and eminent merchant of Baltimore. After the
empire was declared he returned with his wife to Europe ;
but as his marriage had not pleased the imperial will, she
was not allowed to land in France. Napoleon had the mar
riage annulled by a decree of his council of state, but the
Pope, to whom politics were not in this case a superior con
sideration to morals, refused to sanction the divorce. Madame
Bonaparte went first to Holland, where, too, she was not
permitted to go on shore, and then to England. In that
country she gave birth to a son, July, 1805, who was named
Jerome Napoleon Bonaparte. The father himself entered
France after a while, and was given a captaincy. Subse
quently he was created rear-admiral, and in 1807 was trans
ferred to the land service, with the rank of general-of-division.
He commanded a body of Wiirtembergers and Bavarians in
the campaign of that year, and was successful in a move
ment against Silesia. On the twelfth of August, the same
year, his brother caused him to be married to Frederica
Catharine, daughter of the king of Wiirtemberg, although
his own wife was still living. On the eighteenth, Westphalia
was erected into a kingdom, and the youthful, half-educated
and extravagant Jerome made the king. His government,
however, though excessively lavish and prodigal, was an im
provement upon that of the old regime : he was little more
than the deputy or viceroy of the emperor ; but that em
peror was a greatly superior man to the conservative Ger-

APPENDIX. 407
mans, who before had held sway. In the campaign against
Eussia, in 1812, he led a corps of Germans, and considerably
distinguished himself by his bravery ; hut having heen
guilty of some neglect, which disconcerted the plans of
Napoleon, he was severely reprimanded by him, and went
home in dudgeon. In the ensuing year, when the French
were driven out of Germany, Jerome went with his family
to Paris ; but in 1814 they were compelled to quit France.
His -wife was arrested just as they were leaving Paris, by a
body of the allies, but was speedily released. After Napo
leon's abdication he lived alternately at Blois, at Gratz, and
Trieste, and did not get back to Paris till April, 1815. He
at once embraced tbe fortunes of his brother, and fought
with him at Ligny and Waterloo. The final downfall of the
family sent him wandering through Switzerland, to settle at
last near Vienna, as Prince de Montfort, a title conferred
upon him by his father-in-law. In 1852, when Louis Napo
leon assumed the supreme control in Paris, he was called
back to France, made a marshal of the empire, president of
the senate, and, in the failure of a direct succession to Louis
Napoleon, heir to the throne. By his first wife. Miss Pat
terson, he had one son, and by his second, two sons. Prince
Napoleon, and one who is not now living, and a daughter.
Napoleon Bonapaete IL, (Francis Napoleon Charles),
son of the first emperor, was born in Paris, March 20 th,
1811, died at Schonbrunn, July 22d, 1832. He was the fruit
of the marriage between Napoleon and Maria Louisa of
Austria, and from his birth was styled the king of Eome.
When the emperor was compelled to abdicate in 1814, he
went with his mother to Vienna, and was educated there by
ffis grandfather, the emperor of Austria. His titie there
was the Duke of Eeichstadt, and he was most carefully in
structed, especially in the military art. But he appears to
have inherited but little of the abihty of his father ; his

408 APPENDIX.
constitution was weak, and early symptoms of consumption
unfitted him for the laborious duties of a military career.
On Napoleon's return from Elba, in 1815, an attempt was
made to remove the young duke to Paris, but frustrated by
the Austrian authorities. He was made a lieutenant-colonel
in 1831, and commanded a battalion of Hungarian infantry
in the garrison of Vienna, but his death, when he was but
twenty-one years old, cut him off before he had reached an
age in which he might have displayed any abilities he pos
sessed. During his hfetime he never assumed the title of
Napoleon IL, inasmuch as the abdication of his father, in
his favor, was never admitted by the allies, nor was it ever
claimed by the French government. But in 1852, when the
resumption of the empire by Louis Napoleon rendered some
title necessary, he was considered Napoleon IL, and the new
emperor took that of Napoleon III, The latter title, how
ever, having been recognized by the several governments of
Europe, the recognition of the former is implied.
Napoleon Bonapaete III., (Charles Louis Napoleon), is
the son of Louis, the king of Holland, and Hortense, daugh
ter of the empress Josephine, who re-appears on the throne
of France, from which she was expelled by Napoleon I., in
the person of her grandson. He was born in Paris, April
20th, 1808. The emperor and empress were his sponsors at
baptism, and he was an early favorite with Napoleon. As his
father and mother soon came to live separately, he was
chiefiy educated by bis mother, who resided in Paris under
the title of the queen of Holland. After the battle of
Waterloo, the family retired first to Augsburg, where he
leamed the German language, and subsequently to Switzer
land, where they passed their summers, while in winter they
repaired to Eome. The principal tutor of Louis Napoleon
was M. Lebas, who being a stern republican, gave him his
ffist but short-hved inclinations to republican principles.

