YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY From the Libraty of WILLIAM M. ODOM A DESCRIPTION or THE ANTIQUITIES AND OTHER CURIOSITIES OF ROME: FROM PERSONAL OBSERVATION DUBING A VISIT TO ITALY IN THE YEARS 1818-19. WITH ILLUSTRATIONS FROM .\NCIENT AND MODERN WRITERS. BT THE REV. EDWARD BURTON, M.A. LATE STUDENT OF CHRIST CHURCH. Vieni a veder la tua Roma che piagne, Vedova, sola, e di e notte chiama. Dante, Purg. vi. 112. SECOND EDITION, WITH ADDITIONS, IN TWO VOL UMES. VOL. I. LONDON: PRINTED FOR C. & J. RIVINGTON, ST. Paul's church-yard, AND WATERLOO-PLACE, PALL MALL. 1828. PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. The visit to Rome, which gave rise to the publi cation of the following pages, was made in the end of the year 1818 and the beginning of 1819, The writer passed on the whole four months in Rome, a period, which will be found quite suffi cient for seeing all the curiosities of the place, if a person is inclined to be active. The time, which has elapsed since returning to England, has been partly employed in reading the accounts of modern traveUers, and the more laborious com positions of Italian antiquaries. Some objection may be anticipated to the de sign of this work, as not sufficiently following any particular system, but being desultory and irre gular. In the first place, I must disclaim ever having entertained the idea of publishing a book of travels; not but what many, which have ap peared lately, are extremely entertaining, and Vl PREFACE TO have affijrded me much information: but it was precisely because they were already so numerous, that I did not wish or presume to add one more to the number. Still however some work was wanting, which, beside barely describing the objects seen, might throw some light upon their history. The anti quities, the churches, the works of art, the reh gious customs, and many other points connected with Rome, will bear to be treated of much more at length, than by merely conveying to the reader the impressions which passed at the time in the mind of the traveller who viewed them. It was with this design that I have directed my attention to publications of an older date than the amusing descriptions of modern travellers. It was my wish to compose a work, which might be of some use to my countrymen who visit Rome, while it was not without entertainment to those who are satisfied with reading accounts of it at home. Whether this object has been in any way attained, others must decide. Many things are omitted, which a journal of a residence in Rome might be expected to notice ; but they are purposely left out, from the desire of describing nothing which I had not myself seen. It has been my aim in every instance to point THE FIRST EDITION. VU out the sources, to which I have been indebted for any information or remark. But those who have been accustomed to note down many refer ences, and to transcribe their papers after they have received various corrections and additions, wiU make allowances for the occasional omission of such acknowledgments. In the quotations from ancient authors, a translation wiU generally be found: where the original words were important, they have been transcribed at length. If it should be said, that this has in some instances been done from my not exactly imderstanding the passage, the remark may perhaps not be whoUy unfounded. But I expect this charge not to be brought against me in any specific instance, without the objector obhging my readers and myself with a translation ef the passage in question. In giving the dimensions of buildings, no uni form scale has been adopted: but reference has been made indifferently to the English, French, or ItaUan measures. Where the design is to give the relative proportion of two objects, this plan vnU of course cause no inconvenience : and in copying from any traveller, I have thought it best to give the measure which he used, (always marking the country in which it prevailed,) with- vm PREFACE. out reducmg them all to the English or any other standard. Much of what is in the text would by many modern writers be thrown into the notes: but the other plan has been preferred, both for the sake of diversifying what might otherwise be a dry and uninteresting detail, and because many readers consider it perfectly lawful to pass over the small letters which are crowded in at the bottom of the page. The present edition contains many additions and corrections. It is hoped that the additions will be found interesting and entertaining, having been the result of a mor« extended reading upon the subject, and particularly ofa perusal of seve ral works, which have appeared since the publi cation of the first edition. I ought perhaps to specify Nibby's two most valuable works upon the Foro Romano, and the Contorni di Roma. A DESCRIPTION OF TBE ANTIQUITIES AND OTHER CURIOSITIES ROME. Et qua: tanta fuit Romam tibi causa videndi 1 Viro. Bucol.I. 27. What cause so urgent tum'd your steps to Rome 1 The motto prefixed to this work contains a ques tion, which every person visiting Rome perhaps has not put to himself. That there is something in the past and present state of Rome, which excites a pecuhar interest, we might perhaps say a pecuhar enthusiam, in those who read any account of it, seems unquestionably true. Even those who have not read at all, know perhaps more of the Romans than of any other nation which has figured in the world. If we prefer modern history to ancient, we still find Rome in every page ; and if we look with composure upon an event so anti quated as the fall of the Roman empire, we can not, as Enghshmen or as Protestants, contemplate VOL. I. B 2 INTRODUCTION. with indifference the second empire, which Rome erected over the minds and consciences of men. Without making any invidious allusion, we may say, that this second empire has nearly passed away. So that in both points of view we have former recollections to excite our curiosity: and the desire is surely a laudable one to compare the character, the manners, the religion, the ddmestic habits, of the ancient inhabitants of Rome, with those of their present descendants. Such being the general enthusiasm which is professed by all who visit the Eternal City, much censure may be anticipated for some of the sen timents which are expressed in the following pages. The writer of them will be accused of a coldness I and insensibility to those venerable ob jects of antiquity, which ought on every occasion to have warmed his fancy and animated his de scriptions. While he is thus preparing an excuse for himself, he does not wish to quarrel with those who, on every topic connected with Roman remains, suffer their enthusiasm to outrun their judgment. Far from questioning their sincerity, when they make their descriptions a series of encomiastic exclamations, he only begs leave to hazard an opinion in opposition to them: and if any account here given may fall short of what imagination had depicted, it will proceed from the writer having expressed not the feeUngs of the moment, such as the first impression would raise, but the result of repeated visits to the same ob ject. It is, undoubtedly, amusing to read the INTRODUCTION, 3 travels of a writer, who is buoyed up by such constant animation, as Mr. Eustace ; but the feel ings of the individual are not always interesting to general readers : at least I have not presumed to think mine worth the communication ; and having found my own opinions so frequently change, and the deUght, which the first impression caused, subside into a more temperate and a more quah fied admiration, I thought it safer to expose myself to the charge of coldness and indifference, thfm to that of an overheated imagination, and an viniversal style of admiration. If this book should ever be read by any person visiting Rome, he will probably not find fault with it in this respect. Before he arrives there, he may be angry at an attempt to lower the enthusiasm with which his classical reading and the accounts of travellers had inspired him. But (if it is not arrogance to anti cipate agreement with my own sentiments) he may be inclined to withdraw his censure, after he has seen the objects themselves : and his disappoint ment, if he fael any, will be lessened, by having been taught beforehand to reduce the scale of his expectations. It is a very trite remark, that different persons view the same thing with different eyes. This coiild not be illustrated more pointedly, than by the various impressions produced by the first view of Rome. Mr. Eustace and others have professed themselves transported and overcome by the first sight. They undoubtedly were so. But it surely does not argue a want of feeling and an absence b2 ^ APPROACH of classical recollections, if others have entered Rome, suffering more from disappointment than from rapture. This is a case in which writers in giving their descriptions must communicate the first impression. In saying that I was disappointed in entering Rome by the Florence road, so far fi-om acknowledging a want of enthusiasm or an indifference to ancient times, it was because I had allowed my mind to anticipate so much, that I was mortified at not finding those anticipations realised. Those who are not struck with admiration at the first view, generally suffer not from the want of feeling in themselves, but from the exuberance of it in others. So it is with respect to the descrip tions of Rome, and the impression actually raised by it. Most people picture to themselves a certain spot, from whence the towers and domes of the Eternal City burst upon their view. St. Peter's, with its cupola, the immense ruins of the Colos seum, the Pillar of Trajan, and such well-known objects, are all crowded into the ideal scene ; and the imagination is raised to the utmost pitch in expectation of every moment unfolding this glori ous prospect. The traveller, after feasting upon this hope, and using it to console himself for the barrenness of the Campagna and the uninteresting uniformity of the view, approaches nearer and nearer without reaching the expected spot. His tour-book teUs him, that near the Post of Baccano, fourteen miles from Rome, the dome of St. Peter's is first visible. This will be the commencement TO ROME. 5 of his delight. But he still disregards this speck in the horizon, anxiously looking for the happier moment, when the whole city is discovered. This moment unfortunately never arrives. Where that place is to be found in the approach from Florence, which affords such a feast to the eye and to the imagination, I never could discover. The view of Rome from the Monte Mario," a hiU near this ro^d, is perhaps one of the noblest and the most affecting which the world could produce ; and it may be suspected that some writers, full of the gratification wiiich this prospect afforded, have- transferred it in description to their first entrance. But the road itself discloses the city by degrees. Scarcely any of it is seen till within a small dis tance, and then, with the exception of^St. Peter's, there are few buildings of interest. The antiqui ties Ue mostly on the other side, and are not seen at all. The suburbs themselves are not pictu resque ; and the traveUer finds himself actually in Rome, before he had given up the hopes of enjoy ing the distant prospect of it. Had he entered the city from Naples, his feel ings might have been very different. This is the direction from which Rome ought to be entered, if we wish our classical enthusiasm to be raised by the first view. The Campagna is here even more desolate, and to a greater extent, than it is on the '¦ It was anciently called Clivus Cinna, and by Dante Montemalo: Par. xv. 109. The modern name is said to have come from Mario Millini, who had property upon this hill in the time of Sextus IV. 6 APPROACH side of Florence. For several miles the ground is strewed with ruins ; some presenting considerable fragments, others only discernible by the inequality of the surface. It seems as if the cultivators of the soil had not dared to profane the reUcs of their ancestors: and from the sea on the left to the Apennines on the right the eye meets with no thing but desolation and decay of grandeur.'' The Aquaducts rise above the other fragments, and seem purposely placed here to carry us back to the time of the Repubhc. The long Unes -sof these structures stretch out in various directions; the arches are sometimes broken down, but the effect is heightened by these interruptions. In short, in traveUing the last twelve miles on this road, the mind may indulge in every reflection upon Roman greatness, and find the surrounding scenery per fectly in unison. From this road, too, the whole city is actually surveyed. The domes and cupolas are more numerous than from any other quarter, beside which some of the ancient edifices them selves are added to the picture. After entering the waUs, we pass the Colosseum, catch a view of the forum, the Capitol, and other antiquities, which were familiar to us from ancient authors. Such is the entrance to Rome from the side of Naples ; the subUmity of which exceeds any thing that Italy can produce, and of which no descrip tion can be exaggerated. The entrance from ^ The Saracens in the ninth century appear to have laid waste all the country in the neighbourhood of Rome. Vide Johannis VIII. Epist. 30. Script, Franc, p. 473. TO ROME. 7 Florence is in every way inferior. There are a few tombs by the road side, but only association can make them interesting; whereas the Aqua- ducts on the other road are in themselves noble objects. Aft:er crossing the Tiber by the Ponte MoUe, the subm'bs of Rome may be said to com mence: and the road not being very broad, the houses themselves intercept a prospect of the city. The traveUer, if he came to Rome by Perugia, wiU have seen the Tiber before, having crossed it not far from the latter town, and again between OtricoU and Borghetto over a bridge built by Augustus. The Ponte Molle, anciently Pons .^miUus and Mulvius, or Milvius, is a handsome bridge of four arches, with a modern archway upon it, under which carriages pass. This spot is rendered celebrated by the battle between Con stantine and Maxentius, A.D. 312, not far fi-om the bridge. The waUs of Rome have a venerable and im posing appearance, fit to form the introduction to such a city. On either side of the Porta del Popolo they have been repaired at various times, and particularly in the sixth century by BeUsarius : but probably much of his work does not remain. The Porta del Popolo is altogether a modern structure, having been erected by Pius IV. about 1560. The ancient entrance to Rome on this side was by the Via Flaminia and under the Porta Flaminia, which was built by AureUan, and stood a little to the east of the present gate. This leads into an irregular open space, which, from being 8 DESTRUCTION the first part of Rome actually seen, attracts more attention than it would otherwise obtain. Three streets branch off from it ; the middle one of which is the Corso, the principal street in Rome. It runs in the same du-ection as. the ancient Via Lata, but is too narrow to produce any effect. The two Churches" at the commencement of it were built in 1662; about which time the whole of this Piazza was cleared of many incumbrances, in honour of the entrance of Christina, Queen of Sweden. The traveller wiU soon be called off from the pleasing reveries, in which he has been indulging upon finding himself really in Rome, by a demand for his passport, and by an order to proceed to the custom-house. The latter incon venience may be dispensed with by procuring a permission to pass unexamined by a Lascia pas sare, which it is not difficult to obtain. The road to the custom-house leads by the column of M. Aurelius ; and the custom-house itself presents a noble remnant of antiquity, having been the tem ple of Antoninus Pius. Having thus landed the traveUer in Rome, I shall pause for a while to give him some notion of what he is to expect. The Curiosities of Rome may be divided into the Antiquities, the Churches, and the Palaces; an order of classification which will partly be observed in the foUowing descrip tions. The Antiquities, as forming the more pe culiar attraction in this city, deserve the first place. = S. Maria di Mont^ Santo, and S. M. dei Miracoli. OF ROME. 9 If a person expects to find here such magnificent remains as he has read of at Athens, he will bc grievously disappointed. It is highly necessary to know, that whatever exists here, as a monument of ancient times, has suffered from various calami ties. There is much truth in the remark of Pope, Some felt the silent stroke of mould'ring age. Some hostile fury, some religious rage : Barbarian blindness. Christian zeal conspire, And Papal piety, and Gothic fire. Epistle to Addison. Nor were physical causes whoUy unemployed in completing the destruction. Gregory,'' after men tioning TotUa's threat of utterly destroying Rome, adds, " To whom the man of the Lord repUed, " Rome shaU not be exterminated by barbarians, " but shaU consume away internaUy, exhausted " by tempests, Ughtning, whirlwinds, and earth- " quakes. The mysteries of which prophecy are " now revealed to us clearer than light; for we " see the waUs dissolved, houses overthrown, " churches destroyed by whirlwinds, and the " buildings sinking from age." Muratori" endeavours to free the Goths from the charge of destroying aU the monuments of Roman greatness; and certainly Theodoric does not appear to have had any such view; but on the contrary several buildings in Rome were re paired by him, as we learn from the work of his ^_ Dialog, lib. ii. c. 15. ' Diss, sopra le Antichita Ital. tom. i. diss. 2a, 24. 10 THEODORIC. minister Cassiodorus.^ With respect to the pil lage, which the different invaders committed, per haps some exaggerated notions are entertained, A dissertation has been written expressly by Bar- gseus, which is inserted in the fourth volume of the Thesaurus of Graevius, to prove, that the Goths and Vandals contributed little or nothing towards the demolition of Rome. This perhaps is going somewhat too far on the other side. We must recollect, that the principal object of the barbarians, as they were then styled by the dege nerate Romans, was to collect money. They bore no professed hostility to the works of art, and a bronze statue was destroyed by them, not from want of taste, but because it could be melted into a more usefiil form. In the confusion of a mid night attack, and with the exasperation, which naturaUy follows tesistance, some parts of the city would probably be consumed by fire. The ac counts of the historians, who were contemporary, or wrote shortly after, are very -contradictory ; and it is difficult to elicit from them a true notion of the mischief that was reaUy committed. The re mark, however, made above wiU be of use, whUe we are consulting these authors, that moveable plunder, not a wanton destruction of buildings, was the object, which actuated the victorious enemy. A brief review of the events, which accompa nied each successive pillage under the Goths and ' Lib. i. Var. Epist. 25, 28. lib. ii. ep. 7, 34. lib. iii. ep. 29, 31. ALARIC. 11 Vandals, wUl perhaps be necessary to enable us to judge of the injury inflicted. Since the burn ing of Rome by the Gauls in U. C. 365, or A. C. 388, no enemy had ever set foot within the sacred city. Alaric broke the charm, when he entered it with his army of Goths in 410. This was the third time that he had laid siege to it. In 409 he had been bribed to remove, and upon the promise of receiving five thousand pounds of gold and thirty thousand pounds of silver, beside other valuables, he engaged to raise the siege. Great difficulty was found in coUecting the stipulated sum; and it is stated that some treasures, which had been taken in former wars and turned to sa cred purposes, were employed to pacify the in vader.^ The second siege was also in 409, but nothing of importance resulted from it."" In 410 he entered Rome, as was stated, by the Porta Salara. His troops remained in it six days. Cas siodorus asserts, that they committed great havoc there, and that many of the wonders of the city were burnt;' and in another place he speaks of the great booty which was coUected.'' Against this we have the statement of Jornandes,' that B For the events of the first siege, vid. Zosimus, lib. v. p. 350 — 4. Sozomen. lib. ix. c. 6. Olympiod. apud Phot. p. 180. Philostorg. lib. xii. c. 3. i Vid. Zosimus, lib. v, p. 368. ' Hist. Eccles. lib. xi. c. 9. '' Lib. xii. Var. Epist. 20. Sgcrates agrees in both these statements, lib. vii. c, 10. ' C. 30. 12 GENSERIC, they only plundered, but did not set fire to any building, or suffer any sacred property to be in jured. Cassiodorus himself confirms the latter part of this account, so that we may fairly con clude, that the invaders felt some religious scru ples in their pillage. We can, however, scarcely doubt that much injury was committed by fire. That Alaric entered by the Porta Salara, is weU known ; and the account of his burning the houses in the neighbourhood, is confirmed by the assertion of Procopius, that the house of SaUust remained a heap of ruins in his days."" The next siege was in 455, when Genseric entered the city at the head of the Vandal army. Here, again, w6 have conflicting statements. It seems clear, from all hands, that several ships were loaded with spoil, and sent to Africa. Pro copius'' mentions statues and medals ; and adds, that nothing which was beautiful in the city escaped him. The bronze tiles, which covered the Capitol, and the Jewish spoils, which had been brought to Rome by Titus, are expressly men tioned. It would seem that the former could only have been taken for their intrinsic value; "> Vid. Procop. de Bello Vand. lib. i. c. 2. Orosius, lib. vii. 0.39. Sozomen. lib. ix. c. 9. Philostorg. lib. xii. c. 3. The expression of this latter iviiter, who lived at the time, is very strong : " All this mightiness of glory, and this celebrity of " power, was portioned out between the fire of strangers, the " sword of enemies, and captivity among barbarians : and " while the city was lying in ruins, Alaric," &c. " De Bello Vand. lib. i. c. 4, 5. lib. ii. c. 9. GENSERIC. 13 and we might fancy the same of the Jewish ves sels, if we did not know that they were in exist ence several yeai-s after: so that the conqueror appears to have had some affection for the works of art, and would probably not have encouraged their wanton destruction upon the spot. One writer," beside mentioning the general pillage, adds, that the most remarkable buildings were burnt. While another p says, generaUy, that the city was burnt. On the other hand, we are told*" that Genseric withheld both fire and sword, at the intercession of St. Leo. That, the Pope gained some favourable terms, seems probable ; and the ti-uth perhaps is, that though Genseric did not authorize any general conflagration, yet his lawless soldiers occasionaUy violated his orders, either from carelessness or revenge. The piUage certainly lasted fourteen days. Between the sieges by Genseric and Totila, Rome probably suffered as much from its own inhabitants, as from any of its invaders; though the damage is, in this instance, partly to be ascribed to the tokens that the latter/ had left be hind them of their visit. We have a decree of the Emperor Majorian,' issued shortly after the retreat of Genseric, by which he puts a check to the system, then very generally practised, of de^ ° Nicephorvis, lib. xv. c. 11. P Evagrius, lib. ii. c. 7. * Paulus Diaconus, lib. xv. ' Novell. Maj. Tit. vi. p. 35. 14* DESTRUCTION molishing the ancient edifices. It is probable, that the citizens, as soon as the Vandal army had retired, found that they had much to do in repair ing the damages which they had inflicted; and for this purpose the ancient buildings, some of which were already in decay, were very unspar ingly devoted to patch up the private houses. In 546, another Gothic army entered Rome, under Totila: a third part of the walls was thrown down, and there seems little doubt as to what were the conqueror's intentions, when he threatened to level the city with the ground and turn it into pasture; fortunately, however^ the remonstrance of BeUsarius made an impression upon his mind; and even a Gothic general thought it more glo rious for posterity to allow him the power, to have destroyed Rome, than to execrate him for having actually done so. He appears to have confined his devastation to the destruction, already men tioned of the waUs. Perhaps he afterwards re pented of his clemency, and his attention to post humous fame. For as soon as he quitted the city, BeUsarius entered it; and in 549 he was again induced to besiege itj and again became master of it. But it seems certain, that at this time he inflicted no injury upon the inhabitants or the buildings. The Goths began to see that they were as likely to keep possession of Rome as their degenerate enemies ; and though their domi nion ceased very shortly after the death of Totila, yet he could not foresee such a catastrophe, when OF ROME. 16 he last occupied Rome ; and, in sparing the city, he conceived that he was doing a service, not to the inhabitants, but to his own people. Though the superabundant zeal of the Popes has been charged with the destruction of Pagan monuments, they have also had then- defenders ; and Tiraboschi labours, apparently with much reason, to rescue Gregory the Great from this imputation.^ The Greeks of Constantinople must also partake in the guilt of this spoUation. Ac cording to Paulus Diaconus,' and Anastasius," the Emperor Constans carried off from Rome, in the year 663, all the bronze statues a,nd ornaments which he could find. This was by no means un common with the Greek Emperors : and we can scarcely help reflecting upon the singular vicissi tudes of the works of art, as' ' connecited with Roman history. Greece, when she submitted to Rome, yielded up to the conqueror all her trea^ sures of art; and the Romans really fancied that they had some taste, because their galleries were ornamented with works of Grecian sculpture." After the Empire was divided, and both branches of it were in decay, the Eastern, which was longer in falling, exercised its power in despoUing Rome ; and probably many statues traveUed to Constan- ¦ Storia Letteraria d'ltalia, tom. iii. part i. p. 121, &c. • Hist. Lang. lib. v. c. 11. " In Vita S. Vitaliani. See also Platina. " Burton, in his Anatomy of Melancholy, says quaintly, " Those old Romans rob'd all the cities of the world, to set " out their bad-sited Rome." 16 ANTIQUITIES. tinople, which had crossed the sea some centuries before in their voyage to Italy. Even those which Genseric had carried off to Africa, found their way to Constantinople, when the Vandals were in turn conquered by BeUsarius. We know that many of the most beautiful statues, and other curiosities, were destroyed by a fire, which con sumed the Lausian palace at Constantinople, about the year 475." Some of them again re traced their steps, when Constantinople was sacked by the Venetians, in 1204. From these several causes, to which Rome has been more exposed than any other city, nothing here is perfect. If we except the Pantheon, (and that has suffered dreadful spoliation on the out side,) the ancient remains have been so mutUated and destroyed, that even the name is in many cases doubtful. No small portion of classical re coUection is necessary to supply the deficiency; and he who visits Rome destitute of this, wiU probably form a low estimate of the interest ex cited by the antiquities. As a place of residence, Rome is certainly not gay or cheerful; the pa laces, though splendid in their exterior, are dirty and neglected; the works of the fine arts are the only objects which it is impossible not to admire and be satisfied with : so that, if any one leaves Rome with an impression of disappointment, it may be inferred that his readmg had not suppUed him vith a sufficient store of classical knowledge " Zonar. Annal. lib. xiv. p. 52. ANTIQUITIES. 17 to enable hun to fill up the ravages which time had made. Rome, compared with Athens, is like the collection of the Elgin Marbles compared with the sculptm-es in the Vatican, In the lat ter collection, beside the usual prepossession in favour of every thing ancient, we have positive beauty and symmetry in the objects themselves ; in the British Museum, we have rather a record how far time may go in ruining the works of art, and yet not destroy the admiration which they excite. But stiU, some taste for antiquities, and some classical reminiscences, are necessary, before we can enjoy such mutUated fragments. And so it is with Rome. No other ' city is so calculated to raise and keep up the finer feelings of the mind ; no other can present to us, so forcibly and so tangibly, the histories which we have read with so much deUght, or make us sympathise so strongly with the catastrophes of patriots and heroes. Much, however, of aU this enthusiasm is to be brought into Rome, in addition to what is in spired on the spot. Perhaps the best way to view the city, if we wish to preserve our admira tion, is to take a hasty survey of aU the Antiqui ties, and then to pass on. A long residence there is certainly calculated to diminish the interest which they excited : recollection may supply many deficiencies at the first view, and may, perhaps, increase our. enjoyment by conti-asting the ancient with the present state. But recoUection is not a source from which we should draw too often. To enable us constantly to admire, something VOL. I. c 18 WORKS OF THE intrinsicaUy excellent is required ; and in advising a short residence at Rome, it is not that I under value the Antiquities myself, but I am anxious that others should not undervalue them. One complaint is made by many traveUers, and deserves to be noticed : it is, that there are few or no monuments of the time of the Republic. The remark is one which is likely to be made; and the interest which we take in the Antiquities would certainly be heightened, if there were less foundation for such a complaint. It must not, however, be asserted, that there are no monu ments of the time of the Republic. If any per son came expecting to find perfect remains of beautiful buildings, which were prior to the age of Augustus, he would undoubtedly be disap pointed; but I question whether, in expressing this disappointment, he does not also betray his own ignorance of history. The works of the Romans, in the early ages of their nation, were wonderful for their solidity and strength, but there seems no reason to suppose that much taste or elegance was displayed. When the Gauls burnt Rome, U.C, 365, it may be concluded that few edifices escaped ; so that, in looking for any works of the Republic, we must confine our research between the years 365 and 723, when the Republic terminated. We might mention four successive periods, in each of which the city must have assumed a different appearance from what it did in the age succeed ing; L From the foundation to the burning of REPUBLIC. 19 Rome by the Gauls, U. C. 365 ; 2. From 365 to 723, when the reign of Augustus commenced ; 3. From 723 to 817, (or A.D. 64,) when the city was burnt in the time of Nero ; when, out of the fourteen regions into which it was divided, only four remained untouched, three were entirely con sumed, and seven survived in pai-t;^ 4. From A.D. 64. to 546, (U.C. 1300,) when Totila en tered it, as Alaric and Genseric had done before hun. That a great alteration took place in the appearance of Rome, during these periods, caur not be denied ; but, on the other hand, we must not conclude that no buUdings survived each suc cessive shock, or that nothing stUl remains to present us a monument even of the first period. Livy tells us,^ that when the city was rebuilt after the expulsion of the Gauls, it was laid out in a very irregular manner. " The city was be^ " gun to be buUt without any order. The pubUc " furnished tiles the great haste made " them careless of forming the streets in straight " Unes, while without deciding what belonged to " themselves or their neighbours, they buUt on " the empty spaces. This is the reason that the y Another great fire happened in the reign of Titus, which lasted three days and nights. Sueton. Tit. c. 8. J. Capito linus mentions another, in the reign of Maximinus; and if we are to take his expressions literally, the destruction caused by it must have been very extensive. He says of it, Magna pars urbis incensa est; and again, Urbis pars maxima incen- deretur. ^ Lib. V. c. ult. c2 20 WORKS OF THE " old sewers {cloacce), which at first were carried " through the pubUc way, now pass under private " houses in every direction; and the plan of the " city more resembles one which had been sud- " denly seized, than one which had been regu- " larly parcelled out." He says, in another place,^ that the new city was built in a year. Tacitus,"* also, talks of the houses being built in no order .and at random, and of the streets being exces sively winding and irregular. Suetonius'^ com plains of the " deformity of the buildings, and " the narrowness and windings of the streets." In confirmation of which remark, other authorities might be quoted. "^ This, however, might only apply to the streets and houses ; the temples and public buildings may, at the same time, have been magnificent, but there is not the least evidence that they were so. In the second year after the .destruction, " the Capitol was underbuilt with •" square stones," as we learn from Livy ;^ and he adds, that it was a remarkable work, even in the magnificence of his own day. But this was rather a work of defence than of ornament. As to pri vate buUdings, the house of Lepidus is said by Pliny f to have been the handsomest in Rome, in the year 676 U. C. ; and, in another place,e he tells us that the ornaments consisted of Numidian » Lib. vi. c. 4. >> Annal. lib. xv. c. 43. t^ Vita Neronis, c. 38. ^ Vide Cic. Or. 2 de Lege Agr. c. 35. " Lib. vi. c. 4. f Lib. xxxvi. c. 24. E Lib. xxxvi. c. 8. REPUBLIC. 21 marble, which was used in large blocks, but not for columns. But the orator Crassus had a mag nificent house a few years before this, U. C. 662, as we learn from the same Pliny,'' and Valerius Maximus :' " He had erected four columns of " Hymettian (Athenian) marble in his haU, when " as yet there were no marble piUars in any public " buUding." As earlj^, however, as U. C. 607, Q. C. MeteUus had buUt a temple of marble, as we learn from VeUeius,'' though perhaps there were no piUars of mai-ble in it. The same Metel lus built a portico, which was afterwards the por tico of Octavia, and must have given a new impulse to taste and luxury, by the vast coUection of sta tues which he brought from Greece. Scipio Nasica buUt a portico in the Capitol, about U. C. 594, and Cn. Octavius did the same in the Circus ; after which, as VeUeius' says, "private luxury " soon followed pubUc magnificence." The first instance of a gUded roof was in the Capitol, when Mummius was censor, U.C. 612, after the destruc tion of Carthage:™ in short, the age of Roman luxury seems to have commenced with the fall of the last-mentioned city, and of Corinth. The Romans, certainly, were not naturally a people of taste. They never exceUed in the fine arts; indeed, scarcely the name of any Roman sculptor or painter of celebrity has been handed ^ Lib. xvii. c. 1 . » Lib. ix. c. 1. i' Lib. i.e. 11. ' Lib. ii. c. 1. ™ Plin. lib. xxxiii. c. 18. 22 WORKS OF THE REPUBLIC. down to us. Their own writers invariably aUow, that they were indebted to Greece for every thing which was elegant in the arts." In architecture, the only order which has any pretensions to claim a Roman origin, is the Composite, which is certainly less pleasing than the others ; and of this, the ear liest specimen in Rome is on the arch of Titusi. We know that Greek marble was not used in their buildings till the close of the Repubhc ; and since the connection with Greece began as early as the second Punic war, and the triumphs of Flamininus and Mummius, in 559 and 608, made the Romans acquainted with the productions of Grecian taste, it is natural that they should also have imported their marble from thence, if they had been en gaged in buildings of any particular magnificence. Pliny says," that the custom of sawing marble was not introduced into Italy before the time of Augus tus. Though we can scarcely credit this state ment, — and we have certainly some proofs to the contrary, — we are bound to beUeve that it had not been long practised in Rome. The same author teUs us,p that the quarries at Luna, (now Carara,) vrhich he decides to produce a finer marble than that of Paros, were not opened long before his time. We must, however, give a Uttle " Cicero's poor opinion of his countrymen's taste is clearly marked; when speaking of the works of art, he says, " It is " astonishing how the Greeks are delighted with those things, " which we despise." In Ver. Act. 2. 1. 4. c. 60. ° Lib. xxxvi. c. 8. p Lib. xxxvi. c. 4. CLOACA MAXIMA. 23 latitude to this expression : for he himself tells us,i that in the time of J. Caesar, Mamurra had orna mented his house with marble from Luna: and Strabo, who lived in the reign of Tiberius, men tions the quarries as being worked to a great ex tent in his day."^ The boast of Augustus, that he had found Rome of brick, and left it of marble,^ is of course to be taken in some respects as an imperial hyperbole : but the alteration, which took place in his reign, must have been very percepti ble, or he would not have hazarded a comparison with the times of repubUcan liberty, when he had so many safer grounds for boasting. The monuments, which remain to us of an age prior to the Augustan, are, as was observed, of great soUdity and strength. The Cloaca Maxima is one of the most wonderful works, which any people ever constructed. It seems indeed almost incredible, that in the time of Tarquinius Priscus, only 150 years from the foundation of the city, such a work could have been performed. If we foUow the opinion of some chronologists, who shorten the reigns of the kings, the city had not existed nearly so many years, when this Cloaca was begim. But there is great mystery and con fusion in the early history of Rome, particularly in that of the kings. I have sometimes been in cUned to think, that there was a city here before the time of Romulus, and that his subjects did not actuaUy begin from nothing. Virgil might 9 Lib. xxxvi. c. 7. ^ Lib. v. = Sueton. Aug. c. 29. 24 CLOACA MAXIMAi perhaps be quoted as countenancing this opinion: when Evander is showing his city to ^Eneas, he sayS, Hsec duo prseterea disjectis oppida muris Eeliquias veterumque vides monumenta virorum : Hanc Janus pater, hanc Saturnus condidit Urbem, Janiculum huic, illi fuerat Saturnia nomen. .^n. viii. 355. And yet Ovid says, in more than one place, that when Evander landed in Italy, there were only a few cottages on the spot, where afterwards Rome was built.' So vague and contradictory was tra^ dition. The Romans and the Tuscans do not claim a common origin, and yet there is a great resem blance in the strength and solidity of their works. Veil, which was a Tuscan town, was only a short day's march from Rome :" and it is not likely, that « Vide Fast. lib,, v. 93. " The situation of Veii has caused' great disputes among the Antiquaries: but it seems now to be very satisfactorily placed at L' Isola Farnese, about twelve miles from Rome, not far from La Storta, the first post on the road to Perugia. In the tinae of Propertius the town had ceased to exist : Nunc intra muros pastoris buccina lenti Cantat, et in vestris ossibus arva metunt. Lib. iv. el. 10. 29. And Florus says of the city, " Who now recollects that it ex- " isted? What remains or vestige of it is there? It requires " the utmost stretch of our faith in history, to believe that " Veii existed."— Lib. i. c. 12. Eutropius calls it eighteen miles froni Rome: (lib. i. c. 4. and 19.) but Pliny (lib. xv. c. ult.) and Suetonius (Galba, i.) if compared together, make it TUSCAN^. 25 this warlike and highly civilized people (for we must allow them to have been so,) would have taken no advantage of the seven hUls, which were so near to their territory, if not in it. Great dis sension is to be found amongst the Roman writers themselves, as to the date of the foundation of Rome: none, however, ascribe it to the Tuscans j unless we take the Aborigines to be Tuscansj which is not improbable. We must bear in mind, that history mentions two migrations of Greek colonies into Italy, the first of which took place about 600 years before the second. By the first I mean that of the Pelasgi, who came from Arca dia and from Attica," and the Pelasgi are called Tyrrhenians, that is, Tuscans, by several writers." The second migration was that mentioned by Herodotus,y as taking place in the days of Lycur gus and Thales ; so that we have good reason to carry back the civihzation of the Tuscans to a remote period. We shoidd also recoUect, that while Greece was convulsed with constant wars, the Tuscans seem to have enjoyed long continued periods of peace. Of their progress in the arts we have not so many specimens, as is sometimes supposed; for the vases,^ which are so generaUy only half that distance: and Dionysius (Antiq. lib. ii.) ex pressly places it at the distance of 100 stadia, or twelve miles. The Peutingerian Table does the same. " Vide Dion. Hal. lib. i. c. 11, 13, 16, &c. " Thucyd. lib. iv. u. 109. Plutarch de Virt. Mul. Dion. Hal. Antiq. lib. i. et xiii. y Lib. i. c. 94. = It is singular that as far back as the time of Julius Caesar, 26 CLOACA MAXIMA. called Etruscan, are undoubtedly Grecian, and come almost aU from the kingdom of Naples. If the conjecture of Father Paoh be true, that the temples at Paestum are the work of Tuscans at a period long antecedent to the edifices of Greece, we have indeed a noble monument of their magr nificence, though perhaps not of the elegance of their taste. The waUs of Cortona also present a specimen of solidity, which seems to defy the lapse of ages. ^ Many make j^neas himself to have founded a city on the Palatine hill; and chronologists lay down four hundred and thirty-two years between JEneas and Romulus.'' We must not, however, indulge in unfounded conjecture; and when His tory unequivocally represents the Cloaca Maxima as the work of Tarquinius Prisons, we may per haps be .satisfied with recollecting, that this. King was born in Tuscany of Grecian parents. "= PUny'' speaks of its prodigious strength, and of the wonder of its having lasted seven hundred years. How much more ought we to be surprised, when the tombs in Campania were opened in search of ancient vases. Sueton. J. Caes. c. 81. The same was done at Corinth. Strabo, lib. viii. ^ A friend informs me, that he found the walls of Volterra to be composed of hewn masses from three to six tons weight, piled one upon another without cement. >> These opinions may be seen in the third volume of the Thesaurus of Graevius. <= " Quippe qui oriundus Corintho Graecum ingenium Ita- " licis artibus miscuisset." — Florus, lib. i, c. 5. ^ Lib. xxxvi. c. 24. CLOACA MAXIMA. 27 we can add nearly eighteen hundred years more to its duration ! The stones employed in the arch are of an enormous size, and placed together with out any cement. There are three concentric rows, one above the other. The height is said to have been sufficient for a boat loaded with hay to pass under it: it is reckoned now at eighteen Roman palms,' and the width is the same. Marlianus says that he measured it, and found the width sixteen feet. According to Livy,^ the original object of the Cloaca Maxima was to carry off the overflowings of the Tiber and other smaUer streams : " As the places near the Forum and " other valleys between the hills did not easUy " carry off the water from the level ground, he " drained them by carrying sewers from a higher " level into the Tiber." Dionysius of Hallcar nassus says the same thing; and to give an idea of the immensity of the work, he adds, that the Cloacae having . been neglected for some time, it required one thousand talents to clear them. After the burning of Rome by the Gauls, the streets were rebuUt without regard to the direction of the Cloacae; so that many of the houses were over them, as Livy teUs us in the passage already quoted, p. 20. Theodoric undertook the repair of the Cloacae, and the description of them in the barbarous Latin of Cassiodorus is worth re cording, s " Quae tantum visentihus conferunt ' A palm equals 8-779 English inches. I have generally reckoned it at 8|. f Lib. i. c. 38. s Lib. iii. Var. Epist. 30. 28 , CLOACA MAXIMA. « stuporem, ut aliarum civitatum possint miracula " superare. Videas iUic fluvios quasi montibus " concavis clausos per ingentia ligna"^ decurrere. " Videas structis navibus per aquas rapidas non " minima solUcitudine navigari, ne praecipitato tor- " renti marina possint naufragia sustinere. Hinc, " Roma, singularis quanta in te sit potest colligi " magnitudo ! Quae enim urbium audeat tuis cul- " minibus contendere, quando nee ima tua possunt " simUitudinem reperire ?" It is now upwards of two thousand years since this work was constructed; in which interval Rome has been rebuilt several times, and a vast accumulation of soil formed : it still however exists, and is to all appearance as firm as on the first day of its foundation. A view may be obtained of it at its mouth, where it flows into the Tiber, a little below the Ponte Rotto; and a portion of it may be seen near the Arch of Janus. Another instance of the durability of Roman works may be seen in the Mamertine Prisons, on the descent of the Capitol towards the Forum. These are of great antiquity, and built like the Cloacae of large uncemented stones. The founder was Ancus Martius, as we learn from Livy,' who speaking of that king says, " he made a prison in " the middle ofthe city, overlooking the Forum." Servius TuUius increased them, whence they were sometimes caUed TulUan. Varro says,'' that the •> This word is evidently corrupt. A French author reads slagna, » Lib. i. c. 33. k De Ling. Lat. lib. iv. M.\MERTINE PRISONS. 29 part added by this latter king was under ground : and from two passages in Livy we may perhaps coUect the same tiling. Speaking of Pleminius, who was accused of high crimes, both civU and reUgious, he tells us,' that he and his companions were thrown into prison; and at the same time he adduces the authority of Clodius Licinius, as stating that he was subsequently put into the Tul lianum. This was U. C. 549. Livy seems after wards to have forgotten, that he had thus antici pated the history of Pleminius upon the authority of Licinius; for he repeats the same story over again," where he informs us that Pleminius, being farther accused of a conspiracy to set fire to the city, was put into the lotver prison, and kiUed. This was U. C. 559. These two passages clearly identify the lower prisdh with the TuUianum. It was also caUed Robur :^ and if Livy had this place in view, when he speaks of Career Lautu- miarum," or the prison of the Stone-quarries, we may perhaps conclude that the excavation was first made for the purpose of getting stone, and afterwards turned into a prison. It may be re membered that the quarries at Syracuse were used for the same purpose. Near the entrance were the Scalae Gemoniae, by which the culprits wei'e dragged to the prison, or out of it to execution, A more horrible place for the confinement of a human being can scarcely be imagined. There ' Lib. xxix. c. 22. ¦" Lib. xxxiv. c. 44. " Lucret. iii. 1030. Liv. lib. xxxviii. c. 36. ° Lib. xxxii. c. 26. See also lib. xxvi. c. 27. 30 MAMERTINE PRISONS. are two apartments, one above the other, to which there was no entrance, except by a smaU aperture in the upper roof; and a simUar hole in the upper floor led to the cell below. There was no stair case to either. The upper prison is twenty-seven feet long, by twenty wide ; the lower, which is eUiptical, is twenty by ten. The height of the former is fourteen feet, of the latter seven. These served as the state prisons ; and only persons of distinction had the privilege of occupying them, Jugurtha was among the number, SallustP de scribes the place thus : "In the prison, caUed " TuUian, when you have descended a Uttle, there " is a place on the left, sunk about twenty feet : " it is surrounded by walls on all sides ; and above " is a room vaulted with stone, but from uncleanli- " ness, darkness, and a foul smeU, the appearance " ofit is disgusting and terrific," Some, however, and particularly Baronius,'' have raised a doubt, whether the place now shown at the foot of the Capitol is reaUy the prison which, was constructed by Ancus Martius, and caUed TuUian, The strongest evidence which they ad duce is a passage from PUny,"" where he says, " that " the Temple of Piety was built in that part of " the prison fin ea carceris sede) where is now " the Theatre of Marcellus." The whole force of these words Ues in the assumption, that there was only one prison in Rome, and that Pliny P De Bello Cat. c. 55. ¦! Vid. Martyrolog. ad 14 Mart. p. 103, &c. ¦¦ Lib. vii. c. 36. MAMERTINE PRISONS, 31 must therefore be speaking of the TulUan prison. Juvenal certainly says, in the stjle of a patriotic antiquary, Felices proavorum atavos, felicia dicas Saecula, qui quondam sub regibus atque Tribunis Viderunt uno cententam carcere Romam. Sat. iii. 312. But how long one prison was found sufficient for the number of criminals does not appear ; and it may weU be doubted, whether in the year of Rome 604, (of which Pliny is speaking,) there were not many more persons deserving of impri sonment, out of a population of more than four hundred thousand souls,' than what one* jail would contain. It has been aheady stated, that the TulUan prison was only used for state criminals : but the person, whose story PUny is teUing, was an humble and obscure plebeian woman (humilis in plebe ideoque ignotaj : and from the way in which she was treated, her offence seems to have been a common one. I conclude, therefore, that he was speaking of another prison, which was afterwards destroyed, Appius Claudius the de cemvir had a prison constructed on purpose for plebeian offenders; but the restriction was vio lated in his own person, as he was confined in it himself.' Tradition makes the Church of S. Ni cola in Carcere to stand upon the site of this prison; and as this is not far from the Theatre of = The census of 683 returned 450,000. ' Liv. lib. iii. c. 57. 32 MAMERTINE PRISONS. MarceUus, it is not improbable that this is the one of which PUny speaks. Some ancient columns may still be seen in this church, and ai;itiquaries make out that there were three temples within or close to it. We have another proof that Pliny was speaking of the -prison of Claudius, and not of the TuUian, since Publius Victor, in describing the ninth region of the city, mentions the Theatre of MarceUus and the Prison of Claudius close to gether. At all events the passage in Livy is much more decisive, where he says, that the prison of Ancus was " in the middle of the city, overlooking " the, Forum." And if we cannot say that the building now shown is near the Theatre of Mar ceUus, still more difficult would it be to prove that a prison near that theatre would overlook the- Forum. Another argument adduced by the opposite party is an inscription upon the- front of what is shown as the Mamertine Prison: we there read, c, vibivs. c. f. rvfinvs. m. cocceiv . . . cos. EX. s. c. These persons were consuls, U. C. 775, in the time of Tiberius. But surely this in scription cannot prove, that Vibius and-Cocceius (Nerva) were the original contrivers of this build ing : the shghtest inspection of it wiU convince us that it was much older than their time, and that the consuls mentioned only made some alteration or addition to it. The origin of the name Mamertine is not cer tain: nor can I find any ancient author who uses it. In the acts of the early martyrs the prison is frequently mentioned under this title, as maybe MAMERTINE PRISONS. 33 seen in Baronius. PanchoUi deduces it from the famUy Mamertia, which, according to Plutarch, ti-aced itself up to Numa. That king was said to have had four sons, from whom four iUustrious famUies were descended, Pomponia, Pinacia, Cal- purnia, and Mamercia. In process of time the name of Mamercus was changed to Mamertinus ; and under the emperors we find several persons of this name high in office, such as consuls, prae tors, &c. It is possible that one of these persons may have repau-ed the prison, and given it his name; as P. Victor and Sextus Rufus mention a Schola Mamertina and baths of the same name. The adjoining street was caUed Vicus Mamertinus. Had the appeUation occurred in ancient authors, I should rather have derived it from thei'founder Ancus Martius, whose name may anciently have been written Mamertius, as we are told that in the Oscan language Mars was caUed Mamers."^ Tradition says, that St. Peter was confined here; which, considering the accusation against him, is not very likely. The piUar is shown to which he was fastened, and also a well of water, which appeared miraculously for .the baptism of his gaolers, Processus and Martinianus, and forty- seven companions. The prison itself, with a small chapel in front, is now consecrated to him; and over it is the Church of S. Giuseppe de' Faleg nami, built in 1539.'' " Vid. Diod. Sic. lib. xxi. c. 13. and Festus, voce Mamers. * The Abate Cancellieri published a work upon these pri sons in 1788. VOL. I. D 34 TABULARIUM. Not far from these prisons, on the other side of the steps leading to the Forum, some portion of the ancient Tabularium, or Record-office, may be seen. This now serves as a foundation to the Palazzo Senatorio; and in an enumeration of the more ancient remains, such an inconsiderable fragment would seem hardly worthy of notice. I mention it only as another example of that massy style of architectiu-e which the Romans adopted, and because every thing connected with the an- - cient Capitol is interesting. It is, however, of great antiquity, this part having been buUt U. C. 367, as foundations for the Capitol. Livy men tions it," and says, that it was a remarkable work, even in the magnificence of his day. The waU is about ITjO palms in length, and fourteen in height. Some of the stones are ten or twelve palms long. In the interior there is a chamber vavilted with several arches and a Doric frieze. An inscription was found near here, but is no longer to be seen, which commemorated the founder of the whole building : Q. LVTATIVS. Q. F. CATVLVS. COS. SVBSTRVCTIONEM ET. TABVLARIVM. S. S. FACIENDVM COEBAVIT. These three works, the Cloaca Maxima, the Prison, and the Tabularium, are all built of that stone which the Romans call Peperino, probably fi-om the town of Piperno, (Privernum,) where it is found in great abundance, or from the black * Lib. vi. c. 4. RO.MAN STONE. 35 Spots on it resembling pepper. The ancients caUed it Alban stone,^ because they got it from the neighbourhood of Alba ; and it seems, that all then- early buildings were made of it. Afterwards two other kinds of stone came to be used. Traver tine and Tufo. The former has its name from the Teverone or Anio, near wiiich it is formed. I use this expression, because the calcareous de posit from the water is constantly indurating, and forms incrustations round any object which is left in it.^ An instance of this may be seen at Tivoli, where there is the evident trace of a wheel, the wood of which is decayed, but a hard mass of stone is formed round it. The ancients called this stone Tiburtine. The outside of the Colos seum is buUt of it. The thu-d kind of stone is Tufo. Vitruvius mentions it," and calls it tophus, of which he describes red, black, and white varie ties. This is the softest of aU stones used for buUding, and seems evidently to be of volcanic origin, of which aU the country round Albano, and Rome itself, bears evident trace. Some showers of stones, which Livy mentions as falUng near Albano, seem to aUude to phaenomena connected with volcanos.'' He mentions also,"^ that a great gulph or chasm opened near Albano.'' Vitruvius y Vid. Vitruvius, lib. ii. c. 7. Plin. lib. xxxvi. c. 48. ^ Vide Seneca, Nat. Quaest. lib. iii. c. 20. > Lib. ii. c. 7. ^ Lib. i. c. 31. Lib. xxv. c. 7. &c. = Lib. xl. ¦* Pliny mentions a shower in Lucania of matter resembling sponges. Lib. ii. c. 57. d2 36 WALLS AND BRIDGES. says, that tophus was used for the interior of buUd ings, which was not exposed to the air. We find the inside of the Colosseum composed of it. The walls of Rome, as they now stand, can in no part claim a greater antiquity than the time of Aurelian; so that we look in vain here for any work of the Republic. There is reason, however, to believe, that a fragment of a wall in the ViUa Mattei, on the Caelian hill, is part of the ancient .circuit; and if so, we may find in it a monument of the age of Servius TulUus. The appearance of the masonry is. certainly not hostile to such a supposition. In the gardens of Sallust, now those of the Villa Barberini, there is another portion of waU, which is also said to have belonged to the ancient circuit. Of the Bridges, the only one, which can claim a date prior to the age of Augustus, is the Ponte Rotto. But this has been so often repaired after inundations, that we cannot easily decide how much of it is ancient. It was begun by M. Ful vius, and finished by Scipio Africanus and L. Mummius. The next to this in antiquity is the Ponte di 4 Capi, anciently Pons Fabricius, which leads into the island. This, however, was bmlt under the reign of Augustus ; though it may be doubted, whether it was not rather repaired, than reconstructed at that time. Donatus states it to have been built in 612. The Pons Sublicius was the most ancient in Rome : but if it be true, that the island was formed at the time of the expulsion of the Tarquins, it is probable, that a bridge was AQUADUCTS. 37 built very early, to form a communication with it. Unfortunately for our classical curiosity, the Sub- Ucian bridge itself, on which Horatius Codes stood, as the bulwai-k of infant Rome, has been entirely washed away. Both within £md without the waUs we may see some works of great antiquity in the Aquaducts. Several fragments of these astonishing efforts of human industry stretch across the Campagna in various directions. It is difficult to ascertain the precise date of some of them : they evidently have been repaired at different times, but many parts of them bespeak the soUd and massy architecture of the early ages of Rome. We have a detaUed account of the state of the Aquaducts during the reign of Nerva, written by Frontinus, who was engineer under that emperor. He says that nine different waters came into Rome ; but as some of these were united, the Aquaducts that entered the city were not so numerous. Sextus Rufus, who wrote in the time of Diocletian, makes the number nineteen; and Procopius, who lived in the sixth century, says that there were fourteen. A minute account of these several works would not be very interesting. To trace aU of them, or indeed any of them, through the whole of their course, would perhaps be impossible. Procopius teUs us, that Vitiges broke them down to deprive the city of water; and as in many of them the arches did not begin at a great distance from the waUs, we may despair of ascertaining their course under ground. The work of Frontinus wiU supply the names of 38 AQUADUCTS. the places where each Aquaduct began, and the length of its course. I shaU content myself with enumerating a few of them, and endeavourmg to point out here and there some remains of the ancient arches. TiU the year of Rome 441, the city was sup plied with water from the Tiber only. In that year, Appius Claudius, the censor, brought a stream from a distance of seven miles, which was called from him Aqua Appia. It began to the left of the Via Praenestina ; and Frontinus says, that its whole course, except sixty paces near the Porta CoUina, was under ground. If these few arches existed, they would be considerably within the modern circuit of the walls; but I know no trace of them, and only mention the Aquaduct, because a long line of arches may be seen to the right and left of the Via Prenestina, extending, with occasional interruptions, for a length of some miles. It is said to be a remnant of the Aqua duct, which Lampridius mentions as being built by Alexander Severus. Near the Porta S. Lorenzo we may see an Aquaduct with three water-courses in it, one above the other. These conveyed the Aquae Martia, Tepula, and JuUa, which were brought to Rome successively, in the years 608, 627, 719. We must conclude, that the union was not effected till the last period ; and if the arches conveying all the three waters were only constructed then,^ " This is not a necessary consequence, beeavtse the Aqua AQUADUCTS. 