Yale University Library 39002014202247 ^ --i-Vv-;. yi !«Si saga's. ¦;.¦ ¦* ¦¦'^>. , ¦ "^.ja.** ifi£:fwr.. , "Jb— ' ..-.¦ ckt/.jj: "I give tir/e Books W^'^ i^« foifliSxg of a (¦ eUege r i/us CoSffL^f, © PAPERS OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF DELAWARE. VII. ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAfES. BY REV. CHARLES PAYSON MALLERY, AUTHOR OF "historical SKETCHES OF BOHEMIA MANOR;'* CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE DELAWARE HISTORICAL SOCIETY; CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY. THE FOLLOWING PAPER WAS PREPARED AT THE REQUEST, AND PUBLISHED UNDER THE SUPERVISION, OF THE DELAWARE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF DELAWARE, WILMINGTON. 1888. Copyright, 1888, by Charles Payson Mallery. 1-^ CONTENTS. I. BOHEMIA MANOR AND AUGUSTINE HERMAN. PAGE Lord Baltimore's Territory — Stuyvesant's Claims — Augustine Herman's Mission — His Journey, Map, Profession, Romances — Herman ob tains a Manor — His Manor described — He and his Family remove to it — His Manor- House — His Social and Domestic Habits . . 7 II. HERMAN'S SONS AND OTHER HEIRS. Herman's Famous Charger — His Celebrated Ride — The Death of Her man — A Visit to his Grave — The Herman Portraits — The Succession to the Title, etc. — Fruitless Litigations — The Ensors — The Lawsons — Colonel Edward Oldham's Family 15 III. HERMAN'S DAUGHTERS AND THEIR DESCENDANTS. Anna Margaretta marries Matthias Vanderheyden — Their Beautiful Ariana — Colonel John Thompson and his Family — " Old-One-Hun- dred-and-Five" — Broad Creek Meeting-House — Bethel and Bishop Asbury — Governor Clayton's Life, Death, and Burial — Herman's Village — The Labadists settle on Bohemia Manor . . .25 4 CONTENTS. IV. THE SLUYTER AND BOUCHELLE FAMILIES. PAGE The Sluyter Family— The Labadist Bishop— He reserves and occupies Third Neck— Hendrick, the Ancestor— The Ancestral Estate— The Ancient Graveyard— The Labadie Mill— Solomon Hersey— St. Augus tine Church and Graveyard— Lege de Bouchelle and his Descendants —Dr. S. Bouchelle's Elaborate Tomb— The Old Family Graveyard . 34 V. THE BAYARD FAMILY. Their Origin — Arrival in America — Coat of Arms — Petrus Bayard — His Son Samuel — Old Dutch Bible — Colonel Peter Bayard's Mansion — Rev. Dr. Rodgers — Vandegrift — Local Celebrities — A Military Char acter — Remarkable Dream — Bayard Souvenirs ..... 46- VI. JAMES BAYARD'S DESCENDANTS. James Bayard married Mary Ashton — An Ancient and Noted Mansion — An Aged Occupant's Description — " Whitefield's Room" — Old Mrs. Bayard, a Mother in Israel — James's Twins — Colonel John Bayard — His Last Visit — His Death and his Tomb 58 VII. DR. J. A. BAYARD'S CHILDREN. The First James Ashton Bayard — Jane, a Devout Christian— John Hodge Bayard — An Interesting Letter — The Distinguished James A. Bayard — Governor Richard Bassett — A Joint Burial-Service — Bayard Graves — Farewell to Bohemia Manor g- INTRODUCTION. On March 21, 1887, at the request and in the presence of the Historical Society of Delaware, the Rev. Charles Payson Mallery, of New York City, delivered an address on the '' Ancient Families of Bohemia Manor; their Homes and their Graves." There was present a large and intelligent audience, including representatives of the professions of law, medicine, and divinity. The address was listened to with untiring interest to its close, when a vote of thanks was tendered the author, and a copy of his paper requested for publication by the Society. ANCIENT FAMILIES O F BOHEMIA MANOR; THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. I. BOHEMIA MANOR AND AUGUSTINE HERMAN. Lord Baltimore's Territory — -Stuyvesant's Claims — Augustine Herman's Mission — His Journey, Map, Profession, Romances — Herman obtains a Manor — His Manor described — He and his Family remove to it — His Manor-House — His Social and Domestic Habits. In the list of secular studies history is among the most interesting and important. Indeed, there seems to be an almost universal desire to lift the misty veil of the past and note the changing scenes that mark the progress of Adam's family through all the centuries past and gone. Not alone to satisfy the cravings of a curiosity that is commendable, but because the richest lessons of wisdom are drawn from the experience of the past. Still more interesting and im portant is the general, and especially the biographical, history of our own locality. Here, with emotions of 7 8 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; strange delight, we trace the heroic lives of the pioneers, and with ever- increasing interest watch the growing fields succeed the forest, the pleasant home supplant the rude log cabin, and the gradual development of society as it joins the onward march to a higher civilization. On the other hand, there is a desire no less universal to be remembered by those who come after us. Prompted by this desire men have sought out the most enduring material by which to transmit their names and their achievements down the ages. They have reared monu ments of granite, carved the solid marble, and written their names on the everlasting rocks. But all have yielded to the corroding power of Time, and their mouldering frag ments are but subjects of doubt and speculation to the antiquarian. " Written history is the great conservator of the past, and the. most enduring memorial for the ages to come. The wondrous tower on the plains of Shinar is levelled with the dust from which it rose, and the glory of Babylon is shrouded in darkness. The pomp and pride of Pharaoh, the armies of Amalek, the power of Moab, the Syrian, the Chaldean, and all the heroes and nations of antiquity are known only through the written chronicles kept by the scribes of Israel, — chronicles that point the student to the dim and broken fragments of crumbling monuments that strew the track of finished centuries, and tell him what they are. Written history will be faithful to its mission when statues