appendix, 409
For a time, however, he was at the mihtary college of Thun
where he made some progress in the science of gunnery, hut
was not distinguished as a scholar. When the Eevolution
of 1830 broke out, he petitioned Louis Philippe to be allowed
to retum to France, but that adroit monarch refused the
request. Louis and his brother. Napoleon, then repaired to
Italy, where they took an active part in the revolutionary
movements of 1831. But the interference of France and
Austria in behalf of the papal authorities soon put an end
to these, and the brothers were banished from the Papal
territory. The elder brother. Napoleon, died at Pesaro, a
victim to his anxieties and fatigues, March 27th of that
year, and Louis Napoleon, also prostrated by illness at
Ancona, was joined by his mother, and having in vain applied
for permission to enter the French army, he spent a short
time in England, eventually retiring to his mother's chateau
at Arenenberg, in Thurgau. The duke of Eeichstadt dying
in 1832, left him the successor of Napoleon I., not by legiti
mate descent, but by the imperial edicts of 1804 and 1805,
which set aside the usual order of descent and fixed the suc-
cesion in the line of the fourth brother of Napoleon, Louis,
instead of in that of the elder brother Joseph. This opened
a new career to his ambition, and he seems from that time
to have set his heart upon the recovery of the imperial posi
tion and honors. Nor did he leave any means untried by
which he might hope to win over the French people to an
approval of his lofty project. He wrote a book called
Reveries Politiques, in which he endeavored to demonstrate
the necessity of an emperor to the true republican organiza
tion of France. This was subsequently expanded into a
larger work, called Idees Napoleoniennes, wherein the policy
and plans of tbe emperor were magnified and extolled, and
earnestly commended to the adoption of France. But he
did not limit his efforts to the publication of books ; he put

410 APPENDIX.
himself in communication with Colonel Vaudry, and other
mihtary officers of the garrison of Strasbourg ; and October
30th, 1836, he proclaimed a revolution. The soldiers of
some regiments received him with acclamation, but the other
regiments remained true to theh duty, and the attempt re
sulted in a miserable failure. The prince, however, was
taken prisoner, and Louis Philippe, instead of having him
executed, consented, at the earnest entreaties of his mother,
merely to banish him. He was sent to the United States,
where he led a life of idleness for a short time, and then
went to South America, The mortal illness of his mother
took him back to Arenenberg in time to see her die on
October 5th, 1837, As he immediately set to work defend
ing his conduct at Strasbourg, the government of France
demanded his extradition from Switzerland, which country
at first refused to comply with the request, but afterward
was about to assent to it, when Louis Napoleon voluntarily
withdrew to England, There he occupied himself in pre
paring his Idees Napoleoniennes, before referred to, and in
getting up a second revolutionary expedition. Accompanied
by Count Montholon, who had been the companion of his
uncle at St, Helena, and a retmue of about fifty persons, he
sailed in a steamboat from Margate ffi August, 1840. He
was tried for treason before the house of peers, was defended
by the eloquent Berryer, but was sentenced to perpetual im
prisonment in the fortress of Ham, His exclusion from the
world gave him leisure for the exercise of his literary abili
ties, and he passed some of his time in writing " Historical
Fragments," among which is a comparison of the French
Eevolution of 1834, and the Enghsh Eevolution of 1688 ;
also, an analysis of the sugar question, and an essay on the
extinction of pauperism, in the last of which a decidedly
socialistic tone is assumed. He published, also, Considera
tions Politiques et Militaires sur la Suisse, and a Manuel

APPENDIX. 411
sur I'Artillerie. After remaining in prison six years, he
managed to effect his escape by the assistance of his physi
cian, in the dress of a workman, and went again to England,
When the Eevolution of 1848 broke out he repaired to Paris,
and was chosen a deputy to the National Assembly, from the
Department of the Seine and three other departments,
Lamartine, opposing the Bonaparte dynasty, endeavored to
effect his banishment from France, but after a stormy debate,
Louis Napoleon was admitted to his seat. He professed to
be a republican, and as such took the oath of fidelity to the
republic. On December the 10th, when the election for
president came on, he was found to be the most popular can
didate, and was chosen by a large majority of votes. His
govemment as president, nommally republican, was yet
steadily directed to the furtherance of ffis personal schemes.
In the beginning of 1851, Changamier, who commanded the
army of Paris, was dismissed, and the legislative assembly
which refused to pass several bills urged by him, was de
nounced as factious and refractory. All through the summer
the breach between the prince president, as he was called,
and the representatives of the people was widened, when
suddenly, on the night of the 2d of December, the president
declared Paris in a state of siege ; a decree was issued dis
solving the assembly, one hundred and eighty of the mem
bers were placed in arrest, the leading ones being torn from
their beds and sent to prison, and the people who exhibited
any ffisposition to take their part were shot down in the
streets by the soldiers. A decree was put forth at the same
time, ordering the estabhshment of universal suffrage, and
the election of a president for ten years. Louis Napoleon
was of course elected under this decree ; and as soon as he ,
found himself firmly reseated in his place, he began to prepare
for the restoration of the empire. In January, 1852, the
national guard was revived, a new constitution adopted, and