39 the work now remaining can scai-cely be classed amongst those of the Repubhc. The Aqua ^'irgo was introduced a few years after the last ; and parts of the Aquaduct may be traced, crossing the three roads, which lead re spectively fi-om the gates of S. Lorenzo, Pia, and Salara. This is, probably, the one which Proco pius mentions as being near the Porta Pinciana, by which Vitiges attempted to enter Rome. It commenced about eight mUes off, on the Via Col- latina. The Claudian Aquaduct was truly an imperial work, and therefore ought not, perhaps, to be mentioned here. It was begun by Caligula, and fixiished by Claudius. Two streams were united, both of which came from near the Via Subla- censis, a road which foUows the vaUey of the Anio above TivoU. One came forty miles off, and was carried upon arches, immediately after quitting its source, for a distance of three miles. The other, the Anio novus, also began on arches, which continued for twelves mUes, 800 paces. After this, both went under ground; and at a dis tance of six miles, 491 paces from the city, they joined, and were carried upon arches aU the rest of the way. This is the most perfect of aU the ancient Aquaducts ; and it has been repaired, so as to convey the Acqua FeUce, which is one ofthe Julia ran in the highest of the three channels, and the Tepula was higher than the Martia. These three waters will be men tioned more in detail hereafter. 40 AQUADUCTS. three streams ^ that now supply Rome. Parallel to it there may be observed, for a considerable distance, the ruins of another Aquaduct, which must necessarily have been older than that of Claudius, and presents an appearance of great antiquity. It is built of large stones, whereas the later ones are of brick. The Claudian Aquaduct entered the city by the Porta Maggiore, where we may still see a great portion of it, and observe the two channels, one above the other, for the different streams. The Anio novus was the. high est. The arches may be traced from hence to St. John Lateran, over parts of the Caelian hill, and so to Mount Aventine. These works, so frequent in aU Roman colo nies, have been cited as a proof that the Romans were ignorant of that principle in hydrostatics, that water wiU always rise to the level of its source ; and their patient industry has been ridi culed, in taking so much trouble to convey upon arches of brick or stone, what might have been brought in pipes under ground. How far, or how long, the Romans were really ignorant of this principle, I cannot pretend to say ; perhaps, when they first erected arches for this purpose, they were not aware that the labour might have been ' These three are the Acqua Vergine, restored by Nicolas V. which comes to the fountain of Trevi; L' Acqua Felice, brought by Sextus V. to the fountain of Termini, and so called from the name which he bore before his election; and L' Acqua Sabatina, which supplies the Janiculum, and was brought to the Fountain Paolina by Paul V. AQUADUCTS. 41 saved; but it is difficult to deny, that many Roman Aquaducts were constructed in this manner after the principle was known. The INIeta Sudans,* a fragment of which still exists near the Colosseum, is said to have been a fountain ; and it is evident that the water which suppUed it was not raised by mere mechanical means. Pliny'' mentions one hundred and five fountains (saUentes) in Rome; and, from the Latin term for a fountain, it appears certain that they resembled those of modern times, and that the water was thrown up merely by its own pressure. But another passage of PUny is more decisive, and ought to set the question at rest as to the science of his days; he says,' " The " water, which is wanted to rise to any height, " should come out of lead. It rises to the height " of its source." In another place he observes, " The ancients carried their streams in a lower " course, either because they were not yet ac- " quainted with the exact principle of keeping a " level, or because they purposely sunk them un- " der ground, that they might not easily be inter- s We find mention of it in Seneca's Epistles to Lucilius: " Essedas transcurrentes porro et fabrum inquilinum et ferra- " rium vicinum, aut hunc, qui ad Metam Sudantem tubas " experitur et tibias, neque cantat, sed exclamat." There is a coin of Titus, on the reverse of which is a figure of the Meta Sudans, which was probably repaired by him ; though the Chronicle of Ceissiodorus ascribes it to Domitian. '¦ Lib. xxxvi. c. 24. Agrippa . . . lacus septingentos fecit, praeterea salientes centum quinque, castella centum triginta. ' Lib. xxxi. c. 31. 42 AQUADUCTS. " rupted by the enemy." We may add a passage from Frontinus:'' " There are five different levels " to the streams, two of which are raised to every " part of the city; but of the rest, some are forced " by greater, some by less pressure." In the colonies, which were planted in Spain or Gaul, these works were probably constructe4Tfor political reasons. A number of people were em ployed by these means, and the cities were orna mented and supplied with the conveniences of life, to induce the hardy natives to reside in them. As soon as the Gauls or Spaniards enclosed them selves within walls, and adopted Roman manners, the protection of Rome was necessary to them; so that there were good reasons for constructing these enormous works, although, if the only object had been to supply the city with water, it might have been done on much cheaper terms. The needless labour bestowed upon these Aquaducts may be seen very remarkably at Lyons, where some fragments of arches still exist.' The water was conveyed in this manner for two leagues, and yet the hiU at which it terminated, and on which the ancient Lugdunum stood, contains several springs of excellent water. Even the magnificent work still existing under the name of Pont du ^ Lib. i. ' The part which remains is about seventy yards long, and contains the ruins of nine arches. The building is narrow, but as the ground is here on a decline, part of it is raised to a great height, and if it crossed the adjoining valley, it must have been several times higher. TOMBS. 43 Gard,"" and which suppUed Nisnies (Nemausus) with water, might have been spared, as there is in that city a most copious spring, which is quite a natural curiosity. It is evident, therefore, that here even ignorance of the hydrostatical principle would not have urged them to such a laborious undertaking, and some other motive must have caused the work. We must recollect, too, that the expense of labour was scarcely any thing, as the conquered inhabitants might have been had in thousands. In quoting the tombs, as remains antecedent to the Augustan age, the tomb of the Scipio family, which is the most ancient, perhaps hardly comes under our inquiry; the tomb itself being nothing but a subterraneous vault, on which no labour of architecture was bestowed. I was unwilUng, how ever, to pass it over, as we have here specimens of the art of sculpture at Rome as far back as U. C. 456. The pyramid, in memory of C. Cestius, near the Porta S. Paolo, is somewhat- prior to the time of Augustus, though not much so ; and as to the tomb of Bibulus, nothing is known as to its date ; but we may probably fix it a little earUer than that of Cestius. The tomb of CaecUia Me teUa is also of the time of the RepubUc, but evi- " This stupendous Aquaduct, which far exceeds any thing of the kind in Italy, consists of three rows of arches, one above the other. The first tier contains six arches, the second eleven, the third thirty-five. The whole height is 182 feet: the channel, in which the water ran, is three feet high. It lies between Avignon and Nismes. 44 TEMPLES. dently not long before the close of it. We may judge of this from the marble used in it; but cer tainly PUny's remark, quoted at page 22, is borne out by this specimen; for the blocks have not been sawed, and the same may be said of the pyramid of C. Cestius." Of the temples, but a poor catalogue can be made out, as exhibiting any monuments of the RepubUc. It will be attempted to be shown, in another place, that the Church of St, Theodore, near the Forum, was not the temple of Romulus. The temple of Vesta, too, though said by some to be older than the age of Augustus, has not much evidence to support its pretensions. It stands between the arch of Janus and the river. It is circular, with a portico aU round it, of twenty Corinthian pillars, fluted ; one of which is want ing. The cornice, also, and the ancient roof, have disappeared. In Ovid's time it was covered with a dome of brass." In other respects it is tolerably perfect, and forms a very interesting and elegant object. The walls within the portico are all of white marble, much of which stiU remains, and the pieces of it were put together, so as to have the appearance of one uninterrupted mass. The piUars are thirty-five feet high; the whole circumference ofthe building is 170 feet, and the diameter of the temple, within the portico, is 28. The question still remains unanswered, what is " All these tombs will be described afterwards, in detail. " Fast. lib. vi. 261, 281, 296. TEMPLE OF VESTA. 45 the date of this building ? We know that Numa dedicated a temple to ^'esta, and that it was round. P Horace also mentions one ; and it might be thought vain to search for Nmna's building after the catastrophe which he describes. But his words do not absolutely imply that it was thrown down ; it may only have been endangered : Vidimus flavum Tiberim, retortis Littere Etrusco violenter undis. Ire dejectum monumenta Regis Templaque Vestae. Od. lib. i. 2, 15. The present edifice is, however, far too elegant for the age of Numa ; and Ovid expressly teUs us, that the former temple was burnt about the year of Rome 512, or 256 years before the time of his writing.' In another place, he describes the buUding as it was in his own days ; and the P Festus " rotunda cedes." Ovid. 1. c; There is a beautiful round temple at Tivoli, which is also supposed to have been dedicated to '\^esta, though it has always been called the Temple of the Sibyl. That this last title is wrong, seems to be agreed by all the antiquaries of the present day. Andrea Fulvio, who wrote in the sixteenth century, calls it the temple of the Goddess Albunea, without mentioning any other opi nion. Albunea was the fountain from which the river Albula flowed. It is mentioned by Virgil, iEn. vii. 83. Hor. Od. i. 7, 12. Mr. Kelsall, in his Excursion from Rome to Arpino, quotes an ancient inscription found near the spot, which leads him to think that it was erected in honour of Drusilla, the sister of Caligula. 1 Compare Fast. lib. vi. 437, 461. 46 TEMPLE OF VESTA. same passage also gives us some idea of Numa's temple : Quse nunc sere vides, stipula tunc tecta videres ; Et paries lento vimine textus erat. Hie locus exiguus, qui sustinet atria Vestse, Tunc erat intonsi regia magna Numse. Forma tamen templi, qua nunc manet, ante fuisse Dicitur, et formse causa probanda subest. Fast. lib. vi. 261. It was burnt in Nero's fire,"^ and repaired by Vespasian or Domitian. It was burnt again in 191, under Commodus; and Julia Pia, wife of Septimius Severus, restored it. This is probably the building still in existence ; and the proportion of the columns seems to show, that it must have been erected in an age when architecture was on the decline ; for though the height of Corinthian columns ought to equal nine diameters, these con tain eleven. It was consecrated, as a Christian Church, to St. Stephen, and is known by the name of S. Stefano delle Carrozze, and La Madonna del Sole. An inscription says, " Sextus IIII " Pont. Max, JEdem hanc Beati Stephani Pro- " tomartyris diu incultam et incognitam instau- " ravit Anno Jubilaei" [1475]. The spaces be tween the pillars were all blocked up with brick work tiU very lately, when every thing was cleared away, and the building restored to its original appearance. '¦ Tacitus, An. lib. xv. c. 41 . TEMPLE OF FORTUNA VIRILIS. 47 The temple of Fortuna Vu-ilis, near the Ponte Rotto, (now the chm-ch of Santa JMaria Egiziaca,) is said by some to have been built by Servius Tul Uus; but this cannot claim such antiquity, as Dionysius tells us ° that Servius' temple was burnt, on which occasion his statue, which was of wood gUt, was the only thing saved. The present buUding may perhaps stand upon the same site. Ovid mentions a spring of warm water as being near the temple : Discite nunc, quare Fortunae thura Virili Detis eo, calida qui locus humet aqua. Fast. lib. iv. 145. Some have wished to call it the BasiUca of C. Lucius; but PaUadio is positive that it was a temple. Very erroneous accounts are given of its original plan, and of the remains stUl existing ; but Desgodetz has published a very aecurate survey and engraving of it. The front consisted of foxn- piUars, which stiU remain; there were seven on each side, reckoning the angular ones, but the five last were only half piUars. Those at the other end, corresponding to the front, were also half pUlars. Ofthe lateral ones, I could only make out six on one side ; the other is blocked up by buUdings. The piUars are Ionic, and the cornice is handsomely ornamented with festoons, buUs' heads, chUdren, and candelabra. The soU has accumulated up to the base of the columns ; » Antiq. lib. iv. c, 33. Ovid. Fast. lib. vi. 625. Val. Max. lib. i. c. 8. 48 OTHER WORKS. and there were anciently several steps leading up to the front. Andrea Fulvio mentions, that there was formerly an inscription, which was become perfectly illegible in his time. This temple, and that of Vesta, appear to be represented in the plans of ancient Rome preserved in the Capitol. The Church of SS. Cosmo and Damiano in the Forum, beside being itself a building of the 6th century, has an ancient Temple of Remus for its vestibule. There is not much to lead us to any particular conclusion as to its date ; but it is pro bably prior to the Augustan age, and I should think considerably so. There wiU be occasion to mention it more hereafter. The Arch of Janus is considered to be older than the time of Augustus, though it could not be much so, on account of the Greek marble of which it is built; which, as already stated, was not used at Rome till towards the decUne of the RepubUc. What is the date of the BasUica of Paulus iEmUius, which now forms part of the Church of S. Adriano in Foro, and of the Baths of P. j^mi- Uus near the Column of Trajan, I have not been able to discover. Such are the buUdings which claim attention in Rome, on the grounds of the greatest antiquity. The Ust wiU be considered a scanty one ; and of those which have been enumerated, some are doubtful, and may have only the claim of a few years to be caUed the works of the Republic. The Cloaca Maxima, the Mamertine Prisons, the ARCHITECTURE OF ROME. 49 Aquaducts, and perhaps the Bridges, are all vvhich can really carry us back to the venerable and sacred times of Roman liberty.' Poggio, who wrote in the beginning of the fifteenth century, says, in his work on the INIutability of Fortune, that he could discern nothing of the age of the Republic, except a bridge, (meaning the Pons Fabricius,) an arch, a sepulchre, the pyramid of C. Cestius, and a double row of vaults in the salt- office of the Capitol. But this catalogue is cer tainly too smaU; and the philosopher has cast too melancholy a view upon the ages that were past. It seems, however, that we can scarcely faU coming to this conclusion, that architecture was at a very low ebb in Rome, when it was at its height in Greece, and the Grecian colonies. The remains at Athens, such as the Parthenon, the Temple of Theseus, and the Propylaea, carry us back to the time of Pericles, which answers to the year of Rome 302. In SicUy, the Temples of Egesta and Girgenti remind us of the ravages which the Carthaginians had inflicted upon the island, before the Romans had a navy in their ports to contend with them. If we come still nearer to them, in Magna Graecia, we have the ' In these days, tbe word liberty/ may be objected to, as used here, because the Cloaca and the Prisons were formed by two of the Kings. But the state of Rome under the Kings and under the Emperors was as different, as the government of England compared with that of Turkey. This is not the country in which the union of Liberty with Monarchy is to be objected to. VOL. I. E 50 ARCHITECTURE OF ROME. temples at Paestum, over whose history a veU of mystery is spread, through which we endeavour to look into those times which are prior to exist ing records. But at Rome there seems to have been no national genius which could strike out such magnificent works, and for many years no national taste, which would care to imitate them. A patriot, in the days of Augustus, if taunted upon this defect, would probably have made the rudeness and inelegance of his ancestors a topic of admiration ; but in comparing the Romans with the Athenians, we cannot deny that the latter were the most pohshed nation of the two : and as a Dictator taken from the plough, or a Capitol built of brick, does not excite in us any patriotic feeling, we may perhaps be allowed to sympathise more with the fate of Athens than of Rome. But in the latter city, if we wish to con fine ourselves to the Republic, there is surely no need of monuments of brick and stone to awaken our recollection of such a period. If we must have visible objects, on which to fix our atten tion, we have the ground itself, on which the Romans trod ; we have the seven hiUs, we have the Campus Martius, the Forum, all places fami liar to us from history, and in which we can assign the precise spot where some memorable action was performed. Those who feel a gratification in placing their footsteps where Cicero or Caesar did before them, in the consciousness of standing uppn the same lull which Manlius defended, and in all those associations which bring the actors PALATINE HILL. 51 themselves upon the scene, may have aU their enthusiasm satisfied, and need not complain that there are no monuments of the time of the Re public. Rome is indeed a melancholy wreck of what it once was ; but the circuit of the walls be ing the same at this moment, as in the time of the Emperor Aurelian, we have so fkr a point of con nection between former times and our own ; and what is wanting in many ancient cities, we can positively identify the limits which it occupied. But in Rome we can do more : from the records of history we can trace the gradual increase of the city, from the time when Romulus had his cottage on the Capitol, to the final extension of the walls by AureUan. The traveUer would do weU to study this his* tory, and observe upon the spot the successive limits which the rising city occupied. He would first place himself upon the Palatine hill, and would fancy aU the subjects of Romulus settled on it. The other hiUs were then probably uncul tivated, and overgrovra wdth trees, while the plain at the foot of them was marshy from the inunda tions of the Tiber. It was on this hiU that Nero buUt his Golden House, which covered nearly the whole qf it. CaUgula united it with the Capitol by a bridge across the Forum. These enormous buUdings necessarily swaUowed up every other, and it is therefore vain to expect any antiquity on the Palatine, prior to the time of Nero. The thatched cottage of Romulus was not on this hiU, e2 52 PALATINE HILL, as some have asserted, but on the Capitol," unless we suppose that one was shown on each hiU." The palace of Nero has followed the fate of this cottage: nothing now remains of the splendid and extensive superstructure : but among the gar dens, which occupy the ground, some fragments of masonry may here and there be seen, and some subterraneous apartments may be entered, where a few paintings are still visible. Romulus seems to have surrounded his city with a wall, though, if the story of Remus be true, it was not a very formidable one. Perhaps it was not made of stone.^ Livy is express in saying, that Romulus first surrounded the Palatine hiU;'' but his words do not contradict what is said hy other authors, that the CapitoUne and the Forum were taken in during his reign. Tacitus says,^ that the Capitol was beUeved to have been added to the city by Tatius ; and we may coUect, that Romulus had fortifications on the Capitoline, Cae lian, EsquiUne, Aventine, and Quirinal hiUs, but " Seneca, Controv. lib. ii. 9. -" Dion. Hal. ii. y It may be left to the antiquaries to dispute, whether the form of the city was round or square. The latter is generally asserted; but the notion rests in part upon a mistaken pas sage in Plutarch, where he says, that Romulus founded Rows Quadrata, which does not mean the whole city, but a place on the Palatine hill, which served as a centre, from which the walls were drawn. Plutarch, in another place, expressly calls it round, and such seems most probably to be the truth. ¦•¦ Lib. i. c. 6. " An. lib. xii. c. 24. ANCIENT AND MODERN ROME. 53 they were not included within the walls.'' Tullus HostiUus, after destroying Alba, and doubling the population of his subjects by removing the Alban citizens, added the C^lian hiU." Ancus Martius gave Mount Aventine to the people, but it was not included within the pomoerium , though it seems to have been surrounded with a wall of its own.'' He afterwards joined the Janiculum to the city by the Sublician bridge. Servius TuUius took in also the Viminal, Quirinal, and EsquiUne, and inclosed the whole six with a waU and ditch. Dm-ing these periods, the population must won derfuUy have increased. We must not however suppose, that aU this ground was built upon : pro bably great part was cultivated, as is the case with the modern city; and in those times, when a war was an annual event, and the hostUe nations lived within a few mUes of the gates, it was necessary, that a great portion of the food, requisite for the inhabitants, should be grown within the waUs. ^^Tioever wishes to take a survey of the seven hills at one view, must ascend to the top of the Palazzo Senatorio on the Capitol. He will here command a prospect, which surpasses in interest any thing that the world can furnish. The na tural features of the country are themselves beau tiful; and if nothing was known of the history of i •¦ A. Gellius makes this distinction: "the most ancient " pomoerium, which was instituted by Romulus, was bounded " by the roots ofthe Palatine hill." Lib. xiii. c. 14. <^ Liv. lib. i. c. 30. ¦^ Dion. Hal. A. Gell. lib. xiii. c. 14. 54 CAMPUS MARTIUS. Rome, the ruins would stiU rivet his attention. The seven hiUs are distinctly discernible ; hut their boundaries are not so marked now, as they were formerly, from the accumulation of soU, which has taken place in the valleys. From this spot it will be observed, that modern Rome does not occupy exactly the same ground which it did formerly. It has in fact travelled northward, and the Campus Martius, which in the time of Augus tus was an open space, forms now the principal part of the city. Of the seven hUls, the Capi toline, the Caelian, the Viminal, and Quirinal, are still in part built upon: the Palatine, EsquUine, and Aventine are mostly covered with gardens, and contain but few houses. The riiost populous part of modern Rome stands, as was said, in the Campus Martius, which from the time of Servius TulUus to that of Aure lian was without the waUs, The whole plain may be said to have been bounded by the Tiber on the west, on the south by the Capitoline and Quirinal hiUs, and towards the north it probably extended as far as the Ponte MoUe,' It was divided into the greater and the less, of which we find notice, in CatuUus, Te campo qusesivimus minore, Te in Circo, te in omnibus libellis. — Iv. 3. The greater was a sort of suburb to Rome, and contained several houses and buUdings, of which the Mausoleum of Augustus may be considered ' Chiudian. de VI, Cons. Honor. .543. MONTE PINCIO .\ND CITOKIO. 55 the northern limit: the other division was not built upon, and was devoted to martial exercises, Strabo,^ after having mentioned the latter, says, " Next to tliis, and joining on to it, is another " plain, with innumerable porticos all about, '¦ wooded gardens, three theatres, an amphithea- " tre, and very magnificent temples contiguous to " each other," Beside the seven hUls, the wall, as subsequently increased, inclosed the Mons Pincius, or CoUis Hortulorum, which still retains the name of Monte Pincio. CoUis Hortorum is the term used by Suetonius,^ probably from the neighbouring gar dens of SaUust : and this author informs us, that the tomb of the Domitian family, in which Nero was buried, was on the summit of this hUl. Mons Pincius was a name given to it subsequently from the Pincian famUy, which was of eminence in the time of Constantine. This is a considerable emi nence, but as it was not within the walls of S. TulUus, it has not acquired so much celebrity as the seven others. The candidates for public offices used to show themselves first upon this hiU, and thence descend into the Campus Martius. A pubUc walk is now constructed upon it, and it commands an admirable view of Rome and the sun-ounding country. Another hiU may be observed behind the Piazza Colonna, which is caUed the Monte Cito rio. There is reason to think, that there was no liiU here formerly, but that the inequality was formed by the rubbish removed from the old ' Lib, v. B Ntro, c. 50. 56 MONTE GIORDANO AND TESTACCIO. buildings, and perhaps more particularly from the amphitheatre of Statilius Taurus. Such is partly the opinion of L. Fauno, though he substitutes the amphitheatre of Claudius for that of Taurus. He gives it as the opinion of some persons, that the hiU was formed from the soU, which was dug out, when the pillar of M. Aurelius was erected : ahd Nardini mentions an absurd tradition that the soU had been used to fill the interior of the Pantheon, when the Cupola was being built. Venuti thinks, that the name is derived from this being the place in the Campus Martius, where the people were cited to give their votes. Fauno writes the name Aciiorio, but agrees with him in his etymology. The Monte Giordano is another eminence of the same kind, but still smaUer, and has evidently been formed by the accumulation of ruins from ancient buildings. The Monte Testaccio seems hardly worth men tioning, except as being an eminence within the walls : it is however remarkable, if the story of its origin be true, as having been entirely raised by art. It stands at the south-west corner of Rome, near the Tiber, and measures 160 feet in height, and a third of a mile in circumference.'' It is said to be entirely composed of fragments of pottery, which were deposited here. An examination of the hill itself fully confirms this notion; and it should be remembered, that the principal potteries were established in this part of the town by Tar- '¦ This is from Venuti. In Spence's Anecdotes, p. 243, it is stated, that the whole rise from the Villa of the Cavalier Corradini to the cross on the top is upwards of 800 feet. MONTE TESTACCIO. 57 quinius Priscus, when he was building the Circus Maximus.' This is the case at the present day, and the Church of S. Francesco « ripa on the opposite side of the river has been erected upon the same fi-agments. When we consider the abundant use of earthenware which prevailed in Rome, that aU the oil and wine was preserved in vessels of this kind, when we find them in the sepulchres and the walls of buildings, not to men tion the tUes which covered the houses, the pro digious number of lamps and ornamental vases, &c. &c. we perhaps need not be sm-prised that this hUl was formed. So early as the reign of Numa, a coUege of potters was instituted; and if we beUeve MarUanus, there was an order of the Senate in later times, which prohibited the throw ing any fragments of pottery into the river, lest it should dam up the water, and overflow the city. The author of the Nouveau Voyage.d' Italie says, that he could only observe fragments of urns in this hiU. P. Victor mentions a hUl, caUed Dolio- lum, which is thought to be the same as the Monte Testaccio, but it is not mentioned by any older author.'' This was also without the waUs of S. ' This too is on the authority of Venuti, who does not tell us where he found this circumstance related. Sir Frederick Henniker informs us, that he " laboured over some acres of " crockery" near Alexandria. '' Jeremy Taylor, in his Ductor Duhitantium, (vol. xiii. p. 379, Works.) cites an anecdote, in which a hill near Rome is called Doliolum : but he does not give his' authority. In the lease of a vineyard, A.D. 1256, published by Nerini, (De 58 POMOERIUM. TuUius. Gibbon informs us,' that there was an annual practice of hurling from the top to the bottom of this hiU some waggon loads of live hogs for the diversion of the populace : and concludes rather hastily, that it was constructed for this pur pose. A very cold wind is observed to proceed from the lower part of this hill in summer, and ceUars have accordingly been constructed in it for sake of keeping the wine cool. To enlarge the circuit of the walls was called Pomoerium proferre. Pomoerium, which Livy tells US'" signifies post mcerium, behind the walls, was a space within and vrithout the waUs, which was consecrated at the first foundation, and was not allowed to be built upon. Those only were permitted to extend the pomoerium, who had taken some land from the enemy. And yet every extension of the walls was not necessarily an ex tension of the pomoerium; for Vopiscus, speaking of Aurelian, says, " that he extended the walls of " the city, and yet did not add to the pomoerium " then, but afterwards." Some religious cere mony seems to have been necessary for the exten sion of the pomoerium, distinct from the mere removal of the stones. Thus Mount Aventine was inclosed with a wall, and probably joined to Templo S. Alexii, p. 438,) the Monte Testaccio is called M.ons de Palio. ' Decline and Fall, c. 71. He refers us to Statuta Urbis Romae, p. 186, and Muratori, Scriptores Rerum Ital. tom. xxiv. p. 1124. ¦» Lib. i. c. 44. LIMITS OF ROME. 59 the city waU, from the time of Ancus INIartius, but was not included within the pomoerium till the tune of Claudius. For 430 years the Umits of Rome continued the same. Servius TuUius inclosed a space so much larger than was necessary for the population of his day, that nobody thought of enlarging the cir cuit of the walls tiU the time of SyUa. Tacitus remarks," that no RoniEui generals, although powerful nations were subdued, exercised the right of extending the waUs, except L. Sulla and Augustus. A. GeUius also" and SenecaP speak of the enlargement of the waUs by Sylla. This was U.C. 674. It is thought, that he took in that part which lies towards the gardens of Sal lust, and probably altered the position of the Portffi CoUina and ViminaUs. Dio Cassius'' and A. GeUius' assert also, that J. Caesar made a farther extension. Cicero hints the same thing.* This was about U. C. 720. The above quotation from Tacitus also shows Augustus to have imitated them, which was about the year 746, upon occa sion of the conquests made in Germany by Drusus. These two last extensions probably were in that part which Ues between the Portae CoUina and Capena. Tacitus says expressly' that Claudius extended the waUs, and A. Gellius tells us " that ° Ann. lib. xii. c. 23. " Lib. xiii. c. 14. P De Brev. Vita;, 14. i Lib, xliii. ' Lib. xiii. c. 14. • Epist. ad Att. lib. xiii, ep. 20, 33, 35. ' Lib. xii, c. 24. " Lib. xiii. c, 14. 60 POPULATION he took in Mount Aventine, which had been be fore walled in, but not included in the circuit of the city. Nero and Trajan made additions according to Vopiscus,"" but what precise space was added cannot be ascertained. The last and greatest increase was made by Aurelian, since which time the circuit has remained the same to our days, with the exception of a few alterations caused by repairs after different sieges. The annexed plan wiU afford some idea of the original waU as drawn by S. TulUus, and of the more ex tended one raised by AureUan, the dotted lines marking the former. It has been supposed, from the appearance of the waUs, that he ran them up in a great hurry. We cannot come to this con clusion from the materials of which they are composed, because so much of them has been rebuilt : but he seems in some instances to have taken advantage of buildings ah-eady in existence, and to have made them continue on his new line. The wall buUt by S. TuUius was of stone, but that of Aurelian was probably aU or mostly of brick, as it is now. Few questions connected with Roman history are so perplexing as the population of the city during these intervals. Livy tells us,y that in the time of Servius TuUius, who first instituted the census, the numbers amounted to 80,000. Eutro pius says, that there were 83,000 citizens, reckon ing those in the country.^ But the difficulty in ' Vita Aureliani, c. 21. J Lib. i. c. 44. ^ Lib. i. c. 7. roi. I. r. 60. A .1 .rf'^V ¦:f^ ^ •crpmJDiiP.J s> ^> ^» w , ^^^ F il f '^.r,aer^^ Tiburtina.. S.I.o?'en.z.o. k\. OF ROME. 61 this and all the succeeding enumerations, is to know what description of persons the census com prehended. Livy himself considers this as a point not decided: he quotes Fabius Pictor, as saying, that this first census only included those who were capable of bearing arms. But a passage in Dio nysius seems to show, that this was not always the meaning of the census. Speaking of that which was the fifth from the first institution, he says, that the whole number was 150,700, and that after the return was given, a separation was made of those who were of the age for mihtary service from those who were older. If we foUow the usual cal- cidation, that those who are fit for mUitary service form a fourth or fifth part of the whole popula tion," the inhabitants of Rome in the reign of Servius TuUius would amount to between 300,000 and 400,000, a number much too great for so early a period. AU the inhabitants of Rome were evidently not numbered: it must also be supposed, that slaves were not; and, if we judge from the object for which the custom was estabUshed, women and children would also have been ex cluded. Livy,*" stating the census in 289 at 124,214, expressly says, that widows and widowers were excepted, from which it might be argued, that all women were not excluded : and we have the evidence of Cicero, that a foreigner, though a female, might be made a citizen of Rome.'' Dio- » Adam Smith, b. v. c. 1. '' Lib. iii. c. 3. ¦¦ Pro B^lbo, 24. 62 POPULATION nysius remarks,'' that the people not reckoned in the census, such as women, children, slaves, trades* men, mechanics, &c. were three times as numerous as those who were included. This author always uses the expression, " those who were of age,"' which seems clearly to prove, that children were not reckoned. A passage in PUny is perhaps im portant upon this question : speaking of the inha bitants of Rome in the year 365, when it was burnt by the Gauls, he says, that the census gave a return of 152,573 freemen. The expression quoted above from Eutropius agrees with this: and it appears from other parts of his history, that citizens only were enumerated. In the fourth year of the second Punic war, Livy states the numbers to have been 270,213. In the tenth year of the same war they were 137,108. The diminution may naturaUy be ac counted for by the long and destructive war which was then raging. In the year 549 U. C. which was four years afterwards, the return was 214,000; but then, as we learn from Livy,' the censors went to the armies, which were in the various provinces, and beside the natural born citizens, many of the Latin alUes were included in the census. It appears, that these wei-e men, who had been made citizens, and had conse quently settled in Rome : for shortly after we find the aUies complaining of this migration, and ac cordingly 12,000 naturaUzed aUies were sent away ¦> Lib. ix. ' nit iv !iS». ' Lib. xxix. c, 37. OF ROME. 63 from Rome : and a decree was afterwards made, that the names of such persons should not be taken in the Roman census, but in their respec tive cities. From the close of the Punic war to the year 667, they went on progressively increas ing, at least with few and smjdl exceptions. In the year 667, according to the Chronicle of Euse bius, they were 464,000, or according to some copies 483,000. Soon after this succeeded the civU wars of Marius and Sylla, which greatly diminished the number of citizens. In 683, the numbers were 450,000, as we learn from the Epitome of Livy, lib. xcviii. At the end of the civU war, U, C. 707, Plutarch says,s that the re turn was only 150,000, instead of 320,000, which was the number at the beginning of the war, making a diminution of 170,000, But Brotier'' says, that Plutarch has made a mistake, and other authors after him, as Caesar's object was only to ascertain the number of people, who were to have an aUowance of corn from the pubhc; and this number, not that of the whole population, was 150,000. The Epitome of Livy' agrees with Plutarch; which, if Brotier's opinion be correct, is an additional argument, that these Epitomes are by another hand, for Livy himself could hardly have made such a mistake. If we pass from hence to the time of Claudius, we find an increase, which exceeds all calcula- s In Vita Caesaris. •¦ In his Annotation upon Tacitus, An. lib. xi. c, 25. ' Lib, cxv. 64 POPULATION tion, and which it is impossible to reconcile with the limits of Rome. Tacitus'' states, that in the reign of Claudius the inhabitants amounted to 5,984,072. In this enumeration, the suburbs, and in fact great part of the Campagna, must have been taken into the account ; for it is demon strable, that Rome within the walls could never have contained six millions. Nor will the num bers contained at former periods allow us to con ceive such a prodigious increase to have taken place, even if the walls would have contained them. We must, therefore, either suppose the passage in Tacitus to be corrupt, or that he took into his calculation not only the citizens > residing in Rome, but all that were caUed out of Italy by business, or any other cause ; and that such were occasionaUy included in the census, is shown by Sigonius,' out of Livy and Dionysius. Another explanation is given by some writers,"" who say, that during the Republic the census was only held within the walls of Rome, whereas Augustus ex tended it to the provinces ; and certainly the increase, in the time of Augustus, is greater than could have been produced by the mere progress of population within the walls. We have an account of three census held by him. According to an inscription found at Ancyra," the numbers, ¦* An. lib. xi, c. 25. ' De Jure Civ. Rom, lib. i, c, 14. '" Vide J. Vossius de Magnit. Romae, » Vide Chishull Antiq. Asiat. p, 173. CENSUS. 65 in 725, were 4,063,000. In 745° they were 4,203,000; and in 766, they were 4,137,000. It should be mentioned, that Eusebius makes the numbers, upon the last occasion, 9,300,000; and in the time of Claudius, 6,944,000, instead of 5,984,072, as given by Tacitus. But though this seems an incredible number for the inhabitants of Rome ; on the other hand, it is far too small if all the provinces were taken into the account; and Suidas must evidently be wrong, when he says that Augustus, wishing to ascertain the num ber of citizens throughout the empire, found it to be 4,101,017, — a number far too small. His enu meration, however, is probably correct, as it agrees so nearly with the inscription at Ancyra, and there is nothing improbable in supposing that he in cluded aU Italy in his survey,P and that aU the citizens were numbered. We might at least sup pose the suburbs to be included ; and even in that case the numbers would hardly be extravagant; for we may safely extend them, in some directions, to a distance of forty mUes. After stating these facts wdth respect to the census, it may be expected that some inference would be drawn from them, as to the real method of making that enumeration ; and perhaps an easy explanation may be found, which wiU account for " This was the census mentioned in Luke, ii. 1. which was begun eight, or, more properly, three years before the birth of Christ. " That all Italy was included in the census in the time of Cicero, appears fi-om his first Oration against Verres, c. 18, VOL. I. F 66 CENSUS, aU the circumstances above stated. In the first place, we wiU coUect from these data what descrip tions of people were not included, and that may enable us to come to some understanding of who were. Minors, slaves, and mechanics, although re siding in Rome, were not reckoned, i The citi zens who were absent on military service were not always reckoned, or else Livy would not have mentioned it, as an extraordinary circumstance, that they were so in 549 :"¦ and Cicero seems to say, expressly, that they were not.' As to the aUies, the senate and people had the power of admitting them into the census, or excluding them from it, although they possessed the free dom of the city. From these data we are autho rised in collecting, that citizenship and residence in Rome were two of the qualifications for the census, as ordinarily held. If, then, the question be asked, what description of people did the census enumerate ? we answer generaUy, Roman citizens. The above data are sufficient to show, that none but Roman citizens were included ; but it is equaUy true, that all those, who were citizens, were not regularly enroUed. This does not really present any difficulty, but might naturally he expected, from considering the object of Servius TuUius. The census was instituted for two pur poses ; pne was, to ascertain what portion of the 1 Dion. Hal. lib. ix. '¦ Vide lib. xxix. c. 37. * Pro Archia, 5. CENSUS. 67 free population was capable of bearing ai-ms ; the other was, to know the property possessed by each citizen, and, consequently, how much he could contribute to support the state. The cen sus was not intended, according as we now use the term, to ascertain the numbers of the whole population; and the Latin term is accordingly used to signify the revenue, or yearly income, of any person. We shaU, therefore, be at no loss to see why, on some occasions, all the Roman citizens were not included in it ; and this will lead us to an explanation of aU the circumstances men tioned above. Widows and widowers were exempt from paying any thing to the pubUc treasury;' consequently there was no necessity to enumerate them ; and, according to Livy, they were not enu merated in 289. But we may fairly infer, that heiresses possessing any property " would be rated according to the value of it ; and that the daugh ters of citizens married to strangers would likewise be rated. Hence, also, the soldiers on foreign ser vice were not enumerated ; because one object of the census, the ascertaining how many were capa ble of bearing arms, was already obtained, as far as ' Servius TuUius laid a tax of 2000 pounds of brass upon the widows, to maintain the horses of the knights. (Liv. lib. i. c. 43.) But this very fact proves them to have been exempt from other taxes. " There was a law passed, Lex Voconia, in 384 U.C. by which no female was able to inherit property. (Cic. in Ver. i. 42.) But the law was eluded, and became obsolete. (A. Gell. lib. XX, c. 1.) f2 68 CENSUS, they were concerned ; and since they did not pay any thing to the state whUe on duty, there was no reason to take their names at all. But in U. C 549, when the senate was anxious to make the return as large as possible, we find that the cen sors sent to the different provinces, where the armies were, and took a census of the soldiers. The reason of this measure is very evident. At this time, which was during the second Punic war, great numbers of the aUies had been admitted into, the army; but these were not all citizens, and, consequently, not aU to be depended upon ; and as the object of the senate was to ascertain what was the military strength in the citizens who could be compeUed to serve, they naturally ex tended their investigation beyond the limits of Rome. We may conclude, therefore, that a dimi nution or increase in the numbers of the census does not necessarily prove, as is generally sup posed, that the whole population was increased or diminished since the former return ; but the cen sors were more or less strict in their office, accord ing to the exigence of the times. Cicero mentions one year, U. C. 664, in which none of the lower orders of people were noticed at aU by the cen sors," To be a citizen of Rome, that is, to have a vote in the Comitia, three things were necessary ; that the person should be domiciled, that he should belong to one of the thirty-five tribes, and that " Pro Archia, 5. CENSUS. 69 he should be capable of fiUing the public offices. The Jus Latii and the Jus Italiae, which were privileges granted to the allies, were short of actual citizenship, and did not make a person a fuU citizen, or cause his name to be taken in the Roman census. The very act of being enroUed upon the censor's Ust, conferred all the rights of citizenship,^ and might be produced as evidence of the person having been considered a citizen at the time of the census ;" and slaves, with the con sent of their masters, sometimes entered their names, and thus became free citizens. But no persons could vote in the Comitia, nor could they be taxed for the reUef of the state, unless they resided in Rome; so that it was optional with the censors to take the provinces into their sur vey, or not. After the extraordinary census in 549, we have seen that 12,000 of the allies were ordered to quit Rome, although their names had been admitted with the rest; for the cities to which they belonged complained of their absence, and the only way by which the Romans could exclude them from the census, was by making them cease to reside in Rome. Another decree foUowed, that their names should in future be tEiken in their respective cities ; and these num bers were sometimes transmitted to the Roman y Vide Cicero pro Caecina, 34, pro Balbo, 2. ' Ib. pro Archia, 5. 70 CENSUS. censors, though not taken into the general ac count." As the citizens of Rome came to be dispersed in various provinces, the numbers returned by the census naturaUy fluctuated, because there was no fixed rule as to what constituted residence. In U. C. 658, the Lex Licinia Mucia was passed, which ordered aU the inhabitants of Italy, who were Roman citizens, to be enrolled in their re spective cities;'' but no mention is made of the provinces out of Italy. In 662, by the Lex Julia, all the inhabitants of Italy were made to belong to some tribe, and became fuU citizens. This will account for the vast increase which we find in the reign of Augustus, compared with former returns. A census was held in the different towns, and transmitted to Rome: some authors have added these to the Roman census, and some have not, which may account for the different enumerations of the same return; and we are therefore authorised in concluding, from the whole, that, at first, the census only included the citizens resident in Rome, but was extended, if required, to citizens in foreign service. In later times, aU the free inhabitants of Italy were numbered in their respective cities, and the census was trans mitted to Rome. " Vide Liv. lib, xxix. c. 37. In Cicero's time, the Prffitor of the province took the census in Sicily (in Ver. Act. 2. lib. ii. c. 26) ; or rather, the Provincial Censors (Ib. c. 53). '' Vide Cicero pro Balbo, 21, 24, CIRCUMFERENCE OF ROME. 71 It would be interesting to trace the population of the city from ancient times to the present; but I am not aware of any authorities being in existence which would enable us to do it. We can form some estimate as to the numbers in the time of Theodosius, as P. Victor states the houses to have been altogether 48,382." From this statement. Gibbon'' estimates the population at 1,200,000. Brotier says, 1,128,162. In the fourteenth century it was 33,000 ; under Leo X. 85,000;* and in the middle of the seventeenth cen- tuiy, I find it reckoned at 90,000.' In 1709, the inhabitants were 138,568, without reckoning the Jews.s In 1740, they had increased to 146,080. In 1765, Gibbon states them at 161,899. In 1821, they were estimated at 146,000, without including the Jews. In 1826, the official state ment made them 139,847. The circumference of Rome is another ques tion, which contains some difficulties; but they are difficulties, which must arise either from cor ruptions in the text of the ancient authors, or from gross inaccuracies in the writers themselves. What is the real measurement of the walls we ¦= In the year 1769, the number of houses was said to be 35,894; of which 28,000 belonged to the Church. •¦ Decline and Fall, c. 31 . ' Lancisi, de Romani coeli qualitatibus. Jovius, VitaLeo- nis X. lib. iv. p. 83; but in his own time, i.e. after the pillage by the Spanish army, they were reduced to 32,000. ' Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy. E Labat. Voyage, torn, iii, p. 217. 72 CIRCUMFERENCE may know for certain, because they stiU exist : we know, also, that any writers who have noticed the size of Rome since the time of AureUan, ought to give the same dimensions, which we find now to be true ; and those who spoke of them before that period, ought to make them much less. But this is not the case. Dionysius,'' speaking of the city in the year 291 from its foundation, says, that in that time the walls were not more extensive than those of Athens. The circuit of the latter is estimated at a day's journey by Aristides, in his Panathenaica. Strabo allows 250 or 300 stadia for a day's journey; Procopius only 210; ¦Dicaearchus and others lessen it stiU farther, to 200 stadia, about twenty-five miles. Dio Chry sostom, also, makes the circuit of Athens 200 stadia.' Nibby quotes Thucydides'' as saying, that the city of Athens, properly so called,' was only 60 stadia (seven or eight miles) in circum ference ; which would certainly come much nearer to the truth. But Thucydides does not say so : his Scholiast asserts it, and apparently frpm mis understanding his author's words. So that we have no sufficient authority for reducing the cir cuit of Athens to so small a measure ; but we may remark, that when Dio estimates it at 200 stadia, he takes in the walls, which enclosed the Piraeus, and perhaps the other writers did the same. Pliny states the circumference of Rome at thirteen ¦' Lib. viii. i Orat. de Tyrannide. '' Lib. ii, c. 13, ' to oo-tu. OF ROME. 73 Roman miles and 200 paces ;"' which, as he wrote nearly 200 years before the time of Aurelian, seems an exaggerated statement. Gibbon says, in his concise way, " PUny's old measure of thir- " teen must be reduced to eight miles. It is " easier to alter a text, than to remove hills or " buildings." Certainly vm may easily have been corrupted into xiii. There is also another diffi culty attending these accounts ; for if it was in tended that there was a length of wall for twenty- five or thu-teen nules, the circumference of the whole city was much greater, since on the side of the Tiber there were no walls. Vopiscus, who wrote under Constantine Chlorus, says, that Aure lian increased the waUs of the city, so that their circuit measured nearly fifty nules ; an expression which is utterly irreconcilable with their pre sent dimensions. Olympiodorus ° says, that the wall was measured by Ammon, a geometrician, at the time of the first invasion by the Goths, and was twenty-one miles in circuit. Procopius, how ever, who was present at the thu-d Gothic war, gives a description, which agrees very closely with the present appearance. In these statements, if the authors' words have not been altered by transcribers, it was not in- ¦" Some copies have it thirty miles. Andrea Fulvio quotes Pliny, as if he said twenty miles, and in another place thir teen. The passage is in lib. iii, c. 5. " Moenia ejus collegere " ambitu Imperatoribus Censoribusque Vespasianis anno " conditae dcccxxvi pass, xiii. mcc." " Ap. Phot, p. 197. 74 CIRCUMFERENCE tended, in giving the dimensions of the city, to take the mere circuit of the walls, but to include some of the suburbs also ; and it is evident that ancient Rome, like modern London, extended a great way into the country, or Aurelian would not have thought it necessary to enlarge the waUs. Some writers, among whom is Isaac Vossius, sup pose that the walls were much more extensive in the time of the RepubUc, than afterwards ; they accordingly Carry them a great way out into the country, beyond the Anio, and nearly as far as Gabii, Tusculum, and Ostia, making a circuit of seventy miles and upwards. Their opinion, how ever, wiU probably not convince many. We may form some idea of the. extent of the suburbs, when it is stated, that from Ocriculum (OtricoU) to Rome, a distance of nearly forty miles, the road was covered with buildings ; and the same is said of the road from Rome to Ostia. Dionysius says," " Whoever wishes to ascertain " the size of Rome, will be led into error, and " have no certain mark to decide how far the city " reaches, or where it begins not to be city; the " country is so connected with the town, and " gives those who see it an idea of a city infinitely " extended. But if one wished to measure it by " the wall, which is scarcely to be traced on ac- " count of the structures surrounding it on all " sides, but which in many places preserves traces " of the ancient building, the circuit is not much ° Lib. iv. OF ROME. li) " greater than that of xithens." If this remark was true in the time of Augustus, it must havc been much more so in the days of Aurelian. Pliny also says,P " the houses by spreading them- " selves have added many cities ;" meaning, pro bably, that with little or no intermission there were houses connecting Rome ¦^rith Gabii, Tibui-, Ostia, Aricia, &c. &c. Florus literaUy caUs Tibur (Tivoli) a suburb of Rome.'' Aristides, deceived probably by this circumstance, thought that Rome was without waUs. He lived in the time of Hadrian."' Present accounts state the circum ference to be sixteen Roman miles. Mr. Hob- house walked round them in three hours, thirty- three minutes and a quarter. I did it myself in tliree hours and ten minutes,^ which would lead me to conclude, that it was not more than thirteen EngUsh mUes. MarUanus, one of the earliest Roman antiquaries, says scarcely thirteen. G. Fabricius, who wrote in 1550, says also thirteen. Panvinius, writing in 1558, scarcely fourteen miles. In this statement, the city on each side of the Tiber is included. Poggio makes it ten miles, and reckons 379 turrets. If a straight line be p Lib. iii. c. 5. "• Lib. i. c, 11. "¦ In the first edition of this work, I wrote Adrian; but I have added the aspirate, because every coin and inscription, which I have seen relating to this Emperor, prefixes it. ' In order to complete this work, it is necessary to cross the river in a boat : this causes considerable delay ; but I have reckoned only the time which it would take to cross it by a bridge on foot. 76 GATES. drawn through the city, from the Porta S. Lo renzo on the east, to the Porta S. Pancrazio on the west, we shall find the width of the city to be about 14,500 feet. At present there are sixteen gates, but only twelve are open; the Pinciana and Latina on the east, and the Fabrica and Castello on the West of the Tiber, being shut up. In the wall of Romulus, Pliny says,' that there were three gates, or according to some, four. Antiquaries are divided as to the position of these gates, and the names of them. For as we find notice of more than four in ancient authors, we must con clude that some of the gates had more than one name. We read of the Porta Carmpntalis, or Scelerata; Pandana, or Saturnia; Romana, or Romanula ; Mugionis, or Mugonia ; Trigonia, and Janualis. In the wall of Servius TuUius there were seven gates, and in the part which Aurelian added on the other side of the river there were three. To ascertain the precise number of gates before and after the time of Aurelian is difficult, if not im possible. Great confusion arises from different names being given to the same gate. The names of more than forty have been collected by some writers. Pliny says, that there were twenty-four, or according to some copies thirty-seven, in his time, i.e, in the reign of Vespasian: but these were probably not all in the outer wall, and some ' Lib. iii. c. 5. WALLS. 77 of them may have been in interior walls, which surroimded some of the seven hills. P. Victor, who wrote in the reign of Valentinian, mentions thirty-seven gates. Procopius" says, that in his time there were fourteen, and some other smaller ones ; which latter expression makes his testimony of little use. An inscription states, that Benedict XIV. ve^ paired the whole circuit of the walls in 1749, Several other inscriptions recount what former popes had done ; and these repairs have been so frequent, and at such different times, that it is difficidt to say how much of the original building now exists. At the time of Alaric's first invasion, about the year 400, they were put into complete repair, having before been in a ruinous state. Claudian poeticaUy caUs them new walls ; and the whole passage is interesting: Addebant pulchrum nova mcenia vultum, Audito perfecta recens rumore Getarum. Profecitque opifex decori timor; et vice mira Quam pax intulerat bello discussa senectus. Erexit subitas turres, cinctosque coegit Septem continuo montes juvenescere muro. De vi. Cons. Honor. 531. An inscription may be seen in the Collection of Gruter, from which we learn the same fact. It mentions the restoration (instauratosj ofthe waUs, gates, and towers, and the removal of a vast quan tity of ruins under the direction of StUicho. We ° Lib. iii. 78 WALLS. learn from Cassiodorus," that Theodoric aUowed the inhabitants to make use of the stones of an amphitheatre, to repair the walls, which had suf fered by the invasion of the Visigoths, and partly by age.y But Rome suffered most from the inva sions of Vitiges and Totila. Procopius^ teUs us, that when BeUsarius entered Rome upon the de parture of Vitiges, he found that the walls had in many places fallen down. He repaired them, and erected towers higher than the former ones. Procopius also mentions ditches round the walls. This was in the year 537. Speaking of the third Gothic war, he tells us, that Totila at first deter mined to level Rome with the ground, to set fire to the finest and most magnificent buildings, and to turn the whole city into pasture. Fortunately he did not execute his purpose ; and during the residence of his army in Rome, about a third part of the wall was thrown down in different places. Shortly after, he adds, " BeUsarius marched to " Rome, the walls of which had been thrown " down by the Goths. As he could not possibly " build up in a short time that part of the walls " which Totila had thrown down, he pUed the " stones up which were lying near, and put them " together without any order ; nor had he mortar " or any other kind of cement to mix with them; " but his only object was to give it on the outside « Var. Epist, lib. i. 25. y This was probably the reraainder of the amphitheatre of Statilius Taurus, which had been burnt in the reign of Nero, ' Lib, iii. CASTRUM PR.ETORIUM. 