of bronze and columns of marble have crumbled away. It will not perish from the earth. Its universality, its capability of reproduction and translation THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. g into all languages, insures its duration to the end of time." * But apart from the history of the world, apart from the discovery, history, and growth of our country, apart from the settlement of the territory now constituting the States of Delaware and Maryland, apart from all this, Bohemia Manor has a history all its own, a history of deep and absorbing interest, not only to the descendants of the old pioneers, but to all who have found a home within its borders, or have become familiar with its traditions and the names of those who in the long past made the wilderness to blossom as the rose. May we not then with pleasure and profit devote an hour to the more prominent features in the history of Bohemia Manor ? Charles the First, King of England, in 1632 granted to George Calvert (a royal favorite), whose title was Lord Baltimore, a charter for the territory that was called Mary land in honor of Queen Mary. But Lord Baltimore died before the title was perfected, and his son Cecil Calvert, according to the laws of primogeniture, inherited the title and the grant designed for his father. This son, and in fact each succeeding proprietary, laid claim not only to what is now the State of Maryland, but to all the land and water east of it as far as to the present State of New Jersey, including the settlements on the Delaware, claimed and occupied by the Dutch. Under these circumstances it became the duty of Petrus Stuyvesant, the Director-General of Holland's interests in * Dr. Brower, Danville, Pennsylvania. jQ ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; America, to challenge these assumptions, and vindicate the claims of his own government. He accordingly despatched an embassy to the governor of Maryland to adjust, if possi ble, the controversy. For this important business he ap pointed Augustine Herman, a man of ability, with whom was associated as secretary and interpreter, a person named Resolved Waldron. This embassy reached the Peninsula by way of the Delaware River, crossed it, and entered the Chesapeake Bay, down which they sailed until they arrived at St. Mary's, the seat of government.'^ Here they met the governor of Maryland, with whom they conferred. On his return voyage it is probable that Herman as cended the Bohemia River and crossed the territory that in the near future was to come into his possession. At all events, he was anxious to own and occupy some of Lord Baltimore's broad acres, and, therefore, wrote to the latter, offering to prepare a map of Maryland in consideration of a gift of a manor. The proposition was accepted. Lord Baltimore got the map and Herman became the happy possessor of more than twenty thousand acres of the most attractive and fertile land in Cecil and New Castle Counties, to which, in honor of his native land, he gave the name of " Bohemia Manor." But little is known concerning the early history of Au gustine Herman. Born in the city of Prague, in the king dom of Bohemia, about the year 1621, he came to New York in 1633, in the employment of the West India Com pany. Later he was in company with Arent Corssen, and * See Schuyler's " Colonial New York," vol. i., p. 55. THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. n in June, 1644, he was with Laurens Cornelisson, an agent of Peter Gabry & Son. Three years later, he was appointed by the Director and Council of New Netherlands, one of the " Nine Men," a body of citizens selected to assist the govern ment by their counsel and advice. Herman was a man of good education, a surveyor by pro fession, skilled in sketching and drawing, an adventurous and enterprising merchant, and, as some one has said, " the first beginner of the Virginia tobacco trade." A friendly notice of his speculative genius is given by Van der Donk, who describes him as a curious man and a lover of the country, who made an experiment in planting indigo-seed near New Amsterdam, which " grew well and yielded much." He engaged in mercantile pursuits and acquired a large estate in New York. His residence embraced an orchard and extensive garden, situated on the west side of the present Pearl Street, covering the line of Pine Street.* There are various traditionary stories about the causes which constrained Herman to surrender the comfort and convenience which the occupancy of these possessions afforded for the then wilds of Delaware and Maryland, with all their attendant discomforts. It is known that a serious disagreement, perhaps of long standing, existed between Herman and Stuyvesant, because, as some suppose, the Director-General insisted upon having the map which Her man had drawn for Lord Baltimore, and which, no doubt, would have been serviceable in adjusting the long-disputed boundaries; or because, as others suppose, a love-rivalry * See "New York Genealogical and Biographical Record," 1878. 12 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; had once existed between Herman and the Dutch governor for the affection of some charming Dutch Frau, in which Herman was the successful suitor, and which so aroused the hostility of Stuyvesant that he made New Amsterdam too hot for Herman, who, poor man, as soon as possible, trans ferred himself and his property to Calvert's country. If the lady who was the bone of contention was Herman's second wife, of whom we know a thing or two to her dis credit, the contentious governor had much reason for grati tude that he missed her, for traditionary testimony afifirms that she became a miserable wife, neglecting her husband, and making it so hot for him and his household that he was no longer the master of his home, and his children were compelled to find shelter elsewhere. But a more reasonable cause can be suggested for Herman's leaving New York and settling