412 APPENDIX,
new orders of notabihty issued. On November 21st and
22d, the people were asked to vote upon a plebiscitum, re
viving the imperial dignity in the person of Louis Napoleon,
The votes were counted largely in his favor, and he was
declared emperor, under the title of Napoleon III, Thus
the long and eager pursuit of the resuscitation of the Napo
leon dynasty was at last crowned with success. In January,
1853, Louis Napoleon married Eug6nie, Countess de Teba, a
Spanish lady of remarkable beauty and accomplishments,
and the result of the union was the birth of a son, March
16th, 1856,
Napoleon Bonapaete, Prince Napoleon, (Charles Paul),
is the son of Jerome Bonaparte by his second wife, the daugh
ter of the king of Wiirtemberg, He was born at Trieste,
September 9th, 1822. After the revolution of February,
1848, he was elected a member of the Assembly from Corsica,
and became a prominent party leader. Although a sup
porter of the imperial government, he encourages liberal, if
not democratic measures. He has held high political and
military appointments, and has traveled extensively in
Europe and America. He served in the wars of the Crimea
and of Italy, but without particular distinction.
Jeeome Napoleon Bonapaete, of Baltimore, son of
Jerome and Miss Patterson, was born July 7th, 1805. This
marriage was legal by the laws of the church, and was never
annulled by the Pope ; but it was opposed to the decrees and
policy of the French empire. Hence, although the legiti
macy of the Baltimore branch of tbe Bonapartes is indispu
table, they are not admitted as members of the imperial
dynasty. To have done so would have given Mr. Jerome
Napoleon Bonaparte precedence over Prince Napoleon and
the Princess Mathilde.

APPENDIX,

413

TITLES OF NAPOLEON'S MARSHALS AND OF HIS
MOST PROMINENT GENERALS AND
MINISTERS,
As many of Napoleon's marshals and most prominent
generals and ministers are frequently mentioned by their
titles of nobility, which are less known than their proper
names, the reader wffi find the following hsts convement for
reference. MARSHALS.

Augereau, appointed
Bemadotte, "
Berthier, "
Brune, "
Bessieres, "
Davoust, "
Grouchy, "
Jourdan, "
Kellerman, "
Lannes, "
Lefebvre, "
Macdonald, "
Marmont, "

Moncey,Mortier, Murat,Ney, Oudinot,
Perignon,Poinatowski, Serrurier, Soult,St. Cyr,
Suchet,Victor,

1804, 1804,1804,1804, 1804,1804,1815,1804, 1804, 1804,
1804, 1809,
1809,
1804, 1804,1804, 1804, 1804, 1809,1804,
1813, 1804,1804, 1812, 1811,
1807,

Duke of Castiglione.
[ Prince of Porte Corvo,
< Crown Prince of Sweden,
( King of Sweden.
( Duke of Neufch^tel,
1 Prince of Wagram.
Count Brune.
Duke of Istria.
{Duke of Auerstadt,
Prince of Eckmiihl.
Count G-rouchy.
Count Jourdan.
Duke of Valmy.
Duke of Montebello.
Duke of Dantzic,
Duke of Tarentum.
Duke of Eagusa.
t Duke of Rivoli,
( Prince of Essling.
Duke of Cornegliano.
Duke of Treviso.
Grand Duke of Berg.
J Duke of Elohingen.
( Prince of Moskwa.
Duke of Keggio.
Count Perignon.
Prince of Poland.
Count Serrurier.
Duke of Dalmatia.
Marquis Gouvion-St.-Cyr.
Duke of Albufera,
Duke of Belluno.

414

AP PENDIX,

MOST PROMINENT GENERALS AND MINISTERS,

Cambaceres,
Gaulaincourt,Champagny, Clarke,
Eugene Beauharnais,
Fouch4Junot,Le Brun,
Maret,Mouton, Savary,Talleyrand,
Vandamme,

Prince of Parma,
Duke of Vicenza.
Duke of Cadore.
Duke of Feltre.
Prince of Venice and Viceroy of Italy,
Duke of Otranto.
Duke of Abrantea.
Duke of Placentia.
Duke of Bassano.
Count Lobau.
Duke of Rovigo.
Prince of Benevento.
Count Uuebourg,

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