79 " the appearance of a building. On the inside, " to support this mass of stones, he fixed a great " number of poles in the ground. Beside this, " he attended to the ditches round the waUs, and " dug them deeper. In short, by the incredible " activity of the whole army working together, all " that Totila had destroyed was repaired in fifteen " days." This hasty work was strong enough to resist another siege, which was immediately com menced by TotUa. Again, " AVhich walls, when " Narses put an end to the Gothic war, were sub- " sequently arranged and strengthened, Narses " himself supplying mortar and lime to the parts " which BeUsarius had run up." I have given these passages at length, because they may ac count in some measure for the motley appearance of the present walls. We must suppose, however, that some of the original building stiU exists. Between the Porta Pia and S. Lorenzo there will be found a quadrangular projection, which is even older than the time of Aurelian. It was buUt by Tiberius for the Praetorian guards, and caUed the Castrum PrcBtorium. It was then cut of the walls, but near to them, as we learn from Pliny," Herodian,*" and J. Capitolinus.'^ In stating this to be the work of Tiberius, I do not mean that every part of it is actuaUy of that age. We know that it continued a square inclosure with barracks for the soldiers till the time of Constan- » Lib. iii, c. 5, '' Lib. vii. '" VitK Maximi et Balbini. 80 CASTRUM PR^ETORIUM. tine, who, according to Zosimus,'' dismissed the Praetorian guards, and pulled down their camp, when he took Rome upon the defeat and death of Maxentius. This projection was formerly sup posed to have been the Vivarium, which Procopius tells us was near this place, and which seems to have formed part of the city walls. But the anti quaries are now agreed, that the space in question belonged to the Praetorian camp. Suetonius places it near to the Via Nomentana,* and the Scholiast of Juvenal says, that it was near the Agger of Servius TulUus, and behind the Baths of Diocletian.^ The greatest part is well built of brick; but some has been rebuUt in a very rough manner, apparently of the old materials, and some large stones. This latter part may have been the ¦^ork of BeUsarius, and some oddly-shaped towers are ascribed to him : but we can hardly suppose that the Goths threw down the whole of it, be cause the repair would then naturally have been carried on in a straight line, and the quadrangular form no longer preserved. Consequently much of the brick work is likely to be as old as the time of Tiberius. Nibby thinks that the upper half of the walls may be perceived to have been a sub sequent addition. An ancient weU is stiU pre served within the precincts of the camp. Between the Porta del Popolo and Pinciana there is likewise a part which is very old. It is. that which is under the Pincian hill, and seems •• Hist. lib. ii. ^ Nero, c. 48. < Sat. x. 95, MURO TORTO. 81 to have been intended to keep up the bank. It is built in arches with deep recesses, and some times there are two rows of arches, one above the other. It is mostly of the opus reticulatum, which is a term used by Vitruvius^ to express a particular kind of buUding, composed of smaU stones, not set horizontaUy, but upon one of their angles, so as to have the appearance of net work. There is an idea now at Rome, that this is always a sign of great antiquity: but Vitruvius, by calUng it very fashionable in his day, seems to indicate, that it had not been long introduced: and what is stronger, he expressly opposes it to the ancient method. We have no certain specimen of it later than the age of the Antonines. Vitruvius con siders it as a perishable mode of building, and says, that several waUs, where it was used, had tumbled down. But we have many instances where it stUl exists, and apparently in great strength: and this very portion of the Roman walls might be cited as one, unless indeed we attribute the inclination of the Muro Torto to this cause. That which bears this name is a great mass of waU, about fifty palms in length, considerably out of the perpendicular, and is supposed to have been so in the time of Aure Uan. Procopius, who wrote in the sixth century, gives an exact description of it.*" " Near the " Pincian gate there is a part of the wall which is « Lib. ii. c. 6. Pliny also mentions it, lib. xxxvi. c. 22. ¦• Lib. iii. VOL. I. G 82 MURO TORTO. " rent, the stones having been separated for a "long time: and this rent does not only begm "from the middle, but goes from the bottom to " the top, and makes the wall incline so much, " yet without falling, that it seems both to lean " out and to be recessed back, owing to the rent " and breach in it, BeUsarius wished at this " time to puir down the part which inclined, and " rebuUd it ; but the Romans hindered him, say- " ing that they knew for certain that St. Peter " had promised to guard that place. This turned " out as they had declared, for neither on that " day, when the Goths attacked nearly the whole " circuit of the waUs, nor during the whole time " of the siege, did the enemy ever come to this " spot, nor was there any alarm there. I am " certainly very much surprised,^ that during so " long a siege neither the enemy nor the Romans " regarded this place; and the affair having since " been deemed a miracle, no one has ventured to " repair this breach or build it anew: but this " rent may be seen to the present day." Another portion, which is undoubtedly as old as the time of AureUan, if not older, is to be seen near the Porta Maggiore. It served for an aqua duct, with open arches at the top ; and from the abrupt angles which the wall makes, where the aqUaduct begins arid terminates, it would rather seem that Aurelian took advantage of a bmlding already existing, than that it was applied to the purpose of conveying water after it was built. This would give it a date considerably older than WALLS. 83 the time of Aurelian, and probably assign it to the reign of Claudius, who formed this aquaduct. Nardini thinks that the Vivarium, or place where the wild beasts were kept, was joined on to the wall which is to the east of the Porta Maggiore. The Amphitheatrum Castrense, between the Porta Maggiore and S. Giovanni, is another un doubted reUct of the ancient walls: and Uke the Castrum Praetorium, it probably existed before, and was taken into the line. The date of this carmot be accurately known. It is all of brick, even the Corinthian piUars, and seems to have been but a rude structure, sufficient for the amusement of the soldiers, for whom it was buUt, Between this and the Porta S, Giovanni the waU again serves for an aquaduct, and the foundations are the natural rock. Many other portions of the waU may probably be as old as AureUan, but those which I have mentioned un questionably are so, if not older; and it would seem from what has been said of them, that the emperor was in a considerable hurry when he enlarged the circuit, and took advantage of any thing which was already standing and could serve his purpose. Or we may perhaps suppose, that it was in the time of BeUsarius that these buUdings were taken in, and the walls assumed their present motly appearance. On the other side of the river there does not seem to have been much inclosure before the g2 84 JANICULUM. time of AureUan, though the hiU of the Janicu lum must always have been in some measure fortified. We learn indeed from Procopius, that a wall had been raised round " the little hiU of " the Janiculum" to protect the mills which were constructed in that quarter: and he adds, that after the bridge was built, which connected this hill with the city, several houses were erected there, so that the Tiber might thenceforward be said to pass through the middle of Rome. This bridge must have been the Ponte Sisto, which was called the Pons JaniculeUsis. We must re member, however, that the Vatican was not in cluded in that part of the Jariiculum which was fortified so early. The Janiculum itself extended much farther ; and the name seems to have been applied to all that rising ground which reaches as far as the Ponte Molle. Livy tells us,' that Ancus Martius first joined the Janiculum to the city, not because he wanted room for his sub jects, but that an invading enemy might not be able to annoy the city from so commanding a position. The Pons Sublicius was also buUt in his time. Aurelian inclosed the portion which is now at the south-west angle of the city. The southern extremity of this wall met the river opposite to the wall on the other side, but a little higher up. The northern end of it was nearly opposite to the northern end of the wall of S. ' Lib. i. c, 33. VATICAN. 85 TulUus. In this there were three gates; the Porta Portuensis, close to the river, called also Porta NavEiUs; the Porta Pancratiana, leading into the country; and Porta Septimiana, also neai* the river. This is thought to have its name from the Emperor Septimius Severus, from a passage in .iEhus Spartianus, who says, that Septimius built Jani in the Janiculum, at the gate called after his name. Some think it to have been also caUed FontinciUs, mentioned by Livy'' and Sextus Pompeius. TiU the time of Leo. IV the Vatican was not inclosed with a wall. Before the days of Con stantine there were probably few houses -in this neighbourhood. Tacitus' and Lampridius speak of the air being extremely unwholesome, and of it being fiiUer of tombs than houses. But after Constantine built the BasUica of St. Peter, a new town arose; and the space between the tomb pf Hadrian and the BasiUca was appropriated to the numerous strangers who flocked from all parts to visit this holy place. Anastasius, in his Life of Pascal I. who reigned A. D. 817-24, says, that during his pontificate, " owing to the neglect " pf some EngUsh, (Angli,) aU the space inha- " bited by them, which in their language is called " Burgus, was burnt to the ground, so that not " even a trace of the former buildings could be " found." The fire extended so far, that nearly the whole of the Portico, which led to the Basi- ^ Lib. xxxv. c.lO. ' Hist. lib. ii. c. 93. 86 LEONINE CITY. Uca, was consumed."' In another place Anasta- tius calls this suburb Saxonum Vicus; and the name, which he says was given to it by these foreigners, is still preserved in the term Borgo. During this time the Basilica of St. Peter was out of the city; and the church itself, as weU as the neighbouring houses, was exposed to the frequent depredations of the Saracens. Leo IV. in the year 849 began to inclose the whole space with a wall: in which work he was assisted with money by the Emperor Lothaire, grandson of Charlemagne; and in four years it was finished. From hence this suburb acquired the name of the Leonine City. The wall which inclosed it was not connected with the more southern wall; so that on the west side of the Tiber theire were two distinct fortifications. In Leo's wall there were six gates. Porta S. Spu-ito, Turionis, Fabbrica, Pertusa, Pellegrini, and S. Pietro. The latter seems to have existed more anciently, and to have been called Porta Cornelia and Aurelia: for though it has been stated, that this wall was not raised till the time of Leo IV. yet there was a fortification round the tomb of Hadrian much earlier, as we learn from Procopius, and Leo may have taken ad vantage of one of the gates in it. The Via Aurelia went out of it, which passed by Pisa and Genoa to Arelates (Aries). Urban VIII. in "> The fire, which happened in this suburb in the time of St, Leo, is the subject of one of Raffael's paintings in the Vatican. LEONINE CITY. 87 1643 connected the two fortifications, and in fact rebuUt the walls for the whole way; so that two of the gates, Septimiana and S. Spirito, be came useless. They are stUl existing as gate ways. Urban also rebuilt the Porta Portuensis, but not quite in the same place : it is now called Porta Portese. The ancient and modern names were taken from the port on the Tiber, which was not far off. The next gate was perhaps anciently called Janiculensis, but as far back as Procopius' time, Pancratiana. Some have thought it to be the same with the Porta Aurelia; but Procopius talks of the tomb of Hadrian as being just without the Porta Aurelia, and says ex pressly that the Porta Aurelia was caUed also S. Petri, from its vicinity to the Basilica. The Via ViteUia went out of this gate. The old wall of the Leonine City may still be seen in great part within the waU bmlt by Urban VIII. It was of stone, and had large round towers. There are now only two open gates in this part, the Porta CavaUeggieri, formerly Turionis, and P. AngeUca, formerly PeUegrini." The wall of the Leonine City has been repaired by several popes. In that part of the old or inner wall, which is between St. Peter's and the Castle of St. Angelo, there are eight gates, all opened by Pius IV. in 1564, Beside these, some antiquaries have " Over this gate may be seen the head of a noted robber. Its present name is said to be derived frora Pius IV., who caused it to be opened ; and Who, before his Pontificate, was called Giovanni Angelo. 88 PORTA DEL POPOLO, placed in this quarter the Porta Triumphalis, which is supposed to have been near the bridge of the same name. On the left bank of the Tiber,, the first gate on the north is the Porta del Popolo, of which some mention has already been made, where it was stated, that this gate serves instead of the Porta Flaminia, built by Aurelian, which stood a little more to the east. The modern name is said to be derived either from some poplar trees, which grew round the Mausoleum of Augustus, or more probably from the great crowd of people who enter by it. In the wall of S. TulUus there was also a Porta Flaminia, upon the same road. This stood a good deal to the south-west, and near to the river, probably opposite to the north waU of the Janiculum, and not far from the Farnese palace. It was also called Flumentana," and so Andrea Fulvio styles it, who wrote early in the sixteenth century. The present gate was erected by Pius IV. and partly with the materials of the former one. The exterior was after the designs of Michel Angelo ; and some of the marble was furnished by the foundation of a pyramid found not far off. The inner front was finished by Alexander VII. upon the entrance of Christina, Queen of Sweden, in 1655. The Via Flaminia began from this gate, which was paved in the censorship of C. Flaminius, and L. Paulus, U. C. 533. It went by Ocriculum (OtricoU), In- " Cicero ad Att, lib. vii. ep, 3. PINCIANA, SALARA. 89 teranma (Terni), Fanum Fortunae (Fano), to Ari- minum (Rimini). Here the Via ./EmUia began, which was constructed U. C. 567, when M. .^Emi- Uus Lepidus was consul. It passed by Bononia (Bologna), Parma, Placentia, Mediolanum (Milan), Brixia (Brescia), Verona, Patavium (Padua), to Aquileia. This also was sometimes called the Via Flaminia. Other roads fell into it at different places, such as the Cassia, Aurelia, Annia, Clau dia, Augusta, Cimina, Amerina, Sempronia, and Postumia. The next gate is the Porta Pinciana, now shut up. The name of Pinciana is as old as the time of Procopius. The gateway is of stone, and ancient ; probably such as it was in the time of Honorius ; but two round towers of brick seem much more modern. The Porta Salara was so called from the cir cumstance of the Sabines coming for salt, which gave name to the road also.P It was called QuirinaUs, AgonaUs, or Agenensis, and CoUina. It was repaired by BeUsarius, and has two round towers. Alaric entered by it ; and the destruc tion of aU the buildings in the gardens of Sallust was probably effected then. At the distance of three miles from Rome, on the Via Salaria, is the bridge where Manhus killed the Gaul ;' but the present structure was the work of Narses. P Vide Plin. lib. xxxi. c. 41. i Liv. lib. vii. c. 6. 90 PORTA PIA. There was a wooden bridge here as early as in the reign of Tarquinius Priscus.' The Porta Pia was anciently caUed Nomen tana, from the Sabine town of Nomentum, This also gave name to the Via Nomentana, which began originally from the Porta Viminalis, and afterwards from this gate. It joined the Via Salaria at Heretum, a town upon the Tiber, This road was also called Ficulnensis,^ from' Ficulneji, another town of the Sabines, the situa tion of which has lately been discovered, at the distance of seven or eight miles from the Porta Pia, The gate had its present name from Pius IV, who rebuilt it in 1559, with the designs of Buonarotti; but it was never finished. It had also the name of Agnese, It is a double gate. Before the walls were enlarged, the Porta CoUina held the place of the three last gates; and it was through this that the Gauls entered Rome, They marched along the Via Salaria; and the battle of the AUia was fought near the fourteenth mile from Rome, according to Vibius, or the eleventh according to Livy and Eutropius. Annibal also came near to the Porta CoUina,' to take a view of the city, when his army was en camped within three miles of it upon the Anio. ¦¦ Liv. lib. i. c. 37. ^ = Liv. lib. iii. c. 52. ' Val. Maximus says,Miat it was the Porta Capena; but the other account is more probable ; and so says Claudian, de Bello Gildon. 86. ANIO. 91 He rode with two thousand horse as far as the Temple of Hercules." Pliny tells us," that he threw a spear within the waUs. Most people will make an excursion from this gate to the Mons Sacer, of which a short descrip tion may be given in this place. The hill is immediately on the other side of the Anio, where it is crossed by the Ponte Lamentano, or della Mentana, anciently Pons Nomentanus. It took me forty minutes to walk from the gate to the bridge ; which wiU- agree very well with the dis tance of three mUes, mentioned by Livy" and Cicero,^ if we consider that the distance was measured from the Forum, or at least fi-om the ancient Porta CoUina. The bridge, as it now stands, was buUt by Narses, and repaired by Martin V. The Anio is a narrow stream, and as muddy as the Tiber. It will be remarked, also, that the current is rather slow than other wise; which has surprised some of the Commen tators, who found Horace ^ apply the epithet of rapid {prceceps) to the river; and who read several passages in Ovid to the same purpose. Among others, we may notice — Hanc amnis rapidis animosus vidit ab undis. Amor. iii. el. vi. 51. Atque ita se in rapidas perdita misit aquas. — Ib, 80. It is evident, however, that all these passages • ° Liv.lib. xxvi. c. 10, Plin. lib. xv. c. 20. " Lib. xxxiv. c. 15. * Liv. lib. iii, 52. y Brut, 14. ^ Od. i. vii. 14. 92 MONS SACER. relate to the Falls of the Anio at Tivoli ;" and a true description of the current, as it passes through the Campagna, may be seen in SiUus ItaUcus : Sulfureis gelidus qua serpit leniter undis Ad Genitorem Anio, labens sine murmure Tibrim. xii. 538. In which passage, the epithet sulfureis eridently aUudes to the course of the river below the faUs, after it has received the water of the Albula. Virgil remarks the coldness of the water.'' The Mons Sacer is celebrated in Roman his tory for two secessions ofthe people: first, when they retired from the oppressions of the Patri cians, U.C. 260; and again from the Decemviri, U. C. 305. Speaking of the first secession, Livy teUs us,'^ " that they retired to the Mons Sacer, " on the other side ofthe Anio, three mUes from " the city, and fortified a camp with a rampart " and ditch." In the second passage,'' he says, " that the people followed the army, — no person, " whose age permitted, refusing to go : their " wives and children came after them .... not " a soul was to be seen in the Forum, except a " few old men ; and the unusual soUtude made " Rome look like a desert." The road passes between two hills, both of which are very insig- " The reader may turn also to Ovid. Amor. iii. el. vi, 46. and to Statins, Sylv. i. iii. 20. •" S.tijYih. vii, 68.9. ¦= Lib. ii. c. 32. ¦> Lib, iii. c. 52. PORTA S. LORENZO. 93 nificant as eminences; that on the right would be most secure, from its being a kind of isthmus, formed and protected by the winding of the Anio. An eager antiquary might perhaps dis cover some traces of the ditch mentioned by Livy, in a work which begins at the river, and is there very deep, and foUows the base of the hill tiU it comes to the road. This hill, however, is scarcely large enough to contain the great mul titude described by Livy : the eminence on the other side of the road extends much farther, and both were probably occupied. We next come to the Porta S. Lorenzo, having first passed by six gateways, which are blocked up. One of these is perhaps the Porta Quer- quetulana, which Pliny,^ Varro, P. Victor, and Sex. Rufus, seem to place on the Viminal hill. Sex. Pompeius caUs it Querquetularia. The ancient name ofthe Porta S. Lorenzo was Tibur tina, from its leading to Tibur or Tivoli ; and it answered to the Porta Viminalis in the wall of S. TuUius. Some suppose it to be the same with the Porta Gabina, or Gabiusa, The Via Tiburtina^ certainly began from the Porta Tibur tina; and as P. Victor says, that the Viae Tibur tina and Gabina were the same, it is probable that the gate also bore both names. The ground is raised about the gate ahnost to the very spring = Lib. xvi. c. 10. ' It has been proved by excavations, that this road has been three tiraes paved, the pavements having been discovered one above the other. 94 PORTA MAGGIORE, S. GIOVANNI, of the arch; so that we may infer it to be the original gate, or at least very ancient; the two angular towers seem to be modern. Some have given this gate the name of Inter Aggeres; others think it the same as what Pliny calls Querquetu- lana. The Porta Maggiore is a very large work: it was originally a kind of triumphal arch, built as an ornament to the Claudian Aquaduct, and stood between the Viae Praenestina and Labi cana. Aurelian or BeUsarius took it into the new line, and placed the Porta Praenestina on one side of it, and the P. Labicana on the other. The latter was afterwards stopped up, and the P. Praenestina has taken the name of Porta Mag giore. There are three ancient inscriptions on it; one stating it to be the work of Tiberius Claudius ; another mentioning the repair of it by Vespasian, and another by Titus. Before the new waU was built, the Viae Praenestina and Labicana passed out of the P. Esquilina, or Maecia ; the former on the left, the Labicana on the right. Both fell into the Via Latina. We might partly ascertain the position of the ancient Porta Esquilina, because Frontinus says,^ that the water called Anio novus entered the city by that gate. We next come to the Porta S. Giovanni. This gate is modern, having been buUt by Gregory XII. on which occasion the ancient Porta Asi naria close to it was shut up. This was called s Lib. i. LATINA. 95 Caelimontana, and juxta Lateranos. But there was a P. Caelimontana before Aurelian's time, as Livy mentions it being struck with lightning, U. C. 559.'' It has two round towers. Totila entered by it. the first time. After passing a gate, which is blocked up, and known by the name of Porta di Metrodio, we come to the Porta Latina, which is also shut up, and is probably the same with that which Plu tarch caUs Ferentina. Two round towers are attached to it, and a groove may be observed, as if for a port-cuUis. Whether the ancients used any defence of this kind may be doubted. I am not aware of any mention of it, but there seems to have been something in this gate of a similar nature, and Sir W. GeU observed the same at one ofthe gates of Pompeu.' According to Mu ratori,'' this as weU as the Barbican (or ante- rampart to impede the approach of engines) was borrowed from the Saracens. It was near this spot that tradition makes St. John to have been put into the vessel of boUing oU, by order of Domitian, in the fourteenth year of his reign, A. D. 96; and a Uttle chapel, now quite neg lected, commemorates the event. It is not ne cessary to give an opinion as to the authenticity of this story; but there is at least respectable evidence for it, as it is mentioned by TertuUian,' •¦ Lib. xxxv. c. 9. Cicero also raentions it in Pison, 23. ' Porapeiana, p. 128. '' Antiq. Ital. Diss. 26. ' De Prsscr. c. 36. He lived A. D. 200. 96 PORTA S. SEBASTIANO. and S. Jerom."" Neither of these writers men tion the Porta Latina, which indeed did not exist in the time of St. John: and as his sufferings are always mentioned in connection with this gate, it may perhaps be thought, that the whole story is of later invention: otherwise we must suppose, that tradition preserved the precise spot where the event happened, and the gate was subse quently placed near it. Origen mentions the banishment of St. John, but says nothing of the boiling oil." We next come to the Porta S. Sebastiano, called formerly Capena and Appia. The base of the gateway and of the tower is formed of large blocks of marble, and is probably as old as any part of the walls. Before the time of Aure lian, one gate, the Porta Capena, answered the purpose of the two last mentioned, the Latina, and S. Sebastiano. Two roads then branched off from it: the Via Appia going to the right, the Via Latina to the left. But when the waUs were enlarged, two new gates were formed, and the roads commenced respectively from them. Perhaps we shall nearly ascertain the position of the ancient Porta Capena, by placing it between ™ In Jovin. lib. i. u. 14. et Comm. in Matt. c. 20.; he Uved A.D. 392. " Com. in Matt. tom. xvi. § 6. Hippolytus also agrees with Origen, if the tract upon the twelve Apostles be his work. See Mosheim de rebus ante Const. Cent. i. § 36. and his other work there referred to. Dissert, vol. i. p. 497— 546. VI, v \ppi\. !)7 the churches of Nereo, and Cesareo, where at present two roads branch off. Ovid mentions, that thei-e was a spring of water near it sacred to Mercury." As the Via Appia was the most celebrated of all the Roman roads, this opportu nity may be taken of describing its course more at length, and the nature of these works gene rally.? It was made by Appius Claudius Caecus, who was censor, U. C. 441. In his time it went as far as Capua, but was afterwards carried on to Brundusium. It passed by Aricia (La Riccia), Tarracina, Fundi (Fondi), Formiae (Mola), Min- turnffi (Garigliano), Capua, Beneventum, Brundu- simn. The whole length was reckoned at 350 mUes. Trajan did a good deal to tepair it, (whence part of it was sometimes called Via Trajana,) as did Antoninus Pius. One great cause of its being out of order arose from the Pontine marshes.** The land occupied by them was inundated by the sea U. C. 440, according to Pliny, and he quotes Mucianus,"' as saying, that thirty-three cities formerly stood there : previous to which time we may suppose that the land was particularly fertile, as we read of Rome looking to a supply of corn from thence, and in ° Fast. lib. V. 673. . p A full description of the Appian way has been written by Pratilli, Naples, 1755. ¦! Perhaps the word should be written Pomtine. In the Greek of Dion. Hal. it is Pomentina; and Suessa Pometia, a city of the Volsci, seems to have given the name. ¦• Lib. iii. c. 9. VOL. I. H 98 PONTINE MARSHES. 372 it was divided among the people.^ One hundred and fifty-two years after the work of Appius, Corn. Cethegus Cos. again drained them, U. C. 593. In the time of J. Caesar they were again marshy, and he was prevented from draining them by death.' Augustus also did not succeed, though he undertook the work; so that the words of Horace were not quite true, or at least premature, sterilisve diu palus aptaque remis Vicinas urbes alit, et grave sentit aratrum. Ars Poet. 65. That there was no carriage road through tbe marshes, we learn from Horace himself, who in his journey to Brundusium passed them in a boat:" and Lucan mentions a canal, Et qua Pontinas via dividit uda paludes, — Lib, iii. Trajan carried the road through the marshes for a distance of nineteen miles, Theodosius and his two sons, Arcadius and Honorius, also repaired the road. In spite of all these succes sive labours, the marshes still remain, Pius VI. has perhaps effected as much as any of his pre decessors, and a noble road has been constructed, in a perfectly straight line, for upwards of twenty miles. This road still remains good: but the pope's sanguine hopes of turning the marshes into fields, and inducing people to settle there, " Liv. lib. vi. c. 21. ' Sueton, c. 44, " Sat, lib, i, 5. APPIAN WAY. 99 have totally failed. In order to provide his new settlers with reUgious comforts, he built a convent for some Capucins, and a church : but the former is now turned into a miserable inn, and the latter into a stable. The care of a public road was formerly an office of great honour. Pliny, in one of his Letters," says, " I was uncommonly de- " Ughted to hear that Cornutus had accepted the " sui-veyorship of the .^mUian way: for though " ambition ought to be removed from his heart, " (as indeed it is,) yet it must be gratifying to him " to receive so great an honour without seeking " it." Criminals were employed to work upon the roads as a punishment.^ Procopius gives an exceUent description of the Appian road.^ " An active man might travel the " whole length of the Appian way in five days. " It goes from Rome to Capua; and is of suffi- " cient breadth to aUow two carriages to pass " with ease." This road is more worthy of obser- " vation than any other: for Appius had stones " cut from a different district, at some distance " off; such as are used for mills, and are exces- " sively hard. These, when they had been levelled " and made smooth, and squared by cutting, he " put down alternately, without any metal or " any thing else to fasten them: and though ¦ Plin. lib. V. ep. 15. ? Ib. lib. x. ep. 41. ^ Lib. iii. " In some of the streets of Pompeii, the marks of the car riage-wheels remain. The space between them raeasures four feet three inches. h2 100 APPIAN WAY. " they have been travelled for such a length of " time by so many carriages and animals, yet we " do not perceive that they have become dis- " united, or broken, or that they have lost any " thing of their polish."'' It should- be remem bered, that this road had then existed nine cen turies: and in some places it may be still found entire, after a lapse of more than two thousand years. The width seems to have been twelve feet, and the stones were about a foot and a half square. Soon after leaving the gate of S. Sebastian, the road branches into two; that on the right is the Via Ardeatina, the Via Appia continues to the left. Several other roads joined the Via Appia, such as Setiana, Domitiana, &c. Horace tells us,'= that another road led to Brun dusium, called Via Numicia, or Minucia. The modern road to Naples is different from the Appian for a little way, leaving it to the right. It goes out at the Porta S. Giovanni, and joins the Via Appia at Bovillae, not far from Albano. The Via Latina went to Beneventum, through Anagnia (Anagni), Ferentinum (Ferentino), Aqui- num (Aquino), and Casinum (Monte Cassino). It '' It is said by Isidorus, (Origen, lib. xv. c. 16,), that the paving of highways was an invention of the Carthaginians : and perhaps the most ancient paved roads in existence are two leading to the ancient town of Solus, in Sicily, which was inhabited by Phoenicians in very remote ages. Vide Thucyd. 1,6. <= Epist. lib. i. 18. 20. PORTA S. PAOLO, GATES. 101 was paved in the time of Augustus, under the direction of Messala; and was considered a most astonishing work.'' It was by the Porta Capena that Totila en tered the second time. Close to it is another gate, blocked up; and before we come to the Porta S. Paolo, we may observe another door way also closed. The Porta S. Paolo was anciently called Osti ensis, and the one, which we see at present, was rebuilt by BeUsarius. It is a double gate, and succeeded to the Porta Trigemina of the ancient circuit. The Porta Naevia was also between the Porta Capena and the river. This detaU wiU explain the names of the gates now existing, and some of the ancient ones, which are best known. But as many other names are to be found in ancient authors, I will subjoin an alphabetical Ust of all which I have been able to discover, and, as far as I am able, mark their situation. Agonalis, or Agonensis : the Modern P. Salara. S. Angelo : in the Leonine city. Appia : the same as Capena. Ardeatina : either Latina or S. Sebastiano. Aurelia : in the Leonine city, Capena : vide above. Carmentalis ; one of the four gates of Romulus, on the north side.* ^ Vide TibuU. lib. i. el. vii, 59. Mart. lib. viii. ep. iii. 5. ^ Ovid. Fast. lib. ii. 201. P. Victor also says it was to wards the Circus Flaminius, 102 GATES, Catularia : same as P. Pia. Caelimontana: same as P. S.Giovanni. CoUatina : same as Pinciana. CoUina : vide above. Esquilina : same as P, Maggiore, Fenestralis, Ferentina : same as P. Latina. Ficulnensis : same as Viminalis. Flaminia : same as P. del Popolo, Flumentana : same as Flaminia, Fontinalis : same as P. Septimiana. Gabina, or Gabiusa : same as S, Lorenzo. Janiculensis : same as S. Pancrazio. Janualis : one of the four gates of Romulus, on the south side, .Tulia : in the Leonine city. Labicana : close to P. Maggiore. Lavernalis: same as Viminalis. Libitinensis : same as S. Lorenzo. Mugonia : on the Palatine hill. Munutia, or Minutia. Mutionis, or Mugiona. Naevia : vide above. Navalis : same as P. Portese. Nomentana : same as P. Pia. Ostiensis: same as P. S, Paolo. Palatii : in the Leonine city. Pandana : one of the four gates of Romulus, Peregrini : in the Leonine city. Pertusa : ditto. S. Petri : ditto. Piacularis : same as Latina. Portuensis: same as P. Portese. Posterula: same as Turionis. Praenestina: same as P. Maggiore, GATES, 103 Querquetulana : near the P. Viminalis. Quirinalis: same as P. Salara, Ratumana : the first P. Flaminia. Rauduscula : same as P. Esquilina. Romana: 7 ., , ,. „^ T, , > one of the four sates of Romulus. Komanulati ° Saginalis, or Sanqualis. Salaria: vide above. Salutaris: same as P. CoUina. Saturnia: sarae as Pandana. Scelerata: same as Carmentalis. S. Spirito: vide above. Stercoraria: ancient gate on the Clivus Capitolinus.' Tarpeia: same as Janualis.' Tibertina : same as S. Lorenzo. Trigemina : vide above. Trigonia: vide Mutionis. Triumphalis : near the Pons Triumphalis. Turionis : in the Leonine city. Valeria: same as P. Latina. Veientana.Viminalis : vide above. Vinaria: same as Portuensis. Viridaria: in the Leonine city. This account of the gates, though tedious, will perhaps interest those who are fond of ancient topography. We may, however, proceed to a point, which is Ukely to be the first in engaging the attention of those who visit Rome. The seven hUls vrill be among the earUest objects which they seek out. If we foUowed the gradual ' Festus in v. Stercus. s Ovid, Fast. lib. i. 265. 104 PALATINE HILL. progress which Rome made in arriving at its present extent, we should begin with the Pala tine hill, where Evander resided when ^Eneas first landed, and where Romulus afterwards established his infant settlement. Of this, how ever, little remains to be said, beside what has been mentioned already. A belief that it was the first spot occupied by their ancestors, was sufficient to endear it to the Romans ; and tradi tion increased this feeling by making it the place where Romulus and Remus were deposited by the Tiber. The Ficus Ruminalis, under which the wolf was found suckling them, was preserved and shown for ages after. Tacitus describes it'' as having died down and revived again in his time. Pliny also mentions it as still existing." It was here that fable represented the cave of Cacus to have been. It has been observed already, that few or no remains exist now on this hill, except those of the Palace of Nero; and what Virgil says of the Capitoline hill may be ap plied to the modern state of the Palatine, though unfortunately we must reverse the expression: Aurea nunc, olim sylvestribus horrida dumis. .(En. viii. 348. Of the remains of Nero's Golden House I shaU not attempt a description, as they consist only of irregular fragments of building dispersed over a very large space, and of some subterraneous '' Annal. xiii. .58. ' Plin, lib, XV. c. 1 8, Rumen signifies the same as Mamma. PALACE OF THE C.ESARS. 105 chambers ornamented with pauituigs. They kre very interesting to see, but a short time will suffice for exploring them. The most consider able remains are those whicli look down upon the Circus Maximus. Augustus lived in a house which formerly be longed to the orator Hortensius, and which was by no means conspicuous for splendour. Sue tonius tells US'" that " he lived near the Roman " Forum, in a house which had belonged to the " orator Calvus; afterwards on the Palatine hill, " but stUl in the moderately-sized house of Hor- " tensius, which was remarkable neither for ex- " tent nor ornament: it had narrow porticos of " Alban columns, and rooms without any marble " or remarkable pavement. He occupied the " same chamber in winter and summer for more " than fortj' years." It was burnt during the reign of Augustus, and he rebuilt it. Dionysius teUs us,' that when the palace was accidentally destroyed by fire, Augustus ordered the whole of the house, as soon as it was finished, to be opened to the pubUc; either because the people had contributed money towards the building of it, or that being Pontifex Maximus he might live in a building which was at once public and pri vate. Tiberius made some additions; and Cali gula extended it even to the Forum, by means of a kind of bridge : the Temple of Castor and Pollux was transformed into a vestibule to the palace," '' Cap. 72, ' Lib. Iv. "" Sueton. c. 22. 106 CAPITOL. and porticos of great extent were attached to it. Claudius restored the temple to its former office," so that he probably destroyed the bridge above mentioned. But all these additions and aU this splendour sunk into nothing, when compared with the Golden House which Nero built when the former palace was burnt down. Some idea of its splendour and extent may be formed from the account of Tacitus," who tells us, that beside the usual costly decorations of a palace, there were within the precincts of it fields and woods and pools of water. It reached from the Palatine to the EsquUine hill, covering all the intermediate space, where the Colosseum now stands. When it was finished, the emperor is said to have exclaimed, that now he could Uve hke a man !? Domitian still farther increased the size and splendour of the building.'' It was burnt a third time, in the reign of Commodus, and rebuUt by that emperor. In the time of Theodoric it was in a state of decay, and he undertook the repair ing of it."' Part of it seems to have been standing in the beginning of the eighth century.^ CAPITOL. To most persons the Capitoline hiU wiU be even more interesting than the Palatine. The earliest history of Rome makes us acquainted " Dion. Hal. lib. Ix. " Annal. lib. xv. c, 42, p Suet, c. 31. 1 Suet. Domit. c. 15. ¦¦ Cassiodor. Var. Epist. lib. vii. u. 5. " Anastasius, Vita Constant. Papae. CAPITOL. 107 with the latter, but the Capitol is conspicuous through every stage of its grandeur. When it first became part of the city is not so well ascer tained, but it is generally supposed that it was taken in when Tatius was admitted to a partner ship in the throne with Romulus. The origin of its name, fi-om the head of Tolus ' being found here in digging for the foundations, and the ora cle which predicted universal empire to those who occupied it, are well known." From whence the story arose it is impossible to discover; but the invention of the prophecy was at least politic : and it is singular how early the Romans seem to have talked of the extended empire which their descendants were one day to hold. It may, how ever, be objected, that several expressions, which Livy puts into the mouths of his speakers, were purposely used by him without reference to the feelings of those times. The thatched cottage of Romulus stood on this hiU, and was preserved tUl a late period, never having been repaired in a more costly form. It is mentioned by Lactan- tius, who wrote about A. D. 320, and by Macro bius, who Uved at the end of the same century. The Capitoline hUl seems more anciently to have been caUed Saturnius and Tarpeius. The name is now corrupted into Campidoglio. This, Uke the pther hUls, was much more marked formerly, as a steep and precipitous eminence. ' Or Olus, according to Arnobius, lib. vi. p. 194. " Vid, Liv. lib. i. c. 55. 108 TEMPLE OF than it is at present. The top has been levelled, and the ground at the bottom has been raised, but still the ascent is extremely steep. The cir cuit of the hill may be reckoned about half a mUe at the base; but it is probably less extensive now than formerly, as much of the soft rock has been cut away, and some has fallen of itself. The ascent from the side of the Campus Martius is by an inclined plain: and from the same point at the bottom commences another ascent of one hundred and twenty-four marble steps, leading to the Church of Ara Celi. The two summits of this hill are still very perceptible ; they were dis tinguished formerly by the terms Arx and Capi- tolium.'" The former was on the southern side^ and the highest of the two, facing the river, the Theatre of Marcellus, and Mount Aventine. The Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus stood upon it ; and it is now known by the name of Monte Caprino. That which was more peculiarly styled Capitolium, and faced the north, contained a more ample space than the other. The princi pal temple upon it was that of Jupiter Feretrius, nearly on the site of which is the Church of Ara CeU. The Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was the most splendid in Rome, having been first begun by Tarquinius Priscus, who only lived to finish -^ Seneca, de Constant. Sap. 6. Cic. iv. in Cat. 9. Liv. lib. iii, c, 15; lib. v. c. 39, 41 . Val, Max. lib. iii, c, 2, et 7, . . . cum se in Capitolium et in Arcem conferrent, inque his collibus morari, &c. JUPITER CAPITOLINUS. 109 the foundations, or rather to make preparations for them, by levelling the summit of the hill. For we learn from Livy ,5" that Tarquinius Superbus, who resumed and completed the work, spent a large sum upon the foundations only. Fabius Pictor stated it at forty talents, which had been the estimate for finishing the whole edifice. Dio nysius says 400 talents; and Calpurnius Piso, with whom Plutarch agrees,^ names 40,000 pounds weight of silver. The Temple was dedi cated by M. Horatius PulviUus, who was consul the first year after the expulsion of the kings : his name was inscribed upon it." Dionysius, speaking of it,*" says, " The temple stands upon " a lofty foundation, with a circumference of " eight plqthra, (about eight hundred feet,) and " nearly two hundred feet on each side; there " being scarcely a difference of fifteen feet be- " tween the length and the breadth. The front " looks towards the south. It has a portico with " a triple row of piUars : on the sides there is a " double row. Three equal chapels (o-ijxoi) are " included within the waUs, having common " sides: that of Jupiter is in the middle; on one " side that of Juno, on the other that of Minerva, " all under the same roof." I have quoted his words in this place, although Dionysius was de scribing the temple as it was in his days, i. e, in the time of Augustus; but the dimensions of it y Lib. i. c. 55. ' In Poplicola. » Dion. Hal. lib. v. '• Lib. iii. 110 TEMPLE OF always continued the same, and there were from the first three chapels to Jupiter, Juno, and Mi- nerva. The thresholds of the original buUdmg were of brass,'^ but not made so till U. C. 458. The pillars, which supported the roof, were of brick white-washed: at least we might be led to suppose that they were not of stone, as Livy mentions'' that M. i^milius Lepidus had them made smooth and plastered, (poliendas albo lo- cavisse.) Montfaucon says, that there were twelve columns in front. Shields and other mili tary trophies were affixed to these piUars, all which were removed by the same Lepidus. As- drubal's shield, which was of silver, and weighed 138 pounds, together with a statue of him, was suspended over the doors, and remained there till the first fire.'' The roof of the interior was made of timber, and gilt after the destruction of Carthage, U.C. 612. '^ At the same time the pavement in the interior was laid down in Mosaic. On the top of it was a car drawn by four horses, and the god Summanus in it, all made of baked clay.s Summanus is supposed to be Pluto; yet Ovid seems doubtful what deity bore that title ;"" ¦^ Liv. lib. X. c. 23, 1 Lib, xl. c. 51. " Liv. lib. xxv. c. 39. Plin. lib. xxxv. c. 4. ' Plin. lib. xxxiii. c. 18. « Plin. lib. xxix. c. 35. Plutarch. Poplic. Cicero de Divin. lib, i, '' Fast, lib, vi, 731. Vide Arnobius adv. Gentes, lib, v. p, 183, et lib. vi, p, 191, JUPITER CAPITOLINUS. Ill and Livy ' mentions a car of Jupiter being placed on the top in 456, but this was of bronze. There was a portico placed in front of this temple, U. C. 578,'' and another in 594 by Scipio Nasica.' The Temple was burnt U. C. 670, in the wars of Marius and Sylla, and restored by the latter upon the same foimdations, with pillars of a va riegated marble from the Temple of Jupiter Olympius at Athens." The passage quoted above fi-om Dionysius gives some description of its external appearance. The man who had im- ' brued his hands so deeply in his country's blood, was not permitted to consecrate the national sanctuary. SyUa died before the dedication, and that ceremony was performed by Q. Catulus, whose name was inscribed upon it:" and it has been already stated, that the following inscription once existed in the Tabularium, Q. LVTATIVS. Q. F. CATVLVS. COS. SVBSTRVCTIONEM ET. TABVLARIVM. S. S. FACIENDVM COERAVIT. He appears subsequently to have taken the addi tional name of Capitolinus." He had also the bronze tiles upon the roof gilt, which some of his contemporaries censured in him, as an act of ex- travagance.P It was the Temple thus restored ¦ Lib. X. c. 23, *" Liv. lib. xli. c. 27. ' VeUeius, lib. ii. c. 1. ™ Plin. lib. xxxv. c. 6. and lib. xxxvi. c. 6. " Plin. lib. xix. c. 1. Cic. in Ver. Act. 2. lib. iv. c. 31. " Suet. Galba, c. 2. p Plin. lib, xxxiii. c, 18. 112 TEMPLE OF by SyUa, which was struck with Ughtning m the year of Rome 689, when the bronze wolf was in jured, as Cicero mentions. We learn also,*! that part of the roof was thrown down together with the statue of Jupiter : the latter was replaced on a higlier elevation, and turned towards the east. Lactantius '' says that the temple was often struck with lightning and burnt: but history has re corded no such event except that which took place in 689. It was again burnt in the time of ViteUius, A. D. 69, and rebuilt on a loftier scale, but not of greater extent, by Vespasian,^ who laboured with his own hands to make a commencement of the work.' Again under Titus, and was restored by Domitian. The former Athenian pillars being destroyed, he brought others of Pentelic marble from Athens; but, according to Plutarch," by smoothing and polishing them too much, he made them too slender, and hurt their proportions. In the bas-reliefs on the pillar of Trajan a temple is represented, where that emperor is sacrificing after his first Dacian war. This ought to be the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, as rebuUt by Do mitian: but we cannot depend much upon the accuracy of the delineation, and the building is extremely inelegant." Domitian gUded the out- 1 Arnobius, lib. vii. p, 245. Cicero de Divin. lib. i. c. 2. ¦^ Instit. lib. iii. c. 17. p. 233. ' Tacit. Hist. lib. iv. c. 53. ' Suetonius, Vesp. c, 8. " Poplic. " In the engravings which have been published of Trajan's Column by Ciacono, this is the seventy-sixth plate JUPITER CVriTOLlNUS. 113 side of the roof, as Catulus had done to the second temple; and Plutarch tells us,> that more than 12,000 talents were expended upon the work. Claudian^ mentions thei carved doors, some Giants and winged figures, probably Vic tories, on the top of the temple. It seems to have suffered partiaUy from fire in the reign of Commodus." AVe have no information at all from ancient authors as to what order of architecture was adopted in any of these successive buildings. We might rather conjecture it to have been Doric; and the piUars brought from Athens, first by SyUa and afterwards by Domitian, probably were so. The statue of Jupiter in the first tem ple was of baked clay, and according to some readings, painted red."" A work even so rude as this was more than the Romans themselves could effect in those days ; and an artist was hired from Tuscany to produce even an earthen statue for the Capitol. Juvenal says, Hanc rebus Latiis curam praestare solebat Fictilis, et nullo violatus Jupiter auro. Sat. xi. 116. Ovid also, Jupiter exigua vix notus stabat in JEde, Inque Jovis dextra fictile fulmen erat. Fasti, lib. i. 201, Plutarch says expressly," that the statue of Ju- y Poplic. ^ De vi. Cons. Honorii, 45. " Paul Oros, Euseb. Chron. '' Plin. lib, xxxv. c. 12, •^ De Iside et Osiride. VOL. I. I 114 TEMPLE OF piter Capitolinus was ¦ destroyed by the fire in Sylla's time. But whether this was the original one of clay, or another of more valuable materials had succeeded to it, is not certain. The latter might be thought most probable, since a golden thunderbolt, weighing fifty pounds, was placed in his hand, U. C. 535:'' but we learn from an anec dote mentioned by Seneca,^ that the earthen sta tue was preserved to a period later than this. That which was placed in the Temple after the fire, was removed to make way for one of larger dimensions in the Consulship of Cicero, U. C. 690,'' It is the opinion of Ryck,^ that there was a statue of ivory,'' The beard was certainly of gold, as we learn from Suetonius,' Pliny how ever tells us,'' that the whole statue had been made of gold, but that it did not exist in his time, haring been destroyed by the fire: and it ap pears' that he spoke of the fire which took place in the time of Vitellius : indeed the third fire, in the time of Titus, did not take place tiU after the ¦¦ Liv. lib. xxii. c. 1. ^ Epist. xcviii. Tubero would use none but earthen ves sels at his table, because he said that raen ought to be con tented with what was used for the gods in the Capitol. Tubero married the daughter of .Srailius Paulus, and Paulus was born U. C. 525. ' In Cat. iii. 8. e He wrote a Latin Treatise, in 12mo. upon the Capitol and its ornaments. !' Cf. Plin, lib. xii. c. 1. Arnobius, lib. vi, ' Calig. c. 52. i' Lib. vii. c. 39. Lib. xxxiii. c. 55. ' Lib. xxxiv, c, 17. JUPITER CAPITOLINU.'^. 115 publication of his history. It is said to have been ten feet in height, and was the work of Mentor, who acquired great celebrity by working in gold. An expression in Lactantius inight lead us to think that it was a sitting figure."' Trajan was the first who caused the three statues of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva to be made of gold: at least we have this epigram in Martial, Scriptus es aeterno nunc primum, Jupiter, auro Et soror, et summi filia tota patris. XI. 5. 3. Ryck would read sculptus for scriptus, because he tliinks that the statues were of sohd gold. But scriptus auro can only mean gilt: and as Martinus Polonus," in his description of Rome, says, that there was a golden statue of Jupiter upon a golden throne, it is probable that so large a mass was made of some less precious metal, and gilded. If the tradition be true, that St. Leo, who was pope from 440 to 461, had the statue of St. Peter made out of the bronze of Jupiter Capitolinus, the question is decided. Towards the end ofthe fourth century, StUicho took away the plates of gold from the great doors." Procopius says,P that Genseric plun dered it in 455, and carried off half of the tiles, which were of bronze gilt. Platina also tells us, that Pope Honorius removed the bronze tiles " Non hunc cujus efiigiera veneraris in Capitolio sedentem, sed, &c. Instit. lib. iii, c. 14. p. 223. " He was Archbishop of Cosenza in the thirteenth century, " Zosimus, lib. v, Rutil, Numat, Itin, p Lib.i, l2 116 TEMPLE OF from the Capitol, and roofed the 3asUica of St. Peter's with them. But as Anastasius says, that he took them from the Temple of Venus and Rome, the fact must be considered uncertain. Totila appears to have burnt part of it, and The odoric undertook to repair it. Insensibly how ever, as Christianity gained ground, the Pagan temples, and this among the rest, lost their vota ries. Prudentius, who wrote about A. D. 400, says, Jamque ruit, paucis Tarpeia in rupe relictis. Ad sincera virum penetralia Nazareorum, Atque ad Apostolicos Evandria Curia fontes. Contra Sym. lib. i. 549. The words of Jerom, who wrote about the same time, may also be quoted: " Auratum squalet " Capitolium, fuUgine et aranearum telis omnia " Romae templa cooperta sunt. Movetur Urbs " sedibus suis, et inundans populus ante delubra " semiruta currit ad Martyrum tumulos.'"! S. Ambrose, Augustin, and Arnobius, might be cited to the same purpose. Platina"' mentions that the Capitol and the adjoining temple, (by which he probably means that of Jupiter CapitoU- nus,) were injured by lightning in the reign of Commodus: but there is reason to suppose that great part of the temple was standing in the ninth century.^ The Intermontium, or space between the two 1 Lib. ii. contra Jovin. ¦¦ Vita Eleutherii, i. « Mabillon, Vet. Anal, tom. iv. p. 506. JUPITER CAPITOLINUS. 117 summits, was the spot where Romulus opened the Asylum. It is now occupied by tlie Piazza del CampidogUo, a large open space, the buildings of which were raised upon the designs of Michel Angelo; but the effect of them is not pleasing. These buildings form three sides of a square : in front is tiie Palazzo Senatorio, built upon the ruins of the ancient Tabularium, or Record- office ; and in descending to the Forum a con siderable part of the old foundations may be seen. The present buUding was erected by Boniface IX. and has its name from courts of justice being held there, at which the senator presides. It seems ridiculous to taUc of the senator in the sin gular number: but such is the case; the name of that venerable body being now preserved only in the office of one man, who is appointed by the pope. We stiU find the initials s. p, q. r, affixed over pubUc buUdings, and carried in processions : the Romans say also, that the senator represents the people. But considering the mode of his appointment, the high rank from which he is always chosen, and the necessity of his being a foreigner, we cannot conclude that the democra- tical part of the Roman govemment is very power ful. He has controul over the city-guard; and throughout the whole office we find an evident resemblance to that of Podesta, which prevailed in nearly aU the ItaUan cities in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. In the buildings, which form the two other sides of this square, the Museum CapitoUnum is 118 CASTOR AND POLLUX. contained. The ascent from the plain, and the square above, are fuU of remains of antiquity. On the balustrade at the bottom are two Egyptian lionesses, spouting out water. They came from the Church of S. Stefano del Cacco, near the Collegio Romano: and this church is thought to have been built over a temple of Isis, which might account for these Egyptian antiquities being found there. Pliny mentions the material of which these animals are made, and caUs it Basaltes.^ Ac cording to him the Egyptians brought it from Ethiopia, and in their language the name ex pressed its ferruginous colour and hardness. On the top are two colossal statues of marble, said to be Castor and PoUux, standing by their horses. Some have wished to identify them with two similar figures mentioned by Pliny," as the work of Hegesias, and which stood in front of the temple of Jupiter Tonans. Winkelmann rather leans to this opinion ; * and adds, that they were found under the hill of the Capitol. But the fact is undoubtedly otherwise. They were found in the Jews' quarter :y and Pliny says explicitly, that the figures made by Hegesias were in bronze. Winkelmann considers one of the heads to be modern. By the side of them are two large trophies in marble, generally called the trophies of Marius. ' Lib. xxxvi. c. 11. " Lib. xxxiv. c. 19. " Lib. vi, c. 1. § 25. y Vide Montfaucon Diarium Ital. p, 267. who quotes Fla minius Vacca, 52, TROPHIES OF MARIUS. 119 They came from the Castello dell' Acqua GiuUa; but were originaUy dug up near the church of S. Eusebio; and as the pai-t near this church has always been caUed / Cimbri, it has been thought, that some memorial of Marius's victory over the Cimbri existed here. It is certain, that Marius erected some trophies for his victories over Ju gurtha, the Cimbri, and Teutones, which were thrown down by SyUa and restored by J. Caesar, as we learn from Suetonius : " and Valerius Maxi mus expressly mentions two trophies." He also speaks of a place in Rome caUed the Monuments qf Marius.^ Some have thought them to relate to Domitian, among whom is Winkelmann ; and he says, that there was an inscription under them to that effect, before they were removed:" but since nothing more was legible than the following frag ment, IMP. DOM. AUG. GERM PER CKE LIB his supposition rests on very sUght grounds. Others ascribe them to Trajan. Near to them are two statues of Constantine Caesar and Constantine Augustus, found in the baths upon the Quirinal hill. The names are inscribed upon them; but both are considered to belong to the Emperor Constantine. Eusebius mentions, that after that emperor's victory over ^ J. Caes. c. 11. Plutarch. Caes. c, 6. - Lib. vi. c. 9. § 14. " Ib. lib. ii. c. 5. § 6, and lib. iv. c, 4, § 8. " Lib, vi, c. 6. § 60. 120 MILE STONE. Maxentius, a statue was erected to him with a long spear in his right hand, shaped like a cross.'' At the back of that which has constantinvs avg. on it, there is a fragment resembling the handle of a spear, which has been thought to have been part of this cross. Lastly, there is erected in the same row the first milestone upon the Appian way. The in scription is wonderfully perfect, and the wretched distich, which is now placed under it, is worth copymg: Quae peregrina diu steteram Mensura viarum. Nunc Capitolini Culminis Incola Sum. It was found in the Vigna Naro, a little on the right, out ofthe Porta S. Sebastiano, and marked the first nule from Rome. The antiquaries are not agreed as to the point from which this mea surement commenced. We know that Augustus erected a pillar in the Forum, which was caUed Milliarium Aureum;° and a passage in Plutarch' has been interpreted to mean, that aU the roads of Italy terminated at that point. But the words may signify, that the distances of these roads were marked upon the Milliarium Aureum ; and some antiquaries, amongst whom is Nardini, con tend that the mUes were measured, not from the Forum, but from the gates. If we adopt this opinion, we must remember that all the ancient writers, prior to the time of Aurelian, must allude ¦> Hist, Eccl, lib. ix, c. 9, Vita Const, lib, i, c. 40. s Dio, lib, liv. f Galba, c. 24. STATUE OF M. AURELIUS. Igl to the original and more contracted circuit of the walls. The place where tliis milestone was found is about one Roman mile from the site of the ancient Porta Capena. At the other end of the balustrade is a stone similar to this, made in imi tation of it. The ball on the top is said to have contained the ashes of Trajan. In the middle of the square is an equestrian statue of M. AureUus, of bronze. It stood ori ginally at the Church of St. John Lateran; and m 1538, Paul III. placed it here. The pedestal was made by M. Angelo out of the frieze and architrave of the Arch of Trajan. A bunch of flowers is presented every year to the chapter of St. John Lateran, as an acknowledg ment that the statue belongs to them; and till lately there was an officer, called Custode del CavaUo, who received ten crowns per month for taking care of this horse. It is the only bronze equestrian statue remaining of ancient Rome; though P. Victor says, that there were twenty- two such in the city; or, according to some copies, eighty-four. It was formerly called the statue of Constantine, L. Verus, or Sept. Seve rus. Addison says, that there is a representation of it on a medal of Lucius Verus; but he does not seem quite certain as to the identity of the two figures. Some persons have fancied that they observed an owl in the mane, and have con cluded from thence, that the artist, who made the statue, was an Athenian.^ It is certain, that s \'ide Montfaucon Diar. Ital. c. 22. 122 STATUE OF M. AURELIUS. this statue was originally gUt; of which some traces stiU remain. Hence, as Winkelmann ob serves,'' we may conclude, that the gold was laid on by the ancients in very thick leaves. That this was the method of gilding metal, we leam from Pliny,' who explains the whole process. He tells us, however,'' that it had not been long practised, and doubts whether Rome had the merit of first introducing it. Statues in bronze were frequently gilt, as we may see in a Hercules in the Capitol, where much of the gold remains, in the horses at Venice, and in the fragments of four horses and a chariot found at Herculaneum. This, perhaps, is the reason why copper was sometimes used instead of bronze, as the latter was too valuable to cover with gilding. The Venetian horses are of copper; but the statue of M. AureUus is of bronze. Montfaucon' erro neously says, that it was made by the hammer; but it certainly was cast. In the Life of Cola di Rienzo," (that extraordinary character, who in 1347 revived the office of Tribune at Rome, but was unable to maintain it,) we read, that during the rejoicings upon that occasion, wine was made to run out of one nostril of the horse, and water out of the other. Where this statue now stands, were formerly •> Lib. iv. c. 7, § 41. ' Lib. xxxiii. c. 20. ¦' Lib. xxxiv. c. 9. ' Diar. Ital. p. 169, "¦ Written in Italian, by Fortiflocca, and in French, by Cerceau. T.\RPEI.\N ROCK. 123 two colossal figures ; one of Apollo, thirty cubits high; the other of Jupiter Capitolinus, which was so lofty, that it could be seen from the Mons Latialis, near Albano, a distance of twenty miles. It was made by Sp. CarviUus, out of the armour taken from the Sammtes, when they were van quished, U. C. 455." On the southern sunmiit of this hiU, which is more pecuUarly styled the Capitol, there is no remnant of any ancient building. The Tarpeian Rock may still be discovered, though it is sur rounded by buUdings. The part, which is shown in a garden, is in fact more a wall than a rock ; though, as the stones and bricks are of course only a facing to it, it cannot be proved that this is not the place from which criminals were thrown down ; and a classical experimentalist might, perhaps, even now satisfy himself of the fact, by submitting to a faU. This seems to be the highest part, and the perpendicular depth' may be fifty feet; but as the soU has accumulated exceedingly at the bottom, it may have been nearly double that height. Ficoroni" says, that he measured it, and found it sisty feet, exclusive of the building that had been added upon it. It may be interest ing to read a description of the Rock, as given by an ancient author. Seneca, or rather Ai-ell. Fus- cius, as recorded by him, says of it,P "A lofty " and precipitous inass rises up, rugged with many " Plin. lib, xxxiv. c. 18. » Vide Spence's Anecdotes, p. 93. P Controv, lib, i, 3, 124 TARPEIAN ROCK. " rocksj which either bruise the body to death, pr " hurry it down stiU more violently. The points " projecting from the sides, and the gloomy pro- " spect of its vast height, are truly horrid. This " place is chosen in particular, that the criminals " may not require to be thrown down more than " once." In another place he says, " It would be " terrific even to those who look down it in safety." Walking under the Capitol, on this same side, I observed another part of the bare rock, which is quite perpendicular, and almost high enough to kiU a person who feU from it. The quotation given above shows that the height was not so great, but that a person might possibly surriye the first fall. The chapter, from which it is taken, mentions such a case. It also seems to be implied, that the bottom of the rock was not far from the Temple of Vesta. ^ Between the Palazzo Senatorio and the Mur seum, on its right, is the principal modern descent to the Forum, nearly in the direction of the an cient Clivus Asyli, which was one of the three ascents to the Capitol from the Forum, and by which the commanders passed in triumph. In 1817 the original pavement of this road was dis covered, when the Arch of Septimius Severus was cleared out, under which the road passed; and it would appear from the work of Barthol. Mai-r lianus, (who lived in the time of Sextus IV.) that the same pavement had been discerned shortly before his time. He says it was seven feet wide. The same is related by L. Fauno, who wrote in ASCENTS OF THE CAPITOL. 125 the reign of Julius III. : and they both probably speak of the time when the Temple of Concord was destroyed to make lime. This road was paved by order of the censors, U. C. 579.i The three ascents were, 1. That of the Tarpeian Rock, which went by a flight of one hundred steps, from the western extremity of the Forum."' 2. The CUvus Capitolinus, which had two branches; one passed under the Arch of Tiberius, towards the Hospital deUa Consolazione; the other near the Arch of Sept. Severus, and between the Temples of Fortune and Jupiter Tonans. These two branches united behind the temple of Fortune; and from thence the CUvus Capitolinus led straight to the Intermontium. 3. The CUvus Asyli passed under the Arch of S. Severus, and, going a little to the left of the present ascent, conducted also to the Intermontium. These three ascents, from the Forum to the Capitol, are given according to the opinion of Nardini. The subject is very weU discussed by Wilson, in his " Journal of two suc cessive Tours upon the Continent." He denies the existence of these three roads, and conjec tures that there was one oblique ascent from the Forum, which, toward the lower part, was raised upon arches, to make it more gradual. The triumphal processions passed, as has been 1 Liv. lib. xli, c. 27. '' Diversos Capitolii aditus invadunt, juxta lucum Asyli, et qua Tarpeia rupes centum gradibus aditur. (Tacit. Hist. lib. iii. c. 71.) 126 TRIUMPHAL PROCESSIONS, observed, by the Clivus AsyU. The line of their march was different, according to the side of the Tiber from which the victorious army returned. If the battle had been fought on the north or west of Rome, the general waited on the right side of the river, till the senate had granted him permission to celebrate his triumph. When this was obtained, he passed over the Pons Trium phalis, and went along the Via Recta, now Strada Giulia, to the Circus Maximus, where he received the applause ofthe assembled people. It appears also from the account of Vespasian's Triumph, given by Josephus, that he sometimes passed through the Theatres for the same pru-pose. He then wound round the Palatine hill, passed by the spot where the Arch of Constantine now stands, and so reached the Forum by the Via Sacra. The procession then ascended the Capi tol, having gone under the Arch of S. Severus. Some of the buildings here mentioned were of late date: but the processions seem always to have taken the same course, before the several Arches were erected. If the victory was achieved on the other side of Rome, the general waited on the outside of the Porta Flaminia, or the Porta Capena:^ and as soon as the senate had granted him leave, he commenced his triumphal proces- " This custom was observed so strictly, that C. Pontinius, who defeated the AUobroges, U. C. 695, but met with opposi tion in his dferaand for a Triumph, actually resided in the suburbs for five years, when at length he obtained permission and entered the City in Triumph. MUSEUM CAPITOLINUM. 1.'37 sion. Having passed through the Circus Flami nius, which before the time of AureUan was without the waUs, and there received applause, he went under the Porta Triumphalis, which seems to have been only open on these solemni ties. He then went by the Theatre of Marcellus, through the Velabrum, and Forum Boarium, into the Circus Maximus. From thence his course was, as in the preceding case. MUSEUM CAPITOLINUM. Before we quit the Capitol, some account will be expected of the antiquities contained in the Museum. It is not, however, the object of these pages to give a catalogue of the works of art. To mention them in detaU would require a sepa rate volume or volumes ; and a mere enumeration of them would not satisfy.' I shall therefore select a few of the most striking objects, and occasionaUy add any iUustration of them, which I may chance to have found. The Museum is contained in the two buUdings which stand on each side of the Palazzo Senato rio. That which is on the right hand is ahnost exclusively fiUed with antiquities. In the court is the celebrated statue of Marforio, which is thought by some to have represented the Ocean, by others the Rhine. The left hand was restored ' A work was published in 1 750, by Bottari, in two volumes folio, called Museum CapitoUnum, in which are engravings of most of the busts and statues. There is also the Museo Capi toline, by P< Giorgi, 128 PASQUINO. by Michel Angelo. It probably derives its present name from the Forum of Mars, near which it was found. Marforio owes his celebrity to having been fixed upon as the answerer of all those satirical sayings which were affixed upon Pasquino. This latter figure stands at the corner of the Via di S. Pantaleo, towards the Piazza Navona. It was found in the sixteenth century, and placed over against the shop of one Pas quino, a taUor, where all persons used to meet who wished to abuse their neighbour. It has been thought to represent Menelaus supporting the body of Patroclus; but it is sadly mutUated. Maffei, in his CoUection of Statues, No. 42, calls it Ajax supported by his brother. It nearly re sembles that which stood formerly by the Ponte Vecchio, at Florence. Bernini seems to have considered this mutilated statue as one of the finest remains of Antiquity." The same pope who placed Marforio in the Capitol, wished to confine Pasquino there also : but the Marquis, to whom he belonged, prevented it. His descend ant is stUl obUged to pay a fine, if any scandal is found affixed to it.'" Pope Adrian VI. meditated a stiU more severe attack upon the statue. He was so offended at its Ubels, that he ordered it to be burnt, and the ashes to be thrown into the " Bandinucci, Vita di Bernini, p. 72. Bernini, V. di Caval. Bernini, p. 13. A Dissertation was written upon the two statues of Pasquino and Marforio, by Cancellieri, Roma, 1798. » Vide Spence's Anecdotes, p. 113. EGYPTIAN SCULPTURE. 129 Tiber: but Ludovico SuesSano, a witty companion of the Pope, had the merit of saving poor Pasquin, by teUing his hohness that the ashes would turn to frogs in the bottom of the river, and croak worse and louder than before. ^ The statue seems to have been caUed Pasquillo as well as Pasquino. The first room, which claims attention here, is appropriately called Canopus, being devoted to Egyptian sculpture. Many of the figures, how ever are not the production of Egypt, having beeri purposely executed in imitation of the Egyptian style for Hadrian's ViUa, at Tivoli.^ This may be thought bad taste in the Emperor; but modern times afford many examples of similar partiality for the grotesque : and if these specimens were correctly copied, they furnished an interesting Ulustration of Egyptian manners and worship. Hadrian had a temple buUt in his Villa at Tivoli, which he caUed Canopus, and ornamented with figures carved in the Egjrptian style. In some the ancient models were strictly copied ; in others an attempt was made to unite the Egyptian and Grecian styles together. The Antinous preserved in the Capitol is a specimen of the latter taste. Winkelmann also has a remark upon this statue," y Jovius in vita Adriani. ¦ We raay find some account of the construction of this Villa in Spartian. It contained within its precincts several temples, two theatres, copies of the most magnificent build ings in Greece, &c. &c. and the ruins of it embrace a circuit of nearly ten Italian miles. => Lib. ii. c. 2, § 2. VOL. I. K 130 EGYPTIAN SCULPTURE. which illustrates a curious fact in the history of Egyptian sculpture. Diodorus Siculus teUs us,** that after the stone was hewn into the proper proportions, it was cut into two, and each part was given to a different sculptor to finish. Win kelmann adds, that the Antinous of the Capitol, though only an imitation, bears marks of having been thus divided and rejoined. Sculpture never attained any exceUence in Egypt. Plato remarks," that the statues executed there in his time did not differ in form or in any other respect from thbse which had been made 10,000 years before. This seems to be the true character of the Egyptian sculptors. They made no progressive improvement from their first rude attempts. The deficiency was in design: and the human form in particular seems never to have been sufficiently studied, with a view to repre senting it in sculpture.** This may perhaps lead us to infer, that the great exceUence of the art in Greece was partly owing to the deification of their heroes. If a god was to be executed in marble, he was to bear the human form: he was in every respect to be a man. But in Egypt, where beasts and monsters were selected as divinities, there was I" Lib. i. ad fin. •= De Leg. ii. p. 522. ^ It is remarked by Ficoroni, that the two best Egyptian statues in Rome were the Hercules with a lion's skin over his head, in the Capitol; and the richer Zingara at the Villi Borghese [now in the LouvreJ. He adds, that they might be known to be Egyptian by that fulness about their mouths. Vide Spence's Anecdotes, p. 85. EGYPTIAN SCULPTURE. 131 not the same chance of the human form being well modeUed: the imagination there was not elevated and refined by contemplating the creation of a god: and even die same wish of perpetuating the Ukenessof a mortal did not exist, when the bodies themselves were preserved for centuries in the form of mummies. The great exceUence of the ItaUan painters at the time of the revival of the arts may in the same manner be attributed to the great demand for reUgious subjects. The Virgin Mary may at least be caUed the patron of painters : and Roman CathoUcs might say, that she had re venged herself upon the Protestants by not assist ing them in this art. We may add to these causes the fact, which seems undoubtedly true, that the Egyptians were not so finely formed as the Greeks; and that artists were held in no estimation amongst them; as to the notion, that anatomy, a knowledge of which is so essential to a sculptor, was strictly prohibited in Egypt, it is perhaps maintained on rather uncertain grounds; since Pliny expressly mentions, that the Kings of Egypt ordered dead bodies to be dissected, for the better understand ing of diseases.' One of their deities is, however, represented under the form of a man. This is Serapis, of whom there is a statue in this Museum. Some obscurity hangs over the history of this deity. = Lib. xix. c. 26. Manetho, as quoted by Africanus, men tions some books upon Anatomy which were written by Atho- this, one of the early Kings of Egypt, who was a physician, Reliq. Sacr. vol. ii, p. 133. K 2 132 SERAPIS, SISTRUM. He is said to answer to the Jupiter, Dis, and Pluto, of Greek and Roman worship ; but it is not certain at what time he found a place in the Egyptian Calendar. Augustin teUs us,^ that Apis, King of Argos, came to Egypt, and upon his death became Serapis. Eusebius says, that Apis was their third king; and the invention of the plough, and of vineyards, is attributed to him.s An ornament will be observed on his head, the meaning of which is differently interpreted. It was called in Latin, Modius or Calathus. Iso- dorus'' describes it as a Ught utensil, made of reeds or rushes, in which the daily work was put, or flowers were gathered. It also denotes fertility and abundance : and those who consider Serapis to have been a deification of Joseph, understand this ornament to be emblematical of the corn which he persuaded Pharaoh to lay up against the seven years of famine.' It may be observed, that j9 Orig. lib. xix. c. 29. ' TertuUian. ad Nat. ii. 8, I* Vide Bottari, tom, iii, pi, 76. SISTRUM. 133 its name from a Greek word signifying to shake. Apuleius' describes it as a brazen rattle, which was carved so as to resemble the form of a noose, through which a few rods were passed, and when it was shaken in the hand three times it .gave a shriU sound. This description wiU be found to answer to the instrument sculptured in this room. The rods are three or four in number. We must remember, however, a remark made by Winkel mann,™ that the Sistrum is not found in the hand of any ancient Egyptian statue in Rome. It is in each case a modern addition; and the same author observes, that he knows of no representation of it on any ancient monument, except it be on the Isiac Table, at Turin. There is also a coin of Trajan which represents it:" and Montfaucon gives an engraving of a monument, at Metz, on wiiich it is represented. He adds, that it is fre quently carved on sepulchral stones. Of the animals represented in this room, there are Sphinxes, both male and female. In the next apartment, which is called Stanza Lapidaria, the exact measure of a Roman foot may be observed on three of the tombs. It is more than eleven inches English, but not equal to twelve. On the walls of the staircase leading to the upper rooms, some very curious fragments of the ' Metam. lib. ii. ¦» Lib. ii. c. 1. § 22. " A treatise has been written upon the Sistrum, by Bac- chini. 134 ICHNOGRAPHY OF ROME. plan of ancient Rome may be seen. They are in twenty-six compartments, and have been edited with engravings, and a Commentary, by BeUori," who supposes them to have been made in the reign of Septimius Severus, and to have served as a floor to some temple. They were found be hind the Church of SS. Cosmo and Damiano, anciently a Temple of Romulus and Remus, and were first placed in the Farnese Palace.? Unfor tunately, they have been so broken, and the frag ments are so small, that little or no information has been gained from them. Nibby has made an ingenious use of some of them, in his late work upon the Roman Forum. Many places had the names written over them, but these have Uke wise been much defaced, and do not help us. Part of the Theatre of Marcellus, and of the Portico of Octavia, may be identified, and will be mentioned hereafter. Up stairs, the Stanza del Vaso contains many curiosities, particularly a brazen vase, given by Mithridates, King of Pontus, to the CoUege of Gymnasiarchs. There is an inscription on it to ° Twenty of them were illustrated by Bellori, the other six By Amaduzzi. This Comraentary is also published in the Collection of Graevius. What would an antiquary give to recover one of those " faire silver tables," on which Charl- magne had engravings of Constantinople, Rome, and the World? The one which contained the plan of Rome was given by him to the Church of Ravenna. Platina, Vita Leonis III. p Flam. Vacca, i. DIANA. 135 that effect. A figure of Diana Triformis deserves attention. She appears under the three cha racters of Luna, Diana, and Hecate.'' This was not an uncommon way of representing her ; and she is generally made to carry a torch, some sort of weapon, and a key. The torch represents her in heaven, as Luna ; the weapon aUudes to her chai-acter on earth, as Diana; and the key de notes her power in heU, as Hecate. She is also attended by a serpent; and at her feet are ropes, to denote the punishments of the infernal regions. The Ephesian Diana Multimammia wiU also be found here. She was worshipped in this form, because she was considered the Nurse of all Uving things. There was, however, considerable mystery in the adoration paid to her, and the different at tributes of Ceres, Isis, and Cybele, were in some way united in her. Hence she has on her head the turreted Crown of Cybele; and Macrobius seems to identify her with Isis, when he says,' " Isis is worshipped in every rehgion, being either " the earth, or universal nature, under the in- " fluence of the sun. For this reason, the whole " body of the goddess is covered with breasts, " because the universe is nourished by the earth " or nature." Such, also, is the interpretation given by S. Jerom.^ This figure is not uncom mon, but occasional varieties may be seen. Be- 5 Vide Ovid. Fast. lib. i. 141, 387. ' Saturn, lib. i. c. 20. • Comm. in Epist. ad Eph. Prasfat. 136 ILIAD. side the Crown of Cybele, she generally wears the veU of Isis ; a Crab represents the Moon (which is one of Diana's characters) ; the Victo ries and Breasts denote the Ephesian Diana; Stags and Bees, the Sicilian Diana ; the Lions of Magna Mater also accompany her, the Oxen and Dragons of Eleusinian Ceres, the Sphinx of Minerva, and the Acorns and Fruits of the Earth.' A Bas-reUef, in white plaster, representing scenes out of the lUad, with explanations in Greek, may be considered curious. Fabretti'has pubUshed an engraving of it, with a Dissertation, at the end of his work upon Trajan's Column. He thinks, that it was made subsequent to the time of Virgil, and probably in the reign of Nero. There is here an ancient Mosaic, in the greatest preservation, representing four doves drinking, with a beautiful border round it. This Mosaic has excited considerable controversy. PUny, in lib. ixxxv. c. 25, where he is mentioning the per fection to which the art of Mosaic had been carried, describes a specimen ofit, as being pecu-' liarly excellent, which bears some resemblance to this. Many, however, do not aUow it to be the same ; and certainly the resemblance is not suffi cient to convince. His words are these: " Mira? " bills ibi (Pergamis) columba bibens, et aquani " umbra capitis infuscans. Apricantur aliae sca- < A Dissertation was published upon the Ephesian Diana, by Menetreius, Romae 1657, in which are several engravirigs. MOSAIC. 137 " bentes sese in canthari labro." " There is at " Pergamos a wonder of the art, a dove drinking, " the head of which casts a dark shade upon the " water. Others are sunning and pluming them- " selves on the rim of the vessel." If this were reaUy the one mentioned by Pliny, we might at least leai-n one fact, — that the moderns excel the ancients in the art of Mosaic. I shall have occa sion to recm- to this subject, when treating of the Mosaic pictures in St. Peter's. This was found, in 1737, in the ruins of Hadrian's VUla at Tivoli, and is known by the name of Le Colombe di Furietti, from the first possessor, who pubUshed upon the subject. It was purchased for the Capitol by Clement XIII. Some ancient stone weights are preserved here, which, from their appearance, cannot have lost much of their orginal weight. At the end of the long gaUery is the Stanza degU Imperadori, so caUed from a .collection of busts of the Roman Emperors and their families, to the number of seventy-six, from J. Caesar to JuUan. In the middle of the room is Agrippina, Nero's mother, seated ; a most exceUent piece of sculpture; but the head does not belong to the statue. Outside of the window is an ancient sun-dial, placed in its proper position. The surface on which the Unes are drawn to mark the hours, is concave. Prerious to the year of Rome 460, or thereabouts, there was no such thing as a sun dial in Rome, or any definite manner of marking 138 SUN-DIAL. the hours. Plmy himself teUs us," that no far ther observation of time was noticed in the twelve tables, than the rising and setting of the sun. A contrivance was subsequently adopted for one of the consul's officers to make procla mation when the middle of the day was arrived, which he ascertained by watching, when he could see the sun from the senate-house between the Rostra and the Grcecostasis."^ By a simUar ob servation he proclaimed the end of the day. L. Papirius Cursor erected the first dial in Rome, U. C. 460, on the Temple of Quirinus. Pliny relates this on the authority of Fabius VestaUs; but he tells us at the same time, that, according to Varro, M. Valerius Messala was the first in troducer of sun-dials ; he haring brought one to Rome from Catania, and placed it on a column in the Forum near the Rostra, U. C. 491. The Romans were not sufficient astronomers at that day to be aware, that a dial set for the meridian of Catania would not mark the hours accurately at Rome.^ For ninety-nine years no correction or alteration was made; but in 590, Q. Marcius Philippus, who was then censor, had a proper <• Lib. vii. c. 60. ^ This was a building near the Curia, where foreign ambas sadors were lodged. y We cannot accuse Lord Elgin of similar ignorance in moving the sun-dial from Athens, which is now to be seen in the British Museum. But surely great part of the interest and all the value of Ais piece of antiquity is lost, by its being taken frora its proper situation. CICERO. 139 one constructed, and placed near the other. The ancient sun-dial may be seen very perfectly on the tower of Cyri-hestes at Athens, and in the engrav ings of it by Stewart." Water-clocks were not introduced till 595, by Scipio Nasica. The Stanza de' Filosofi, contains seventy-nine busts of ancient phUosophers, beside a great many which are unknown. One of the busts is said to be that of Cicero, and there is another very Uke it in the GaUery at Florence. There are however great disputes as to the true features of the great orator: and it is utterly impossible, that aU the busts which go by his name, can represent his true porti-ait. Cicero himself mentions somewhere his long and slender necic, an expression which cer tainly does not confirm the authenticity of these two busts. There is another in the Florentine GaUery, which might seem to have better preten sions ; and this is generaUy considered to be the true likeness. The only ancient bust with the orator's name inscribed, was in the Mattei Collection at Rome, and is now, I beUeve, in the possession of the Duke of Wellington. A Magnesian medal, which was once preserved in a monastery at Ra venna, exhibits his profile and name in Greek. Mr. KelsaU, to whom I am indebted for these de taUs, has engraved" the profile of a statue found at Tusculum, which he is incUned to think was * An engraving of an ancient sun-dial may be seen in Dod- well's Tour through Greece, vol. i. p. 231. » Classical Excursion from Rome to Arpino. 140 HARPOCRATES, ROSSO ANTICO. intended for Cicero. A fine statue of him may be seen in the Pomfret CoUection at Oxford. In the next roPm is a collection of statues, many of which have great merit. Among them wiU be observed a figure of Harpocrates, the god of silence, with his finger on his mouth. It was found in Hadrian's villa, in 1744. These sta tues were very common in the ancient temples, as we learn from Augustin,'' where he says, " Since in almost every temple where Isis and f Serapis were worshipped, there was also an " image which seemed to command silence by " the finger being pressed upon the lips, Varro " conceived this to signify, that the fact of their " having been men should be kept silent." We learn from other writers the connection between Harpocrates and the Egyptian rites. Plutarcli in his treatise de Iside et Osiride, expressly say^, that he was son of Isis and Osiris. Ovid aUudes to the attitude in which Harpocrates is drawn, Quique premit vocem digitoque silentia suadet. Met. ix. 691. Sometimes he was represented with a pear on his head, which was considered a type of silence and truth, from the resemblance which the core of it bears to a heart, and the leaf to the tongue. In the next room is the statue of a Faun in Rosso Antico. This is among the marbles, which are only known from the ancient specimens, and '' De Civ. Dei, lib. xviii, c. 5, DYING GLADIATOR. 141 of which there is no quarry now worked. It seems to be the same with what Pliny caUs Por- phy rites ;^ for he is here treating of marbles, and as he mentions a variety of it, which from con taining a few white spots was caUed Leptopse- phos, he cannot mean Porphyry, which is invari ably spotted, and not always red, as Pliny says of this. He tells us, that the quarries of it were in Egj^t, and afforded blocks of almost any size: and in the Treasury at Mycenae, which has many marks of an Egyptian origin,'' there are some blocks of Rosso Antico. If we are right in sup posing the Rosso Antico to be the Porphjnites of Pliny, we may learn from a passage in Eusebius," that the quarries w«re in the Thebaid. Statues were made of it and brought to Rome in the time of Claudius, but not much approved of, nor was the example followed. So that we probably learn from this passage, the date of the Faun now men tioned. It was found in Hadrian's rilla at Tivoli. In the last room is the celebrated statue of the Dying Gladiator, as it is generaUy caUed, but probably incorrectly. The person, whoever he is, seems on the very point of death. He is naked, with a cord clasped round his neck: he Ues on a shield, upon which there is also some thing Uke a horn, with a -string to suspend it: the horn is represented as broken: his sword is on the ground, and the sheath and belt by it. '^ Lib. xxxvi. c. 11. '' Dodwell, vol. ii. p. 231. e De Mart. Palaest, u, 8. 142 DYING GLADIATOR. The whole appearance of the statue is con trary to the notion of its being a gladiator: nor were the Greeks sufficiently addicted to spec tacles of that kind, to suggest a dying gladiator as a subject for a sculptor. There is a passage in Pliny '^ where some such statue as this is de scribed. He teUs us, that CtesUas (who was contemporary with Phidias) made the statue of a person who was wounded and is just sinking, in which you could see exactly how much Ufe was remaining in him. Some persons have been caught by these words, and concluded that we have in the Capitol a work of Ctesilas. But Pliny is speaking of a bronze statue, so that this cannot be the work described by him, or at least it could be only a copy. The question then re mains, what did the sculptor intend to represent? The cord and the horn are the only peculiarities to guide us in our conjectures. Winkelmann? thinks that it was intended for a herald: and he certainly brings a remarkable testimony in favour of his opinion, in the inscription over the statue of a man who had been victorious at the Olympic games, and was himself a herald. The words are, ow^" iiTTO (raXTrlyyuv, ovt avaSeiyiiaT k'j^wv.'" The meaning of which is, that he fulfiUed his of fice without either horn or cord. Hesychius gives f Lib. xxxiv. u. 19. s Lib. vi. c. 2. § 24, &c. "' Vid, Poll. Onom. lib. iv. § 92. DYING GLADIATOR, 143 this explanation of avaSs/yftaTa, by calling it ^vi'«f »egl Tgap^^Xouf, fl bridle or cord about the neck: and it appears that heralds were accustomed to fasten a cord round their throats, that they might not injure themselves in speaking or blowing the horn.' This inscription therefore would imply, that the herald in question had made himself audible at the games by his voice alone, without either cord or horn. The conjecture is inge nious, and no other hypothesis accounts for the horn and cord being added : but unfortunately the critics are agreed that rixma-s should be substi tuted for iivia; in the explanation of Hesychius; and a passage given below'' will perhaps confirm this emendation. Taivi'aj would signify filets, or in modern language, a cravat: so that the pas sage quoted by Winkelmann ceases to give any iUustration of the cord, which is on the neck of the statue. We may certainly add, that had it not been for this inscription, no one would have thought of guessing the figure to be an herald. I once conceived that it might be intended for a person who had kUled himself: and in seeking for a name, I should recommend an investigation of those characters of antiquity who have distin guished themselves by suicide. The statue was found at Antium, by Cardinal Albani, about 1770, and belonged for some time to the Ludovisi family. , ' Vid. Martial, lib. iv, ep. 41. tSv xjiiTiv yEvstfSai. Xen. Sympos. c. 4. § 48. 144 VENUS. The right hand is modern, and so is part of the base. Some say that they were added by Michel Angelo. The Venus of the Capitol, as it is generally styled, is also in this room. She is supposed to be coming out of the bath, and bears some re semblance to the Venus de' Medici. The attitude of this latter statue was a favourite one with the sculptors. Several like it are to be seen in the gaUery at Florence, and Ovid mentions it in the foUowing verse: Ipsa Venus pubem, quoties velamina ponit, Protegitur laeva semireducta manu. Art. Am. lib. ii. CIS. Much controversy has arisen, whether the Venus de' Medici is the famous Venus of Cnidos, the chef-d'oeuvre of Praxiteles. This was at Cnidos in the time of Arcadius and Honorius, and was exhibited in a sinall temple, open on all sides. Pliny says,' that Cnidos owed to this statue its celebrity and concourse of strangers. From thence it was removed to Constantinople; and Cedrenus tells us, that it stood in the Palace of the Lausi. The same author describes the atti tude ofthe statue, Kvi8/a 'AipgoS/ri) Ix Ai'flou Aeux%, TOU KviS/oo Tlgx^iTsKou;. From these words, the Venus de' Medici might be the same with that at Cnidos: but we have no history of its removal ' Lib, xxxvi, c. 5. OF THE CAPITOL. 145 from Constantinople to Rome, and there seem good reasons for thinking that the posture of the left arm is different in the statue at Florence from that of Praxiteles. For we may reasonably sup pose, that the coins struck at Cnidos represent the real statue which made the city so famous; and these agree with the Medicean, except that one arm is extended, and holds some drapery over a vase."* It must be remembered, however, that the two arms of the Venus de' Medici are modem. From Lucian" it might be argued, that the Venus of Praxiteles was quite naked, without any drapery. If Cedrenus be correct in saying that the statue stood in the Palace of the Lausi, it was probably destroyed in the great fire, which consumed three quarters of Constantinople, in 462, and among other buUdings, the Palace of the LausL" If the identity of the Venus de' Medici with that of Cnidos be given up, this statue in the Capitol may perhaps claim it, as it nearly agrees with the representation on the coin. It was found on the Pincian hiU. There is also a Venus in the Vatican, which is thought by Visconti to be a copy of that by Praxiteles. The Venus de' ^Me- dici was found near the Portico of Octaria ; and it is singular that Pliny, where he enumerates ™ Tlie figure may be seen on a coin of Caracalla and ano ther of Plautilla. ¦' Amor. xiii. " Vid. Cedrenus Hist. Comp. 348. Zonar. Ann. xiv. p. 50. Evagr. Hist. Eccles, lib, ii. c. 13. VOL. I, L 146 CAPITOL, several statues as being near this spot, mentions one of Venus washing herself.? On the base of one of the statues in this room is the following inscription, which may be thought worth copying, from the beauty of some of the sentiments, though it has often been printed before. On one side we read, ATIMETUS. Si pensare animas sinerent crudelia fata, Et posset redimi morte aliena salus, Quantulacunque mese debentur tempora vitae, Pensassem pro te, cara Homonoea, libens. At nunc, quod possum, fugiam lucemque Deosque, Ut te matura per Styga morte sequar. HOMONOEA. Parce tuam, conjux, fletu quassare juventam, Fataque mcerendo soUicitare mea. Nil prosunt lacrymae, nee possunt fata moveri: Viximus — hie omnes exitus unus habet, Parce ita — non unquam similem experiare dolorem Et faveant votis numina cuncta tuis. Quodque mihi eripuit mors immatura juventse. Id tibi victuro proroget ulterius. On the other side is, HOMONCEA. Tu, qui secura procedis mente, parumper Siste gradum, quaeso, verbaque pauca lege. Ilia ego, quae claris fueram praelata pueUis, Hoc Homonoea brevi condita sum tumulo, P Lib. xxxvi. c, 5, MUSEUM. 1 1-7 Cui formam Paphie, Charites tribuere decoveni, Quam PaUas cunctis artibus erudiit. Nondum bis denos aetas mea viderat annos, Injecere manus invida fata mihi. Nee pro me queror hoc, morte est mihi tristior ipsa Moeror Atimeti conjugis ille mei. VI.\TOR. Sit tibi terra levis, mulier dignissima vita, Quaeque tuis olim perfruerere bonis.'' The continuation of the Museum is in the buUding opposite, caUed Palazzo de' Conserva tori. In the court are several fragments of colossal statues ; among them a head of Cpmmo- dus, in bronze, which is said to be the same which that emperor placed upon a colossal statue of Nero.'' Winkelmann, however, seems to doubt it being the head of Commodus:^ and Nardini had already observed that the statue of Nero was in marble. He thinks that it rather belonged to the statue of ApoUo, which stood in the Palatine Library, and was sixty-two palms high. The height of the head is scarcely eight pahns, which would agree better with this statue than with that of Nero, which was 133 palms high. According to Vitiuvius' the head should be the eighth part of the whole height. There is also a head of ° The original inscription does not affix the names of Ati- metus and Homonoea. ' Vid. Dio Cass, Lampridius, ' Lib. iv. c. 7. § 48. ' Lib, iii. c. 1. l2 148 DUILIAN COLUMN. Domitian in marble. A colossal foot belonged to a statue in the Temple of Peace. The DuiUan Column is here, at least that whieh is called so, though there is little probability that it is the same with that which was erected by C. DuUius after his first naval victory over the Car thaginians, U. C. 493. It is a plain column of marble in bas-relief, with three prows of ships on each side, and part of an inscription. It was dug up several years ago in the Forum, not far from the Arch of S. Severus, and has been iUustiated with a commentary by P. Ciacconius." PUny mentions such a column;'" " a more ancient memo- " rial is by erecting pillars, as that to C. Maenius, " who conquered the old Latins ; also to C. DuUius, " [some MSS. read ViUus,J who was the first that " celebrated a naval triumph over the Carthagi- " nians, which stUl stands in the Forum." Servius also, in his commentary upon VirgU, Georg. in. 29, et navah surgentes tere columnse, says, " ViUus " [some MSS. falsely read Julius Caesar,] erected " naval columns for his victory over the Cartha- " ginians by sea; one of which we see at the " Rostra, another in front of the Circus." Quin- tilian also remarks,^ " that the early Latins added " the letter d to the ends of words, as we may " observe in the naval column erected to DuiUus " Published in the Collection of Graevius, vol. iv. p, 1811, It has also been illustrated by De Gozze, Roma, 1635, who supplies the deficiencies of the inscription in a manner differ ent from Ciacconius, " Lib, xxxiv. c. 11. » Lib, i, c. 7, C, BttlOS. M.F. COS. ADTORSOM. CARTACrSTIENSEIS , EIN. SICELIAD HEM. CEREIS^S. ECESi;^Sx)\g^COCNATOS. POPLI, HOMANI. ARTISVMAD 0BSEDji0TJT:^/6\_ I^SEmET. LiEcioStelS, CARTACINIENSEIS, OMNEIS MfilMOSgVE, MACISTRATOS. L^CAES, BOTEBOS. RELICTEIS irosTE"M. CASTREIS. EXFOCIOSTT. MACELlAM.. MOENITAM, VHBEM PJVCNANDOD. CEPET, ENQ^VE, EODEM, MAJapSTRATOD, PROSPERE HEM, ISTAVEBOS, MAuId, COIfSOL. PRIMOS. ^ESET, EESMECOSgVE CLASESgVE. ISTAVALES. PRIMOS. ORSTAVET. T^MZJTg'VE. DIEBOS. LX CVMQTE, EIS. IfAVEBVS. CLASEIS. P0El!JICASr~0MtaS. PARATASgVE si^TMAS. COPIAS. CARTACINTEISSis, PRAESE15rT^. MAXVMOD jctatoeed^_o|£oSq^. iisr. ALTOD. MARID. PV^NANDOD. TICET rVE^^AlVEIS. CEPlSjr. CVM. SOCIELS. SEPTPj^KESMOMgVE. DTCIS gTINRESJ^JSgVET^ TRIRESMOSgVE. N'AVEIS.^ 3!iX. DEPRE-SET AVRO^ CAPTOM. IJVMlil. (DCDO) DCC ARCEIirlTOM. CAPTOM. PliAEDA, ITYMEI CCCl333 C CRAraJcAP J-OM AES CCcIxXJCCcI^jJ CcJjDDCCCJjJD^cLmcCClPDJ cccIddd cccIjjj cccIddd cccIddd gccIjjd cccIjjd CCcl333 CCCIODO, £ccId30 cccIddd cccIddd cccId3D cccl333 cccIdodcccIddd/pondod TRIOMPlOpVE. ISTAVALED. PRAEDAD. P OPLOld; . JkOMAWOM . X) OlIJAVE T CAP TIVO s7\CAP2|A£INjiENSEIs(riNT'^^ , CVEOM PRlMO.SgVE, COTSrsoI.. DE . .SIClS^lB . clasJ!9vEx£aS^cinietsseom TR10MPAVET.EAE.OTVI.IlEILOM.ESCO. S.P. Q.E.. EI. HANCE . CGIVMITAM:, P Toll. F: 143. DUlLI.VN COLUMN'. 149 " in the Forum." These passages certainly make the original pillar to have stood in the Forum ; and as much of the inscription as remains agrees with QuintUians observation about the addition of the letter d. Ciacconius, however, in liis dis sertation, thinks that it certainly is not that which was erected in the time of DuUius, as the carving of the letters is too good for those rude times, and the orthography of some of the words is too modern. He has suppUed what is wanting in the inscription, which I shaU copy, as a specimen of early Latin. That which is within the line is what remains; the rest is suppUed by conjecture. [See the Plate.] The inscription, in more modern oi-thography, would be this : c. I>\^LIVS. M. 1.. COS. ADVEBSVS. CARTHAGINIENSES. IN. SIC11,IA RE3I. GERENS. EGESTAHOS. COGNATOS. POrVLI. ROMANt. ARCTISSIMA OBSIDIONE. EXEMIT. LEGIONES. CARTHAGINIENSES. OMNES MAXIMOSQVE. MAGISTRATVS. ELEPHANTIS. RELICTIS NOVEM. C-ISTRIS. EFFVGERVNT. MACELLAM. MVNITAM. VRBEM PVGNANDO. CEPIT. INQVE. EODEM. MAGISTRATV. PROSPERE REM. NAVIBVS. MARI. CONSVL. PRIMVS. GESSIT. REMIGESQVE CLASSESQVE. NAVALES. PRIMVS. ORNAVIT. PARAVITQVE. DIEBVS. LX CVMQVE. IIS. NAVIBVS. CLASSES. PVNICAS. OMNES. PARATASQVE SVMMAS. COPIAS. CARTHAGINIENSES. PRAESENTE. M.iXIMO DICTATOBE. ILLORVM. IN, ALTO. MARI. PVGNANDO. VICIT XXXQVE. NAVES. CEPIT. CVM. SOCIIS. SEPTIREMEMQVE, DVCIS QVINQVEREMEMQVE. TEIREMESQVE. NAVES, XX. DEPRE8SIT AVHVM. CAPTVM. NVMMI. III. M. DCC ARGENTVM. CAPTVM. PRAEDA. NVMMI. C.-M. C GRAVE. CAPTVM. AES. XXI. CM. PONDO TRIVMPHOQVE. NAVALI. PRAEDA. POPVLVM. ROMANVM. DONAVIT CAPTIVOS. CARTH.AGINIENSES. INGENVOS. DVXIT. ANTE. CVRRVM PRIMVSQVE. CONSVL. DE. SICVLIS. CLASSEQVE. CABTHAGINIENSIVM TRIVMPHA VIT. EARVM. RERVM. ERGO. 5, P,Q.R.EI. HANCE..COLVMN AM , f With respect to the numbers expressed in this 150 RPMAN NUMERALS. inscription, it may be observed, that CD stood for one thousand; which explains why D, which is half of that figure, should stand for five hundred. And we may observe the repetition of this figure three times to express three thousand. Perhaps some more figures are lost in this line ; but the numbers, as they stand at present, amount to 3700. In the next line, also, some figures are evidently lost at the end, as we may perceive from the c stiU remaining, ccclooa stood for an hundred thousand, as we learn from Priscian; and Fulvius Ursinus has engraved a Roman abacus, in which the numbers from one to a million are expressed thus: Ixi. ccclooa. ccIod. a>. c. x. I. But when this piUar was erected, there was no notation for any number beyond an hundred thousand. PUny himself teUs us this :^ " The ancients had no number beyond an hundred " thousand; so that, even in the present day, we " merely multiply this, and say, ten hundred " thousand, (decies centena miUia,) and so on." Consequently, in this inscription we find ccclooo repeated twenty-one times, which was the only method then known of expressing 2,100,000. Even in the writings of Cicero, we may find abundant instances of this awkward method of notation." With respect to the money mentioned in this ' Lib. xxxii. c. 47. " Vide Or. pro Q. Rose, c. 8. in Ver. Act. ii. lib. iii. c. 33, 34, 39^ ROMAN MONEY. 151 inscription, we may observe, that at this time there was no gold coin at Rome. The compu tation was made by so many pounds weight of brass, which was caUed JEs grace. Pliny tells us,'' that brass money was first coined in the reign of Serrius TuUius ; before which time the metal was used in its rude state. He teUs us afterwards, that some wiiters made Numa to have coined money.' The As at first weighed exactly a pound, and was divided into twelve ounces. The other coins were, Semissis, or six ounces; Triens, four ounces; Quadrans, or Teruncius, three ounces; and Sextans, two ounces ; aU in copper. As long as the value and weight continued the same, aU sums were reckoned in pounds, or fractions of pounds, of i^s grace. The terms Expensum, Impendia, &c. prove the original custom of cal culating by weight. So, also, the expressions JErarium, Tribuni Airarii, Obcerati, and AEira Militum, show, that at first no money was used but brass ;'' and, as Adam Smith observes, a per son who was in debt was said to have so much of another man's copper {ces alienum). In the year of Rome 485, five years before the first Punic war, silver was coined. The largest piece was the Denarius, equal to ten asses, or ten lbs. of brass ; Quinarius, five lbs. ; Sestertium, i. e. semis ^ Lib. xxxiii. c, 13. " Lib. xxxiv. c. 1. Nummus, from Numa, said the learned etymologists of Rome. ' Vide Plin. lib. xxxiv. c. 1. 152 WOLF. tertium, two lbs. and a half. StiU the computa tion by ASs grave continued, because the pound weight of brass was the common standard. But in the course of the first Punic war a great alter ation was made; the As was diminished five- sixths, the pound being divided into six Asses, each of which only equaUed two ounces. In the second Punic war, the As was farther reduced to one ounce; and afterwards, by the Lex Papiria, to only half an ounce. Gold coin was not stiuck tiU the year 547, which was the thirteenth of the second Punic war. On the walls of the staircase is an old bas-reUef of Curtius leaping into the gulf.' An inscription, in verse, also states, that the Caroceio, taken by Frederic II. from the Milanese, is preserved here; but I could not hear any thing of it. The Caroc eio was a kind of waggon, painted red, and carried along with the armies in those, times, the national standard being displayed upon it. That of Milan required four pairs of oxen to draw it.'' The Picture Gallery is in this coUection, and almost equals that of the Vatican in exceUence. In number it greatly exceeds it. In an adjoining room is the celebrated bronze wolf, with two children sucking. The chUdren are allowed to be modern, but great controver sies have arisen as to the identity of the wolf with " Vide Flam, Vacca, 2. ' Vide Muratori Antiq. Ital. Diss, xxvi. WOLF. 153 that which CicerP mentions to have been struck with lightning. He says,* " Romulus, the founder " of this city, was also sti-uck, which you recoUect " was a small figure in the Capitol, gilt, sucking " the teats of a wolf." Dio Cassius also mentions the circmnstance,'' and makes it to have happened in the year of Rome 689. The fi-actures in the hind legs of this have been brought to prove the identity ; and Venuti asserts, that it was presei-ved in the Chm-ch of St. Theodore tUl the sixteenth century. The authority for this assertion is rather doubtfid. Fulrio says, that it stood anciently near the Ficus RuminaUs ; and Flaminius Vacca only mentions its having been brought from the Forum. PanciroUi, who wrote in 1625, says, that the wolf had been removed to the Capitol from this church not many years before his time. This caUs to mind the words of Dionysius,' who, speak ing of the Lupercal, says, " It is pointed out near " the street leading to the Circus, and a Temple " of Romulus near to it, in which is a wolf suckling " two children, an ancient work in brass." Livy also'' mentions that such a figure was placed near the Ficus ruminalis, U.C. 458; and PUny says the same thing.' As tradition makes the Church of St. Theodore to have been the Temple of Romulus, some Uttle support is given to the anti quity of this figure, by the fact of its haring been ^ 3 in Cat, c. 8. He mentions it, also, de Divin. lib. i. c, 12, and lib, ii, c, 20, '' Lib, xxxvii. ' Antiq. lib. i. c. 79. '' Lib. x, c. 23, ' Lib. xv. c, 18, 154 FASTI CONSULARES. preserved there so late as the sixteenth century. Winkelmann is inclined to support its identity with that mentioned by Cicero ; and as Dionysius calls it an ancient work, he _ attributes it to the Tuscans." Nardini" and Ficoroni" also lean to the same side. It should be remembered, how ever, that the passages quoted do not exactly agree. Dionysius says, that the figure stood in a Temple of Romulus, at the foot of the Palatine Hill. Cicero and Dio Cassius place it in the Capitol. To which may be added, that Cicero certainly speaks of it as if it was no longer in existence; "fuisse meministis," and (de Divin.) " Hie • sylvestris erat Romani nominis altrix." Nor do the fractures in the hind legs sufiiciently answer to Cicero's description. Quae tum cum pueris flammato fulminis ictu Concidit, atque avulsa pedum vestigia liquit. Which words seem to imply, that the feet were broken oiF. I conceive Winkelmann to be cer tainly wrong in one point; that he makes the wolf mentioned by Dionysius and Livy to be the same with that which was struck with lightning in Cicero's time. There seem to have been two such figures. Among the greatest curiosities preserved here are the Capitoline Marbles, or Fasti Consulares, containing a list of the consuls and all pubUc officers, from Romulus to U.C. 724. After the ¦" Lib. iii, c, 2. § 34. » Lib. v. c. 4. • Lib. i. c, 10, ESQUILINE AND VIMINAL HILLS. 155 year 610, the account is not kept so accurate as before: only one tribune of the people is named out of the ten, and several other magistrates are omitted. They were found in 1545, in the Forum, not far from the Church of S. JNIaria Libera- trice.P They are in several fragments, and sadly mutUated; but the inscriptions are very legible. Another portion was fi)und m 1819, which sup plies some names which were not before known. In the fire, which consumed the Capitol in the time of ViteUius, aU the records preserved there were bm-nt. Vespasian, who rebuUt the temple, had the loss repau-ed by copies from the most authentic documents; and it is not improbable that these fragments are of that date.") ESQUILINE AND VIMINAL HILLS. The EsquiUne and Viminal hUls contain scarcely any ruins, except the Baths of Titus on the former, and the Baths of Diocletian on the latter. They wUl both be mentioned when we come to the subject of the Baths. The Viminal hUl is smaU, and mostly occupied by gardens: it is indeed rather difficult to ascertain its limits ; the Baths of Diocletian stand partly upon the ^ p They have been published by Sigonius and by Panvi nius. 1 A complete list of all the Magistrates, from the founda tion of Rome to the death of the Emperor Verus, was pub lished by Chryserus, who was a freedman of that Emperor. Theophil, ad Autol. ~3, 27. 156 QUIRINAL HILL, HORSES. Quirinal hiU, as the two eminences come tp a junction in this place. In walking from the Tri nity de' Monti to S. Maria Maggiore, and thence to S. John Lateran, the ascent of aU the four hills, the Quirinal, the Viminal, the EsquiUne, and the Caelian, is evident. QUIRINAL HILL. The Quirinal Hill is now known by the name of Monte Cavallo, from the two horses on the top of it. These were found in the Baths of Con stantine, and stand in the middle of a large open space, on either side of an Egyptian obelisk. They were placed here by Sextus V., who also began the Palace on this hiU. With each horse is the colossal figure of a man in marble, and one group is said to be the work of Phidias, the other of Praxiteles. But this is very uncertain, as is the subject which they were intended to represent. Some call them Castor and Pollux; others Alexander taming Bucephalus. This lat ter conjecture cannot be true: at least, if it is so, we must give up the idea of their being the work of Phidias and Praxiteles: for Phidias, accord ing to Pliny, "^ flourished in the eighty-third Olympiad: but Alexander was born in the one hundred and sixth, ninety-two years after. Ac cording to the same author, Praxiteles flourished in the one hundred and fourth Olympiad, eight ¦¦ Lib, xxxiv, c, 8, HORSKS. 157 years before the birth of Alexander: so that we can scarcely suppose that he lived to execute a statue of him. The former conjectiu-e, that the two figures were intended for Castor and PoUux, seems more probable, fi-om a coin of Maxentius, on the reverse of which are two figures with horses, exactly in this attitude, with the legend AETERNiTAS. But it is not at all likely, that they are reaUy the works of those great ai-tists: for they Uved at the distance of about one hundred years fi-om each other, whereas the two figures seem evidently to have been executed together. At aU events, the words opvs phidi^, and opvs PRAXiTELis, which are written in Latin, must have been of later date. Some antiquaries say, that these names were affixed by the people of Alexandria, from whence the horses were brought to Rome:^ Evelyn says, but without giving his authority, that they were sent to Nero by Tiri- dates. King of Armenia. There are two statues on the Capitol very Uke them. The Abbe Dubos found fault with the horses on the Quirinal HUl, as being defective in execu tion. But Winkelmann defends them,' and con tends, that whatever is ancient in them is good. The four horses lately mentioned, and two at Naples, with figures of Nonius Balbus and his son upon them, which were found at Hercula neum, are nearly the only ancient specimens that we have of this kind in stone. In metal there is ' Vide Spence's Anecdotes, p. 94. ' Lib. iv. c. 4. § 56. 158 HORSES. the statue of M. Aurelius on the Capitol, and the four horses at Venice. The Abb^ Dubos and other writers have ventured to accuse the Greeks of not being successful in their representation of the horse. Winkelmann on the other hand thinks, that they have shown themselves perfectly masters of their subject, and that the specimens, which remain to us, are the finest that could be desired. As far as the execution is concerned, I should not presume to question such an authority as Winkelmann: but if the Venetian horses are to be the test, he must at least allow us to conclude, that the breed of horses in Greece was far inferior to what the moderns admire ; and that the beau- ideal of the Greeks with respect to that animal was any thing but elegant. DodweU says, that the Grecian horses, particularly those of Thessaly, are remarkable for having thick necks :^ and this is recorded to have been the case with Alexander's celebrated charger, Bucephalus." Another difference of opinion has existed, as to whether the ancients understood the manner in which a horse lifts his feet in walking. It is generaUy said, that they were ignorant of the true gait, and always made the two legs of the same side quit the ground at once. This is not a correct statement. The four horses at Venice, those of Castor and Pollux on the Capitol, and of Nonius Balbus at Naples, certainly have their legs raised in that way. But the horse of M. " Vol. i. p. 339, >: Strabo, lib. 15, p, 698. TORRE DELLE MILIZIE. 159 AureUus lifts them diagonally, and so do four horses represented in a bas-reUef, as attached to a chariot of the same Emperor, also in the Capi tol. This seems to be the natural and real mo tion. But if the ancients were divided upon this point, the moderns are so likewise: at least we have a treatise by Boul,^ where he asserts, that horses lift up the two feet of the same side at once; and Baldinucci, in his Lives ofthe Painters,'' says the same thing. The other side of the ques tion is maintained by Magalotti.* The men attached to these horses are 18f feet high, and considered fine specimens of sculpture. Upon descending the hUl towards Trajan's Fo rum, we see a lofty square tower of brick, very perfect, which is sometimes said to have been built by Augustus or Trajan for the soldiers, and there fore caUed Torre deUe MiUzie. But it is supposed not to be older than the time of Innocent III. When Trajan's Column was erected, a great change was made in the appearance of the Quiri nal HUl. The inscription on the pUlar is muti lated at the bottom, and it is difficult to make out exactly what is meant to be expressed: but we must certainly understand from it, that the height of the Column equals the height of the ground, which was cut away to make the Forum level. This seems almost incredible, if we suppose it to mean, that the Quirinal Hill extended thus far, y De Motu Animal, p. i, c. 20. ' Tom, ii. p. 59, " Lettere Famil. p, 666. 160 C^LIAN HILL, ST. STEPHEN. and that the whole side of it was cut away: nor can we well suppose a separate hUl to have existed here, which was removed to make room for the Column. C^LIAN HILL. The Cffilian Hill contains little, except some fragments of Aquaducts, and vestiges of ancient buUding near the Church of St. John and St. Paul. These two saints were brothers, and eunuchs in the Court of Constantia, daughter of Constantine. They were put to death by order of Julian the Apostate, and a Church was buUt upon the spot by Pammachus, a fiiend of St. Jerom, who died A. D. 410. Venuti considers the ruins, which join on to this church, to have been Vivaria, or places for the wild beasts in^- tended for the amphitheatres. But by many they are supposed to be remains of the Curia Hostilia, which Livy places upon this hill.'' It may be remarked, that there is a very fine palm- tree in the garden of this Convent, the only one, I believe, certainly the largest, in Rome. The Church of St. Stephen is also on this hill, which is curious for its round form, and for having been built A.D. 483, or thereabouts, by Pope SimpUcius,'^ if it is not much older. Some anti quaries say, that it was anciently a Temple of Bacchus : others, a Temple of Claudius. It was repaired and considerably altered by Nicholas V. '' Lib. i. c. 30, ' Platina. S. STEPHEN. 161 It is round, with two concentric rows of Ionic pU lars. In the inner row there are twenty, beside two Corinthian pilasters, and in the area, which they inclose, ai-e t\vp other Corinthian piUars, higher than the rest, and supporting arches. The exterior row consists of thirty-four pillars, beside eight square piles, disposed at regular in tervals, appai'entiy for greater sti-ength ; eight of these piUars are Corinthian, and higher than the rest. Most of the pUlars are of granite: some arc of marble, as are the bases and capitals of all. The walls are of brick. L. Fauno is inclined to consider it the Temple of Vesta, which was built by Numa, or to stand upon the same site. It is engraved by Desgodetz, who caUs it a Temple of Faunus, and adds, without expressing any doubt, that it was buUt by the Emperor Claudius. Ac cording to him, Pope SimpUcius only consecrated it to Christian purposes, and Nicholas V. repaired it. What is his eridence for making Claudius the buUder of it, does not appear. There is more reason on the side of those persons, who say, that Claudius was the deity, to whom it was dedicated; for Suetonius teUs us,** that a temple was erected to Claudius in the reign of Vespasian on the CaeUan hiU: and it is mentioned both by S. Rufus and P. Victor. I shall have occasion to allude to this temple again; and if we could be certain that it was buUt in the reign of Claudius, it might afiford some important eridence in the history of "• In Vespas. c. 9, VOL. I. M 162 AVENTINE HILL. architecture. It is now difficult to get access to this Church, as service is never performed in it, except on the festival of the saint. The whole hill is indeed almost deserted, and, excepting near the Church of St. John Lateran, there are very few houses upon it. The Caeliolus \yas pro bably the level ground between the Colosseum, the church of St. Clement, and the EsquiUne hiU. AVENTINE HILL. The CseUan and Aventine hills seem more to belong to a country, which has been deserted by its inhabitants, than to be inclosed within the walls of a populous city. There is reason to be lieve, that Mount Aventine was never much built upon: it was given to the Latins U.C. 119, and probably was always turned to use by cultivation. Pliny speaks of it in the plural,' Nemo sacros Aventinosque montes et iratae plebis secessus cir- cumspexerit, &c. but this is probably owing to its being intersected by a road, which may be called a valley dividing it into two hills. It is now occu pied by gardens, with here .and there a soUtary church built out of the fragments of ancient edi fices. Of these, S. Sabina and S. Maria are worthy of observation. The baths of Caracalla, which will be described hereafter, can hardly be said to be upon the Aventine hiU. The tomh of the Scipios is also interesting; of which some ' Lib, xix, c, 4. ANCIENT AND MODERN CITV. 163 notice will be given under that division of the present work. From this hasty sketch of the seven hills, it may be seen, that modern Rome can scarcely be said to rest upon that base, which the poets of old were so fond of celebrating. By far the greater part of it is in the Campus Martius; and it perhaps would not be a rash assertion to say, that two-thirds of the space within the walls are not built upon. Beside this difference of posi tion between the habitable part of ancient and modern Rome, another remarkable change has taken place in the level of the ground. From the frequent demoUtions of buUdings, either by riolence or in the natural progress of time, the soil has accumulated in some places to an incre dible height. This, as might be expected, is most apparent in the vaUeys between the hills. The pUIar of Trajan was buried even above the pedestal, and this measures fifteen feet. The arches of S. Severus and of Constantine had suf fered in the same way ; and in some parts of the Forum the fact is stiU more remarkable. There is reason to beUeve, that if a town were to be overthrown and entirely deserted, the natural process of vegetation and decay would in the course of ages cover up many of the fragments. In the Campagna of Rome, which is so thickly covered with ruins, this has undoubtedly been the case; as by excavating, we arrive at the foundation of buUdings, over which no later edi fice has been raised, but which are merely covered m2 164 ANCIENT AND MODERN CITY. with a vegetable mould. In the remains of Ro man settlements and villas in our own country, the process has been the same. But Rome, though frequently overthrown, has never been deserted. It stands as a link in the chain, which connects ancient and modern history; and in this part the continuity has never been broken. Even if contemporary accounts were silent, we might learn from recent excavations how over whelming were the calamities which befel this unhappy city. Near the pillar of Trajan, we find whole rows of columns stiU standing on their bases, but broken off" some feet from the bottom. If the research were to be continued, it would probably be found, that all this part of modern Rome is raised a great height above the ancient level ; and that the buildings which were thrown down, instead of being restored, or employed in the works which succeeded them, were permitted to lie prostrate, and formed into one mass to re ceive the new structures. As the city suffered so frequently from invaders, we need not be sur prised at the greatness of this accumulation. I do not mean to deny, that in some parts, particu larly in the Forum, much has been done by the mere progress of time; but that the raising ofthe level has mostly been caused by the demohtion of buUdings, seems evident from a comparison of the pillar of Trajan with that of M. Aurelius. Venuti remarks the singular fact of so much of the former being buried, while the latter is uncovered to the very bottom of the pedestal. He does not, how- ANCIENT AND MODERN CITY. 1()J ever, give a reason for this difference, whicli seems very obrious. The pillar of M. AureUus stood in the Campus INIai-tius, where there were scarcely any houses; whereas that of Trajan was erected in a part wiiich had always been built upon. Con sequently when the work of pillage was completed, the whole area round the piUar of Trajan was a mass of ruins, whUe that of M. AureUus still stood in the open plain, and having itself escaped the destroyers, was not buried in any succeeding buUdings. It is easy to understand, why, after the universal destruction of a city, the inhabitants should rather buUd upon the ruins as they lay, than commence the laborious process of clearing them away. But in the Campus Martius there were few houses to throw down; and the public buUdings which remain are not nearly so much buried, as those in the neighbourhood of the Fo rum. The Portico of the Pantheon was formerly ascended by seven steps; two only now remain above the surface : but the difference of five steps is nothing, when compared with the accumulation of soU at the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina, in the Forum. At the Temple of Antoninus Pius, (the modern custom-house,) we have the bases of the piUars still above the ground: and though in the Mausoleum of Augustus the area is considerably raised, this is evidently effected by the upper part of the buUding having fallen in. 166 PANTHEON. PANTHEON. We are now led to consider the buildings in the Campus Martius, '^ and we cannot do bet ter than begin with that which is the most per fect of all the remains of ancient 'Rome, the Pantheon of Agrippa. It is indeed the only one of the Pagan temples, which preserves any thing of its original appearance; and we may rather be surprised that this has escaped so well, than that more have not come down to us; for after Christianity was estabUshed in the Roman empire by Constantine, the zeal of the Christians was so excessive, that they commenced a general destruction of all buildings which had been con secrated to heathen rites.s According to S. Jerom, there were in his time two hundred and eight temples in Rome, all of which seem to have suf fered spoliation; and in 399, Honorius issued a 'special decree to protect the ancient edifices from the furious zeal of the new religion. The Pantheon is now known by the name of S. Maria ad Martyres, and more commonly La Rotonda, haring been dedicated to the Virgin by Pope Boniface IV., who received it from the Emperor Phocas, A.D. 607: and as he removed ' This name is still preserved in the Piazza di Campo Marzo, and in one of the fourteen Rioni, into which modern Rorae is divided. e Vide Euseb. Vita Const, lib. iii. c. 56, &c.: lib. iv. c. 39, Sozomen. lib. ii. c. 5. PANTHEON. 167 to this place the remains of saints and martyrs from the different cemeteries, enough to fill twenty-eight waggons, it received the additional title of ad Martyres. Gregory IV., in 830, dedicated it to aU the saints, and it was upon this occasion that the Festival of AU Saints was insti tuted in the CathoUc Church. The Pantheon was erected by Agrippa, twenty-six years before Christ, in memory of Augustus's victory over An tony, and dedicated to Jupiter Ultor, and aU the gods. It would seem however from Dip,'' that the origin of the term Pantheon was not quite ascertained. He says, " It is perhaps caUed so, " because in the statues of Mars and Venus, it " received the images of several deities. But as " it appears to me, it has its name from the con- " vex form of its roof, giving a representation of " the heavens." It suffered from fire in the time of Titus, and was repaired by Domitian. It was also injured by lightning in the twelfth year of Trajan, and was repaired by Hadrian;' and again by S. Severus and M. Aur. Antoninus, about the year 203, as the inscription on the architrave in forms us.'' The first riew of this buUding wiU disappoint •¦ Lib. Iiii. ' Spartian. Hadrian. 19. ' Spartian says, that though Severus repaired many build ings, he scarcely ever put his name upon them. It is singu lar that we have two instances still remaining of his laying aside this modesty, at the Pantheon and the Portico of Oc tavia. 168 PORTICO. most persons. The round part may be pro nounced decidedly ugly; and a Corinthian por tico is certainly not so strikmg, when centuries have passed over it and disfigured it, as one of the Doric order. The two turrets or belfries, which are a modern addition by Bernini, must offend every eye. The situation of the building is also very had, it being in a dirty part of the city, and closely surrounded with houses. The body ofthe church, or round part, is of brick: but this was not its original appearance, as it was at first covered entirely with marble. AU this has been carried away, and the exterior surface, as it now stands, is, as was observed, extremely ugly. The arches which appear in the second and third stories, are the cpntinuation of the vaulting of the roofs, which cover the chapels and the cavities, which, as will be mentioned shortly, are cut out of the thickness of the wall. The Portico however is a majestic structure. The most inexperienced eye would observe a want of agreement between this and the body of the building. The cornice of the one does not accord with that of the other: and a singular effect is produced by there being a pediment on the temple, which rises above that ofthe portico; so that in fact there are two pediments. This has caused some controversy among the antiquaries. But it is now generally supposed that Agrippa built the whole, though perhaps at different times, and the portico may have been an afterthought. PORTICO. 169 The inscription, which ascribes the buUding to Agrippa, stands over the portico. M. AGRIPPA. L. F. COS. TERTIVM.' FECIT. And as we can neither suppose that the portico was buUt first, or that this inscription was placed before the dedication, or that any other person who added such an ornament would have suf fered Agrippa's name to supplant his own, we must conclude, that the whole was the work of Agrippa. We must infer the same from the words of Dio Cassius,"" who teUs us, that Agrippa placed statues of Augustus and himself in the Pronaos: for as the temple is circular, nothing can be intended by the term Pronaos, but the present or a preceding portico. To these argu- ' Between the third consulship of Pompey and the third of Agrippa, the grammarians of Rome had probably made up their minds as to the propriety of writing tertium and not ter tio. For when Pompey was going to dedicate his theatre, and a temple to Venus Victrix, he asked the leamed of Rome, whether he should express his third Consulship by cos. tek- TivM or TERTIO : they were much divided in their answers, and Cicero was applied to : with that caution peculiar to his character, he would not cominit himself by opposing any other opinion, and advised the first part tert being only written, which was done. When the building was repaired some time after, the difiSculty was avoided by writing cos. in. Aulus Gellius, who gives us this anecdote, (x. 1.) adds, that Varro made this distinction between the two forms. " Aliud " est quaiHo prsetorem fieri et quartum: quod quarto locum " adsignificat ac tres ante factos : quartum tempus adsignifi- " cat et ter ante factum." Varro would have written tertium. " Lib. 1. iii. 170 PANTHEON ments may be added a passage from Suetonius," which seems to demonstrate, that the Portico, as it now stands, with its inscription, was erected in the reign of Augustus. This writer tells us, that " as the Emperor was holding the lustrum in the " Campus Martius, an eagle flew to the neigh- " bouring temple, and settled upon the first letter " of Agrippa's name." We can hardly suppose this to be any other temple than the Pantheon. The evidence of coins is sometimes of importance, when applied to Roman buildings: but in the present case Uttle assistance is afforded, and that little is not free from suspicion. In a work pub lished by Du Choul, " Discours sur la Religion " des anciens Romains,"" an engraving is given, at p. 7, of a brass coin, having on one side the head of Agrippa, with m. agrippa. l. f. cos. iii. and on the reverse a round building resembling the Pantheon, with a portico of six columns. The number of columns certainly does not agree ; but if the coin were genuine, we must attribute this to accident, because both the inscriptions agree as to the date, ascribing it to the third consulship of Agrippa. There are also some windows repre sented on the coin as over the portico, which do not exist at present. The evidence, imperfect as it is, is also suspicious, as the leamed have de cided that the coin is spuripuS. In aupther work, " Aug. c. 97. " The work is also in Latin, " Veterum Romanorum Keli- " gio, &c. :" the coin is engraved fit p. 3. PORTICO. 1 7 1 published by Oiselius, (Thesaurus Numismatum,) there is an engraving, at p. 158, ofa coin, which the editor considers as representing the Pantheon. He only gives one side of it, on which is lovi. VLTORi. p. m. tr. III. and a portico of six columns, with a great space between the middle ones, in which is a figure of Jupiter. The whole is backed by a buUding Uke a pyramid, with steps leading up to the portico. P Scaliger certainly hints the probabUity of there having been more than one buUding called Pantheon, but he does not bring any eridence to that effect.i The portico is 110 feet long by 44 deep, sup ported by sixteen columns of the Corinthian order. Each is of one piece of oriental granite, 42 feet high, without the bases and capitals, which are of white marble : they are about 15 EngUsh feet in circumference. The opening between the two middle pUlars is larger than the openings between the others; which is the case, also, with those of the Temples of Concord, and of Antoninus and Faustina ; but the difference is scarcely to be per ceived without measuring them. Viteurius leads us to expect this in the best built temples ; for he tells us,"^ that the intercolumniations in a portico should equal two diameters and one fourth; but that the middle intercolumniation should equal three diameters. A temple so constructed he caUs Eustylos. He adds, that they had no P It is also engraved in the work of Du Choul, p. 35. ¦i In Euseb. Chron. an. 2126. ¦¦ Lib. iii. c. 2. 172 PORTICO. example of that kind in Rome ; which, as the Pantheon was built A. C. 26, and Vitruvius pub Ushed his work late in the reign of Augustus, might be brought as a proof that the portico was a subsequent addition. I have not seen this passage adduced in argument, nor perhaps is there much weight in it ; for Vitiuvius is speaking of temples surrounded on all sides by a colonnade ; in both fronts of which this excess of the middle intercolumniation ought to prevaU. So that it may be said, that he took no notice of the Pan theon, because there was only a single portico to it. According to the plan of Desgodetz, neither the diameters of the columns nor the interco lumniations are uniform. L. Fauno, who wrote in 1548, says, " The roof was formerly supported " by sixteen immense piUars, but now by thirteen, " for one is wanting, and two have been destroyed " by fire. The same portico is supported by " brazen beams, gilt." There seems some confusion as to the time when the three pillars were restored. Desgodetz says, that Urban VIII. in 1627, had two of the piUars brought back, which had been removed to another place, and restored the capitals which were wanting. Urban reigned from 1623 to 1644; and as Evelyn, who visited Rome in 1645, says, that there were then only thirteen pillars in the portico, it would seem that Desgo detz must be mistaken. I conceive, however, that both of them are wrong. Urban VIII. undoubt edly replaced one of the pillars ; and Nibby as serts it to be that on the right hand, towards the PANTHEON. 173 Church of S. Ignatius. The Bee, the armorial bearing of the Barberini family, to which Urban belonged, is introduced into the capital; which is a convincing proof tiiat it was replaced by this Pope, who had the vanity thus to mark his work. We must therefore conclude, that Evelyn, by mistake, put down thu-teen in his Diary instead of fom-teen. Nibby teUs us, that the two other piUars were replaced by Alexander VII. in 1662; who made use of two which were found in the Piazza di S. Luigi. He also imitated his prede cessor, in inteoducing the Star, which is the bear ing of the Chigi family, into the capitals. These two piUars are immediately behind the one re stored by Urban VIII. Desgodetz remarks, that the two angular pUlars were thicker than the rest, according to the rule given by Vitruvius : and the architect who restored them not being aware of this difference in their diameters, has placed the thickest behind the other. Eugenius IV. con tributed very much to the improvement of this portico, by clearing away some shops which were placed within it ; and early in the sixteenth cen tury, the space in front was freed from many incumbrances and intrusions. Pomponius Laetus says, that the roof was covered with plates of silver; which, he adds, were carried away by Constans, grandson of HeracUus, when he came to Rome in 663. Paulus Diaconus" and Anastasius* relate the ' Hist. Long. lib. v. c. 11. ' Vita S. Vitaliani. 174 PANTHEON. same circumstance; but they make the tiles to have been of bronze, which seems more probable. They add, that he sent these and other treasures, which he had coUected at Rome, to Syracuse, where he established his court ; and that after his death they came into the hands of the Saracens. Winkelmann thinks, that some of these works of art may still be seen in Sicily." Pope Gregory III. covered the roof a second time with plates of brass, which were taken away by Urban VIII. to form the four pillars round the grand altar in St, Peter's ; upon which occasion the satirical Pasquin was made to say, " Quod non fecerunt Barbari " Romae, fecit Barberini," This story is so con fidently related, and the detaU is so minute, that there seems no reason to doubt it ; yet Fea, in his description ofthe Vatican, denies it, and says, that the brass employed by Urban VIII. came from Venice, and was regularly paid for. I am afraid that he exculpates the papal theft at the expense of truth. Indeed, if what Donatus says be true, it is impossible to deny it. He says, that several cannons and mUitary engines were also made out of the metal, and carried to the Castle of S. Angelo. One ofthe latter, formed out of the nails which kept the plates together, bore, accord ing to Donatus, this inscription : " Ex clavis tra- " balibus Porticus Agrippae." He says, also, that the foUowing inscription was placed over the door of the temple : " Lib. vi. c, 8. $ 23. ROOF. 175 VRBANVS, VIII. PONT. MAX VETVSTAS. AHENEI. LACVNARIS RELIQVIAS IN. VATICANAS. COLVMNAS. ET BELLICA. TORMENTA. CONFLAVIT VT. DECORA. INVTILIA ET. IPSI. PRPPE. FAMAE. IGNOTA FIERENT IN. VATICANO. TEMPLO APOSTOLICI. SEPVLCHRI. PRNAMENTA IN. HADRIANA. ARCE INSTRVMENTA. PVBLIC.iE. SECVRITATIS ANNP. DOMINI. MDCXXXII. PONTIF. IX I did not see this inscription ; but it seems ridi culous to question the account of Donatus, who dedicated his work to this very Pope.^ The whole mass of metal weighed 450,250 pounds; the naUs alone weighed 9374 pounds. " A writer in the Foreign Quarterly Review, (No. III. p. 293,) observes, that " Mr. Burton says very gravely, that " it is asserted that an inscription, stating the fact, is erected " at the Pantheon, but that he does not believe this. If, on " going under the portico, he had cast his eyes to the left, " about three or four feet from the great door, -this very in- " scription would have stared him in the face." The Reviewer has mistaken and misrepresented my meaning, which was not, that I had looked for the inscription and could not find it, but I wished to state, that I copied it from the work of Donatus, and not from personal inspection. The reader will perceive, that so far from professing to disbelieve Donatus, I expressly assert my belief in his story, and have assigned a reason why I believe it. 176 PANTHEON. There is supposed to have been a bas-relief in the pediment, and, from the appearance of nails to fasten it, it was probably of bronze. Some fragments of a horse and car, which have been discovered near the portico, confirm this idea. The ascent to the portico was formerly by seven steps, but now only by two. These are of stone ; but they are said formerly to have been of brass. L, Fauno, who wrote in 1548, says, that in his time the entrance was by a descent of many steps; which was owing to the accumulation of soil from the ruin of neighbouring buildings. It was Alexander VII. who cleared this away, and made the entrance as it is at present. The bronze doors, which lead into the church, are of considerable antiquity. It is asserted by Ficoroni,^ that the original doors were among the spoil carried off" by Genseric, and ship wrecked in the Mediterranean. He is followed in this story by other writers ; but no autho rity has been produced, and Procopius, who mentions the pillage committed by Genseric, does not say a word about the doors of the Pantheon. At the upper part of the present doors we may observe a kind of grating, which was probably intended to let in light. L, Fauno partly con firms the assertion of Ficoroni, by remarking, that the doors evidently did not belong originally to this temple, but came from some other building. He says, that they do not fit the aperture, and y Lib. i, c. 20. INTERIOR, 177 that in order to remedy this defect some pther ancient ornaments have been annexed. The floor is so much raised, as to hide aU the pedes tals of the columns in the inside. Of the original decorations of the interior, we learn something from Pliny. He tells us,^ " There " are some Syracusan capitals of columns in the " Pantheon, placed there by M. Agrippa." And again,* " Diogenes of Athens ornamented the " Pantheon of Agrippa. The Caryatides pass " for some of the finest works known, as do the •' statues at the top; but these from their height " are less celebrated." When the buUding was repaired aft«r the fire, great changes took place in the interior. The bronze capitals were per haps destioyed. The Caryatides also seem tp have been removed, which stood in the present attic. The cornice over the lower pillars is scarcely wide enough to have supported them, but this may have been another of the changes made, when the Caryatides were removed. Pi lasters were then placed in the attic, and these have very strangely been taken away not many years ago. Ficoroni states, but I do not know upon what authority, that these Caryatides were figures emblematical of the provinces conquered by the Romans. Winkelmann thinks, that one of them may stiU be seen at Naples, haring been removed thither from the Farnese Palace at Rome. It is the upper half of the. figure of a ' Lib. xxxiv, c. 3. " Xib. xxxvi. c. 5. VOL, I. N 178 PANTHEON. man, apparently a Persian, naked and without arms, upon whose head is a kind of basket, which seems to be surrounded with the leaves of the Acanthus. It was from accidentally seeing a basket encircled in this manner, that Callimachus first took his idea of the Corinthian capital.'' This mutilated figure with the basket is ten palms and a half high, and the height of the attic is nineteen \ so that the proportions will agree very well. As the figure £^t Naples is that ofa man, we should properly call it a Telamo or Atlas; for such Vitru vius informs us,*^ were the terms used to imply male figures placed as columns. Female figures of the same kind were called Caryatides : and the same writer gives us the following etymology of the term."* At the time of the Persian invasion, Carya, a city of Peloponnesus, took the part of the enemy. When the Greeks were victorious, they turned their arms against the traitorous Ca rya, and levelled it with the ground, and put all the males to the sword. The women, though condemned to slavery, were forced to retain their robes and ornaments of matrons, as a perpetual memorial of their infamy. The architects from this cause tpok to represent female figures in the attitude of supporting a great burthen; so that the name and the position might hand down the stPry of Carya to the latest posterity. Atlas was the Greek term for the male figures, taken, as Vitruvius says, from the fable of Atlas supporting the world. He confesses himself - ^ Vitruv. lib. iv. c, 1. '^ Lib. vi. c, 10, <• Lib. i. c. 1. CARYATIDES. 179 ignorant of the etj-mology of the Latin term Telamo. But if Winkelmann is right in caUing this a Persian figure, we have in it a confirmation of another remark of Vitruvius ; for he proceeds to teU us, that after the defeat of the Persians at Plataea?, the Greeks began to support the roofs of their houses with figures of prisoners dressed in the Persian costume, and hence came the cus tom of maldng statues of Persians support the epistyles and their ornaments. The height of the whole buUding is one hun dred and forty-four feet, and the diameter the same. From the floor to the base of the attic is forty feet two inches (French). Desgodetz says, that the second stpry is npt properly an attic. There are fourteen windows in it; but they do not open to the outward air, and only give Ught from the interior of the buUding to the chapels below, over which they are placed. The pro jecting part is broad enough for a person to walk round the cupola, and an uiscription may be seen in it, which seems to relate to that L. Albinius, who took the Vestal Virgins in his carriage, when the Gauls entered Rome, and conveyed them to Caere. It is much mutUated, but if ancient is certainly curious. ADERENT. CAPITOLIV TALES. CAERE. DEDVXIT QVAE. RITVS. SOLEMNES. NE RENTVR. CVRAI. SIBI. HABVIT ERATA. SACRA. ET. VIRGINES XIT. N 2 180 PANTHEON. The church is lighted by a circular aperture in the roof, nor is there any other window. The- opening is twenty-eight feet wide.. The rain of course comes into the interior; and when Urban VIII. was making a large drain intp the Tiber, a circular reservoir was found, fifteen palms below the pavement of the church, tp carry pff the water. This was necessary not only for the rain, but on account of the floods, which not unfrequently rise so high as to come into the church. A beautiful effect is produced by visiting the building on these occasions at night, when the moon is reflected upon the water through the, aperture ofthe dome. In the circuit of the wall there are seven cha pels recessed back and cut out of the thickness of it. Six of them have two piUars in front of each, but the seventh, which is opposite to the entrance, is open. Some have thought, that this one is not so old as the rest, but has been formed since the building was consecrated to Christian worship. The ornaments, however, are equally well executed, and agree with the rest, except that there is a difference in the fluting of the lateral pillars, and in the entablature over them. But this may have been an intentional variety in the chapel, which faced the entrance, Between each of these chapels two piUars project from the wall, and behind them is a hollow space taken out of the thickness of it, to which there is no entrance but from without. There are three rows of these cavities, one above the other, eight TEMPLE OF ANTONINUS PIUS. 181 in each row, and the only use of them seems to have been to lighten the buUding. The remains of several men of genius have been interred in the Pantheon, and among the rest, those of Raffael. His skuU is preserved in the Academy of Painting attached to the Church of S. Martino in the Forum. TEMPLE OF ANTONINUS PIUS. Next to the Pantheon, the most considerable ruin in the Campus Martius is the Temple of Antoninus Pius, now the Custom-house. The name of the place where this stands is the Piazza di Pietra, which seems to indicate, that nume rous fragments of marble have been found here." The part which is now standing belonged to one of the sides of the portico which surrounded the temple, and consists of eleven columns. It would seem to have been more perfect in the time of L. Fauno, as he makes out that there were formerly forty-two piUars round the tem ple, and eighteen in the interior supporting the cella. PaUadio also gives a plan of the whole, and conceives that there were originally fifteen pillars on the side: others say thirteen. They have suffered very much from time, and fire is supposed to have contributed to their deface ment. The bases and capitals are almost en tirely worn away. They are of Greek marble, ¦ Vide Flam. Vacca, 21, 182 BASILICA OF A. PIUS. -thirty-nine feet high, and four in diameter. The spaces between them are filled up with brick work, so that the whole presents a sad union of magnificence and decay. The brick-work is per haps necessary to prep up the building. Part pf the vast cprnice, which they supported, is still tplerably perfect on the outside. When viewed from the court within, it looks more like part of a great stone quarry than a buUding, from the enormous masses of stone, which are now broken arid uneven. A good deal of it was pf brick. Np part pf the temple itself remains. Spme caU it a Temple cf Mars, built by AntPninus Pius ; while others think it a Basilica. Spartian men tions a Temple of Antoninus Pius; '^ and P. Victor places a BasUica of Antoninus near to his column. MarUanus says, that part of an inscription to this Emperor existed in his time. PORTICO OF OCTAVIA. In our own language we have very much con tracted the signification of the Latin term Porti cus, applying it to the part which projects from the front of a building, and is supported by pillars. A Porch conveys a stUl meaner idea, and seems to imply a simple projection without piUars, as the porch of a church. Yet both these terms are used as equivalent to the Ijatin Porticus, and necessarily mislead a reader who is not aware f CaracaUa, 4. PORTICO OF OCTAVIA. 183 of the distinctipn. Solomon's Porch was evidently a spacious colonnade or cloister, wiiich would hold a great concourse of people:* and the Porch, as we are accustoraed to call it, at Athens, which gave name to the school of the Stoics, must have been of the same kind. Our language seems singularly unfortunate in its expressions for this sort of buUding; for we have not only whoUy changed the Latin term Porticus, but the word which in conmion use comes nearest to the idea of it, is Piazza; and this, as any person acquainted with the ItaUan language knows, means some thing quite different, — an open space or square in the middle of a town. Yet Johnson, without makuig any remark, defines Piazza to be a walk under a rpof supported by piUars; which is an exact description of what Porticus was with the ancients. Perhaps Porch originaUy sigmfied in our language the same as Porticus, since Shak speare talks of " Pompey's Porch,"'' as a place of pubUc resort; and our translators ofthe Bible, as mentioned above, have written Solomon's Porch. Few remains of ancient Rome can be identi fied with more certainty than the fragments of the Portico of Octaria, near S. Angelo in Pesche ria. Another church near it is called S. Maria in Porticu. Unfortunately it is a, mere fragment, and that only of the portico, without any portion of the two temples, which it inclosed. We know. I 1 Kings, vi. 3. Acts, iii. 11. ¦¦ J.Caesar, act 1. sc, 2. 184 PORTICO that Augustus, after he had erected the Theatre of MarceUus, inclosed the two temples of Jupiter and Juno, which were very near, with a covered portico or colonnade, dedicating it to his sister Octavia. This served at once as an ornament to the temples, and as a place for the people to walk under and find shelter in going to or returning from the theatre.' The porticos were also used for more serious purposes in Rome. A library was attached to this of Octavia:'' and sometimes the senate was held in them, causes were tried, ambassadors received, marriage-contracts settled, &c. &c. Many articles also were exposed in them for sale. Accordingly we find notices of several porticos, such as that of Nasica, Pompey, Livia; the Portico of Concord, of Quu-inus, of Hercules, &c. &c. There is a passage in Ovid, where allusion is made to this portico, and to that near the Theatre of Pompey. Tu modo Porapeia tectus spatiare sub umbra. Cum Sol Herculei terga Leonis adit: Aut ubi muneribus nati sua munera mater Addidit, externo marmore dives bpus. Artis Amator. i. 67. The row of pillars was double all the way round, and consisted of two hundred and seventy in all. Of these nothing remains but two pillars and two pilasters in one row supporting a pediment; and ' There is a portico of this kind, close to the two contigu ous theatres at Pompeii. '' Dio, lib. Ixvi, Sueton, de lUust. Gramm. c. 21. OF OCTAVIA. 185 paraUel to them two other piUai-s and one j)ilas- ter, of which the ground-plan would be this : noo noo n More of them probably exist, but blocked up with buUdings, as is partly the case with these. They are Corinthian, of white marble, fluted, and seem to have formed the principal entrance to the temples. On the capital of the pilaster is an eagle with thunder. Vitrurius recommends, that a portico, such as this, with a double row of pil lars, should have the outer ones Doric, and the inner Ionic or Corinthian. In the present case both are Corinthian. From a passage in VeUeius Paterculus' it appears, that these temples were surrounded with a portico before the one which Augustus buUt. He is speaking of MeteUus, and says, " This was MeteUus Macedonicus, who erected " the porticos which surrounded the two temples " without an inscription, which are now encom- " passed by the Porticos of Octavia." Arrian also teUs us,™ that MeteUus brought from the town of Dius, and placed in his portico, the twenty-one equestrian statues, which Lysippus had cast in bronze to commemorate those guards of Alexander, who had faUen at the battle ' Lib.i. "Lib. i.e. 17. 186 PORTICO of the Granicus. Harduin, in his notes upon Pliny," mentions a silver coin, on which this por tico is represented with the inscription Q. metel- LVS PIVS. A curious iUustration of this antiquity is found in those fragments of the ichnography of Rome, which are now in the Museum of the Capitol. The names are fortunately preserved, and the whole is sufficiently entire to give us the relative position of the temples with respect to the por tico, and the construction of the temples them selves. I made a rough, copy of this fragment myself, and have since found it engraved in the work published by Bellori. It is from his book that the adjoined plate is copied, but with a few trifling alterations, which certainly make it more Uke the originaL The pillars, which still remain, are probably some pf those' twelve, which are made larger than the rest in the plan, and which formed the entrance to the temples. Pliny" alludes to the two temples within the portico. His words are these, " In the Temple " of Juno, within the Portico of Octavia, Poly- " cles and Dionysius made the statue of the god- " dess: that of Jupiter, which is in the adjoining " temple, was made by the sons of Timarchides." He also tells us, that the two temples were built by Saurus and Batrachus, architects of Sparta, who not being allowed to inscribe their names " Lib. xxxiv. c. 14. " Lib. xxxvi. c. 5. Vci.j j'lse. CTS OCT AT I AE E T HE AD IS I O A^ I S R RR R R I D AE DIS I TX QIS 1 S D H 0 Q E H Q Q Q a H 0 E PF OCTAVIA. 187 upon the building,'' handed them down to poste rity, by placing a lizard and a frog (the significa tion of their names) in the folds of the pUlars, (in columnarum spirts.) Winkelmann interprets this to mean the volutes ''; and thinks, that he has discovered one of the actual pillars in the Basi Uca of S. Lorenzo, from which he infers, that these temples were of the Ionic order.' Vitru rius does not agree with Pliny in making Saurus and Batrachus the buUders of both temples ; but makes that of Jupiter to have been buUt by Her- modorus, if his text is not corrupt. Perhaps the two Spartans mentioned by Pliny were employed upon the Temple of Juno. Vitruvius also tells us, that the Temple of Jupiter Stator (for he adds this epithet) was what is caUed Peripteros, that is, it had an open colonnade all round it, and the number of pUlars on the two fronts and on the sides were in the proportion of six to eleven. The plan of it preserved in the Capitol does not represent it as such. We learn from an inscription, which is still extant upon the frieze, that the building suffered i" This is probably the meaning of VeUeius in the passage quoted above, when he says, that the temples were without an inscription. ' Vol. ii. p. 590. ' In a French work. Voyage d'un Frangais en Italie (vol. iii. p. 330.) it is asserted, that there is a column with a frog and lizard upon it in the church of S. Eusebio, which stands between S. Maria Maggiore and the Porta S. Lorenzo. But I suspect a mistake. 188 PILLAR by fire, and was restored by S. Severus and his son Caracalla. This, probably, was the second fire which had injured it, since Dio" mentions it among the buildings which suffered from a great fire in the reign of Titus ; and an ancient inscrip tion was found not far off, importing that Hadrian had repaired the temples which had suffered by fire. PILLAR OF TRAJAN. This pillar was erected about the year of our Lord 115, in commemoration of Trajan's two Dacian campaigns. Dio Cassius says, that it was erected by Trajan himself before he went to the Parthian war ; but, according to the inscrip tion, it was the work of the senate and people of Rome, and when Trajan had the Tribunitian power for the seventeenth time, which is equiva lent to the seventeenth year of his reign ; and in this year Trajan was absent in the Parthian and Armenian wars. The words of Dio are, " that " he built libraries, and placed a lofty column in " his Forum, partly as a burial-place for himself, " and partly to show to posterity the works which " he had constructed round the Forum." We may perhaps reconcile the seeming contradiction, by supposing that Trajan had intended to erect such a column, and made a beginning, but the Senate finished it. There is a coin extant, on one side of which is a head of Trajan, with this ' Lib, Ixvi, OF TRAJAN. 189 inscription: imp. caes. nervae. traiano. avg. GERM. DAC. P. M. TR. P. COS. VI. P.P. On the reverse is the pUlar, with a figure on the top of it, and s. p. q. r. optimo. principi. s. c. In the course of this expedition he died, at Seleucia, of a dysenteric fever, in the nineteenth year of his reign, so that he never saw the column which was erected in honour of him. His ashes were brought home, and placed in a golden ball at the top of the piUar, which was a singular honour, on account of the custom which prohibited any burials within the waUs. Some accounts place this golden baU in the hand of the statue which was at the top of the piUar ; others say that it was deposited at the bottom ;* but the coin, men tioned above, confirms the first of these accounts. The baU itself is said to be stUl preserved, and to be that which is seen on the mUestone upon the balustrade of the Capitol, and which is on the left hand of a person ascending the steps. A story is told by the Roman CathoUcs, that Gregory the Great having read an anecdote of this emperor's humanity, went to the column, and from thence entered a neighbouring church, where he prayed for Trajan's soul. An angel appeared to him, and assured hun that the emperor's soul was secure in the care of his Creator ; but to satisfy the Divine justice, Gre gory himself was to suffer penance for it, either in this world or in the next. Gregory preferred ' Vide Cassiodor, Chron, Eutropius, lib, viii. c, 5. 190 PILLAR the present life, and submitted to much penance for the soul of the Pagan emperor. Dante alludes to this in his Purg. x. 73, Quivi era storiata I'alta Gloria Del Roman Prince, lo cui gran valore Mosse Gregorio all sua gran Vittoria. The anecdote which urged Gregory to this pious act is also told here; and more may be found of the efficacy of his penance in Parad. xx. 45, &c. It may be mentioned, that the story rests prin cipally upon the authority of an Englishman, John of Sahsbury, who wrote in the twelfth cen tury. But we may learn from Tiraboschi," that the reality of the vision is not an article of faith with the Catholics, since he ridicules it extremely. The pillar stopd in a magnificent Forum, which was also called after the name of Trajan. Apol- lodorus designed it; and within the circuit of it there was a palace, gymnasium, Ubrary, triumphal arch, porticos, &c. many of which were orna mented on the top with equestrian statues and military ensigns gilt." Gold coins are in exist ence, on the reverse of which this Forum is re presented. Alexander Severus ornamented it with the statues of illustrious men;^ and the same custom was continued in the time of Arca dius and Honorius. These have all been de stroyed, and nothing now remains but the pillar " Tom. iii. par. 1. p. 113, &c". » Vide A. Gell. lib. xiii. c. 24. Pausan. lib. v. c. 12. y Lamprid. OF TRAJAN. 191 itself. Till the time of Sextus V. towards the end of the sixteenth century, the accumulation of soil about it was so great, that it rose even above the pedestal. An excavation was then made, and at present there is an area of an oval form round the piUar to a considerable extent. This was sunk to the level of the ancient Forum, and the whole seeras formerly to have been flagged with marble. Several fragments of gra nite columns have also been brought to light, which ai-e now placed in four parallel rows ; but some of them have evidently been reversed, and the heights of them are very different. These probably belonged to the Ulpian BasiUca, or Library, which was of great celebrity. In the middle of the square was an equestrian statue of Trajan, in bronze gUt. Ammianus MarceUinus teUs us,^ that when the Emperor Constans entered Rome, A.D. 356, " and came to the Forum of " Trajan, a structure which I conceive to be " unique in the world, and deserring the admi- " ration even of celestial beings, he was struck " with astonishment, casting his thoughts over " its gigantic edifices, which it is impossible to " describe, or for any mortals to imitate. Giving " up, therefore, aU hopes of attempting any thing " simUar, he said, that the only thing which he " would ot could imitate was the horse on which " the emperor sat. Upon which Hormisdas, of " the royal famUy of Persia, who was near him, ' Lib. xvi. c, 10, 192 PILLAR " said, ' First order a stable to be built similar " ' to this, if you have the means : may the horse, " ' which you purpose forming, have as extensive " ' success' as that which we are looking at!'" The destruction of this beautifiil Forum certainly did not take place under Alaric or Genseric; for Cassiodorus, who wrote about the year 500, or a little after, says of it," " The Forum of Trajan is " a perfect miracle, if we inspect it even with the " utmost minuteness :" and he is here speaking of the most remarkable objects to be se^ in the city. The same architect, ApoUodorus, also built the column. Eutropius'' and Cassiodorus call it one hundred and forty feet high ; in which state ment they seem to have included the statue also. P. Victor says one hundred and twenty-eight, which agrees with the measurement in modern Roman feet. This is about equal to one hundred and twenty-four English feet, and does not in clude the statue. P. Victor is, however, wrong in the number of the steps and windows, making one hundred and eighty-five of the former, and forty-five of the latter; whereas there are one hundred and eighty-four steps, and forty-three windows or apertures for light. The base mea sures twenty feet on each side ; it is covered with trophies, and at each corner is an eagle, holding in his talons a wreath of oak, which extends from » Var. lib. vii. form. 6. *• Lib. viii. c. 5, Sorae copies read cxliv. OF TRAJAN. 193 one to the other. A laurel wreath surrounds the bottom of the shaft, as a Torus. According to Forsyth, this column presents a great mixture of orders. He describes the base and capital as Tuscan, the shaft as Doric, and the mouldings of the pedestal as Corinthian. The shaft itself is covered with bas-reliefs, which go round the whole, from the bottora to the top, in twenty-three spirals. They repre sent the exploits of Trajan in both his Dacian expeditions. There are about two thousand five hundred figures in aU; and that of Trajan is repeated more than fifty times. The figures are about two feet high in the lower part of the column, but towards the top they increase in size, that they may appear the same from below. The highest figures have nearly double the height of the lower ones, as have the spirals themselves. Only thirty-three separate pieces of marble are used in the whole work, of which eight are in the base, twenty-three in the shaft, one in the capital, and one above it. There is a spiral staircase within, which winds twelve times round, and contains, as stated above, one hundred and eighty-four steps ; and this staircase is not a separate work, but is cut out of the same stones of which the shaft itself is composed. A statue of Trajan formerly surmounted the whole, as may be proved from coins still extant. The head was also found in the rubbish at the bottom, and came into the possession of the Car- VOL, I. o 194 PILLAR dinal della VaUe." The feet were standing in the time of Sextus V. It is conjectured, that the height of the statue was twenty-one feet. BeUori says eighteen. Sextus V. erected one in gilt bronze to St. Petet in 1587, which is eleven feet high. The inscription on the base is as follows : SENATVS. POPVLVSQVE. ROMANVS IMP. CAES. DIVI. NERVAE. F TRAIANP. AVG. GERM. DACICO. PONT MAXIMO. TRIE. POT. XVII. IMP. VI. COS. TI. PP. AD. DECLARARANDVM. QVANTAE. ALTITVDINIS MONS. ET. LOCVS. TANT>o\?IBVS. SIT. EGESTVS In the last line some of the letters have been defaced by buildings erected against the pillar in the middle ages, tantis. operibvs is the gene ral conjecture; some have proposed rvderibvs, others ex. collibvs, others opibvs. Fabretti argues, that we must read operibvs, as there is only room to supply three letters. He is opposed by Lipsius,'' Gruterus," and others, who propose rvderibvs: but they probably never examined the pillar, as Fabretti did, to see the actual space which is defaced. This argument is perhaps sufficiently decisive ; but Mabillon in his Analecta, p. 360, pubUshes a manuscript of the ninth cen tury, from the convent at Einsidlen, in which, " Note of C. Fea to Winkelmann, lib. vi. c. 7. ^ De Magnifudine Romae, lib. iii. c. 7. ' P. 237. OF TRA J VN. I9."» among many other mscriptions on Roman build ings, this is given, and operibvs is distinctly read. Whatever the true reading may be, enough remains to pro*-e the extraordinary fact, that as much soil was cut away to form this Forum as equaUed the height of the pUlar. We learn this also from Dio Cassius, who says, that the empe ror dug through as much of the hill as equals the height of the column, and by that means made a level for his Forum: It does not however follow that the Quirinal hiU ever extended to the site of the column: the work which Trajan undertook may have been in a different part of the Forum. The bas-rehefs have been engraved on a large scale, and pubUshed vrith a short description by F. Alfonso Ciacono, Rome 1616. This is a very interesting work, and enables us to have a near inspection of the whole series of figiires. The editor entitles it. An History of both the Dacian Wars; and by comparing the accounts given by historians with the sculptures on the pillai^ he is able to Ulustrate both. Another work was pub lished by Fabretti at Rome, 1683, entitled. Syn tagma de Columna Trajani, which is a sort of criticism upon the work of Ciacono, and filled with learned remarks upon a great variety of subjects. He also pubhshed at the end of it the historical iUustrations of his predecessor. We may see drawings of the whole series by the hand of Giulio Romano, now in the Ducal Palace at Modena. Trajan undertook his first expedition into Da- o2 196 PILLAR cia in the third year of his reign, A.D. 101. It lasted three years ; and in the following year he celebrated his triumph, which is described in the bas-reliefs. The effect of the campaign was to make the enemy sue for peace. In the second expedition Trajan gained many victories, and Dacia was made a Roman province. King De cebalus killed himself, which is represented in the bas-reliefs, as is the bringing of his head and hands to Trajan. The year of the second triumph is not certain. The Roman dress and manners may receive considerable light from these bas-reliefs. We find thCiSoldiers constantly carrying their swords on the right side. On a march they are generaUy bare-headed: some have no helmets at aU, others wear them suspended to their right shoulder. Some of them have lions' heads by way of a cap, with the mane hanging down behind. Each of them carry a stick over the left shoulder, which seems to have been for the purpose of conveying their provisions. We may observe a wallet, a vessel for wine, a machine for dressing meat, &c. We know, from other accounts, that they some times carried sixty pounds, and food for seven teen days : they never carried less than enough for three days. Their shields are oblong, with different devices upon them. The standards are of various kinds ; such as a hand within a wreath of laurel, which was considered a sign of con cord. Pictures also were used, which were por traits of gods, or heroes. The soldiers wear upon OF TRAJAN. 197 their legs a kind of tight pantaloon, reaching a little below the knee, and not buttoned. The Dacians have loose pantaloons reaching to the ancle, and shoes: they also carry curved swords. The Sarmatian cavah-y, alhes of Decebalus, wear plate-armour, covering the men and horses. These were called Cataphracti, or Clibanarii:*^ and the words of Ammianus exactly answer the representation on the column: " Their armour " was a covering of thin circular plates, which " were adapted to the movements of the body, " and dravm over aU their limbs; so that in what- " ever direction they wished to move, their clothing " aUowed them free play by the close fitting of " its joints." To which we may add the lines of Claudian, Conjuncta per artem FlexiUs inductis animatur lamina membris, HorribUis visu. Credas simulacra moveri Ferrea, cognatoque viros spirare metallo. Par vestitus equis ; ferrata fronte minantur, Ferratosque levant securi vulneris armos. In Rufinum, ii. 357. Some Roman soldiers have also plate-armour; but they are archers. The horses have saddles, or rather cloths, which are fastened by cords round the breast and under the taU.' The Dacian horses are without this covering; and the Germans, or some other aUies, have neither saddles nor bridles to their horses. ' Ammianus, lib. xvi, c. 10. Lamprid. Alex. Severus, 56. 198 PILLAR We might observe several other particulars, such as a bridge of boats over a river, and that the boats every where are without a rudder, but are guided by an oar fastened with a thong on one side of the stern. The waU pf the camp has battlements, and the heads of the Dacians are stuck upon it. The Dacian women are repre sented burning the Roman prisoners. We may also see the Testudo, formed by soldiers putting their shields together in a compact mass over their backs: also the sacrifice, called Suovetau rilia. Victory is represented as writing with a pen upon a shield. PILLAR OF M. AURELIUS. This is generally called the Pillar of Antonine : and if we followed the inscription upon the base, we should believe it to have been erected in honour of Antoninus Pius. But this inscription is modem and erroneous, having been placed there by Sextus V. who repaired the whole column, and particularly the base. It is now universaUy agreed, that the pillar was erected to M. Aurelius by the senate. An ancient inscription found near this place, beside proving this point, informs us also that the pillar was called Centenaria. We may add that the bas-reliefs are entirely devoted to the exploits of M. Aurelius. These surround the pillar in a spiral form, like that of Trajan. It is eighty-eight feet and a half high, including the base and capital ; but different writers vary as OF M. AURELIUS. 199 to the number of the steps and \rindows. Many make two hundred and six steps and fifty-six win dows: but Jos. Castalio, who published a special accoimt of it,s says, that he found one hundred and ninety steps and forty-one windows. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, the whole column was in such a state of decay that the stair case could not be ascended, which may account for the variation; but CastaUo's enumeration is pro bably the true one. The staircase is new inac cessible. Sextus V. beside repau-ing the base, placed on the top a statue of St. Paul, fourteen palms (lOi feet) high. It is supposed that there was a statue here formerly, and some make it eighteen palms (13|^ feet) high: but the coin, which is quoted in proof of there having been a statue, represents another column, which was erected by M. AureUus and L. Verus to Antoni nus Pius, and is often confounded with this.'' Beside the injury inflicted upon the piUar by time, it has suffered by Ughtning. This befel it m the time of Innocent XI. but not for the first time. The bas-reUefs upon this column have been engraved by BartoU, and published by Dom. de Rubeis. They are not so weU executed as those on the PiUar of Trajan. The object most worthy of observation in them is the figure of Jupiter e Vid. Graevii Thes. vol. iv. p. 1940. ¦¦ Yet Du Choul, in his Veterum Romanorum Religio, p. 64. gives the engraving of a coin, on which is a column sur rounded by a spiral, with the inscription divo pio s c. 200 PILLAR OF M. AURELIUS. Pluvius, in commemoration of the shower of rain, which came suddenly to the relief of the Roman army in then* war with the Quadi, A.D. 174- The dispute which has arisen upon this story is weU known. I shall therefore only mention in the notes the names of those authors who ascribe the miracle to the prayers of .the Christians, and of those who simply mention the fact, without aUuding to the Christians, in each case mentioning the time in which they lived.' The figure of Jupiter Pluvius may also be seen on a medal of Antoninus Pius; but he is there represented as pouring the rain out of one hand, and not from both his arms, as on the piUar. There is also a coin of M. Antoninus, on the reverse of which is a figure of Mercury holding a cup in his right hand ; and we learn from Dio, that the emperor was used to attribute the shower of rain to Mer cury. ' Letter of M. Aurelius at the end of Justin Mart. Ap. 1.: but this is suspicious: a letter to this effect is quoted by Ter tuUian, Eusebius, Orosius, and Dio. TertuUian, (A.D. 200.) inApologetico, C.5.; andadScapulam, c.4.; and de Oratione, c. 29. Cyprian. (248.) ad Demetr. Eusebius, (315.) Chron. et Hist. Eccles. lib. v. c. 5. Greg. Nyss. (370.) de Quadr. Mart. ii. Paulus Orosius, (400.) lib. vii. c. 9. These men tion the prayers of the Christians. The following only detail the simple fact : Dio, (A.D. 220.) lib. Ixxi. Jul. Capitol. (290.) in M. Aur. c. 24. Ml. Lamprid. (296.) in Heliogab. c. 9. Themist. (352.) Or. 15. Claudian (400.) de Sexto Cons. Honorii, 340 ; but he seems to have heard of the other ac count. FORUM. 201 THE FORUM. The Forum is perhaps the most melancholy object which Rome contains within its waUs. We may lament the ruin of a temple or a palace ; but our interest in the remaining fragments is frequently diminished, by our either not knowing with certainty to what buUding they belonged, or because history has not stamped them with any pecuUar recoUections. But standing upon the hUl of the Capitol, and looking down upon the Roman Forum, we contemplate a scene with which we fancy ourselves famiUar, and we seem suddenly to have quitted the habitations of Uving men. Not only is its former grandeur utterly annihilated, but the ground has not been appUed to any other purpose. When we descend into it, we find that many of the ancient buildings are buried under irregular heaps of soU; and a warm imagination might fancy that some speU hung over the spot, forbidding it to be profaned by the ordinary occupations of inhabited cities. What VirgU says of its appearance before the Trojan settlers arrived, is singularly true at the present moment, passim armenta videres Romanoque foro et lautis mugire carinis. JEn. viii. 360. Where the Roman people saw temples erected to perpetuate their exploits, and where the Roman nobles ried with each other in the magnificence 202 FORUM. of their dwellings, we now see a few insulated pillars standing amidst some broken arches: or, if the curiosity of foreigners has investigated what the natives neither think nor care about, we may perhaps see the remnant of a statue or a column extracted from the rubbish. Where the Comitia were held, where Cicero harangued, and where the triumphal processions passed, we have now no animated beings, except strangers at tracted by curiosity, the convicts, who are em ployed in excavating as a punishment, and those more harmless animals already aUuded to, who find a scanty pasture, and a shelter from the sun under a grove of trees. The Roman Forum is now called the Campo Vaccina. If we look to the boundaries of this desolation, the prospect is equally mournful. At one end we have the hUl of the Capitol, on the summit of which, instead of the Temple of Jupiter, the wonder of the world, we -have the palace of the soUtary senator. If we wish to ascend this emi nence, we have on one side the most ancient Structure in Rome, and that a prison: on the other the ruins of a temple, which seems to have been among the finest in the city, the name of which is not known. If we turn from the Capi tol, we have on our right the Palatine hiU, which once contained the whole Roman people, which was afterwards insufficient for the house of one emperor, and is now occupied by a few gardens and a convent. On the left there is a range of churches, formed out of ancient temples; and in FORUM. 203 front we discover, at a considerable distance, through the branches of trees and the ruins of buildings, the mouldering ai-ches of the Colos seum. If ever we could wish to meditate and to mo ralize upon the vicissitudes of human greatness, it would be here. I could weU pardon the weak ness of that mind, if it must be caUed weakness, which feels sorrow at such a scene. But I could neither envy the phUosophy, nor pardon the sel fishness of him, who, because nature has denied him a heart susceptible of such impressions, would extend the prohibitipn to aU around him. When MarceUus wept as Syracuse was about to faU, and Marius surveyed the ruins of Carthage with the eyes not of a hero, but of a man, we surely do not think that human nature was de graded: but the sorrow of the^ one must have been increased by the thought, that so much splendor must shortly faU a sacrifice to his own glory: and when Marius saw his country's ancient rival in the dust, he must have felt that the same cause which sent him as an exile to the shores of Africa, might shortly level his own city to the fate of Carthage. Yet are we accustomed to admire the feelings both of MarceUus and of Marius. May we not then be aUowed to sym pathize with the mighty names which once graced the Roman Forum? May we not see in it a memorial, that whatever is great may be over thrown ? and, what is more mortifying to human pride, that much which is overthrown may be 204 FPRUM. forgotten? Posthumous fame has such charms for some men, that they would consent to be overwhelmed, if they were certain that they would be talked of some thousand years after. But ambition would find poor encouragement in 4;he ruins of the Forum, where so much greatness lies doubly buried; and though some fragments may occasionaUy be brought to light from the soil which covers them, yet the revolution of ages has consigned their history to obUvion, and they serve only to excite the ingenuity or the jealousy of antiquaries. But we must turn from these meditations to a detail of the melancholy scene. If a line be drawn in one direction from the Arch of Septimius Severus to the Church deUa Consolazione, and from the same arch to the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina, or from the Temple of Jupiter Tonans to that of Jupiter Stator, we shaU have some notion of the length and breadth of the Forum. Vitruvius tells us,'' that the Roman plan was different from that of the Greeks. With the latter the Forum was in the form of a square ; ' with the Romans it was an oblong, the breadth being about two-thirds of the length. If we take the boundaries given above, the length of the ¦' Lib. v. c. 1. ' Contrary to this rule, we find the Forum at Pompeii, which was a Greek town, oblong. If the antiquaries have not been mistaken in applying the name, we must suppose, that this Forum had been rebuilt after the Romans were in possession. In fact, some alteration seems to have been going on at the time of the destruction. FORUM. J3()5 Roman Fprum was 705 feet, the width 470. Within the waUs of Rome there were many open spaces, which obtamed the name of Forum, such as the Boarium, that of Ctesiu-, Nerva, Trajan, &c., and P. Victor enumerates sixteen in aU. But the Forum Romanum obtained the name in a more particular manner, and when we speak sim ply of the Forum, it is this which we would be understood to mean. If we wish to know what buUdings or other objects the area of it contained, we must look to history. The place itself wiU afiford us Uttle in formation. Some Ught may perhaps be thrown upon the subject, if the excavations are con tinued ; but the surface is at present only made more unsightly by the hiUocks of soU, which are thrown up in aU directions, and suflfered to re main.™ We must naturally suppose, that much open space was left for pubhc meetings, and the ordinary occupation of a market place; but there were also buUdings of various descriptions, both for use and ornament. Beside temples, columns, and arches, we read of shops and porticos, which seem to have surrounded the whole. The first care of Romulus and Tatius was to make it level, removing the trees which grew there, and drain ing off the water, which flowed into it as a gene ral receptacle from the surrounding eminences." " I am informed that these hillocks have been removed. ° Dion. Hal. lib. ii. 206 FORUM. Tarquinius Priscus parcelled out certain portions of it, where private individuals might build ; and during his reign shops and porticos were con structed. We learn from Vitruvius, that by the term portico we are not to understand a mere open colonnade, for the purpose of walking under, but places in which there were shops, (he mentions particularly those of silversmiths or bankers [argentarii],) and that there were apart ments over them." Perhaps the Palais Royal at Paris, or St. Mark's Place at Venice, may give us a good notion how the walks and shops were constructed on the sides. The middle of it was by no means free from buildings, as we read of streets passing through it, which would imply, that part of it was covered with houses, leaving a passage for the people to pass. The Via Sacra entered the Forum near the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina, passing, as is supposed, under an arch, called that of Fabius.? The name, however, does not seem to have been lost when it reached the Forum; and perhaps the Via Sacra was rather an expression for the whole line of streets, through which the triumphal proces sions passed from the Arch of Constantine to the Capitol, than any one particular street which bore that name. It certainly was not in a straight ¦> Lib. V. u. 1. f Cic. pro Cn. Plancio, 7. Treb. PoUio, Salon. GaUie nus, 1. VIA SACRA. 207 Une ; but after it had passed under the Arch of Titus, it went in a slanting direction towards the Temple of Peace, and from thence to the Arch of Fabius. Whatever was the state ofthe Forum, whether there were more streets than this in it, or whether the greater part of it was an open space, we fijid, that sometimes the extraordinary luxury was practised of covering it with awnings. Caesar spread them over the whole of the Forum and the whole of the Via Sacra, from his own house to the Cli^¦us Capitolinus.'' This was during his dictatorship, and when he wished to amuse the people with games. MarceUus did so, when no spectacles were being exhibited, and merely with a riew to make it more wholesome for those who were engaged in lawsuits."^ We leam from Dio,' that the awning was sometimes made of silk. It is not my intention to extract from ancient writers a description of buUdings which pnce ornamented the Forum, but are now no longer in existence. We read of Temples to Caesar, to Augustus, to Castor and PoUux, to Vesta, and other divinities ; but an inquiry into the situation which they probably held, or into the number and height of their columns, would be uninterest ing, and never can lead to certainty. The position of the Rostra, the Comitium, as well as of many 1 Plin. lib. xix. c. 6. ¦¦ Ibid. ¦ Lib. xliii. 208 TEMPLE OF JUPITER STATOR. other objects, is equally uncertain; and though much might be said as to the use which was made of them, and the facts connected with their history, yet in treating of the monuments still existing in Rome, we must omit such subjects, as not forming part of our plan. We have very Uttle remaining within the actual verge of the Forum. The three piUars, which stand at the foot of the Palatine Hill, are com monly ascribed to the Temple of Jupiter Stator; others haye given them to the Temple of Vulcan, and some persons, of late, have been inclined to see in them a part of the Comitium. Ovid cer tainly mentions the Temple of Jupiter Stator as being in front of the Palatine HiU: ante Palatini ora jiigi.* Though only three columns remain, supporting a small portion of the 'frieze and cor nice, yet there is nothing in Rome so much calcu lated to inspire us with an idea of the magnificence of ancient architecture. They are of white marblcj of the Corinthian order, and are the largest fluted columns in Rome. Desgodetz gives their height, in the French measure, as forty-five feet three inches, and seven lines. The flutings are one Roman palm across, about 8y inches EngUsh." ' Fast. lib. vi. 794. Trist. lib. iii. 1, 32. " The flutings of the Temple of Jupiter Olympius at Gir genti (Agrigentum) are two palms (17| inches) across, which confirms the remark of Diodorus Siculus, (lib. xiii.) that a man could stand in the flutings. TEMPLE OF ANTPNINUS. 209 It might be conjectured, that considerable force had been used to destroy this temple; or an earthquake may perhaps have produced the effect ;" for it may be observed, that some of the blocks, of which the shafts are composed, have received a violent wrench, so as actually to force them out of their places, and destroy the con tinuity of the fluting. The same has been ob served in the piUars of the Temple of Theseus, the Parthenon and Propylaea at Athens. ^ It is conjectured that there were eight piUars in the front, and thirteen on each of the sides; and that these three stopd on the south side. The steps which led to the pprtico have been discovered, facing the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina. The Temple of Antoninus and Faustina is now converted into the Church of S. Lorenzo in Mi randa. This formed nearly the north-east angle of the Forum. The inscription upon the frieze stiU reniains: DIVO. ANTONINO. ET DIVAE. FAUSTINAE. EX. S. C. But it has been disputed whether we are to un derstand by these persons, Antoninus Pius and his wife Faustina, or M. Antoninus and his wife, ' Evagrius describes the great earthquake at Antioch, in 589, to have twisted the stones of some pinnacles exactly in this way. Lib. vi. c. 8. y Williams's Travels, vol. ii. p, 312. VOL. I. P 210 TEMPLE OF ANTONINUS. who was also called Faustina. Nibby decides in favour of the two last, which perhaps agrees best with the words of J. Capitolinus, who mentions divine honours being paid to both these ladies. A considerable portion of the ancient building is preserved ; but the principal part is the portico ¦of ten columns, six in front and two on each side. They are Corinthian, and of the marble which is called CipoUino by the Itahans, from its laminar composition resembling onions. It was anciently termed Carystian, from Cape Carystos in Euboea. The bases and capitals are of white marble. Their whole height is sixty-three palms. The form of the temple was oblong ; and it was not peripteros, or surrounded with an open colon nade, so that there probably never were more ¦ than these ten piUars, unless there were some at the other end. AU the cornice of the front has ' disappeared, as have the . shafts of the pUasters at the sides ; but some ornaments in the frieze, consisting of griffins and candelabra, are still tolerably perfect. The portico was buried to more than half the height of the piUars ; but they are now laid open to the bases, so that the whole may be seen ; but they do not present any great appearance of beauty, as the marble, of which they are formed, is a very indifiTerent sort. There was also a flight of twenty-one steps, which formed the approach to the temple from the Via Sacra. To speak correctly, these are all the ancient remains which belonged to the Forum: but there PILLAR OF PHOCAS. 211 are other buildings not far off, which may pro perly be mentioned in this place. Before we quit the verge of the Forum, we ought however to say something of the pUlar of Phocas, which un doubtedly stood within it. It is only within a very few years, that any thing was known for certain respecting this column. The whole of the base and pai-t of the shaft was buried; and the ingenuity of antiquaries was greatly exercised to give it a name. L. Fauno conjectm-ed it to have been that of DuiUus; and others had ascribed it to the temple of Jupiter Custos ; others to the Bridge of Caligula. The Duchess of Devonshire has the merit of having had an excavation made round it in 1813, at which time an inscription was discovered upon the base, from which we learn, that a gUt statue was placed on the top of it in 608, to the Emperor Phocas, by Smaragdus, Ex arch of Italy. As the inscription cannot yet have made its way into many books of teavels, I have given it at length.^ It is singular, that the name of PhocEis himself has been erased, probably by his successor HeracUus, who deposed and mur dered Phocas, A.D. 610. Other words also are obUterated, which I have marked by a Une under them. ' It is to be found in " Lettere sopra la Colonna dell' Im peratore Foca, da Filippo Aurelio Visconti, Roma, 1813;'' Mr. Hobhouse's Illustrations to the Fourth Canto of Childe Harold; and Nibby's Work upon the Roman Forum, as well as in his notes to Nardini. p2 212 PILLAR OF PHOCAS. f OPTIMO CLEMENTIS. FELICISSIMOQVE PRINCIPI DOMINO N. PHOCAE IMPERATORI PERPETVO A DO CORONATO TRIVMPHATORI SEMPER AVGVSTO SMARAGDVS EX PRAEPOS SACRI PALATII AC PATRICIVS ET EXARCHVS ITALIAE DEVOTVS EIVS CLEMENTIAE PRO INNVMERABILIBVS PIETATIS EIVS BENEFICIIS ET PRO QVIETE PROCVRATA ITAL. AC CPNSERVATA LIBERTATE HANC STATVAM PIETATIS EIVS AVRI SPLENDORE MICANTEM HVIC SVBLIMI CPLVMNAE AD PERENNEM IPSIVS GLORIAM IMPOSVIT AC DICAVIT DIE PRIMA MENSIS AVGVST. INDICT. VND PC PIETATIS EIVS ANNO QVINTP.^ We may be surprised to read so flattering a tri bute to so execrable a tyrant. Gregory the Great, who was then pope, has also made honourable mention of him in his Epistles, which gives Gibbon occasion to say,"" that " the joyful " applause, with which he salutes the fortune of " the assassin, has sullied with indelible disgrace " the character of the saint." But we should remember, (which Gibbon does not mention,) that his enormities had been confined to the eastern " I have given the inscription, as supplied by Visconti. Nibby reads in the first line piissimoqve, in the eleventh MAiESTATis, and in the twelfth fvlgentem. ^ Decline and FaU, c. 46, TEMPLE OF JUPITER TONANS. 213 empire, whereas Italy seems to have been favoured by him. He wrote to Gregory, proposing an orthodox confession of faith, acknowledged the supremacy of the Romish see, was very liberal to the Roman churches, and aUowed the Pantheon to be converted to Christian purposes. All which must have been extremely gratifying to a pope in the seventh century, and perhaps we in the nine teenth ought to make some aUowance for his feelings. MarUanus, who wrote in the sixteenth century, says, that some letters were risible in his time on one side of the pUnth, but were so worn by age, that nothing could be made out. The pUlar is Corinthian, of Greek marble, and fluted, sixty- three palms (forty-six feet two inches) high. It stands upon a pyramid of eleven steps, and is probably much older than the time of Phocas. A pillar was erected in the Forum in honour of Claudius, who succeeded GaUienus, as Emperor.*^ The statue, which is stated to have been on the summit, may possibly have given place after the lapse of four centuries and a half to that of Pho cas. The inscription only mentions the placing of the statue. On the dfecUrity of the Capitol, and not far from this column, are three piUars, which are said to have belonged to the Temple of Jupiter Tonans. It is known from Suetonius,'' that Au gustus erected such a temple at the foot of the ' Treb. PoUio, Claud. 3. ' Aug. c. 29. 214 TEMPLE OF JUPITER TONANS. Capitol, upon occasion of one of the servants, who was preceding his litter, being struck with lightning ; but what is the evidence for identifying it with these remains, I do not know. The buUd ing of Augustus was restored by S. Severus and CaracaUa; and as we still read estitver upon the frieze, this certainly may be the same. The Temple of Jupiter Tonans was standing in the time of Honorius.^ The piUars were tiU latefy bm-ied almost up to the capitals, but are now laid open to the bottom. They are of great size, -be ing six palms (four feet four inches) in diameter, of white marble, Corinthian and fluted. Upon the lateral frieze there are several ornaments con nected with sacrifices, such as the Albogalerus, or cap, which the Flamen Dialis wore ; the Seces- pita, or iron knife, with an ivory handle, used by the same priest; the Capedunculus , or dish; an axe, a hammer, the aquiminarium, or jug; the aspersorium, or instrument for sprinkUng the lustral water: all of them used in the rites of Jupiter,^ vrhich may be another argument, that these remains are rightly named. There is a coin of Augustus, on the reverse of which is a portico with six pUlars. The two middle ones are wider apart than the rest ; and between them is a figure of Jupiter with the letters lov. ton. According to Nibby there were six pillats in front, eight on "= Claudian de VI. Cons. Honor. 44. f There is a coin, which has on one side an elephant and CAESAR ; on the reverse four of these sacred instruments. TEMPLE OF CONCORD. 215 each of the sides, and foiu- more in the Pronaos, in aU twenty-four: but he probably was not awai-e, that Vitrurius says, that the Temple of Jupiter Tonans had a portico of thirty columns. Not far from these remains are eight other piUars, which are commonly said to belong to the Temple of Concord. Six of them are in front; the other two behind. On the architrave we read, SENATVS. POPVLVSQVE. ROMANVS INCENDIO. CONSVMPTVM. RESTITVIT Scarcely any thing remains above the architrave : aU that exists is of brick; and there are arches in it over the intercolumniations. We may regret the destruction of this temple more particularly, because at no very distant period it was nearly perfect, and was wantonly destroyed. Poggio, who wrote in the beginning of the fifteenth cen- .tury, tells us, that the whole of the temple, with part ofthe portico, was burnt to make lime; and that the piUars were thrown down after he came to Rome. Andrea Fulrio relates the same story; -and this may perhaps fiirnish us with too true an .insight into the cause of so many majestic edifices ,having entirely disappeared. When this temple was restored, after the fire, it was probably done ,m haste, and materials were employed in it which belonged to diflferent buUdings: for ithas been observed, that neither the diameters ofthe pillars nor the intercolumniations are equal. One of them has eridently been made up of fragments of two different piUars, so that the diameter is greater 216 TEMPLE OF FORTUNE. near the summit than it is in the middle. The two angular columns alone have plinths, and the bases are composed of Doric and Ionic mixed. They are of granite, and all of one, piece, fifty- nine palms (forty-three feet three inches) high: the bases and capitals are of white marble. Now that it is so much the fashion with the Roman antiquaries to call into dispute the names which have been given to ancient buildings, the Temple of Concord has been obliged to change its title, and it is conjectured to have been a Temple of Fortune. This goddess was certainly worshipped near this spot, as appears from some verses at Praeneste, in the Palazzo Baronale : Tu quae Tarpeio coleris vicina Tonanti, Votorum vindex semper Fortuna meorum. We know also from Zosimus,® that the Temple of Fortune was bumt in the time, of Maxentius ; and any repair made afterwards would be likely to be in bad taste, as this certainly was. So that it is by no means improbable that we should be justified in altering the appellation of these re mains : though there certainly was a Temple of Concord not far from this spot, erected first by CamiUus, and restored or rebuUt by Tiberius:'' and an excavation, made in 1817, has clearly proved it to have stood more to the north, very near to the modern ascent to the Capitol. The « Lib. ii. c. 13. •¦ Ovid. Fast. lib. i. 637, &c. Sueton. Tib. e. 20. TEMPLE OF REMUS. 217 Cella was discovered, and some inscriptions with the word concordia. Part pf the Church of SS. Cosmo and Da miano' is ancient. It was perhaps not actuaUy in the verge of the Forum, but near to it. The round vestibule is generaUy said to have belonged to a Temple of Remus, but others have called it a Temple of Quirinus. Livy mentions one hav ing been erected by Papirius in 460 U. C* and this may have been the Temple of Quirinus, which was bumt in 703, and restored by Augustus : but it is stated to have had seventy-six columns at tached to it, which presents a greater idea of magnificence than seems to have belonged to this smaU Vestibule. Nibby thinks that the round part is not older than the time of Diocle tian. It was converted to the purpose of a Christian church by S. Felix IV. in 530; repaired in 689 by Sergius I. ; and again in 780 by Adrian I., who added the bronze doors. Its present ap pearance however is very different from what it was during those periods: for the church being found extremely damp, on account of the great accumulation of soU outside. Urban VIII. raised the level ofit; so that the present floor is about twenty feet higher than that of the ancient tem- ' These saints are said to have been placed upon a pUe to be bumt, but the fire spared them and consumed the execu tioners. There is an altar-piece in the Church of S. Giovanni di Fiorentini representing this story, and it is the only altar- piece in Rome painted by Sdlvator Rosa. '' Lib. X. c. 46. 218 TEMPLE OF PEACE. pie ; and its doors of bronze, with the two pillars of porphyry, were formerly much lower down than they are now. The original level may be seen by descending some steps near the altar. There is a curious echo in the vestibule. Close to this church are some of the most remarkable remains in Rome, which till 'lately were always said to have belonged to the Temple of Peace. Good reasons, however, are given for making us believe that this name has been wrongly applied. It is certain, from Suetonius and from Josephus, that Vespasian erected a magnificent temple near the Forum, and conse crated it to Peace.' But we also learn from He rodian, that the whole of it was consumed by fire in the reign of Commodus. Procopius tells us, that the ruins were lying on the ground in his time; nor is it likely that it was rebuilt subse quently: so that we can hardly imagine the pre sent remains to belong to the building erected by Vespasian. It is more difficult to decide what we ought to call it. Nibby thinks that it is the BasUica of Constantine; and the existing remains certainly seem .to have belonged to a Basilica rather than to a Temple. They are in bad taste, and not unlike the other; edifices of the age of Constantine. A small portion only of the original building remains; but the parts of it are on a prodigious scale. It consists of ' Du Choul, in his Veterum Romanorum Religio, p. 6, has engraved two coins, which represent the Temple of Peace. TEMPLE OF vises AND ROME. 219 three very large arches, each about seventy- five feet across. We -hould consider these in the present day as a side aisle, or as three lateral chapels. The rest of the buUding has disap peared; but the plan may be made out, and it seems to have consisted of a nave, with an aisle on each side: these were dirided from each other by eight pillars of white marble, four of which stood against the piers which diride these arches. One of them may still be seen in Rome, it being that very beautifiil pillar which stands in front of St. Maria Ma^igiore. It was removed from its original place by Paul V. and measures sixty-four palms (forty-seven feet) in height. Nothing ^es us a greater idea of the splendor of the structure, than the vast and elegant proportions of this co lumn: and if we are really to assign the buUding to the days of Constantine, we must suppose, that the eight pillars came from some edifice which had been erected at an earlier period. The middle arch of the three is recessed farther back; and each of the others has two rows of windows, with three in ]rizi hi aripaigioi xcci xgtva. ciiv polrrxoi; xal xgat))giSiai;- kSioff^x-ovra Ze irivToi. In this pas sage, the xgiW are what our translators haive caUed flowers; and in the Septuagint- they are also caUed xgiva. The xgantgiha are the cups, or bowls, and the poia-xoi are the knops, caUed by the Septuagint o-^aipcoriipef . Reland calls the " Antiq. lib, iii, u. 6. 234 ARCH OF TITUS. latter mala, apples; and supposes, that they were intended for the mala punica, or pome granates. From the Greek term used by Jose phus and the Seventy we might be led to ima gine, that the flowers were meant for lilies; but Reland conjectures them to be the flowers of the pomegranate. In the bas-reliefs the three omaments always join each other, the apple in the middle, and the cup and the flower sur rounding the top and bottom of it; so that we may naturally suppose the flower to have be longed to the fruit, Malmonides informs us, that the oups were like Alexandrian cups, nar row at the bottom and broad at the mouth ; in short, like modern saucers, and so they appear upon the arch. The same author says, that the knops were hke Cretan apples, in shape like an egg, and broad frpm each extremity. The flowers he compares to those in the capitals of pillars, or to a dish, the lips of which are bent outwards. The table represented on the arch does not answer so well to the descriptions, which we have of it. The account is to be found in Exodus xxv. 23, &c. At verse 26, mention is made of rings at the feet for the purpose of carrying it: these are not in the figure. Jose phus *^ says, that the legs were finished exactly, {tsXsoi; a7r))gT((7(xe'voi,) for the lower half ; and that the upper half of them was square. -This does not appear from the bas-reliefs, but it is possible, ' Antiq, lib, iii, c. 6. JEWISH SPOILS. 235 that the edges have been rounded oft' by time. There are two vessels upon the table. According to the Book of Numbers, x. 2, there were to be two trumpets made of sUver, of which a fiixther description may be seen in Jo sephus.* Two trumpets appear upon the arch; and this is all which is worthy of notice, as to the form of the different vessels. It may be disputed, whether the vessels of the Temple, which were carried away by Titus, were the same which had been taken to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar, upwards of 600 years before, and brought back to Jerusalem at the restoration of the Jews.'' Antiochus Epiphanes certainly carried them away, A. C. 170,' and it appears that new vessels were placed in the Temple in their room.'' The fate of the spoUs which were carried in tiiumph by Titus, is rather interesting. We can trace their history down to a late period, but what finally became of them can perhaps never be ascertained. Josephus says,' that the veU and books of the law were placed in the Palace at Rome, and. the candlestick and other spoils were kept in the Temple of Peace.*" Men- s Antiq. lib. iii. c. 12. '• See 2 Kings, 25.; 2 Chron. 36.; Jer. 53.; Ezra, 1. J iMac. i. 21. ' 1 Mac. i. 21, 22. ¦^ 1 Mac. iv. 49. ' De Bello" Jud. lib. vii. c. 5, '^ The Ark of the Covenant is said to be preserved in thc Church of S. John Lateran: but it does not appear from Jose phus, that it was ever carried to Rome. 236 ARCH OF TITUS. tion is made of the golden fiUet being seen in the time of Hadrian. When the Temple of Peace was burnt, in the reign of Commodus, these trea sures were not destroyed; for Anastasius, where he relates that Genseric entered Rome on the third day after the fiight of Maximus, and carried off" a great deal of treasure to Africa, says, that amongst the spoil were the Hebrew vessels which Titus had brought from Jerusalem."" He states farther, that BeUsarius, after conquering the Vandals, returned tp Cpnstantinople with great treasures, among which were the Jewish vessels which Titus had brought to Rome, and Genseric had carried to Africa. This was in the year 520. Procopius confirms this account," and adds, that a Jew, who saw them, told an acquaintance of the emperor, that it would not be advisable to carry them to the palace at Constantinople, as they could not remain any where else but where Solomon had placed them. This he said was the reason why Genseric had taken the palace at Rome, and the Roman army had in turn taken that of the Vandals. When this was reported to the em peror, he was alarmed, and sent the whole of them immediately to the Christian churches at Jerusalem. We have raention of some more of the Jewish " I give this on the authority of Reland, but I have not my self been able to find the passage in Anastasius. Nicephorus mentions it, lib. xv. c. 11. " Lib, ii. c. 9. ARCH OF SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS. 237 spoils in another passage of Procopius, where he says, that the Franks carried on the siege of Car- cassio (Carcassonne) with great eagerness, because they understood that the royal treasure was there which Alaric had carried off' when he plundered Rome ; among which were the treasures of King Solomon, and the spoU taken by the Roraans from Jerusalem. Beside these bas-reUefs, there are others in the frieze, which represent the procession of a sacrifice. Over the Arch there is a hoUow chamber, which does not seem to have had any particular use, except to hghten the buUding. TUl the time of Sextus IV. the bas-rehefs were not risible, so much had the soil accumulated, and buried the Arch. That pope ordered it to be excavated ; and there is now a clear passage under the Arch at the level of the ancient pave ment, if not upon the ancient pavement itself. I have seen it stated, but cannot vouch for the truth of the story, that the Jews wUl not pass under this Arch ; but that if they want to go that road, they walk by the side of it.P ARCH OF SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS. (In the Forum.) This Arch stands at the foot of the Capitol, and was at the north-west angle of the ancient I" The only authority which I recollect at present is Mad. de Stael, in her Novel of Corinne. 238 ARCH OF Forum. It is of white marble, and consists of one large arch, with a smaller one on each side, with a lateral communication from one to the Pther. Beside the bas-reliefs on each front, it is ornamented with eight fluted Comppsite pillars ; and it may be observed, that here, as in most ancient buildings, the roses upon the interior pf the arch are all diflferent. It appears that fprmerly there was a chariot on the top : for coins exist, on one side of which is a head of CaracaUa, with ANTPNINVS PIVS AVG PPNT TR P. VII., and PU the other is an arch, bearing the inscripticn, arcvs AVGG sc, and surmcunted by a car, with two per sons in it, drawn by six horses : on each side is a figure on horseback, followed by one on foot. On another coin we have a singular mixture of Greek and Latin in the inscription, which is thus, •ATT. K. M. AVP. CEVH. ANTQNEINPC. AVF, Ou the reverse there is an arch, and arcvs avgg sc as before. In one of the sides is a staircase of fifty steps, leading to the top. . The Arch was erected in honour of Septimius Severus and his two sons, CaracaUa and Geta, to commemorate two triumphs over the Parthians. We know from history, that he made two expedi tions into the East : the first in 195, when he conquered King Vologeses ; the second in 199, when he took Ctesiphon, and the treasures of -King Artabanus. The circumstance of his being twice styled parthicvs in the inscription, seems to point out twp expeditions and two triumphs. Spartian tells us distinctly, that he triumphed SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS. 239 after the first expedition, but refused the honour the second time, because he had the gout. His son triumphed in his stead ; and it was upon this occasion that the Arch was erected; or perhaps it was deferred tiU the year 205, when the Ludi Stsculares were celebrated. The same inscriptipn is placed on each front. It has been mentioned, that the Arch was erected to the emperor's two spns, as weU as to himself: but it wiU be observed, that the name of the eldest alone occurs in the inscription. He is there styled M. AureUus Antoninus ; the nickname of Cara caUa or CaracaUus having been given hira as a term of reproach, and scarcely used tiU after his death.'' The name of Geta has eridently been erased, which was dpne when he was put tP death by prder ef his brother CaracaUa in the year 213. The usual method of afllxing these inscriptions was, first, to cut the letters in the stone, and then to fasten in other letters, which were cast in metal. The raetalUc letters have been carried off" from this inscription, as from almost every other ; but from this very circumstance we are able to make out the fact, that in the seventh line there were once diff'erent words from what now appear. The inscription in this line is optimis. fortissi- MisQ. PRiNCiPiBVS : but the marble is depressed along the whole line, which shows, that some thing had been cut away, and the holes, in which Ihe first metalhc letters were fixed, still remain. 1 Vide Dio. lib. Ixxvii. Euseb, in Chron. ad an. 214, 240 ARCH OF By tracing these holes, it is conjectured, that the original inscription in this Une was p. septimio. GETAE. NOBILISSIMO. CAESARI. OPT. and at the end of the preceding line p.p has been substituted for ET. The naval ornaments dehote the means taken by Severus to transport his men down the Euphrates, Tigris, and rivers of Adiabene. Descriptions of this arch may be found in Winkelmann, aiid Serlio -.^ but the fuUest account js by Joseph Maria Suaresius, (Romae 1676,) from whose work I have extracted a few observa tions to Ulustrate the bas-reliefs. I wiU suppose a person to approach the Arch from the Colosseum; and that he first looks at the bas-reliefs on his left hand. These relate to the first expedition of Severus, A.D. 195 ; in the course of whicb he routed King Vologeses, took Carrha, and went against the Adiabeni or Osrhoeni. In the upper part of the piece Severus harangues his soldiers ; below hira the Romans are slaying the Parthians, and at the bottom the city of Carrha is taken. On the right the siege of Nisibis is raised, and Vologeses flies on horseback. The bas-reUefs on the right relate to the year 196, when Severus was still in the East. Above are represented Severus, and the King of Armenia, who is admitted to his friendship. In the middle, Abgarus, King ofthe Adiabeni or Osrhoeni, offers the assistance of troops ; and at the bottom the Romans apply the battering ram to the capital of the Atreni. ¦¦ Lib, iii, dd Architect. SEPTIMUS SEVERUS. , 241 On the Pther side of the Arch (facing the Capitol) the bas-rehefs on a person's right hand relate to the emperor's second expedition m 199. In the upper part he is haranguing his raen, and sendmg out commanders. At the bottom he again besieges Atra, and the inhabitants ai-e holding out their hands to him. In the corner is a machine, caUed Catarrhacta, for letting out water, which is described by Caesar.' The remaining compartment contains the aflTairs of the year 201. In the upper row the Euphrates is crossed, and Ctesiphon taken. In the second two chiefs kneel down before the emperor, which denotes the submission of Arabia. At the bottom, the Tigris is crossed, Seleucia is taken, and Artabanus flies. The bas-reUefs, which are under these several compartments, represent the treasures and cap tives led in triumph. The whole series is in an indiff'erent style of sculpture, and presents but a poor idea of the state of the arts at that tirae. This Arch was formerly buried for nearly half its height. Leo X. ordered some excavations under the direction of M. Angelo. They were undertaken a second time in 1563, but soon fiUed up again: Nardini witnessed the faUure of a simUar attempt hi the Pontificate of Gregory XV. : and the -present pope laid the arch open to the bottom in 1804, at which time the pavement of the ancient Clivus AsyU was discovered. ' De BeUo Civili, lib. ii. VOL. I. R 242 ARCH OF ARCH OF S. SEVERUS, (in Foro Boario.) This stands very near to the Arch of Janus, and one side of it joins on to the ancient Church of S. Georgio in Velabro; so that many of the ornaments cannot now be seen, being buried in the wall of the Church. It is small, and was erected, as the inscription states, by the mer chants and bankers of the Forum Boarium, to S. Severus, his wife JuUa, and his son CaracaUa. The existence of this Arch probably points out where the triumphal processions passed, as we know that they went through this Forum on their way to the Circus Maximus;' and these Arches were generally erected on the line of their march. We may observe here, as in the larger Arch to the sarae emperor, that the name of Geta has been erased from the inscription. It occurred in the fifth and eighth lines. In the fifth, where we now read fortissimo, felicissimoqve. principi. ET. p. p. PROCOs, we may conjecture, that there was formerly et. p. septimio, getae, nobilissimo. CAESARI: and in the eighth, instead of et. p. sep- TiMii, getae. nobilissimi. CAESARIS, there has been substituted parthici, maximi, brittanicl MAXIMI, Independent of the marble bearing marks of the alteration, we may demonstrate, that the latter line must have been a subsequent addi tion, as Caracalla did not assume the name of ' Sueton. J. Cffis. c. 37. S. SEVERUS. 213 PARTHICVS tiU long after his father's death." From the expression trib. pot. xii. this arch seems to have been built in the year foUowing the otiier, where we read trib. pot. xi. Some bas-rehefs may be observed upon the arch, and every part of it is loaded with orna ments in a very rich style. The capitals of the pUasters are Composite. In front is a sacrifice, in which are the figm-es of Severus and CaracaUa: that of Geta has been defaced. Under the arch way the same thing may be observed. On the side facing the Arch of Janus is a plough drawn by a buU and a cow, which is known to indicate the founding of a colony, and perhaps aUuded to the tradition of Romulus having begun to trace out his infant city frora this spot. It is engraved in Grasrius, vol. iu. p. 609, and by Desgodetz. " In Belzoni's Travels, p. 106, there is this inscription, taken from a granite quarry in Egypt : IMP. P. SEVERI. ET ANTOXIXI. PIISSIMORVM, AVGG ET. GET ISSI where the letters with a line under them are dotted ; by which, I presume, that we are to understand, that they have been partly erased. The governor of Egypt in the days of Cara calla was doubtless too good a coartier, not to follow the example, which the emperor himself had set. Two statues of Caracalla and Geta were found at Tivoli, and on that of Geta was written Sit Geta Divus dum non sit vivus. There is an inscription at Prseneste, from which the name of the Emperor Commodus has been erased according to the decree mentioned by Lampridius. 244 ARCH OF GALLIENUS. ARCH OF GALLIENUS. This is a small arch, and scarcely worth men tioning. The remains of it are not far from S. Maria Maggiore, a little to the right of the road leading to S. Croce. It is of freestone and of indifferent workmanship, without any sculpture or other decoration to attract attention. We learn from the inscription, that it was raised to the Eraperor GaUienus and his wife Salonina by M. Aurelius Victor, which would give it the date of about A. D. 260. The flattery and falsehood of the inscription have seldom been exceeded. GALLIENO. CLEMENTIS'SIMO. PRINCIPI CVIVS. INVICTA. VIRTVS SOLA. PIETATE. SVPERATA. EST ET. SALONINAE. SANCTISSIMAE. AVG. M. AVRELIVS. VICTOR DEDICATISSIMVS NVMINI. MAIESTATIQVE EORVM From an ancient inscription at Ferentino we learn that the praenomen of Salonina was Cornelia. Here also she is styled sanctissima and her hus band iNvicTvs. A chain stiU hangs from the middle of this arch, to which were suspended the keys of the Porta Salsicchia in Viterbo, which city was taken by the Roraans, A.D. 1200. ARCH OF CONSTANTINE. This stands at the foot of the Palatine HiU, very near the Colosseum, and was erected by the ARCH OF CONSTANTINE. 21'0 senate in honour of Constantine's victory over Maxentius. The battie was fought beyond the Ponte MoUe; but as the triumphal procession, after leaving the Circus Maxunus, wound round the Palatine HiU, and so entered the Forum by the Via Sacra, it passed by the spot where this arch stands. The inscription alludes to the defeat of the tp-ant: but tiie words instinctv DiviNiTATis in the third Une are supposed to have been added aftei-wards; since the marble is there rather sunk in, and the holes for the bronze letters are confiised. There can be little doubt, that the expression referred to the miraculous appear ance of a cross, which Constantine saw in the sky, whUe he was marching against Maxentius. Many persons have doubted the ti-uth of this rision: but Eusebius teUs us, that he had heard the Emperor himself mention it." Beside the inscription, we read on one side of the arch votis x and votis xx, on the other side sic x and sic xx. This was meant to express the Vota decennalia and vicen- nalia, or vows for ten and twenty years, which were offered up for the preservation of the empe ror and the empire. The origin of this custom we leam from Dio;^ " Augustus, in order to re- " move from the Romans any suspicion of his " looking to the kingly power, took upon him the " imperial office only for ten years. When this " period had elapsed, another period of five " years; and when that was finished, stiU another " Vita Const, lib, i, c, 28, s Lib, Iiii. 246 ARCH OF " of five ; after that a period of ten years, and stUl " another after that were successively decreed to " him; so that by a continuation of such decrees " he held the imperial power for his whole life. " For which reason the later emperors also, al- " though the power is conferred upon them not " for any limited time, but for their whole life, " celebrate a festival for its renewal every ten " years; and that is the case at present." (Dio wrote in the raiddle of the third century.) We frequently find on coins vot. x. xx. xxx. xxxx, and on one of Constantine hiraself is vot. xx. Eusebius also gives us a particular account of Constantine celebrating the Decennalian festival, when he had corapleted the first ten years of his reign,^ and other festivals upon the completion of the twentieth and thirtieth years. The building consists of one large arch, with a smaUer one on each side ; and is ornamented with eight Corinthian piUars of Giallo antico, with a statue over each. There is a staircase leading to the top ; and the compartment, in which it is con structed, is thicker than the corresponding one. It raay be remarked also, that the two smaUer arches are not exactly of the same width. The chamber, to which the staircase leads, is fiUed with fragments of marble, which have probably lain there since the arch was first erected. A great diflPerence will be perceived in the workman ship of the bas-reliefs; which is to be explained ^ Vita Const, lib. i, c, 48, CONSTANTINE. 247 by this chcurastance; that many of them came from an Arch of Trajan, which stood in his Forum. That we may be able to compare the state of the arts at the two different periods, it wiU be well first to distinguish accurately what parts belong to each. The eight piUai-s already mentioned, and the statues over them, carae frora the Arch of Trajan; so did eighteen of the bas-reUefs; viz. the ten, wiiich are in the attic story, and eight of the round medaUions. AU the rest are of the age of Constantine ; and by comparing one set with the other, we may perceive how greatly the arts had been deteriorated since the time of Trajan. In deed no more convincing proof could be given of the degeneracy of the arts in the time of Constan tine, than his being obliged to adopt the produc tions of a former period : unless we suppose, that the hurry was so great to finish the structure in time for the triumph, that they could not wait for any work to be executed on purpose. The ac count given by Eusebius certainly seems to imply, that the triumphal entry foUowed very close upon the victory:^ and yet there are grounds for sup posing, that the arch was not erected tiU a later period. One argument is taken from the epithet of maximvs, which we find in the inscription, and which Constantine is said not to have assumed till the latter part of his reign.'' By thus transferring the ornaments of one arch to the other, we find " Vita Const, lib, i. c. 39. '' Vide Panvinius Fasti Romani. 248 ARCH OF the victories and actions of Trajan ascribed to Constantine. But this is only a defect, when the story is known; and we have gained this advan tage by it, that whereas the Arch of Trajan, and all the other ornaments of his Forum, except the column, are destroyed, these bas-reUefs stiU exist upon the arch, to which they were removed. It may also be remarked, that Trajan's buildings deserved to meet with this spoUation more than those of any other emperor, since he was famous for placing his own name upon all public edifices, as if he had been the founder of them; which raade the wits of Rome caU him Herba Parietina, or a weed upon the wall."^ Of the bas-reUefs, the four which are in the attic story on the front facing the Colosseum, re present the triumphal entry of Trajan into Rome ; the repair of the Appian Way : his measures to supply Italy with prorisions ; and Partomasires imploring hira to restore to- him the kingdom of Armenia, which had been taken from his father. On the opposite front, and hkewise in the attic story, we find Trajan declaring Partenaspartes king of Parthia; the discovery of a conspiracy formed against him by Decebalus, king of Dacia ; his harangue to the soldiers; and the sacrifice, caUed Suovetaurilia, performed by hira. On the two sides there are also two bas-rehefs, which are considered the finest of the whole, and appear originally to have formed only one compartment. " Ammian. MarceUinus, lib. xxvii. c. 3. CONSTANTINE. 2lf) They represent the \ ictory gained by Trajan over Decebalus. The eight round medidUons on the two fi-onts relate to the sports of the cliasc, of which we are informed, that Trajan was fond ;'' and to sacrifices offered by hun to Mars, ApoUo, Diana, &c. The sculptures contemporary with the arch are very inferior to the forraer. Those at the bottom relate to the taking of Verona, and the rictory over Maxentius. The line of bas-reUefs, which goes aU round the arch, contains mihtary proces sions, and such-Uke shows, of wretched workman ship. There are two more round medaUions, one at each side, which contain chariots drawn by two horses : these are meant for the sun and moon, and are emblematical of the east and west. The four figures of Fame over the Urch, and the ric- tories on the pedestals of the column, will also show the poor state of the arts in the time of Constantine. Those on the interior sides of the arch are of the same date, but better workman ship. The two statues are not of Constantine but of Trajan. It has been aheady stated, that the eight columns of Giallo antico came frora the arch of Trajan. To speak raore properly, only seven of the present columns came frora thence ; for Cle ment VIII. took one of them away, to form a companion to another, which stands under the organ in the Lateran Basilica, where it may still ¦¦ Plin. Panegyr. 81, 250 ARCH OF be seen. The marble now called Giallo antico is one of those varieties, which is only known from the ancient specimens. It seems to resemble that which is raentioned by Pliny, where he is treating of a marble, caUed onyx, or alabastrites." He says, that one variety in particular was admired, which was the colour of honey, having wavy spots, and not transparent. The faults in this sort were a horny appearance, and too much white, and a resemblance to glass. It was found in Egypt, India, and other places. We know from several ancient writers, that the Numidian marble was of a yellow colour. Each of the piUars is 40 palms (29-^ feet) high, and the other was found in the Forum of Trajan. Clement replaced the column, which he took from this arch, with one of white raarble ; but they are all become so black from age, that the difference is scarcely discernible. The statues, which are above the columns, Uke wise came frora Trajan's Arch, and are of the marble called Pavonazzetto. At least seven of them are so ; and the eighth, which is of white marble, was placed there by Clement XIL, who employed Pietro Bracci to put heads to all the statues, the original ones having been carried off by Lorenzino de' Medici, who assassinated the Grand Duke Alexander. This spoUation is denied by some writers, because fragments of the statues have been found in Rome. But the con temporary account of P. Jovius*^ is too circum- = Lib, xxxvi, c. 12. ^ Hist, sui temporis, lib, xxxviii. CONSTANTI?fE, 251 stantial to be doubted. He says, that Lorenzino was forced to leave Rome in consequence ; and expressly adds, that he left his plunder bmied in Rome. The hands were also mutUated. A fragment of the original statue is preserved m the Capitol, with the words ad arcvm on the base of it. The statues are meant to represent Dacian prisoners. The soU, which had accumulated round this arch, was removed by order of the present pope in 1804 ; and part of the pavement of the Via TriumphaUs was then brought to light. OTHER ARCHES. The Arch of M. AureUus existed in the Corso, near the Church of S. Lorenzo in Lucina, tiU the year 1665, when it was removed by Alexander VII, to make more room in the street.^ Among the ornaments were eight pUlars of Verde antique, two of which may be seen in the Corsini Chapel, in the Lateran BasiUca. Phny mentions four kiods of marble,'" which seem to have reserabled what we now caU Verde antique. Properly spealdng they were not marble, but serpentine ; and the ancients gave to one of thera the narae of Ophites, from the veins in it resembling the spots of a serpent. He teUs us that there was a Lace s' An Engraving of it may be seen in the Supplement to Montfaucon's Antiquities, edited by Humphreys, pi. 91, '' Lib, xxxvi, c, 11, 252 VERDE ANTIQUE. daemonian marble, of a very valuable sort : it was green, and more lively {hilarius) than any other. Other sorts were afterwards found in Egypt, during the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius, and were caUed after those emperors. They both diff'ered from Ophites; for that reserabled the spots of a serpent, and had its narae from that circumstance ; but the others were spotted in a diflferent raanner : Augustus had wavy curls coming to a point ; Tiberius had distinct spots of green and white not intermixed. {Augustum undatim crispum in vertices, Tiberium sparsum non convoluta canitie.) Beside which there were no blocks of Ophites to make columns frora, except very small ones. The specimens in Rome raight therefore be thought to have come from Egypt. It appears from the same chapter, that the Ophites also came frora near Memphis in Egypt ; at least one variety of it did, which, from being of an ash colour, was caUed Tephrias. The softest kind of Ophites had more white in it ; the hard had more of black. Strabo says, that the quarries of Mount Taygetus in Laconia were worked by the Romans :' and Dodwell informs us, that he observed at the foot of the raountain a great quantity of marble, the principal colour of which was dark green, with spots of red and white. He did not explore the quarries. There were four bas-reliefs upon the arch of M. Aurelius, two of which are in the Capitol, one ' Lib. viii. .\RCHES. 253 in the Orsini Palace ; and of the fourth, nothing is known. It is asserted, in Spence's Anecdotes,'' that there are six compartments in the Capitol which came from this arch: 1. M. Aurelius, par doning the viuiquished, in his triumphal car ; 2. sacrificing ; 3. receiving a globe from the Genius of Rome ; 4. L. Verus haranguing ; 5. Faustina ascending to heaven ; 6.' This arch obtained the name of Arco di Tri poh, and di Portogallo. The latter appellation came from Don Michele de Silva, ambassador frora Portugal to Rome. Some have thought that it was erected in honour of Domitian ; but as Suetonius teUs us that every meraorial of this emperor was destroyed by order of the Senate, and as Dio"" expressly includes the triumphal arches, it has been argued, that the name of Domitian cannot be rightly appUed to this arch. Accordingly, some have given it to Drusus, step son of Augustus; others, to Antoninus and Faus tina. But as drawings taken of it whUe it existed represent the upper part, in which the inscription was, as entirely gone, it is possible that tradition had rightly preserved the name of Domitian, and that the Senate, content with destroying the in scription which recorded his name, suffered the arch itself to remain. We have notice, also, of other arches which k P. 92, ' Spence only names five compartments; perhaps one of the subjects was extended through two of them. ¦" Lib. Ixviii. 254 ARCHES. existed forraerly. That of Trajan has been already mentioned, which raust have been nearly, if not entirely, destroyed in the tirae of Constan tine ; and there are reasons for supposing that there were more than one arch in his Forum. The Arch of Fabius, who defeated the AUo broges, stood in the Forum, opposite to that of S. Severus; the Via Sacra passed under it."" At the opposite angle to this stood the Arch of Tibe rius; and another arch was erected to this latter emperor near to the Theatre of Pompey." Be side the Arch of M. Aurelius in the Corso, there was another in the sarae street, which was taken down by order of Innocent VIII. when he repaired the Church of S. Maria in Via Lata. L. Fauno tells us, that there was written upon this, as upon the Arch of Constantine, votis x and xx. Some have supposed it to have been erected to Clau dius, others to Gordian. It stood in the Piazza Sciarra ; and the stone was used in buUding the Cancelleria. The Arch of Nero appears to have stood on the top of the CapitoUne HiU ; and it has been conjectured, but without any authority, that the bronze horses now at Venice were upon it. It appears from Poggio's book, on the Mutabihty of Fortune, that several arches were existing in his time, that is, in the fourteenth century, which have subsequently disappeared. He mentions one, which had the name of Augustus upon it, between the Palatine HiU and the Tiber ; another " Cic. pro Cn, Plancio, 7. " Sueton, Claud, u, 11. OBEI.iSKS. '1,55 to Trajan, with an nisc ; iption, near the Comitia ; and a third to Ct u iantme, in the Circus Rlaxi- mus. Perhaps -riiat he says of the remains of the Temple of Concord, and of the Colosseum, may explain the disappearance of these arclics, that the materials of them were taken away to be burnt for lime. P. "N'ictor says, that there were thirty-six arches of marble. OBELISKS.p Few monuraents, which the ingenuity or pride of man has produced, have existed so long as the Egyptian Obehsks in Rome. We are accus tomed to regret, in exploring this city, that there are so few remains of the Repubhc ; but these obehsks carry us back to a period far more re mote, to the age of Sesostris and Sothis, upwards of a thousand years before the birth of Christ. Wliether we consider the art which shaped and raised such enormous blocks frora the quarry, or the stUl more laborious exertions which trans ported them to Rome, our astonishraent must certainly be raised, and our curiosity excited to learn their history. What is the evidence of this history, we cannot now pretend to know very accurately : we leam rauch frora the eridence of Pliny, who must have taken his statements from the best authorities, not long after the obelisks P The most learned and elaborate work upon Obelisks is by G, Zoega, De Origine et Usu Obeliscorum, Roma 1797, 256 OBELISKS. themselves were removed, and when public curio sity must have been raised concerning them. He tells usji that the Kings of Egypt cut these im mense blocks, each in emulation of his predeces sor, out of a quarry at Syene in the Thebaid. The stone was called, from the place. Syenite; from its colour, Pyrrhopcecilon, or spotted red. They were dedicated to the sun, as was expressed in their Egyptian name. Mitres [or Mestres, who, according to Kircher, is the same as Mis- raim] was the first king who erected them; and Sothis,' one of his successors, had four cut, which were forty-eight cubits long. So far Pliny. An expression in Ammianus might excite our astonish raent still raore, where he says of the obelisks,^ that they were cut out of quarries which were searched for in the very extremity of the earth. But the accuracy of this writer is not sufficient to persuade us that the Egyptian kings went far ther than their own kingdom, when they had such fine quarries as those of Syene ; or he may have intended the southern inhabitants of Egypt itself, or more properly of Ethiopia, who, with respect to Rorae, were the inhabitants of the extreraity of the earth. We raay perhaps be allowed to be as credulous upon the antiquity of Egyptian works, as upon 1 Lib. xxxvi. c, 14, ¦¦ Kircher raakes Ammenephtes, or Memphis, the father of Sothis, or Sochis, to have lived 1366 A.C, two hundred years after the passage of the Red Sea, » Lib. xvii, c. 4, OBELISKS. 251 any other. The date of the Pyramids may not exactly be known, but few deny them to be coeval witii the eai-ly Kings of Egypt. The same anti quity is claimed for these Obelisks, and appa rently with as good reason. Some, indeed, have supposed the Obelisks to be much the oldest.' Diodorus teUs us, that some antiquaries made them to be more than three thousand four hun dred years older than the time of Augustus ; but he gives it as his own opinion, that they were erected about one thousand years before his own time, that is, two hundred and forty-six years before the foundation of Rome, or one thousand years before Christ. After the Persian conquest, it would be difficult to assign any period when that unfortunate country was likely to produce such works. Indeed, we know for certain that some of the Obelisks existed before the Persian conquest; for when Cambyses took Thebes, and set fire to it, he ordered the flames to be extin guished as soon as they approached the founda tion of an ObeUsk ; so much was he struck with the magnificence ofthe work. Strabo " also raen tions the existence of sorae Obelisks in Heliopolis, which still bore marks of having suflTered from the fire in the time of Cambyses. If the hieroglyphics, which are stiU perfect upon them, could be deciphered, we should perhaps * Vide Bargffii Comment, de Obelisco; Graevii Thes. vol. iv, p. 1911, " Lib. xvii. VOL. I. « 258 OBELISKS. find more certain information. An attempt to interpret the characters upon one of them was raade by Father Kircher; and it has been ob served of his Dissertation, that though there is scarcely any thing certain in it, it is one of the greatest eff'orts of human imagination." But at the time of their removal to Rome, these charac ters were legible ; for Pliny, speaking of those in the Circus Maximus and Campus Mai-tius,^ says, that both contain an explanation of natural history according to the Egyptian philosophy; and of one, which was erected by Mitres in Heliopolis, he tells us,^ " that he put it up in consequence of " a dream; and this was mentioned in the in- " scription upon it ; for those sculptures and " figures are the letters ofthe Egyptians." Dio dorus also seems to have known the meaning of the figures inscribed on the Obelisk of Sesostris. If any of these inscriptions contained the history of the erection of the Obelisks, Pliny may have had good authority for the account which he gives of them. It may be mentioned here, that accord ing to Socrates'* the language of hieroglyphics was understood in the fourth century. Augustus was the first who conceived the idea of transporting these immense blocks to Rome : he was imitated by Caligula, Constantius, and " Ramsay, in Spence's Anecdotes, p, 43. He spent twenty years in studying Egyptian antiquities. y Lib. xxxvi. c, 9. ^ Lib, xxxvi, c. 8, » Hist. Eccles. lib. v. c. 17. So also Sozomen, lib. vii, c, 15; and perhaps Theodorit, lib, vi, c, 18, OBELISKS. 259 others ; and they were generally erected in some Circus. They have all subsequently been re raoved, and placed in conspicuous parts of the city, by diflferent popes. Kircher reckons twelve in aU. The loftiest is that in front of St. John Lateran. It is 148 palras (109 feet) high,'' without the base and pedestal; and 14 palms (11 feet) broad at the bottom. P. Victor caUs it 132 feet high. It is of one solid piece of red granite, and covered with hieroglypliics. Ramises, King of Egypt, erected it in Thebes; and Pliny says" that he Uved at the taking of Troy, which would give it an antiquity of three thousand years. Kircher makes Ramises to have flourished A. C. 1297. Ammianus writes the narae Rhamestes; Tacitus,** Rhamses; Diodorus,' Remphis ; Josephus, Ram- pses ;" Herodotus,' Rharapsinitus ; Eusebius, Ramises. After stating that Sothis had four Obelisks made, each forty-eight cubits high, PUny tells us, that Ramises Qiis son] raade four others, which were forty cubits. These were erected in On, or HeUopoUs. Afterwards Ra mises placed another in Mnevis, which was ninety-nine feet high and four cubits wide. In cutting this last, 120,000 men were employed. The ObeUsk in front of St. John Lateran may have been one of these ; but it was not removed in PUny's time. Augustus did not think it right '' Kircher. ' Lib, xxxvi. c. 8, "¦ An, lib, ii. c,60, ' Lib. i. '" Contra Apion. lib. i. ' Lib. ii, c. 121. s2 260 OBELISKS. to remove it, because it was dedicated in a more special manner than the rest to the Sun. In the year 357, Constantius undertook what Augustus had declined. The flatterers of the emperor told him that Augustus had been deterred by the difficulty of the undertaking. This was enough to excite his vanity; and he got over the religious scruples, by the idea, that though he removed the ObeUsk from one temple, he should erect it in Rome, which was the temple of the whole world. He had it conveyed down the Nile from Thebes, and at Alexandria it was placed on board a vessel of three hundred oars. Considerable tirae was spent in the preparation, and Constantius died before the ObeUsk left Alexandria, A.D. 361. It however completed the voyage in the reign of Julian, and was rowed up the Tiber .within three mUes of Rome ; from whence it was carried by land to the Circus Maxunus. This account is taken from Ammianus ;8 and his description of the means used to raise it in the Circus Maximus is curious. " AU that remained after this was to " erect it, which was considered to be scarcely if " at all practicable. Several beams were raised " to a dangerous height, so that they looked like " a forest of machinery. To these were fastened " ropes of great length and thickness, so close " together as to look like a number of threads " wove across the sky. By puUing these ropes, " this great mountain, which was covered with ' Lib. xvii. c. 4, OBELISKS. 261 " %viitten characters, was graduaUy drawn up " through the air; and after hanging a long time, " whUe several thousand persons were winding it " up as at a mill, it was placed in the middle of the " Circus; and a brazen ball covered with plates " of gold was fixed on the top: which being very " soon struck w ith lightning and therefore re- " moved, the representation ofa torch emitting a " glowing flame, made of brass gilt, is placed " tiiere." Cassiodorus tells us,'" that the hieroglyphics upon it, which he calls Chaldaic signs, denoted the reUgion of the ancients, " sacra priscorura " Chaldaicis signis quasi Uteris indicari." Am mianus gives us the interpretation of part of these characters, as explained by Hermapion, in Greek. He only, however, gives those which were on the south, and part of those on the east side. Three perpendicular rows of hieroglyphics may be ob served on each side of the ObeUsk ; and the ex planation given by Hermapion describes three separate rows; from which we raay infer, that they were read perpendicularly. Kircher en deavours to prove that Hermapion knew nothing about hieroglyphics, and that his interpretation is entirely wrong. But the learned father has himself comraitted a great error. He considers Herraapion's explanation to refer to the Obelisk removed by Augustus, whereas it is evident from Ammianus, that we are to apply it to that which was removed by Constantius. I" Lib, iii. 262 OBELISKS. When Sextus V. had it transported to its pre sent situation in 1588, it was broken into three pieces, and lay twenty-four palras under ground. Fontana was the engineer who raised it. That which now stands in the Piazza di Monte Citorio, was erected in Hehopolis by Sesostris, who, according to sorae chronologists, flourished 1157 years A. C Augustus brought it to Rome, and placed it in the Campus Martius, The ship which conveyed it from Egypt was preserved at Puteoh as an astonishing work, and was after- Wards destroyed by fire. An account of the ObeUsk is to be found in PUny.'' " Ei, qui est " in carapo, D. Augustus addidit rairabilem usum " ad deprehendendas solis umbras, dierumque ac " noctium raagnitudines, strato lapide ad ObeUsci " magnitudinem, cui par fieret umbra, brumae " confectae die, sexta hora, paulatiraque per re- " gulas, (quae sunt ex aere inclusae) singulis die- " bus decresceret, ac rursus augesceret. ManUus " raathematicus apici auratam pilam addidit, " cujus vertice umbra colUgeretur in se ipsa." Frora this passage it appears, that the Obelisk was appUed to an astronomical purpose : but some have supposed the words to mean, that it served for a gnomon, or meridian line ; while ' Bryant (vol. ii. p. 382.) says of Sesostris, " What credit " can be given to the history of a man, the time of whose life " cannot be ascertained within 1535 years? For so great is " the difference of the extremes in the numbers before given." I* Lib. xxxv. c, 15, OBELISKS. 263 Others have interpreted it to metui a solar clock, or sun-dial. Angelo Maria Bandini published upon this subject in 1750, asserting it to have been a gnomon. Antongiuseppe della Torre di Rezzonico, in his Dissertation upon PUny, argues, that it was certainly a sun-dial.' The former opinion seems to be most generaUy adopted, and indeed Pliny expressly caUs it a gnomon. Another dispute has arisen from dif ferent copies of Pliny, whether the name of the astronoraer employed by Augustus was Manlius, ManiUus, or Facundinus. The ObeUsk was dis covered lying mider the ground in a broken state in the time of JuUus II. : and Sextus V. had thoughts of eraploying Fontana to raise it. In the reign of Alexander \ II. it was again brought to Ught: but it was not tiU the year 1748 that it was dug out under the direction of Niccolo ZabagUa : and Pius VI. eraployed the architect, Antinori, to erect it in its present situation, in 1792. The base was stUl standing and raeasured nineteen palms in height: but the Obelisk itself was broken into five pieces, and had eridently suffered frora fire. Another piUar of red granite, found near the spot, (which was raised by M. Aurelius and L. Verus to Antoninus Pius,) was employed to repair the ObeUsk, so that a great part of it is now desti tute of hieroglyphics. A considerable quantity of brass was found not far from hence, which is supposed to have been ' Vide Tiraboschi, part 3, lib, iii, p, 312, 264 OBELISKS. connected with the above-mentioned meridian. A. Fulvio mentions a dial being dug up near to S. Lo renzo in Lucina, with seven lines upon it of bronze gilt: the ground was paved with square stones, and at the corners were the names of the winds. The whole height of the Obelisk is, according to Kircher, 100 palms (73 feet 4 inches). Pliny caUs it"" 116 Roman feet. He also says"" that the cha racters upon it contained an explanation of natural history, according to the Egyptian phUosophy. On the top is a globe of bronze. Diodorus tells us, that Sesostris erected two, each 120 cubits high, on which he described the extent of his empire, his revenue, and the nations which he had conquered. Thus there is a diflfer- ence of 1 12 pahns between the accounts of Pliny and Diodorus ; and as Kircher found this Obe lisk to measure only 100 pahns, whereas PUny states it at 116 feet, he conceives this last author to have confounded the names of Sesostris and Sothis ; and that the Obelisk placed in the Cam pus Martius by Augustus, was raised originally by Sothis. Another stands in the middle of the area in front of St. Peter's, and its situation perhaps gives it an advantage over all the rest. It is not in scribed with hieroglyphics. Its first position in Rome was not far from its present one, it having stood in the Circus of Caligula, (afterwards called the Circus of Nero,) close to the Basilica. Its ¦" Lib. xxxvi. c, 9. " Lib. xxxvi. c. 8. OBELISKS. 265 actual position was iu the passage now leading from the sacristy to the choir, and is marked by a square stone. Its having been found in this Ch-cus identifies it with the ObeUsk which Pliny speaks of;" from whence we learn, that it was erected in Hehopolis, by Nuncoreus,P son of Se sostris, being the only one of the Obehsks which was broken. " Tertius ObeUscus Romae in Vati- " cano CaU et Neronis Principum Circo, ex onini- " nibus unus omnino fractus est in raoUtione;'' " quem fecerat Sesostridis fiUus Nuncoreus." Another passage of Pliny proves this to be one of the two Obelisks, which Herodotus raentions to have been erected by Phero, son of Sesostris, when he recovered frora his bhndness, which were one hundred cubits high and eight wide. For Pliny adds, " ejusdem remanet et aUus centum " cubitorura, quera post caecitatem risu reddito ex " oraculo SoU sacravit." Herodotus and Pliny differ as to the name of the son of Sesostris, but they eridently mean the same ObeUsk. Diodorus tells the same story as Herodotus. It is true, that Herodotus raakes both the Obelisks to have been one hundred cubits high, whereas Phny ° Lib. xxxv.. c. 15. p Kircher calls this king, Momphercur, and makes him to have flourished A. C. 1102. 1 Some would read, /ac/w esti7i imitutione ejus; but Kircher prefers the former, and thinks that there is evidence of this having been broken; because the proportion of the height to the diameter at the base is not the same as in the others, i. e. of ten to one. 266 OBELISKS. says that the first was only forty-eight ; but as the latter author tells us that it was broken in being erected, this may account for the diflference. Eusebius and Diodorus make Phero to have reigned 331 years after the taking of Troy. Ac cording to Aristotle, he Uved long before. This king, whether his narae were Nuncoreus or Phero, when the Obelisk was being erected, fastened his own son to the top of it, that the engineers might be more careful in raising it. Caligula transported it to Rome, and dedicated it to Augustus and Tiberius. Pliny relates some curious particulars of its being conveyed to Rome.' ' A fir tree of prodigious size was used in the ' vessel, which, by the command of Caligula, ' brought the Obelisk from Egypt which stands ' in the Vatican Circus, and four blocks of the ' same sort of stone to support it. Nothing cer- ' tainly ever appeared on the sea raore astonish- ' ing than this vessel : 120,000 bushels of lentiles ' served for its baUast ; the length of it nearly ' equalled all the left side of the Port of Ostia ; ' for it was sunk there by the eraperor Claudius. ' The thickness of the tree was as rauch as four ' men could embrace with their arms." Sueto nius also tells us,^ that Claudius "built the harbour ' at Ostia, by throwing out an arra on the right ' and left, and by closing up the entrance with a ' pier at a great depth. In order to raake the ' foundations of this pier stronger, he first sank ¦¦ Lib. xvi, c, 76, ' In Claud, c, 20, OBELISKS. ,'.>(i7 " the ship in which the great ObeUsk had been " brought from Egypt : and after driving in pUes, " he erected upon them a very lofty tower, in " imitation of the Alexandrian Pharos, that ships " might steer their course by fires to be burnt " there at night." Sextus V. had it removed to its present place in 1586, under the du-ection of the celebrated architect Fontana, at an expense of 40,000 scudi, about o£9000. The operation has been described by Fontana himself, in a work written upon the occasion, with engravings of the machinery ; and subsequently by his relation Carlo Fontana, who added more plates, in a work pubUshed in 1694. Prerious to this reraoval it was stiU standing up right, and not thrown down, as the biographer of Sextus V. (Platina) states it to have been by TotUa. The soU had considerably accumulated round the base, so that the inscription was covered, which is now legible : Divo CAES. DIVI IVLII F. AVGVSTO TI. CAES. DIVI AVG. F. SACRVM Fontana conjectured that the Obelisk weighed 993,537 pounds; which shows the absurdity of the coramon notion, that modem engineers could not raise such insignificant weights as one of the pillars at Stonehenge. These have been calcu lated to weigh about thirty tons ; so that fourteen such stones would scarcely equal this Obelisk in weight. , Forty-six cranes, 600 men, and 140 horses, were employed in removing it. Among 268 OBELISKS. other rewards bestowed upon the architect for his successful labours, Sextus gave him all the timber, ropes, iron, &c. employed in the work, which were valued at 20,000 crowns. So great was the interest excited by this under taking, and so much importance was attached by the pope to the solemnity of its execution, that during the elevation of the Obelisk it was ordered that no person should speak, under pain of death. One of the Bresca family, of the ancient Republic of S, Remo, being present at the time, and seeing the ropes on the point of breaking from the great friction, violated the order for silence by calling for water. The pope, instead of inflicting the sentence upon him, asked him to name his reward. He selected the offlce of supplying pahns for the Papal Chapel on Palm-Sunday; a pririlege which is stiU claimed by the Bresca family. A painting of the operation of the removal is now in the Vatican Library, in which the seizing of this man by the guards is represented.' It has been found, that this Obelisk does not actuaUy stand where the architect intended it; for if a Une be drawn frora the centre of the Dorae of St. Peter's, through the raiddle door, it will not . cut the ObeUsk, but wiU pass about eleven feet to the south of it. The error is ascribed by some to Eontana hiraself; by others, to Maderno, the architect employed by Paul V. ' Vide Angiolo Rocca, de Biblioth. Vat. 250. Taja, De- script, del, Palazzo Vat. 440. OBELISKS. 209 who did not join on the new building in a right line with that which had been erected before by Michel Angelo. The Obelisk is of red granite. Fontana makes the whole height 180 palms (132 feet), which includes thc pedestal and all the ornaments at the top. AMthout these, it is 113 palms (84 feet). It now serves as the gnomon to a meridian. There is a tradition, that the ashes of J. Caesar were in a gilt baU at the top of it. But Fontana says in his work, that this is cer tainly a mistake. There was such a ball, but nothing of any kind was found within it. Part of the tiue cross was placed at the top ofit in 1740. The ObeUsk in the Piazza del Popolo is 108 palms (80 feet) high with the pedestal: P. Victor caUs the height 88^ feet. It was brought to this spot frora the Circus Maximus in 1589, by Sex tus V. who had already moved another from the same Circus, and one fi-om the Circus of Nero. This must be the one, which Pliny " tells us was erected in the Circus Maximus by Augustus; for the other was not brought to Rome till the time of Constantius. From the words trib. pot. xiv in the inscription we may collect, that it was erected U. C. 753. But though the inscription also says, AEGVPTO. IN. potestatem popvLi. romani. redacta we must not suppose that the erection of the Obe Usk immediately foUowed the conquest of Egypt. " Lib, xxxvi, c, 14. 270 OBELISKS. For this event happened in the fourth Consulate of Augustus, thirty years before, which was the year of Rome, 723. Pliny states, that it was cut by King Semne- sertes, and was 125J feet high without the base. This Semnesertes is supposed to be the same with Psammis ; and Kircher thinks the name should be written Psammirteus, whom he makes to have flourished A. C. 807. It is singular, that in one of the chambers lately opened by Belzoni, which is supposed to have been connected with the tomb of Psammis, there is a figure of that king, with a square tablet suspended from his breast, on which is an Obelisk. PUny also tells us, that the characters on it related to natural history, according to the Egyptian phUosophy. It is of red granite like the rest, and a cross has been erected on the top ofit." In front of the Trinity de' Monti stands an other, which was brought from the gardens of SaUust. The removal of it must have been a work of great labour, when we consider the height of its present situation. It had been be fore carried to the Lateran, by order of Cle ment XII. and was placed where it now stands by Pius VI. in 1789. It is 65 palms (48 feet) high without the pedestal. In the great fountain of Bernini in the Piazza Navona, is one 74 palms (54 feet) high, which " A Dissertation has been written upon the Dedication on this Obelisk, by Joseph Castalio, and inserted in Graevius, vol. iv, p. 1859, accompanied with an engraving. OBELISKS. 271 stands upon a rock, itself 00 palms (40 feet.) It was transported to this place from thc Circus of Caracalla, about the year 1650. This is the ObeUsk, upon which Ku-cher has written his long and learned Dissertation, divided into five books, and extending through 560 pages. It was pub Ushed at Rome in 1650, and he gives to the Obe lisk the title of Pamphylius, frora Innocent X. who was of the PamfiU family, and who had it transported to its present place. He conceives it to be one of the four, which Pliny, as already quoted, tells us, were erected by King Sothis in HehopoUs, each of which was 48 cubits high. He makes CaracaUa to have transported it from Egypt in 249: but this must be mere conjecture; as it is not known for certain whether CaracaUa was the buUder of the Ch-cus in which the Obe Usk stood. AMien Bernini reraoved it in 1649, at the order of Innocent X. it was broken into five parts, and hing on the ground. In the square on the top of the Monte CavaUo is one 66 pahns (48 feet) high, without the pedes tal. Pius VI. placed it here, it having formerly stood near to the Mausoleum of Augustus. That which stands in front of S. Maria Mag giore, came from the same place. They were both made in the reign of Sraarres and Eraphius,^ Kuigs of Egypt, who lived A.C. 1028; and car ried to Rorae in 57, by the Eraperor Claudius. Sextus V. erected this in its present situation in y This name is also written \'aphrius and Apries. 272 tombs, 1587. It is the same height as the last. They are both mentioned by P. Victor, who says, that there were two Obelisks on the' Mausoleum of Augustus, which were each 42| feet high, Pliny also mentions them,'' and calls them 48 cubits in height. They are without hieroglyphics. It is scarely necessary to mention the little Obelisk in front of S. Maria sopra Minerva. It stands upon the back of an elephant, but is only a few feet in height. This, Uke the rest, is covered with hieroglyphics. It was found in the garden belonging to the convent, 15 palms under ground. The elephant was made by Bernini. This account may be concluded with the cata logue of the Obelisks furnished by P. Victor. " Obelisci magni sex. Duo in Circo Maximo: " major pedum 132, minor pedum 88|. Unus in " Vaticano, pedum 72. Unus in Campo Martio, " pedum 72. Duo in Mausoleo Augusti pares, " singuli pedum 42J; Obelisci parvi 42: in ple- " risque sunt notse Egyptiorum." TOMBS. In all the ancient towns of Italy, the place ap pointed for tombs was generally by the side of roads; and though they were not allowed to be constructed within the city, there was no restric tion as to their approaching close to it. Accord ingly we find, that most of the roads leading out ^ Lib. xxxv, c, 14, tombs. 273 of ancient towns ai-e Uned with tombs, and if such a spectacle can ever be said to form a pleasing view, we have an instance of it at Pompeii, where the street of the tombs is one of the most interest ing objects in that extraordinary place. Near to Pozzuoh (Puteoh) on the Via Campana we have an instance of the frequency of tombs on the roads near to cities. Going from Rorae also through any of the gates at the east of the town, we find ruins of simUar edifices. The rich went to a considerable expense in ornamenting their sepulchres : and raonuments were frequently to be seen by the road-side, which displayed the greatest taste and variety of sculpture. The custom of raising a raonuraent over the graves of the dead was raore generally practised by the Romans than the Greeks. The forraer also invariably added the name of the deceased, which the Greeks did not always do in their more simple method. In Greece, where the bodies were generaUy burned, the ashes were put into an urn, and Uttle trouble was requisite to coramit it to the ground. Recesses were frequently cut in a rock, (not unlike the catacombs beneath the Church of S. Sebastian); and in some Grecian towns, such as Syracuse and Agrigentum, we find a succession of these recesses, one above the other, to a considerable number. The urns were deposited in them, and they were closed up. But in Rome, the custom of buming was not of primi tive institution. Dead bodies were generaUy laid in the earth: though there is evidence, that the VOL. I, T 274 TOMBS. funeral pile was not unknown even in the reign of Nuraa."" War, and the raultitude of deaths caused by it, gradueiUy raade the systera of burn ing more general. Still many families adhered to the ancient mode; and in the Cornelian famUy, the custom of burning was first introduced by Sylla, who feared that his body might be iU-treated after his death, and left directions that it should be committed to the flaraes. After his time the funeral pile was only partiaUy used, many still adhering to the ancient manner of laying out the dead body at fuU length in a hollow tomb. In those sepulchres which have been opened the skeleton is always found regularly disposed, with the arms straight by the sides; a vase with a narrow neck was placed upon the breast; an other by each side of the head, one at the ex tremity of each hand, and one between the legs, making six in aU. That which was laid upon the breast is generally found to have fallen off, as the body decayed. There is also always a dish containing eatables, such as eggs, bread, birds, &c. and a coin is found in the mouth to discharge the demand of Charon. AU these par ticulars raight have been coUected frora ancient authors; but in the Royal Museum at Naples, the actual reliques may be seen ; and the diflferent modes of interment, as pursued by the Greeks and Romans, are well iUustrated by models. Sorae skeletons have been found with a cuirass on, and other arraour by their side. " Vide Plin. lib. xiv. c. 14. Plutarch, in Numa. TOMBS. 275 Both nations however agreed in prohibitino- burial within the waUs.'' Cicero quotes a law of the Twelve Tables to this eflfect, Hominem mor- tuuin in Urbe ne sepel/to neve urito. As to the exceptions to this law, he supposes that they were made in favour of faraiUes, who had merited it by sorae distinguished conduct. PubUcola and Tubertus'' (he says) had this honour, and their descendants stiU claimed it. Others, as C. Fabricius, had special leave given them, after the law was made, and his famUy had the pri rilege of burying in the Forum. They however only exercised it so far, as to show their right ; and after carrying the body into the Forum, and applying a torch to it, they carried it out of the waUs. The latter fact we leam frora Plutarch,** who states it as a general rule, that aU who had triumphed might be buried within the city. The emperors and vestals, as persons who were not bound by the laws, raight be buried within the city: and the vestals who had riolated their chastity, were buried aUve in the Campus Scele- * De Leg. lib, ii. c. 23. See Epist. iv. 12. ^ I cannot make out satisfactorily who this Tubertus was. Emesti, in his Index to Cicero, says, thathe was P. Tubertus, of the Postumian family, who was consul, first, with Vale rius PubUcola, U. C. 249, and secondly with Menenius Agrippa, U, C. 251. Livy does not add the surname of Tuburtus; but he mentions A, Post. Tubertus, as being dic tator U. C. 324, and calls him severissimi imperii virum, 1. iv. c. 26. This is the only place in which the name of Tubertus is mentioned by Livy. ^ Probl. Rom. Qusest. 79. T 2 276 TOMB OF ratus, which was also within the walls. A spot is pointed out as the scene of this barbarous punishment in the gardens of Sallust, but pro bably with Uttle foundation. The ashes of Trajan were deposited in some part of his coluran, and Eutropius says, that he was the only emperor buried within the walls. A tomb also exists at the foot of the Capito line hill, to the memory of C. Poblicius Bibulus. The inscription states, that it was given by the senate ; but for what particular merit of Bibulus the ancient, law was violated in his favour, his tory does not inform us. Piranesi indeed asserts, that before Trajan extended the circuit of the walls in this quarter, to take in his own Forum, the tomb of Bibulus was not within the city : and this is the opinion of Nardini, The inscription is as follows : C, POBLICIO. L, F, BIBVLP. AED. PL. HPNPRIS virtvtisqve. cavssa. senatvs cpnsvlto. popvliqve. ivssv. lpcvs monvmento. qvo. ipse. POSTERIQVE eivs. inferrentvr. pvblice, datvs, est We have no means of ascertaining the time at which he lived, except from his being called Plebeian aedile on the inscription. But unfortu nately in the Capitoline marbles the names of those officers cease to be given ¦ from the year 611 U, C, to the end, with but few exceptions. Up to that period, the two plebeian aediles. are always named, and he is not found amongst C. BIBULUS. 277 them; so that the monument cannot be older than 611. AVe find L. Poblicius Bibulus, as one of the tribunes of the people in 535, and two years later he was mUitary tribune." In 539, C. Pobl. Bibulus was provincial quaestor: in 540 he was pro-quaestor : and in 544 he was tribune of the people. This can hardly be the man to whom the tomb was given, although the prcenomen agrees, because in the first place his other titles would have been mentioned in the inscription: secondly, he would have been aedUe before he was tribune of the people, and then we should have found his name in the Fasti: thirdly, as we know that he was not aedUe before 611, he must have been at least ninety, if he en tered upon the office afterwards. It is probable, however, that both these persons were of the same famUy, as the nomen of each agrees with those raentioned on the tomb. The latter was most Ukely son of the former ; and as the sons, generaUy took the praenomen of their grand fathers, not of their fathers, the person buried in this place was probably grandson of the C. Pobl. Bibulus who was tribune in 544. This would fix the date of the monument somewhere about 630; or perhaps it should be earher, because, as no other title is raentioned in the inscription, he pro bably died soon after holdmg the office of aedUe, to which he was eUgible at the age of thirty-six. The aedUes had the supermtendance of pubhc ' Liv, xxii, 53. 278 tomb of c. bibulus. buUdings, such as teraples, theatres, waUs: the games, markets, tribunals of justice, matters of religion, and works intended for publication, were under their inspection. The reraains of this building are very incon siderable, and rauch must be concealed under ground. A house is now buUt over it, and a kind of well of some depth raay be seen within. Suetonius informs us,^ that the Claudian fa mily had a burial-place allowed them under the Capitoline hill: and Piranesi gives a description of sorae remains of it not far from this tomb of Bibulus. Many ancient torabs raay now be ob served within the walls: but they were con structed before the extension of the liraits by Aurelian ; and at the tirae of their being erected, were out of the city. Of the;se the raost con spicuous are the mausoleuras of Augustus and Hadrian, the pyraraid of C. Cestius, and the torab ofthe Scipio family. The most ancient of aU these is the tomb of the Scipios, which was not discovered till 1780: previous to which time other tombs had had this title bestowed upon thera. No doubt however any longer remains, as a multitude of inscriptions has been foimd to the Scipio family, and sorae Sarcophagi, which carry us back as far as the year of Rorae 456. The torab is in a garden, not far from the gate of S. Sebastian, to the left of the Appian road. Scarcely any thing is left ' Tiberius, c. 1. tomb of the scipios. 279 in it at present, the inscriptions and monuments , having been carried to the Vatican, and copies substituted in their room: consequently little now remains to be seen but a series of damp dark chambers by the help of a candle. There are niches in the walls, where the tombs were placed. The whole is cut out of Tufa, a soft porous stone, which extends over great part of this country. The most interesting monuraent is the Sarcophagus of L. Scipio Barbatus, great grandfather of Scipio Afiricanus, who was consul U. C. 456.* The Sarcophagus is of coarse stone, but handsomely carved in the Doric style, with roses between the triglyphs. It has been ob served, that this Doric frieze is surraounted by Ionic dentils. The inscription is very perfect, but before the commencement of it a line and a half have been erased. It appears to be in the old Saturman Iambic raetre. CORNELIVS. LVCIVS. SCIPIO. BARBATVS. GNAI- VOD. PATRE PROGNATVS. FORTIS. VIR. SAPIENSQVE — QVOIVS. FORMA. VIRTVTEI. PARISVMA FVIT — CONSOL. CENSOR. AIDILIS. QVEI. FVIT. APVD. VOS TAVRASIA. CISAVNA SAMNIO. CEPIT — SVBIGIT. OMNE. LOVCANA. OPSI- DESQV. ABDOVCIT. 8 Liv. lib. X. c. 11. M. Dutens says, that the skeleton was found entire, with a ring on one of the fingers, which Pius VI. gave to M. Dutens, who transferred it to Lord Beveriey. — Recherches sur I'usage des Voutes, p, 28. 280 TOMB OF THE No monument has been found to Scipio Afri canus himself, which confirms the idea always entertained, that he ended his days at Liternum, and was buried there. Livy'" speaks of it being doubtful in his days in what precise year he died, and whether he was buried at Liternum or Rome. He retired to Liternum in 565 U. C. and lived there, as Livy says, without any wish to return to Rome. Some accounts said that he died there, and ordered a monument to be erected on the spot, lest his funeral should be celebrated in his ungratefiil country." Valerius Maximus con firms this,'' and gives the inscription upon his tomb, Ingrata Patria, ne ossa quidem mea habes. Monuments were shown both at Liternum' and at Rorae, claiming to be his. Livy mentions one, from which a statue was blown down in his time."" Pliny also says,"" that there was a myrtle of great size at Liternum, under which was a cave ; and stories said that a dragon guarded the reraains of Scipio Africanus. An interesting ac count of the villa, which he occupied in the place pf his exile, may be read in one of Seneca's Let ters." It appears to have been preserved in its origmal state, and near it there was an altar, which Seneca conceived to be the tomb of Scipio. The weight of evidence is certainly in favour of ^ Lib. xxxviii. c. 55. 56. ¦ Ibid. c. 53, " Lib. v. c. 3. ' The place where Liternum stood goes now by the narae of Patria, from the fragment of an inscription found there . . . TA PATRIA NEC. "» Lib. xxxviii. c, 56. " Lib. xvi. u, 44. " Epist. 86. SCIPIOS. 281 his being buried at Liternum : so that we cannot pay much attention to the assertion of Acron, in his coimnentary upon Horace,'' that in conse quence of an oracle orderuig the torab of Scipio to be so placed, that it might look towards Africa, his remains were taken from the pyramid in the Vatican, and buried in a place between the town of Ostia and the port. The pyramid which ob tained this title was not far fi-om the Mole of Hadrian, and continued in existence till the tirae of Alexander VI. who had it reraoved to improve the approach to the castle. Livy adds, that there were three statues within the tomb, which were said to be those of P. and L. Scipio, and the poet Ennius. A close friend ship had existed between the great Scipio and the poet Ennius : but neither this passage of Livy, nor another of Cicero,'' warrant the asser tion, which has been made by some, that his re mains were deposited in the tomb of the Scipios. Valerius Maximus' and Pliny^ repeat what Livy has said, vrithout expressing any doubt of the statue being that of Ennius. A bust, crowned with laurel, has been thought to be that of the poet; but Livy expressly says, that it was a statue; with whom Cicero also agrees; and it is most probable that the upper story, of which scarcely any remains now exist, contained the three statues in question. P Epod. ix. 26. '' Pro Archia Poeta, ix. ' Lib. viii. c. 14, 1. » Lib. vii. c. 30. 282 TOMB OF THE SCIPIOS. In the year 1615 a stone was dug up near the same place, which relates to L. Scipio, son of Sc. Barbatus. An explanation of it may be found in the Collection of Graevius, vol. iv. p. 1835: and as the epitaph of Sc. Barbatus has been given above, this also may be inserted as a speciraen of the Latin language in the age immediately fol lowing. ' HONC. PINO. PLPIRVME. COSENTIPNT. R DVONORO. PPTVMO. FVISE. VIRO LVCIPM. SCIPIONE. FILIOS. BARBATI CONSOL. CENSOR. AIDILIS. HIC. FVET. A HEC. CEPIT, CORSICA."" ALERIAQVE.- VRBE DEDET. TEMPESTATEBVS. AIDE. MERETO Which, according to the Augustan orthography, would be, HVNC VNVM PLVRIMI CONSENTIVNT RPMAE BONORVM OPTIMVM FVISSE VIRVM LVCIVM SCIPIONEM, FILIVS BARBATI CONSVL CENSOR jEDILIS HIC FVIT HIC CEPIT CORSICAM ALERIAMQVE VRBEM DEDIT TEMPESTATIBVS jEDEM MERITO The taking of Corsica here raentioned happened ' Cicero tells us in two places, that there was written on the tomb of Calatinus, Plurima consentiunt Gentes, Populi Primarium fuisse virum. (De Senectute xvii. de Fin. 35.) Calatinus signalized himself in Sicily the year after the taking of Corsica by Scipio. It is rather singular, that Cicero calls the praise bestowed upon Calatinus unicum elogium. " In an inscription at Frascati we read m. fVlvivs. m. f. .STOLIA. COEPlT, not AETOLIAM. PYRAMID OF CAIUS CESTIUS. 283 U.C, 494, when this Scipio was consul. The Fasti Capitolini call hhn son of Lucius Scipio; and Livy gives to Barbatus the praenomen of Pubhus : but the mscription must be believed in preference to tlie Fasti, or the existing copies of Livy. The mention of a temple built to the winds Ulustrates a distich in Ovid : Te quoque, Tempestas, meritam delubra fatemur. Cum poene est Corsis obruta classis aquis. Fast, lib, vi. 193. The commentators upon Ovid, not being aware of this epitaph, have referred the buUding of the temple to Claudius Nero, who was consul U. C, 551, to MarceUus, and to MeteUus, PYRAMID OF CAIUS CESTIUS," The torab of C. Cestius is the only speciraen of a pyramid existing in Rorae. It stands close to the Porta S. Paolo, partly within the walls and partly without, AureUan haring drawn the new line of his walls exactly across it, and left it stand ing. The height is 121 feet; the breadth at the base 96. It is built of brick cased vrith white marble, which has become black with age. Upon the walls within are some paintings, stUl in tole rable preservation. They consist of five figures of women; two sitting, two standing, and the one in the raiddle is a Victory. The women probably relate to the office which Cestius held; and one * A Dissertation was written upon this tomb by Octavius Falconierus, printed in Grsevius, vol. iv. The pyramid is engraved, and the paintings within it, by Bartoli, Antichi Sepolcri. 284 PYRAMID OF of thera may be observed to hold two long pipes in her hand. There are also vases and candela bra. The room is 26 palms long, 18 broad, and 19 high. We learn from the inscription, that it was finished in three hundred and thirty days. There are two diflTerent inscriptions ; one which is repeated on the east and west sides, C. CESTIVS. L. F. POB. EPVLO. PR. TR. PL VII VIR. EPVLONVM The other is on the south side, in much sraaUer letters : OPVS. ABSOLVTVM, EX, TESTAMENTO, DIEBVS, CCCXXX AEBITRATV PONTI. P. F. CLA. MELAE. HEREDIS. ET. POTHI. L An ancient inscription, relating to the same C. Cestius, may be seen in the court of the building containing the Museum CapitoUnum. It was found near the pyraraid, and is as follows : M. VALERIVS. MESSALA. CORVINVS P. RVTILIVS. LVPVS. L. IVNIVS. SILANVg L. PONTIVS, MELA. D. MARIVS NIGER. HEREDES. C. CESTI. ET L. CESTIVS. QVAE. EX. PARTE. AD EVM. FRATRIS HEREDITAS M. AGRIPPAE. MVNERE. PER VENIT. EX. EA. PECVNIA. QVAM PRO. SVIS. PARTIBVS. RECEPER EX. VENDITIONE. ATTALICOR QVAE. EIS. PER. EDICTVM AEDILIS. IN. SEPVLCHRVM C. CESTI. EX. TESTAMENTO EIVS. INFERRE, NON, LICVIT CAIUS CESTIUS, 285 Coupling this inscription with tliat upon the tomb, we may learn that the H\ e persons men tioned first in this last inscription were named heirs by the will of C, Cestius: one of whom, Pontius Claudius Mela, (or perhaps his son,) and Pothus, a freedman of the deceased, superin tended the erection of the monmnent. L. Ces tius, brother of the deceased, was not made heir by the wUl, but carae into a share of the property by the UberaUty of ^I. Agrippa. Most probably C. Cestius named Agrippa one of his heirs, be cause he was a man of rank, and because he knew, that he would give up the property to the natural heir L. Cestius. This was custoraary in Rome : and property left in this manner was caUed Fidei commissutn. It also appears, that C. Cestius ordered in his will, that some robes, which were caUed Attalica (from King Attains, who first invented them,^) should be burnt with his body. But an edict of the aediles, intended to check the expense incurred at funerals,^ hin dered his heirs from doing this, and the robes were sold. AU that we know of this C. Cestius is from these inscriptions: for he cannot be the same with him who is mentioned by Tacitus," as Lip sius thought, because he was consul, which would certainly have been expressed upon the tomb. It might be expected that we should be able to y PUny, lib. xxxiii. c. 19. Propert. lib. iii. El. 20, 19. ' Vide Cic. Phil. 9, ad finem : et ad Att. lib. xii. ep. 35, 36. » An. lib. vi. c. 31. 286 PYRAMID OF ascertain the tirae at which he lived frora the Fasti Consulares, where the naraes of the praetors and tribunes of the people are given. But these lists are very imperfect. The names of all the tribunes ofthe people are given till the year 610 U. C. in which only one is named, and the other nine are wanting. This is the case till the year 632, where the Fasti end. We therefore cannot assign an earlier date to this tomb than 610, and there are reasons for placing it later. The marble of which it is built was not used in Rome till towards the end of the RepubUc. Three of the names raentioned in the last inscription, are found in the Capitoline marbles : P. Rutilius Lupus, as praetor in 704; M. Vips. Agrippa, as praetor in 713, and consul in 716; and M. V. M. Corvinus, as consul in 722. We raay reason ably conclude, that these are the same persons raentioned in the inscription ; and as they all survived C. Cestius, it is probable that he held office a little before them ; so that we might fix his death somewhere about the year 716, when Agrippa was consul. But we are able to ap proach still nearer in our conjectures. The Epulones were established in 556, when they were three in number.'' J. Caesar increased them in 710 to ten.'^ But we learn from other documents, as well as from this inscription, that the Epulones were before that time seven in nuraber. At what period they were increased '' Liv, lib. xxxiii, c. 42. ' Dio, lib, xliii, ad finem. c. CESTIUS. 287 from three to seven, we are not informed. Onu- phrius gives reasons for thinking that it was done by Sylla, which would be about the year 671. So that (supposing Onuphrius to be right) we are Umited to the period between 671 and 710. Mr. Hobhouse advances the claims of one C. Cestius, a praetor and flatterer of Augustus, who was pubUcly scourged by order of M. Cicero the Son, for presuming to defame liis father in his pre- sence."* But Cicero's son was born U. C. 688, which would make him too young to have ordered the punishment of a man, who died before 710; and he appears to have been proconsul at the time, which office he could not possibly have held before the age of twenty-two. Seneca does not give any prcenomen, and writes the name Caestius. We raay perhaps discover the person we are in search of in a C. Cestius mentioned by Cicero in his speech for Flaccus.' This was de Uvered about the year 694. He calls hira a knight. It should be mentioned, however, that the Epulones were stUl caUed Septemviri after they were increased to ten.*^ The Cestian faraily is known to have been of some distinction; and the bridge, which leads out of the island, was caUed Pons Cestius, pro bably frora one of the same famUy. The inscrip tion states him to have been of the Pobhcian tribe, praetor, tribune of the people, and one of ^ Seneca, Suasor. 7. "= c. 13. ' See an inscription in Nardini, lib. i. c. 10, 288 PYRAMID OF the seven Epulones, The term Epulo, which oc curs in the first line, is conjectured to have been a sumarae, as the office would hardly have been repeated twice. The business of the Epulones was to prepare the banquets for the gods, upon occasion of any public calamity or rejoicing. This ceremony was called Lectisternium, and is frequently mentioned by Livy. The pyramidal form of building seems never to have been fashionable with the Greeks or Romans, The ancient Etruscans raade use of it as we learn frora PUny, who tells us,^ that the tomb of Porsena"" was of this form; or rather square, with five pyramids rising from it. This is an exact description of the ruin at Albano, which is generaUy called the tomb of the Curiatii, though supposed by antiquaries to be that of Pompey. This latter appropriation may possibly be correct; but it seems to be expressly over thrown by a fragment of the poet Varro Ata- cinus, Marmoreo tumulo Licinus jacet, at Cato parvo, Pompeius nullo. We know that his ashes were deposited near to i Lib. xxxvi. c. 13. i" We may write Porsena or Porsenna : at least we may lengthen or shorten the middle syllable : Necnon Tarquinium ejectum Porsena jubebat Accipere, Virg. iEn. viii. 646. Mina- cis aut Etrusca Porsense manus, Hor. Epod. xvi. 4. : perhaps in both cases Porsena is the best orthography. The Greeks wrote nopfftvoff, noptrnv*?, nopff-ivAf „ c. CESTIUS. 289 his Alban riUa.' We have already seen from Acron, the schoUast upon Horace, that a pyra mid was raised to the meraory of Scipio: and Fulvio says,"" that traces of it existed near the mausoleum of Hadrian in the tirae of Alexander VI. The raarble which covered it had been taken by Domnus I. (who was pope 677-9,) to pave the court of St. Peter's. Clavelli, the his torian of Arpino, mentions a pyraraid in that town of Cyclopian stones, which he calls the monuraent of Saturn, and which was probably of very reraote antiquity: but no such curiosity is now to be seen in Arpino, at least not in a pyraraidal form. We have no other pyramid now reraaining in Rorae but this of C. Cestius. And it raay be observed, that the circumstance of this being bmlt as a tomb, in sorae raeasure confirms the idea of the Egyptian pyramids being erected for that pur pose. There is a colossal foot in bronze, in the Stanza del Vaso in the Capitol, which was found near the pyramid. It was standing upon a marble base ; and it is calculated, that the statue to which it belonged must have been fifteen pahns (eleven feet) high. This and the inscription given above were found when the pyraraid was bemg restored by order of Alexander VII. in 1673. Part ofit was buried sixteen feet by the accumulation of soil. It raay be raentioned, as a singular instance of error in so leamed a raan. ' Plutarch, " Lib, iv, c. 31 , VOL. I. U 290 MAUSOLEUM PF and such a lover of antiquities, that Petrarch con sidered this pyramid to be the tomb of Remus. The inscriptions were perhaps not so legible in his days. Close to this tomb is the burial-place for Pro testants and heretics of all descriptions : the monuments to the EngUsh are by far the most numerous: and the ground was inclosed in 1824 at the expense of the government ; in doing which part of the Via Appia was brought to light. MAUSOLEUM OF AUGUSTUS. Of this once magnificent fabric considerable remains stiU exist, but they are completely sur rounded by other buUdings, and what is to be seen exhibits no beauty or grandeur of architec ture. The body of MarceUus, the nephew of Augustus, was the first deposited here : he died A. C. 22: and VirgU, who has so patheticaUy celebrated his death, raakes aUusion also to this Mausoleum. Quantos ille virflm magnam Mavortis ad urbem Campus aget gemitus, vel quse, Tiberine, videbis Funera, cum tumulum prceterlahere recentem. Mn. vi. 873. J. Caesar, Augustus, and Germanicus, were also buried here : ' and we know from several ancient inscriptions, that the freedmen ofthe Emperor's ' Vide Ovid, ad Liviam, 67, &c. AUGUSTUS. 291 famUy were likewise admitted. It was of a cir cular form, 400 feet in height, with a dome at the top, surmounted by a statue of Augustus. The diameter of the largest part was fifty paces.'"' The whole was covered with mai-ble. Tacitus "" calls it the torab of the Octavu: and Suetonius" says, that Augustus buUt it in the year of his sixth con sulate, and planted trees about it for pubhc walks. The best account of the original appearance of this buUding is given by Strabo : p " What they " caU the Mausoleum is particularly worthy of " mention. It is buUt upon immense founda- " tions of white marble, and covered with ever- " greens. On the top is a statue of Augustus in " bronze ; underneath are the vaults for himself, " his relations, and dependents. Behind is a " grove with admirable walks." He then pro ceeds to describe the place where the bodies were bumt : " In the centre of the plain stands " the Torab itself, finished in white marble, with " iron paUsades round it, and poplar trees " planted within. The iimer circular waU still " exists with the opus reticulatum; but formerly, " as it seems, there were three waUs at equal " distances, the intervals between which were " marked out into certain spaces, so as to prp- " duce a greater number pf vaults, for the inter- " ment of each person separately." Of all this splendour Uttle now reraains but a circular mass "» Spence's Anecdotes, p. 88. "" An. lib. iv. c. 44. ° Ih Augusto, c. 100. P Lib. v. u2 292 MAUSOLEUM OF of brickwork of iraraense thickness : the dorae is entirely gone; and this, as weU as other parts, having fallen in, has made such an accumulation in the interior, that the present area is raised a considerable height above the street. Platina teUs us, without quoting his authority, that the building was repaired by Theodoric in the fifth century. "J It has been fitted up with rows of seats after the manner of the ancient amphithea tres, and bull-fights are occasionally perforraed in it. Several of the sepulchral charabers may still be seen in the wall, which surrounds the whole."^ MAUSOLEUM OF HADRIAN. This building is now called the Castle of S. Angelo, from a bronze statue of the Archangel Michael on the top of it. It seeras to have been erected in iraitation and rivalry of the Mausoleum of Augustus, which stood at no great distance off' on the other side of the Tiber. Perhaps Hadrian did not quite finish it, as Capitolinus mentions spmething being done to it by Antoninus Pius. Both structures were circular. This of Hadrian consisted of three stories, one above the other, besides a square baseraent. Frora coins and the description of Procopius we raay col- 5 Vita Felicis iii. '• Engravings are given of this Mausoleum by Bartholi, in his work upon ancient sepulchres. HADRIAN. 293 lect, that the two first stories were ornamented with piUars and statues, and the third was sur mounted with a cupola and a statue of Hadrian. The passage in Procopius is this : ' " The tomb * of the Emperor Hadrian stands without the ' Porta Aui-eha, at about a stone's tlu-ow fi-om the ' waUs, and is undoubtedly weU worth seeing. ' For it is buUt of Parian marble: the square ' stones [of which the basement is built] are 'joined alternately to each other, without the ' admixture of any cement, and it is divided ' into four sides of equal dimensions ; each is ' of such a length, that a stone thrown from one ' angle would but just reach the other.' In ' height it surpasses the walls ofthe city. There ' are also statues on it of men and horses, ' finished with wonderfiil skUl out of Parian ' marble. The inhabitants a long time ago ob- ' serving it stand Uke a tower overlooking the ' city, carried out two arms frora the waUs to ' the torab, and by buUding them into it so ' united it, that thenceforward it became part of ' the walls, for it has a very lofty appearance, ' like a tower, and overhangs the gate in that ' quarter." In the painting of the appearance of the cross to Constantine, in the room, which is caUed after that emperor, in the Vatican, the Mausoleum of Hadrian is introduced, as weU as that of Augustus, in what is supposed to have • Lib. iii. ' On NoUi's great plan, the sides measure 260 English feet. 294 MAUSOLEUM been their ancient state : they were probably de signed by Raflfael. Beside the baseraent, the first circular story now alone remams, 576 feet in circumference; stripped of all its ornaments, and with raodern buildings on the top of it. The statues were throvm down during the siege of Rome by the Goths under Vitiges ; when the bmlding served for a citadel, and the besieged threw down the statues upon their assailants. In the scheme for dragging the Tiber in search of antiquities, which was tried in the suraraer of 1819, great hopes were entertained that some of these statues would be found. The sanguine supporters of the scherae seem to have forgotten, that marble statues (probably of colossal size) could not ea sily be used as weapons of offence, unless they were first broken in pieces. Procopius, who mentions the fact of the statues being thrown down, expressly says, that they were so broken. His words are, " having broken the statues, *' which were of raarble and of great size, they " threw down large stones made out of their " fragments upon the heads of the enemy." It is however asserted by Winkelmann,"' that when Urban VIII. repaired the ditch of this fortress, two statues were found there: one of a sleeping faun, the legs, thighs, and left arm of which were wanting, and which is now in the Barberini gal lery. The other was of Septimius Severus. He " Tom. ii. p, 338, OF HADRIAN. 295 adds, that Alexander VI. discovered others, and m this he is confirmed by Andrea Fulvio and L. Fauno, who say, that they had seen some heads and other fragments dug up, when the ditches were being made deeper. They perhaps were dug up near this place, but whether they be longed to the series of statues which ornamented the Mausoleum, cannot be ascertained. The Tiber has certainly given up no such treasures hitherto, and the above-raentioned scherae totally faUed. Some disputes have arisen as to a pine of me tal, which is now in the garden of Belvedere, and which is said to have been on the top of this buUding. It is often represented so in drawings. But this is a mistake. Some authors have men tioned, that a statue of Hadrian stood on the top ; and Johannes Antiochenus" says, that a car in bronze formerly stood there. If this writer is to be beUeved, the proportions of this car were so immense, that a taU man could place himself in the hoUow of the horse's eyes ! And yet the height of this buUding was so prodigious, that the car and the figure in it looked quite diminutive from the ground. Dante seems to aUude to this pine in the Inferno, xxxi. 58. La faccia sua mi pare lunga e grossa. Come la pina di San Pietro a Roma. ^ He wrote a Chronological History in eighteen books. Some have placed him in the sixth century, others in the ninth. See Cave. 296 MAUSOLEUM The commentators perpetuate the mistake of placing this pine on the top of the Mausoleum: but as it stood for a long time in front of the old Church of S. Peter, the words in the passage quoted are very intelligible. It stood in the centre of the Quadriporticus, or quadrangular cloister, which was in front of the old Basilica; and was covered by a canopy supported by eight columns, on the top of which were two peacocks and four dolphins, all gilt. The whole is said by some antiquaries to have been on the top of the Mau soleum. The pine is 15 palms high, and served as a fountain. Flaminius Vacca ^ tells us, that it was found in digging for the foundations of the old church of Transpontina, which is at the foot ofthe Mausoleum of Hadrian: and this probably gave rise to the idea, that it formerly stood on the top of that building. It may also be found in some books, that the beautiful Corinthian columns in the Church of St. Paul came from hence; but the account is not true. St. Paul's was built in 396, Whereas Procopius mentions the Mausoleum and its sta tues as being perfect in 536; beside which the height of the pillars, which is 46 palms, is rauch too great for them to have stood on this building, At what time it was first used as a place of de fence, is not easy to ascertain. Procopius speaks of it as an event which took place considerably before his time. Perhaps we raay assign it to s' No, 61, OF HADRIAN. 297 the first Gothic war, when Alaric invaded Rome. In the second war, the statues were broken and thrown down, as already stated. Totila after wards gained possession of the building, and, ac cording to Procopius,' a very strong fortress was made of it by the garrison, which held it after TotUa's death. They surrounded it with walls, and connected their new work with the walls of the city. In the twenty-sixth year of the reign of Justinian, A. D. 553, the Goths were forced to give it up, and after that it continued in the possession of the Exarchs, who governed Rome in the narae of the Greek eraperors. The name of S. Angelo was given to it upon the occasion of an angel appearing to Gregory the Great, when he went in a grand procession of clergy and people to S. Peter's after the terrible inundation in November, 589. His third successor, Boni face IV. dedicated a chapel to S. Michael at the top of the Mausoleum. Luitprandus gives the foUowing account of it durmg this period.'' "• In " the entrance to the city of Rome there is a for- " tification of astonishing workraanship and asto- " nishing strength: in front ofthe gate is a bridge " of great consequence over the Tiber, which is " the first in going in or out of Rorae : nor is " there any other way of passing except over this " bridge. But this caimot be done, except by " leave of those who guard the fortress. The "fortress itself is of so great a height, that a ' Lib, iii, " Lib. iii, c. 12, 298 MAUSOLEUM OF HADRIAN. " church, which is built at the top ofit in honour " of the Archangel Michael, chief of the heavenly " host, is called, the Church of S. Angelo in the " heavens, (usque ad ccelos.)'" There is still a figure of an angel upon the top: but Andrea Fulrio, who wrote in the sixteenth century, speaks of it as a thing which had existed, but did not in his days. Diflferent powerfiil families occupied it till the time of John XII. who was the first pope that possessed it, about 955. His successors were soraetiraes masters of it, and sometimes driven out of it. About the year 985, Crescenzio No- raentano got possession of it, and added the forti fications. From him it got the name of Castello di Crescenzio;'' before which it was frequently called the house of Theodoric. After this time, a long period of troubles succeeded between the pope and the citizens of Rome ; during which time we soraetiraes find the pope overawing the people by means of this fortress, and sometimes besieged in it by the turbulent citizens. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries the Orsini family occupied this and the Theatre of Pompey. It was disfigured and reduced to its present shape less form by the fury of the Roman populace in 1378, at which tirae it had been occupied by a garrison placed there by the French cardinals, who opposed the election of Urban VI, and the partisans of this Pope, when they took it, would '' Vide Ciuicciardini, lib, i. p. 121, TOMB OF CECILIA METELLA. 299 have destroyed it, if they had not found it too strong. Boniface IX. repaired the walls ui 1392, and since his time, the popes with little mterrup- tion have kept possession of it.'= Alexander VI. added some brickwork at the top, and strength ened the fortifications in general. Paul III. and Pius IV. also did much towards ornamenting and fortifying it : and lastly Urban VIII. added more than any of his predecessors. Since this time it has always been used as the citadel of Rome, and now serves also as a state prison. It has a secret comraunication with the Vatican, constructed by Alexander VI. In the interior are sorae paint ings by Perino del Vaga, Giulio Romano, &c. The chamber in which the reraains of Hadrian were laid may stUl be seen: but Innocent II. re moved the urn of Porphyry to the Lateran, to serve for his own tomb."* TOMB OF CiECILIA METELLA. WhUe we are upon the subject of torabs, that of CaeciUa MeteUa must not be omitted. It stands on the Appian Way, and near to the Circus of CaracaUa. Nothing more is known of this lady, than from the inscription on the outside, which alUes her to a noble family. CAECILIAE Q. CRETICI. F METELLAE. CRASSI ' Vide Guicciardini, lib. iv. p. 222. ¦i Platina, in his life of Pope Sixtus I, states that Hadrian was buried at Puteoli in Cicero'? Villa, 300 TOMB OF Q. C. Metellus got the surname of Creticus for his conquest of Crete, U.C. 687:^ and we may fairly conclude, that this inscription relates to his daughter, who married into the family of Crassus. It has been conjectured, that her husband was the Crassus who fell in the Parthian war, U. C. 700. He is known to have married TertuUa, daughter of M. Lucullus, and the Lady in ques tion may have been his second wife.*" That the family of the Metelli had a burial- place upon this road, we learn from Cicero ;? " When you go out of the Porta Capena, and see " the Tombs of Calatinus, the Scipios, the Servihi, " the Metelli, &c. &c." Upon which passage we may observe, that the tombs of all these famihes have now been discovered except that of Calati nus; since Canova ascertained the burial-place of the Servihi in 1808. The monument before us seems to be still more expressly raentioned by Corn. Nepos, who tells us, that " Pomponius At- *' ticus was buried five miles from Rome, near the " Appian road, in the monument of his uncle Q. " CaeciliusJ' The distance to this place from the Forum would be about five miles.'" Atticus died U.C. 721. The upper part of this monument is circular, resting upon a square basement. This basement is made of small irregular stones, with large " Vide VeUeius, lib, ii. c. 40. ' Vide Glandorpii Onoraasticon, where is a pedigree of the Cacilian faraily, s Tusc. Disp. lib, i. c, 7, '¦ Vide p, 120, CECILIA METELLA. 301 square ones at certain intervals. The circular pai-t is of freestone, and remarkable for the im mense size of the stones, which are in fact larger than they appear to be; for each block is divided into two or three squares, and on account of the arrangement of the squares, it is difficult to per ceive the joinings. The original entrance is buried under the soU; but an opening has been made above, by which we see the interior. The top of the roof is broken in, but enough remains to prove it to have been of a conical shape ; that is, the waUs converged internaUy, though on the outside they reraained straight, so that they raust have been much thicker at the top than they were at the bottom. The sarcophagus, which contained the remains of the person buried here, was taken to the Palazzo Farnese, where it may stiU be seen in the court. Poggio says, that part of the tomb was bumt to make lime : and Urban VIII. took some of the blocks of stone for the fountain of Treri. The cornice is ornamented with festoons and buUs' heads alternately, from whence the building has acquired the name of Capo di Bove. This omament of buUs' heads is frequently to be seen in ancient buUdings and sculptures. Livy men tions it being first invented ;' but the Greeks cer tainly used it in connection with festoons, and probably at a period prior to that mentioned by ¦ I quote this from memory, not being able to find the pas sage. 302 BATHS. Livy. In the British Museura some specimens may be seen of it, upon ancient altars.'' The tomb was used as a fortification in the middle ages; and the works upon the top of it were added by Boniface VIII. at the end of the thir teenth century. The arras of the Gaetaiu family are upon the adjoining buildings: and a friend suggests to me that this circumstance, rather than the ornaraent in the frieze, gave rise to the narae of Capo di Bove ; the arms of that faraily being a buU's head. If the building never bore this name before it was occupied by the Gaetani, this etymo logy is perhaps preferable to the other. Another tomb, resembling this in form, but smaUer, may be seen on the road to Tivoli, close to the Ponte Lucano. It belonged to the Plau- tian family. BATHS. - The luxury in which the Roman emperors in dulged in the construction of their baths, is almost incredible. The expression of Thermce, which is now appUed to so raany ruins, is certainly not wholly correct; but we have sufficient evidence that immense buildings were raised merely for this purpose, A. MarceUinus' complains of their enormous size, " lavacra in modum provinciarum " extructa." Sorae were intended for the sura mer, others for the winter. First of all, the '' See the room ofthe Elgin Marbles, Nos. 91, 106. ' Lib. xvi. c. 10. BATHS OF TITUS. 303 emperors erected them for their own private use, but subsequentiy public ones were constructed, which were open to all. Sextus Rufus reckons eight hundred. Maecenas is said to have been the first who inti-oduced warm baths at Rome."" BATHS OF TITUS. This name by no means answers to the immen sity of the buUding which once covered great part of the EsquiUne HiU, and should more pro perly be styled the Palace of Titus. This is, in fact, the name which Pluiy gives to it."" The ground is now occupied by gardens to a great extent, and several fragments stiU exist in various parts of them, which aU belonged to the same edifice. The house of Maecenas stood here be fore; and the Golden-house of Nero, on the Palatine HiU, also extended as far as this place. Titus made use of both these buUdings in con structing his own palace ; and the ruins seem to agree with this account, by certain irregularities, and a want of uniformity. Suetonius teUs us, that the buUding was finished in haste;" and there are reasons for supposing that Trajan built some additions. A considerable excavation was made in 1777; but the chief merit is due to the French, who carried on the work much farther, and arrived at the lower floor. The buUding ¦" Dio. " Lib. xxxvi. c. 5 : In Titi Imperatoris domo. ° Titus, c. 7. 304 BATHS OF TITUS. seems originally to have consisted of two stories ; but of the upper one little remains to be seen. It is a mistake to suppose that the ancients built their houses with only a ground floor. At Pompeii this certainly appears to have been the case; nor am I aware, that in the excavations made within the walls, there has as yet been found any house of two stories. Outside the walls there is a larger house, which has been caUed that of M. Arrius Diomedes, which was certainly of more thau one story. The Baths of Titus, Caracalla, and Diocletian, were evidently of this kind ; and we know that private houses were sometimes raised to a great height. Men tion ia made of a third story as early as at the beginning of the second Punic war.? The upper rooms were caUed Ccenacula; and Juvenal fre quently alludes to the uses which were made of them. He tells us plainly,' that Centronius had viUas at Tibur, Praeneste, and Caieta, which were very lofty. The fact seems to be, that till the population of Rome became so enormous, the houses were only of one story. Vitruvius says as much;" and by the law, which did not allow a wall to be raore than a certain thickness, the waUs, which were built of brick, could not sup port an upper story. They therefore took to build them of stone and stronger materials, by which means they were able to carry up their " Liv, xxi, 62, 1 Sat, xiv. 88, Vid, Sat, iii, 195, &c, ¦¦ Lib, u, c. 8. WINDOWS. 305 houses to a considerable height; and this, as Vitruvius says, was raerely on account of the overflowing population. Trajan published a de cree, that no house should be higher than sixty feet. The height of the rooms in the Baths of Titus is prodigious, and they are coraparatively very narrow. It is also reraarkable, that in many of the rooras there is no trace of any window. This deficiency may frequently be observed in ancient Roman buUdings. Many houses in Pompeii have no other aperture but the door, which leads into the court ; and in the Baths of CaracaUa even the most perfect remains of chambers have no traces of windows. Some houses, however, certainly had them; and the terra fenestra, though it often impUed merely an open space in the waU, which let in the air as well as the Ught, signified, also, a kind of lattice-work, which was not uncommon in dwelling-houses. VirgU seems to aUude to something of this kind, where he says, qua se Plena per insertas fundebat Luna fenestras. Mn. iii. 151. Where glass was so little used, and so imper fectly formed, it must have been difficult, in time of winter, to admit light and yet exclude the cold. And the custom, which seems so barbarous to us, of constructing rooms without windows, arose, probably, from their ignorance of an art, which now gives to every cottage in England an advan- VOL. I. X 306 BATHS OF TITUS. tage over the palaces of the Caesars, In Sicily, and great part of the south of Italy, glass is still rarely seen in the vrindows. The mildness ofthe climate aUows the free admission of air in the day time, and at night the aperture is closed with wooden shutters. It would seem that this luxury was of earlier introduction in the north than in the south of Europe. ^Eneas Sylvius, (afterwards Pope Pius II,) in his treatise De Moribus Germanorum, written in the fifteenth century, mentions that aU the houses in Vienna had glass windows. " Instead of the rooms being " fiimished as with us, they have places to warm " themselves by, which they caU stoves {stubce); " for this is their method of tempering the seve- " rity of the winter. Transparent windows of " glass are in every house." ^ The term vitrece, as signifying glass windows, certainly occurs in very early writers. St. Jerom, who lived in the fourth century, mentions* glass being run into thin plates for this purpose ; and the use of it in churches seems considerably to have preceded the general adraission of it into private houses. In our own country, we are told by Stubbs," that Wigfrid, Bishop of Worcester, was the first who introduced windows of stone and glass into England; and Bede" has the following passage in one of his works : " He sent raessengers into ¦ Vide Epist. 165, lib, i, ' In Ezech. xl. 16, " In Actis Pontificum Ebor. anno 726. " De Wiremuthensi Monast. c, 5. WINDOWS. 307 " Gaul, to bring over some glaziers, (artists who " tiU then were unknowni in Britain,) to put panes " into the windows of the Chm-ch, as weU as in " the cloisters and cells. "^' Beside then ignorance of the art of making glass windows, I doubt whether the Romans did not designedly construct their houses in this manner to render them cool. During the sum mer months, when the heat is so excessive in Italy, it is impossible, as in England, to retire to a cool side of the hpuse, and there avoid the in fluence of the sun: the whole atmosphere seems to be scorched: and in the shade, as weU as out ofit, by night as weU as by day, no relaxation of the heat is to be found. The ancient Romans seera to have adopted a reraedy in excluding the outward air, and constructing their rooms one within the other, so that the inner apartments had the coolness of a ceUar. I think we have this custom clearly indicated in sorae letters of Pliny. In describing one of his viUas in Tuscany to his fiiend ApoUinaris,^ he says, " In this part is " my bed-roora, frora which the Ught and aU noises " are excluded." In the same epistle he describes a suite of living rooms, and says, " At the end " there is a charaber, which in sumraer is quite " frosty from the cold shut up in it: it is con- " tented with its own atmosphere, and neither " desires nor admits the external air." I by no means wish to say, that the ancients had always y ^'ide Ducange, Vitrei, ^ Lib, v. Epist, 6. X 2 308 BATHS OF TITUS, very few windows, or very small ones. I am well aware, that Vitruvius "" gives particular instruc tions for admitting sufficient light. Pliny himself, whose letter I have quoted above, undoubtedly talks of many of his rooms having several win dows: and it appears from a letter of Seneca,'' that even in the rooms where the baths were, very large windows were then fashionable : and people were not contented, unless they could enjoy a prospect of the country while they were in the water. All that I mean to say is, that where we see apartments in ancient buildings, such as in these baths, and very generally in Pompeii, where there was no aperture to the air but by the door, it was probably an intentional contrivance to have some rooras in the house, which were impervious to the heat of the sun. Vitruvius "^ frequently dis tinguishes between summer and winter rooms ; and the term hybernaculum, as expressing a se parate apartment contrived for warmth in winter, is very common in the letters of PUny. It must not however be supposed, that the ancients were unacquainted with the use of glass. Pliny tells us of the invention of it as early as 1000 A. C. And if we may believe his testimony, they were by no means rude in the manageraent of it. For he tells us,"* that in the time of Tibe rius a method was discovered of making glass flexible. But he expresses some doubt as to the ° Lib. vi. c. 9. ^ Epist. 86. " Lib. vii. " Lib. xxxvi, c, 26. GLA.SS. 309 fact hiraself; and the story is evidentiy inadmis sible, though it is repeated by Dio Cassius, Pe tronius Arbiter, and Isidore of SeviUe, who pro bably merely copied from Pliny. Aristotle asks two questions with respect to glass ; What is it that makes it transparent? and, A^'liy is it not flexible? The Greeks undoubtedly raade use of it, and called it hyalum, a term which seems first to have sigmfied crystal, and perhaps rock-salt; and which was afterwards transferred to glass, from its resembUng those substances in trans parency." Seneca very plainly describes a glass- blower making vessels of any shape he pleased merely by blowing :'^ and he mentions the use of glass vessels fiUed with water for the purpose of magnifying objects, and making rainute characters legible.^ Buming glasses are minutely described by Epiphanius, in the fourth century.'" , Pliny teUs us, that in Nero's time vases and cups were made of white transparent glass, so as to imitate rock-crystal. They came from Alexandria, and cost a great price. We know also, that they formed cinerary urns of it, and even executed bas-reUefs in glass: so that Winkelmann says," that the ancients in general made a greater use of glass than the moderns. Still, however, we have no direct evidence that glass was generaUy used by them for those two « Vid. Schol. in Aristoph. Nub. act. ii. sc. 1. ' Epist. 90. « Nat. Quaest. lib. i. c. 5. ^ Ancor. 47. vol. ii. p. 51. ' Lib. i. c. 2. § 20. 310 BATHS OF TITUS. purposes, which are so essential to us at present, namely, for mirrors and for windows. The former were raetalUc; and some specimens may be seen, now grown duU by age, in the gallery at Florence, Pliny tells us,*" that the best were made in his day of silver, which had been used for that purpose since the time of Pompey. He mentions, that there was a contrivance for affixing gold to the back of the silver, which gave a better reflection. More anciently iron had been used, or a mixture of tin and copper: but in his days silver ones were so common, that every maid servant used them.' Glass mirrors were first mentioned in a work attributed to Alexander Aphrodisius, who lived at the end of the second century :"" and the squares of glass with which Firmus covered the walls of his roora, were raost likely used as rairrors."" There is some evidence, that glass was applied to windows even by the indents ; and in the Museum at Parma some panes are preserved, brought from the ruins of Velleia, which are said to have been found in their original situation. They are certainly duU and obscure, but perhaps not more so than the best glass would be, after lying buried for so many centuries. Similar panes have also been found at Pompeii. " One " of the rooms had a large glazed bow-vrindow: '' Lib. xxxiii. c. 45. ' Lib. xxxiv. c. 48. "' Dodwell's Travels in Greece, vol. i. p. 433. " Vopiscus in Vita, c. 3, GLASS. 311 " tiie glass was very thick, and deeply tinged with " green: it was set in lead, like a modern case- " raent."" Horace raay be adduced as an evi dence, that the transparency of glass was brought to considerable perfection in his tirae, when he says of the pure fountain of Blandusia, that it was more pellucid than glass.? It is true, that he gives the superiority to the fountain. It was natural that he should do so, in extoUing its clearness ; but if glass in those days was always duU and opaque, the compUment was not very great. St. Paul, when he uses the expression, " Now we see through a glass darkly, i seems to aUude to the use of glass for the admission of Ught; and at the same time to prove, that when applied to that purpose, it was not transparent enough to transmit the objects clearly. In the present day his metaphor would not be applicable, as we can now see as perfectly through glass, as when no such medium intervenes. Before the Romans carae to use glass for their windows, two raineral substances, phengites and lapis specularis, (probably Mica and Talc,) served for the transmission of light. Seneca marks the time, when one of them was introduced,"^ " There " are some arts which we know were not discovered " tiU pur days ; such is the use of those glasses, " Sir W. GeU's Pompeiana. p Od. iii. 13. 1. 1 1 Cor. xiu. 12, There is a dissertation upon this passage in the last volume of the Critici Sacri. ¦¦ Epist. xci. 312 BATHS OF TITUS. " {specularid), made of transparent stones, {testes^ " which leave a fi-ee passage for the light." Sue tonius raentions this substance being used for rairrors ;" and PUny tells us,' that beehives were made of it, in order to show the bees at work. Some have thought that glass also was used for windows at this time, from a passage in Philo, where he is giving an account of the embassy to Claudius. Speaking of the room of audience, he says, " that the emperor walked about, and or- *' dered the windows every where to be closed " with transparent stones, which resembled white " hyalum." It is difficult to give an exact inter pretation to these words ; but they are not deci sive as indicating the use of glass. We^ must bear in mind, that the stone called phengites was not the same with the lapis specularis. The latter was known before the former. The pas sage quoted from Seneca shows, that phengites was not known till about Nero's time, or a little before. Pliny points out the distinction still more clearly; describing the lapis specularis,'^ he teUs us, that it was easily divided into thin laminae, and was sometimes found incorporated in rock, but was generally dug up by itself, and only required cutting. It was found in Spain, Cyprus, Cappadocia, Sicily, and Africa ; and the laminae never exceeded five feet in length. This description seems to answer to what we call Talc, • Domit. c. xiv. ' Lib. xxi. c. 14. " Lib. xxxvi. c. 45. GLASS. 313 which is now found mostly in the Tyrol, Saxony, and SUesia, coraiected with rocks of Serpentine. Having described the lapis specularis, Pliny pro ceeds to say, that in Nero's time a stone had been discovered which was as hard as marble, white, and transparent, even where there were yeUow veins. " So that, when the doors are closed, " there is stiU the hght of day within, but pro- " duced in a diflferent manner frora what it is by " specularia, the light being, as it were, shut up " in the room, not transmitted from without. " Juha also writes, that there is a stone in Arabia, " transparent like glass, which they use for spe- " cularia." StiU, however, we have no express mention of panes of glass. I understand specu laria to mean glasses made of the lapis specu laris; as appears, also, from combining two pas sages in Martial, which give us the additional information, that the Romans had greenhouses, or hothouses, constructed hke our own. We read, Hibernis objecta Notis Specularia puros Admittunt soles, et sine faece diem. Lib. viii. ep. 14. Condita perspicua vivit vindemia gemma, Et tegitur felix, nee tamen uva latet. Lib. viii. ep. 68. The gemma, in the last epigram, is eridently the same as specularia in the first; and the term gemma would hardly have been used to denote an artificial substance lUte glass; but was not 314 BATHS unappropriate to a natural production found im bedded in rocks. Another passage in Pliny" is more to the point, because he is there expressly treating of glass. After praising Sidon for its manufacture of that article, he adds, " si quidem " etiam specularia excogitaverat." If neither of these two passages relate to windows of glass, Lactantius is the earUest author who mentions thera.y " It is manifest, that it is the mind which " sees, by means of the eyes, those things which " are opposite to it, as if through windows covered " with glass, or lapis specularis^ Lactantius wrote at the beginning of the fourth century;" and Origen, about sixty years earUer, mentions the rays of the sun being transmitted through " windows and certain small receptacles of light," by which he may perhaps have meant glass. ^ In such rooms as these in the Baths of Titus, laraps must always have been used; and it raay be observed, that there is scarcely a passage in an ancient author, where raention is raade of a banquet, but " the golden laraps hanging from " the roofs" are always added. According to the hours which the ancients observed for their meals, (the coena, or last meal, being at abput three o'clock,) there would have been no need of lights had there been windows to the rooms; which aflfords another proof that they were frequently '' Lib. xxxvi. c. 26. y De Opific. Dei, tom. ii. c. 8. ' A good description of the lapis specularis may be seen in St. BasU (horail. 3). » De Princip, lib, i. c. 1, § 6, OF TITUS. 315 constructed without them. Indeed, Grecian archi- tectm-e seems to derive a peculiar character from the absence of such apertures. If any objection is to be made to the chaste and simple models which ancient Greece has left us, it is, that there is a heaviness and a want of relief in the vast masses of sohd masonry. The modern ItaUan ai-chitects have gone into the contrary extreme ; their aim seems to have been, to break every por tion of the buUding into as many parts as pps- sible; and in the pediments of their windows they have been particularly profiise of ornament. The difference is probably to be traced to the fact of the ancients having had few windows in their buUdings, and the moderns having many. In such structures as the Palace of Titus, where many omaments, both in painting and sculpture, were assembled, it might be thought that much of the eflfect would be lost by their being never seen except by the Ught of lamps. With respect to sculpture, however, it is weU known that there is no greater test of the exceUence of the work, than to riew it by torch-hght ; the rising of the muscles, and aU those delicate touches of the chisel, which are scarcely observed on the smooth surface of the white marble, are thrown into a much stronger Ught and shade in this manner. It is not uncomraon for parties to visit the Vati can at night, and riew the statues by torch-light. The eflfect is certainly very good ; and sorae pre tend to discover that the modem productions appear greatly inferior to the ancient on such 316 BATHS occasions. We know that there were formerly some of the finest specimens of sculpture in the Baths of Titus, and the paintings on the walls still remain. The Laocoon was found here dur ing the Pontificate of Julius II. which Pliny** mentions as standing in this palace. Notwithstanding the depth of soil which has accumulated on the top of the buUding, and which serves for gardens, there are paintings on the ceiUng which may be called extremely perfect. The damp seeras to have had little or no eflfect upon them, which is probably owing to the excel lence of the Roman brickwork. They consist chiefly of arabesques, with all the figures very small, forming little borders and patterns of birds, beasts, &c. among which some green parrots may be seen very distinctly. We know that this me thod of ornamenting rooms was a late introduc tion ; and it was considered as a sign that the art of painting was on the decline, when instead of representing historical subjects upon the walls, they took to draw fanciful objects, such as land scapes, ponds, sea pieces, and such like. Vitru vius raakes a complaint of this kind; and it may perhaps be curious to see a description of ara besques in the original language of a writer of the Augustan age. He says," " Pinguntur tectoriis " monstra potius quam ex rebus finitis imagines " certas. Pro columnis enim statuuntur calami, " pro fastigiis harpaginetuli stria ti cum crispis fo- '' Lib. xxxvi. c. 5. ¦" Lib. yii. c. 5. OF TITUS. 317 " his et volutis. Item candelabra aedicularum " sustinentia figuras supra fastigia earum surgen- " tes ex radicibus, cum volutis coliculi teneri " plures, habentes in se sine ratione sedentia si- " gilla, alia humanis alia bestiariim capitibus simi- " Ua. Haec autem nee sunt, nee fieri possunt, " nee fuerunt. Ergo ita novi mores coegerunt, " uti inertia mali judices conniveant artium vir- " tutes." He seems to give the name of topia- riuni opus to this style of painting."^ The term arabesque is said to have been applied, because the Arabs and other Mahometans use this kind of ornaments; their reUgion forbidding them to make any images or figures of men or other ani mals. The ItaUans caU this style of painting Grottesca, from the subterraneous places in which the ancient specimens of it were discovered.' There are also some larger paintings, but not in such good preservation. Mars and Rhea Sylvia have been said to form the subject of one, and Coriolanus of the other : but Winkelmann is not of this opinion.^ In his ExpUcation de Monu- mens de I'Antiquite he has pubUshed four of these paintings, with a long and leamed descrip tion. The ground is generaUy a rich dark red. At the end of one of the rooms is a large painting of some building, in which the perspective is cor- rectiy given. ¦¦ Vide this same chapter, and lib. v. c. 8. ' See the Life of B. CeUini, vol, i. p. 102. Roscoe's Edition. ' Lib. iv. c. 8. § 9. 318 BATHS OF TITUS. The charge, which has been brought against the ancient painters, of not understanding the rules of perspective, certainly cannot be main tained. It may be true, that in some of their paintings, which have been preserved to us, these rules are violated: but in a great number they are strictly foUowed. There is no evidence, that the paintings in fresco at Portici, which came frora Pompeii and Herculaneum, were executed by any other than common house-painters. On the con trary it is reasonable to suppose, that they are the work of such artists. When it was as com mon to paint the waUs of houses with arabesques and figures, as it is now to cover -them with paper, the ordinary house-painters were of course capa ble of the work : it would therefore be alraost as unfair to judge of the knowledge of the ancient painters from these remains at Ponipeii, as to estimate the state of the arts in England from the sign-posts. It would be rather raore reasonable to say, that if the raost ordinary workmen could do so weU, the great masters must indeed have been excellent. But without having recourse to this argument, many specimens may be seen at Portici, where architectural subjects are treated with every attention to perspective. Unfortunately none of the works of their great masters have come down to us : nor would I build much upon the argument, that as they carried sculpture to such perfection, the sister art must also have attained equal excellence. But thus far it is rea sonable to conclude, that the people, who had ANCIENT P.MNTING, 319 such models as the works of Grecian sculpture to form their taste upon, would never have lavished such praises upon the productions of their paint ers, if they also had not been reaUy excellent. I aUow, that all praise is relative to the age in which it is bestowed. In the thirteenth century the Itahans admired the works of Giotto and Cimabue: nor was this unnatural, since nothing better had ever been seen by them. The princi ples of architecture were then rude and indefinite : sculptm-e was as unsuccessful in its eflPorts as painting. But as the arts advanced, each gene ration leamt to despise what their predecessors had admired ; and in the sixteenth century, when so many ancient statues were discovered, we find, that painters only of real exceUence were esteemed. It would therefore not be reasonable to suppose, that whUe the Greeks had carried the art of sculpture to its highest perfection, they would bestow the same terms of praise upon their paintings, merely because they were the best that they had seen. We must suppose them to have been reaUy and not relatively exceUent. How could a person, who had seen the alraost living forms which a Praxiteles or an Agasias produced, talk of the iUusion raised by the works of Zeuxis or ApeUes, if these painters were ignorant of the first principles ofthe art? Yet they have been accused of not understand ing perspective, nor the theory of light and shade. The charge has been brought by Perrault, in his parallel of the ancients and the modems, a book, 320 ANCIENT PAINTING. in which great malice is shown against the an cients, together with excessive ignorance on the part of the author. With respect to perspective, he has been answered by SaUier.s The passages, which he produces to refute Perrault are few, but convincing. I shall borrow two of them, and add some others, which appear to me decisive. With respect to light and shade, the first passage which I shall produce is from Pliny, where he says of painting,'" " The art at length became " distinct, and invented light and shades; a dif- " ference of colours alternately throwing out each " other." In the same book' he tells us, " that " Zeuxis, and Polygnotus, and Euphranor, un- " derstood how to express shades, and to make " their figures advance and retire." The younger Pliny also says,'' " In a picture there is nothing " which sets off' light more than shade." With respect to perspective, the knowledge which the ancients had of it is clearly indicated in the following passage; where Pliny tells us,' " that Apelles admired Asclepiodorus in his " symmetries .... he yielded to Asclepiodorus "in proportion, (mensuris,) Vnz.t is, in putting " objects at their proper distance, (quanto quid a " quo distare deberet.)" The passage produced by Sallier is still more satisfactory, as it shows how early the theory of perspective was known. It is from that Dialogue of Plato, which is called s Acad, des Inscript. vol, viii, p. 97. I' Lib. xxxv. c. 5. ' C, 11. '' Lib. iii. epist. 13. ' Lib. xxxv. c. 10. ANCIENT PAINTING. 321 the Sophist, he says, " If painters and sculptors " confined themselves to preserving the real pro- " portions of objects, those which are situated at " a certain point of elevation would appear to us " too small; and those which are placed lower " would seem too large; the one being viewed " near, the other at a distance. Our artists there- " fore at present abandon the truth, and give to " their figures not the real proportion of their " model, but that which would convey to the eye " an idea of beauty in the figures." We raight perhaps be satisfied with a single passage of Vi truvius, without having recourse to any other. It is in his preface to his seventh book; he is there speaking of the decorations of theatres, and says, " that Democritus and Anaxagoras had " written to explain how by fixing a point in a " certain place, we might make the Unes coming " from it meet the field of the eye, and the " extension of rays according to nature : so that " though ignorant of the principle, we may have " definite forms of buUdings represented to us on " scenes ; and figures, which are drawn upon " straight and smooth surfaces, may appear some " to recede, and some to advance." I must produce one more passage from Pliny, which most clearly expresses the foreshortening of figures."" " Pausias was the first inventor of " a secret in painting, which many afterwards " imitated, but none equaUed. Wishing to re- " Lib. xxxv. c. 11. VOL. I. Y 322 BATHS " present the whole length of an ox, he painted " it fronting the spectator, not sideways, and yet " the size of the animal was raade perfectly in- " teUigible. Again, painters in general make the " parts, which they wish to stand out, rather " light, and compose a colour out of a black " ground ; but Pausias raade the whole ox of a " black colour, and represented a body of shade " rising out of shade ; showing, with excessive " skiU, that parts could stand out where all " seeraed even, and that every part was firra and " distinct where all seemed confused."" As to the arabesques in the Baths of Titus, it is said that Raflfael took some hints frora thera in his ornaraents of the Vatican; and he is ac cused of having had the rooras filled up again, that his thefts might not be discovered. They were undoubtedly open in his time, as the Laocoon was discovered in 1506, and Raffael painted the Loggie in the Vatican in 1513-21. It is also true, that they were subsequently filled up, and the soil which occupied them was not an accumu lation merely effected by time. Many of the rooras were fuU up to the very top, a height, perhaps, of thirty feet ; and the rubbish, which has been dug out, consists of stones and other ruins of buildings. The room in which the Laocoon was found, and which must have been " A curious passage, to prove the optical deceptions pro duced by the ancient paintings, may be seen in Clem. Alex. Strom, lib. vi. c. 7. OF TITUS. 323 cleared at that time, is stated by the guides to have been also choked up when the French began to dig. But, we may ask, if the room was fidl of soil from the days of Raftliel to the time of the late excavations, how was the tradition preserved, that this was the actual apartment where the Laocoon was found? It is a singular circum stance, that in almost aU the rooms a round hole has been broken in the ceiling, as if purposely to throw in rubbish. So that it is, perhaps, not an improbable conjecture, that the owners of the land, wishing to clear it for cultivation, got rid of sundry fragraents, which projected above the surface, by throwing them into this convenient receptacle. At aU events, we raust not believe the charge against Raffael without some satisfac tory eridence. He is known to have been an eager searcher after antiquities, and to have made a proposal to Leo X. for instituting a general examination. The Roraans in his tirae were per haps as enthusiastic in this pursuit, as they have been during any subsequent period ; and we may imagine, that when such a discovery was made, as that of the charabers in the Palace of Titus, thousands would be led by curiosity to examine them. Such, indeed, is the express testimony of Gianbattista Arraeni, a writer of that day, who says, that all Rorae ran in crowds to see the or naments of stucco and painting, which presented such singular varieties. AU these persons would have seen the arabesques; they must have formed the principal objects for the Ciceroni to point y2 324 BATHS OF TITUS. Piit; owing to their great height, Raffael could not have copied them without scaffolding and without lights ; so that it seems impossible that he could have conceived the idea of transferring these designs to the Vatican, and keeping the originals unknown. Beside which, it is certain, from the work of Giulio Mancini upon painting, that the baths were open in the time of Urban VIII. who reigned in 1623-44, as well as in the time of Flaminius Vacca, who wrote in 1594. Where the walls are bare, the brickwork has a most singular appearance of freshness ; the stucco also is very perfect in many parts ; but the marble, of which there are evident traces on the walls and floors, is gone. These ruins extend, as I have mentioned, over a great tract of ground; and in one of the adjoin ing gardens is a building connected with the baths, and caUed Sette Sale di Vespasiano. It got this name when seven rooms only had been opened ; but there are in all nine, of the same size, and supposed to have served as a reservoir for water. There are two stories, the lower of which is buried. Each chamber opens into the next by means of an arch. These arches are not placed opposite to each other; but a person placing himself in the first room may look through all of them, in a slanting direction. To make myself understood, I have given a ground plan of the building ; and rauch ingenuity has been exercised, to explain why the arches were constructed in this manner. But if we exaraine this plan, perhaps we shall " ¦¦¦¦"v-^ '¦¦'¦"¦•¦'¦J _ X.. !. 'X hi - - . ^ _ , _ ^ fc.'-* k' ir. , .."^.'¦v _ - " v^^ .- I L\ SETTE SALE. 325 conclude, that this was not the effect which the architect had in view. The plan is, hi fact, ex tremely simple, and the most natural of any for such a building. To form a series of chambers, communicating with each other by arches, each partition was divided into so many oblong por tions, from which the arches were to spring ; and these were not set exactly one before the other, but the space between each two corresponded with the middle of the opposite pier ; hence re sulted the eflfect of our being able to see through so many arches at once, which is a natural conse quence of the plan of the building, but was not studied purposely by the architect. The longest of these rooms is 137 feet ; the width of each is 17^. The walls of the upper chambers, beside a coat .of very hard plaster, show three distinct deposits, one above the other, formed by a sediment from water. These are so extreraely hard, that it is difficult to separate a small portion from the wall to examine it. That water should leave a deposit upon the wall, seems very natural ; but why there should be here three distinct coatings, seems not so easy to explain. Such a phenomenon could scarcely have been produced, without some inter vals of time having passed, when the water was temporarily withdrawn. Perhaps we may be able to assign a cause, which wiU account for the sin gular appearance. Of the five great aquaducts, which brought water into Rome, the Aqua Julia supplied the EsquUine and Palatine Hills. Con- 326 SETTE SALE. sequentiy, the Baths of Titus were fed frora this stieara, and the Sette Sale may have formed the reservoir. Now, it is known that the Aqua Julia was an union of three strearas, the Aqua Martia, brought to Rome, U. C. 608 or 640, by Q. Mar tius Rex; the Aqua Tepula, which was brought U. C. 627 ; 'and the Aqua Julia, properly so called, which was introduced U. C. 721, by M. Agrippa. Each stream originally entered the city by itself; but as the others were brought, they were succes sively turned into the same aquaduct, and came on one course of arches into Rome. Now it seems not improbable, that the Aqua Martia or Tepula (whichever was the earUest) forraed the first deposit. It would seera, also, by another streara being brought in, that the first must have proved deficient; or whUe the second work was going on, the water raight have been withdrawn, and thus we have the first deposit. Then, when the two strearas were let in, another deposit began to be formed, which would not incorporate with the first, but lie over it. Lastly, when the Aqua Julia was being introduced, (after an interval of nearly a century,) the same temporary withdraw ing of the water raight have taken place, and thus the second deposit would have hardened. After this, the third was formed by the three streams united. To allow this, we must assume that the Sette Sale were not built as a reservoir for the Baths of Titus, but long antecedent, which is not at all contrary to the appearance of the building. It is, indeed,- natural to suppose, that when SETTE SALE. 327 Agrippa brought the Aquaduct to the EsquUine HiU, there was a reservou- constructed for it. It seems to have been the custom with most of the aquaducts. The remains of a reservoir for the Claudian Aquaduct are still to be seen near the Temple of Minerva Medica ; and what is caUed the Castello dell' Acqua Giulia, is always allowed to have been a reservoir, though it is disputed for what water. The Piscina Mirabile near Baiae, and the Labyrinth near Pozzuoli, are also in stances of this custom prevailing.? BATHS OF CARACALLA. These, which forra the principal ruin on Mount Aventine, were sraaUer than the baths of Diocle tian, and larger than those of Titus: but rauch more is remaining of thera, than of either of the others. They look not unlike the ruins of sorae of our old castles in England, and next to the Colosseum present the greatest raass of ancient buUding in Rome. The length of the whole is said to be 1840 feet, the breadth 1476. The outer waU raay be traced in nearly its whole cir cuit, though it has lost soraething of its height. The number of rooms in the interior, and the dimensions of them, are most astonishing: one in particular, supposed to be the Cella Solearis, is P Tlie use for which these two buildings were constructed has been disputed, Seneca exactly describes one of them, and calls it Piscina. Nat. Quaest. lib. i. c. 3. 328 BATHS OF CARACALLA. 203 feet long by 146 wide: the flat roof, which covered it, was considered very surprising by the ancients. Spartianus describes the baths thus: " At Rome he left some astonishing baths, which " bear his name. There is a room in them called "Cella Solearis, which architects say, could not " possibly have been constructed in any other " way. Cross bars of brass or copper are said " to be placed over it, upon which the whole " vaulting rests : and the space is so great, that " skilful mechanics say that the same effect could " not be produced by any other means.'"' Lam pridius says, that they were begun by CaracaUa, and that Heliogabalus annexed porticos, which were finished by Alexander Severus. From the former of these they were called Thermce Anto- niniancB. Olympiodorus tells us, that 1600 seats were made of polished marble for the use of the persons bathing. The lower story, in which the baths were constructed, is entirely buried; and the rooms of the upper story, which are what we now see, are in complete ruin. The roofs, where any portion of them remain, consist Jialf of pumice stone, for the sake of lightness in such large arches. The niches are very per fect in some squares of it, but in the most perfect parts there is nothing to be seen of windows."" By raeans of a broken staircase a person may climb up to the top of the building, and ramble in various directions through a kind of shrubbery, 1 CaracaUa, 9. ¦¦ Spence's Anecdotes, p. 94. FARNESE HERCULES. 329 which has grown on the surarait of the waUs. Perpendicular channels of tUes may be observed on the outside, which seem to have carried the water fi-ora the roof. It is to be regretted, that excavations are not carried on here at present on a more extensive scale, as there is every reason to expect, that the search would be repaid. Some of the finest works, which the ancients have left us in sculp ture, have been found here. In 1540, during the reign of Paul III. the Farnese -Hercules was dis covered. At first the legs were wanting ; but they were found in 1560, and came into the possession of Prince Borghese, who refused for some time to give them up. They are now however re joined to the body. In the mean time a fresh pair of legs had been executed by Guglielmo deUa Porta, under the direction of Michel An gelo, and these may now be seen in the Farnese palace at Rome. The name of the sculptor Glycon is upon the statue; and it had struck me that Horace might allude to the enormous bulk of this statue, and not to a Gladiator as is commonly supposed, when he says. Nee quia desperes invicti membra Glyconis. Epist. i. 1. 30. But Sandby has anticipated me in this remark: and Fea, the annotator of Winkelmann,' says, that he is wrong, but does not add his reasons. • At lib, vi, c. 4. § 53. 330 BATHS OF CARACALLA. The Abb^ Dubos' also thought, that this statue was distinctly mentioned by Pliny: but in this he is corrected by Winkelmann. The latter writer places Glycon among the sculptors who flou rished after the time of Alexander. A figure ex actly reserabling this raay be seen on a coin of Commodus, which from the inscription appears to have been struck at Nicaea. Addison seems to argue from this circumstance, that the statue itself was not older than the time of Coraraodus: but we know frora history," that statues were erected to that eraperor under the forra of Hercules; and his coins raay have been struck with this figure upon them from the same reason. Paul III. being a Farnese, the Hercules be came the property of that faraily, and was pre served in their palace at Rome. But by the marriage of Philip V. King of Spain, with Eliza beth Farnese, the crown of Spain gained a claim to the possessions pf that family. By the Qua druple Alliance in 1718, the Duchies of Parraa and Placentia" were adjudged to the Infant Don Carlos, son of Philip V. upon the extinction of the Dukes of the Farnese family. Their line terminated with Antonio Francesco, who died in 1731 without issue : upon which Don Carlos succeeded. He gave them up to the emperor ' Reflexions sur la Poesie et la Peinture. " JE\. Lamprid. 9. ^ Paul III, in 1545, gave Parraa and Placentia to his Son, Peter Louis Farnese, as Duke, FLPKA. TORO FARNESE. 331 by the treaty pf Vienna in 1738; but in 1748, by the peace pf Aix la Chapelle, they were again transferred tP Don Phihp, brother to Don Carlos, PhiUp dying without issue in 1765, Don Carlos, who was then King of Spain, took possession of them, and left thfem to his son Ferdinand, who became King of Naples in 1759. It was then that aU the Farnese property became attached to the crown of Naples; and all the remains of anti quity, which were forraerly in their palace at Rorae, were reraoved to Naples. The Flora, which is also in the royal Neapo- poUtan GaUery, was found here in the same year with the Hercules, 1540. This seems certainly to be improperly caUed a Flora, and the flowers in the left hand, frora which the name is taken, are a modern addition, together with the whole arm. The right arm also, the head, the legs and feet, have been restored by a modern hand. The figure is colossal, being nearly ten feet high. It is more difficult to decide what it ought to be called. Winkehnann (who appears never to have seen the statue) caUs it in one place'' a Terpsi chore, in another ' one of the Hours. The faraous Toro Farnese which is also at Naples, in the Villa Reale, was a produce of the same excavation about the year 1546. This groupe represents Dirce fastened by her hair to a bull by Zethus and Amphion; but when the y Liv. iv. c. 2, § 85. ' Ibid. c,5, § 20, 332 BATHS OF CARACALLA. bull is on the point of starting oflf, Antiope orders" them to release her, and they are stopping the fiiry ofthe animal." Pliny mentions this piece of sculpture,'' ' and teUs us that the artists were ApoUonius and Tauriscus. He adds also, that it was forraed of one block of marble. Of the truth of this statement we cannot now judge, as it has been greatly broken and restored by mo dern hands, Baptista Bianchi of Milan was the person employed to replace the parts which were wanting. These parts are the head, breast, and two arms of Dirce; the head and arms of An tiope ; both the figures of Amphion and Zethus, except the two torsos and one leg." The legs of the bull and the cord are also modern. Winkel mann"' (from whom I have borrowed this detail) condemns these restorations; and assigns to the original groupe a date subsequent to the age of Alexander. The Jesuits begged to have these baths for their boys to play in, and have since sold a good deal of the stone." On the east side of this im mense fabric are considerable remains of the portico, which was built by Heliogabalus and " Vide Propert. lib. iii. el. 15. ^ Lib. xxxvi. c. 5. He says that it was in the collection of PoUio. <= Evelyn, who traveUed in 1644, mentions the Torso of Amphion represented in five figures. <> Liv. vi. c. 4. § 17. " Spence's Anecdotes, p, 94. BATHS OF DIOCLETIAN. 333 Alexander Severus. Within the precincts is an octagon building, which has been called a Tera ple of Hercules. There are four large niches in it apparently for statues. BATHS OF DIOCLETIAN. Of these baths, which were the largest in Rorae, little is to be said in description, although great fragments of the ancient building remain. Maxi mianus, when he returned from Africa, A.D. 298, began them, and employed seven years in the work. He had distinguished himself very much in persecuting the Christians, and accordingly he ordered as many as he could find to work in the buUding. Some say that forty thousand Chris tians worked here : according to Evelyn, an hun dred and fifty thousand. " Hence," says one of the antiquaries of Rome, " though aU the other " baths are destroyed, these, which were built by " the hands of saints, are still preserved." He adds, that some of the bricks have been found with a cross marked upon them. At the time when he wrote, which is about two centuries ago, the remains of them were much greater; and when architecture was reviring in Italy, San Gallo, Michel Angelo, and others, studied them raore than any other ancient speciraens of building. They undoubtedly have given rise to sorae in stances of bad taste, particularly in the superfluity of ornaraent, which we cannot be surprised at finding in these baths, when we consider the age 334 BATHS OF PAULUS ^MILIUS. in which they were built; and we may regret, that the great rerivers of the art had recourse to thera, rather than to sirapler and chaster models. There are examples here of a series of colurans, not supporting any horizontal entablature, (as in the more ancient Roman buildings,) but connected by arches springing from one to the other, as in our Saxon or Norraan churches. The same may be observed in the ruins of Diocletian's palace at Spalatro. The Church of S. Maria degU AngioU occupies the principal part of these baths ; and we may learn something of their extent, by considering the Church of S. Bernardo as one of four round towers which stood at each angle. These two buildings are all that remain in any thing like a perfect state. The former is said to have served for a picture gallery. Very considerable frag ments of brickwork raay be seen behind it: and it is remarkable, that in an excavation made near this spot, so much lead was found, that the cupola of S. Bernardo was covered with it. These ruins stand both upon the Viminal and Quirinal hills, which come to a junction in this place. BATHS OF PAULUS ^MILIUS. This name is given to some ruins which stand south-east of Trajan's column: but they are in such a mutilated state, and so blocked up by houses, that little can be known about thera. All that reraains of the building is of brick: it was RIVER AND BRIDGES. 335 ofa seraicircular foi-m, with a covered arcade gping round the interior of it. Winkelmann does not seem to consider them as baths; and Desgodetz supposes them to be the remains of a theatre. RIVER AND BRIDGES. The Tiber is a stieam of which classical recol lections are apt to raise too favourable anticipa tions.'^ When we think of the fleets of the capital of the world saiUng up it, and pouring in the treasures of tributary kingdoms, we are likely to attach to it ideas of grandeur and raagnificence. But if we corae to the Tiber with such expecta tions, our disappointraent wiU be great. At the bridge of S. Angelo it is about 315 feet wide, and where it is dirided by the island, it raay be 450. Dionysius says of it, " The breadth is nearly four " plethra [about 400 feet]: it is navigable for "large ships; and the stream is rapid, and full " of eddies." So that though its width is respect able, it is by no raeans to be reckoned araong the large rivers. It was raore anciently called Albula, as VirgU teUs us, Tum Reges, asperque immani corpore Tibris, A quo post Itali fluvium cognomine Tibrim Diximus: amisit verum vetus Albula nomen. Mn. viii. 330.^ It receives forty-two other stieams in its course. f The Tiber has been described by two writers G. Bath. Modio, Rome, 1556, and Andrea Bacci, Venice, 1576. s So also Ovid, Fast. lib. ii. 389. and lib. iv, 47. 336 TIBER. The epithet of flavus, (yellow,) which is so con stantly attached to it by the ancients, is evidently derived from the muddy Colour which it always bears: and Virgil describes it accurately, when he says, Vorticibus rapidis et multa flavus arena In mare prorumpit. — Mn. vii. SI,*" It is subject to very high floods, which happen frequently; and the water sometimes comes as high as the Piazza di Spagna. In the winter of 1819 the Pantheon was under water; which is not uncommon, as it is near to the river; and the drain, which carries off the rain faUing from the aperture at top, also lets in the water of the river. On the Porto di Ripetta are two pillars, which mark the height of the diflferent floods for several years past: the year and month is also recorded, frora which it appears, that they have aU happened between the raonths of Noveraber and February. The highest of aU was in 1606. The following is the list, though perhaps not coraplete. 1495 December, 1686 November. 1606 1687 1637 February. 1702 December. 1660 November. 1750 1665 1805 February. This list omits the great inundations of 1530, 1557, * I have only met with one author who has flattered the Tiber vrith praising the purity of its stream. Dionysius Pe- riegetes says of it, TIBER. 337 1598, and of the floods which happened before this account begins, wc may collect the following yeai-s, 5, 15, 69, 589, 614, 685, 715, 717, 780, 791, 797, 858, and 1345.' Another account of the height of these inundations is kept on the front of S. Maria sopra Minerva: and the level to which the water rose in 1530, is marked above the statue of Pasquino. The frequency of these floods gave rise to se veral speculations among the ancients, as to the possibihty of preventing them. Tacitus'' men tions a project, which was debated in the senate, A.D. 15, for diverting sorae ofthe streams which run into the Tiber; but deputies from various towns appeared, who partly from local interests and partly from superstition, entreated them not to put their scheme into execution. Aurelian had the banks of the Tiber raised, and its channel cleared, to prevent inundations.' The vast accu mulation of soU, by which the surface of modern Rome is raised so many feet above the ancient, must undoubtedly make it less liable to suflfer from floods now than forraerly. The Tiber is now crossed by four bridges, that of S. Angelo, Ponte Sisto, and the two which lead in and out ofthe island, all of which are old. Beside these there are vestiges of three others, which existed in the time of the ancient Romans. The one highest up the stream is the Ponte S. *- An interesting account of the rising of the Tiber may be seen in PUny's Letters, lib. viii. ep. 17. '' An. lib. i. c. 79. ' Vopiscus, ,=Vuiel, 47, VOL. I. Z 338 BRIDGES. Angelo, of three arches aU of the same size, and two smaUer ones. There were formerly two other arches, still smaller, as is represented on a medal of Hadrian. It was built by that emperor, and from him called Pons .^Elius, or Hadriani. It had its present name from the figure of the angel on the top ofthe Mausoleum of Hadrian, or Castle of S. Angelo. The appearance of this bridge in the time of Leo X. raay be seen in a painting in the Trinita de' Monti, where is a por trait of Leo hiraself, in the character of Gregory, with an angel appearing to hira. Having given way in consequence of the great crowd asserabled at the Jubilee of 1450,"° it was widened and im proved by Nicolas V. and again repaired by Cle ment IX. in 1668, who erected the balustrade, and placed ten figures of angels in raarble upon it, each of which carries the representation of sorae of the instruraents of our Sariour's suffer ings. These figures will not attract rauch adraira tion, being heavy and ill executed. Clement VII, added the figures of St. Peter and St. Paul. Next to this was the Pons TriuraphaUs ; so caUed, because the generals, who had conquered on the north and west of Rome, passed over this bridge in conducting the triumphs to the Capitol. This seems to have been the one caUed by P. Victor, - Pons Vaticanus. It is now entirely destroyed, but the piers of it raay be distin guished by the agitation of the water. It was "¦ Raynald ad an. 1450. BRIDGES. 339 the longest of all the bridges, and probably de stroyed towards the end of the fourth century, as Pradentius says, that hi his time (A. D. 404) the only approach to the Vatican was by the Pons yEUus. JuUus II. and Alexander VII. had thoughts of repairing this bridge ; but they never fulfilled theu- designs; and in 1812 many pieces of stpne were taken from the remaining piers, to improve the navigation of the river. Next to this is the Ponte Sisto of four arches, the date of which is not known. Sorae ascribe it to Trajan, some to Antoninus Pius. Nardini gives an inscription, which mentions the repair of it by Hadrian. Its ancient narae was Pons Janiculensis; and its modern one was derived from Sextus IV. who repaired it in 1474. An drea Fulvio teUs us, that it was also called Ponte AureUo, and Ponte Rotto, because it had been broken down in some disturbances. The latter name is now appUed to the bridge below the island, which had not suffered by inundations, so as to deserve that title, when Fulvio wrote. The bridge which leads into the island is now caUed Ponte di quattro Capi, from four heads of Janus which were forraerly upon it. Its ancient name was Pons Fabricius, from L. Fabricius, who buUt it in the year of Rome 692."" The inscription, as given by Nardini, is as follows : " Dio, lib. xxxvii. The Scholiast upon Horace (Sat. lib. ii. 3, 36) says, that the Fabricius who built the bridge was Con sul; but there was no Consul of that name in 692, or about that period. z2 340 BRIDGES. L, FABRICIVS, C, F. CVR. VIAR. FACIVNDVM CPERAVIT, IDEMQ, PROBAVIT Q, LEPIDVS. M. F. M. LOLLIVS. M. F. COS S. C. PBOBAVERVNT. Horace mentions this bridge : " Atque a Fabricio non tristem ponte reverti. It was also called Tarpeius; and, according to the Scholiast of Horace, Lapideus. It consists of two large arches, and a smaller one between them, through which the water only runs when it is very high. The bridge which leads out of the island, to wards the Janiculum, is called Ponte di S, Bartolomeo, from the neighbouring church; and anciently Pons Cestius, Who this Cestius was is not known, A. Fulvio and L, Fauno mention an inscription dug up near the Bridge of S, Angelo, in which val, cestivs. cvrator. riparvm. et. ALVEI. TIBERIS is named in the fourth year of Vespasian. P The only inscription on the bridge is, PERENNES. INCHOARI. PERFICI. DEDICARIQ It has also been called Pons Ferratus. It was repaired by the Emperors Valentinian, Valens, and Gratian, as appears from two long inscrip tions on each side. It consists of one large arch and two smaller ones. " Sat, ii. 3. 36. P The younger Pliny also held this oflice. BRIDGES. 341 Next to this is the Ponte Rotto, or as it is sometmies called Ponte S. Maria (either from the Church of S. Maria Egiziaca,i or fi-om an image of the Virgin, which was on the bridge). It was anciently called Pons Palatinus. M. Fulrius began it U.C. 574, and it was finished by Scipio Africanus and L. Mummius U.C. 611."^ Some antiquaries have also called it Pons Sena- torius. It was the first stone bridge built in Rome. Having suffered by a great inundation, it was repaired in 1550-5 by Julius III. It was again injured shortly after, and Gregory XIII. restored it in 1575. But two arches being car ried away by an extraordinary rise of the waters in 1598, it has never been repaired since. Hence it has its present name. There remain now three arches, and two smaUer ones between them in case of high floods. It is still passable on foot, a continuation having been made of wood. Lower down than this, there was formerly the Pons Sublicius, so caUed frora the sublices, (said to be a Volscian term,) or wooden piles, of which it was made. This was the first bridge ever constructed in Rome, unless we believe the story preserved by Macrobius,' that Hercules on his return from Spain constructed a temporary bridge ' This church was given by Pius V. to the Armenian Christians, and had its name from an Egyptian saint, who, .fi'om being a notorious sinner, was miraculously converted at .Terusalem, and passed the rest of her days in a desert beyond Jordan. (Martyr. Rom. 2 AprU.) ¦¦ Liv, xl. c, 51, ' Lib, i, c. 2, .342 BRIDGES. nearly on this spot. Plutarch indeed says,' that there was a bridge here even before the time of Hercules. The Pons Sublicius Was the work of Ancus Martius, the fourth king. It was here that Horatius Codes withstood the army of Por sena, tUl the bridge was broken down behind him. It was then repaired, but still in wood, and without any naUs, so that , it raight be taken to pieces when required." It was destroyed by a great flood in the reign of Augustus :" and since Plutarch " informs us that it was rebuilt in stone by .^mUius, it is probable that this took place in the year after the inundation, when P. .^milius Lepidus was Censor.^ Hence the bridge is sometimes caUed Pons iEmilius " or Pons Lepidi. It was injured by a flood in the reign of Tiberius, and that eraperor restored it. Tacitus tells us,'' that in the time of Otho it was destroyed by a sudden inundation, A. D. 69. It seems to have remained in ruins a long tirae ; at least we have no account of its being repaired till the time of Antoninus Pius." It afterwards went by the name of Ponte Marmorato."^ In 780 it was carried away by a flood, and has never since been rebuilt. In 1484, what remained of ' Probl. " Plin. lib. xxxvi. c. 23. " Dio, lib. 53. y Numa. ' Dio, lib. 54. ^ Juvenal, Sat. vi. 32. Though some take this for another bridge : P. Victor. ^ Hist. lib. i. c. 86. ¦= J. Capitolinus, 8. "* A, Fulvio. BRIDGES. 31'3 the piers was taken away, as the navigation of the river was impeded. Higher up than aU tiiese, but two miles from Rome, is the Ponte Molle, as it is now called ; which seems to be a corruption from Pons Mil vius or Mulrius, which was the ancient name. The present bridge is sometimes stated to have been buUt by iEmUius Scaurus, who was Censor, U.C. 644.= But Livy raentions' a Pons Mul vius in this place in the year 546. It was re paired by Augustus: but the present bridge is perhaps not older than the tirae of Nicolas V. who rebuUt it in the fifteenth century. Some tiaces of a more ancient bridge may be seen not far off at low water.^ There must have been a bridge here in very early times, if there was any truth in the tradition of it being customary to throw a man from this bridge into the water as an offering to Pluto, and that the sacrifice was put an end to by Hercules, when he returned from Spain. Lac tantius names the Pons MUvius"" as the scene of this barbarity; but Orid seems to allude to the same story, and speaks of a wooden bridge,' ' Aur. Victor, de Vir. lUustr. c. 27. ' Lib. xxvii. c. 51. t Vide p. 7. ¦" Instit. lib. i. c. 21. ' Fast. lib. v. 621. END OF VOL. I, LONDON: PRINTED BY C. ROWOKTH, BELL YARD, TEMPLE BAR. YALE UNIVERSITY LIE