in the South. Among the early settlers in this country very many, from ambitious feelings and long contact with titled men and monarchies, manifested a strong inclination to introduce the custom of entailing their lands, and establishing " manors," for the purpose of erecting large hereditary estates, and thus, as they hoped, titled families for their descendants. The Livingstons in New York, and Calvert and Carroll in Mary land, as well as others elsewhere, attempted it. But all these cob houses fell in ruins before the clay bodies of their found ers had returned to dust, and the evils which the law of primogeniture inflicted upon the junior members of a family, and especially the interruption to agricultural improvement, and the settlement and prosperity of the community, induced the American statesmen and legislators of the past century THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. i> to set their faces against the continuance of the system, and by estabhshing modes of legally destroying an entail, in perhaps nearly all of the States, have greatly limited and largely defeated these intentions.* But that these intentions were among the principal mo tives that induced Herman to desire and eventually to establish a manor, no one familiar with his history can doubt.. A. fevir facts will substantiate this statement. The tract of land which, with the title and privileges of a manor, was granted to Augustine Herman in 1660 con sisted of more than twenty thousand acres of some of the best land in Cecil and Ne% Castle Counties, and is de scribed and bounded as follows : It commenced on the old Choptank Road, near the present residence of Mr. Thomas Murphy in the vicinity of Middletown, thence north to the head of Back Creek, thence down its waters and those of the Elk River to their confluence with Bohemia River, and up that stream to the place of beginning. To this large tract he gave the name of Bohemia Manor, in honor of his native land, and to it, in 1 661, he transported from New York his family and as many of his friends as he could induce to accompany him. Under the above date Herman himself, in writing of his colony on the river, says, " I am now engaging settlers to unite together in a village." If this village was ever established, all trace of it is obliterated, unless, as I think probable, one or two very ancient struc tures still standing on the Manor are remnants of it. At the time Augustine Herman founded and seated * Thomas C. Hambly, author of "The Legend of Moore's Run." H ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR, Bohemia Manor, he was about forty years old, and his family consisted of his wife, Jannetje, daughter of Caspar and Judith Varleth, of New Netherlands, who was born in Utrecht, and was married in New Amsterdam on Decem ber 10, 165 1 ; and their five children, who.se names were Ephraim George, Casparus, Anna Margaretta, Judith, and Francina. Herman selected a beautiful building site on the banks of the Bohemia River, commanding a view of a broad ex panse of waters towards the setting sun, and here he erected the manor-house, a large and substantial structure that stood for about one hundred and twenty-five years. A few bricks and the outlines of a large cellar alone remain to indicate where the building once stood. It would be interesting to know something of the do mestic and social life of the distinguished owner and occu pant of this manor-house. Even before he moved from New York he was reputed to be wealthy, and, from all that we know of him afterwards, we conclude that for years he must have lived in baronial ease and opulence on his Manor, enjoying an abundance of the good things of this life, including a well-spread board, a rich wardrobe, as well as wines, fish, fowl, horses, and cattle. The walls of his house were adorned with beautiful and expensive portraits of himself and several members of his family, and not far from his door was a deer-park, the outline of whose enclo sure may still be traced. THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 15 IL HERMAN'S SONS AND OTHER HEIRS. Herman's Famous Charger — His Celebrated Ride — The Death of Herman — A Visit to his Grave — The Herman Portraits — The Succession to the Title, etc. — Fruitless Litigations — The Ensors — The Lawsons — Colonel Edward Oldham's Family. We have referred to Herman's horses. One of these has immortalized himself and his lordly rider by a most ex traordinary feat. Tradition says that Herman, during his residence on the Manor, had occasion to visit New York in the interest of his property there, and that he made the journey on horseback. We can well imagine that no gal lant knight, in the days of chivalry, ever bestrode a nobler animal than the favorite horse that bore the lord of the Manor through the almost pathless forest to the great city. There he found his estate in the possession of squat ters, who ignored his rights and imprisoned him in a large stone warehouse, up the high steps of which, to the second story, he bravely rode, refusing to part from the companion of his journey. During the night he remounted his horse, and, spurring it into fury, forced an opening in one of the large windows, when horse and rider alighted on the ground below. So great was the shock that the blood gushed in a stream from the nostrils of the horse ; but so little did that affect 1 6 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR ; either horse or rider that they forthwith swam the Hudson River, then traversed the unexplored forests, swamps, and streams of New Jersey, until they reached the banks of the Delaware River opposite the town of New Castle, where they crossed the stream, and finally arrived in safety at the manor-house. Other versions of the same tradition are extant, so that it is difficult to decide which is accurate. Suffice it to say that something of this general character occurred, for Her man himself had the feat pictured on canvas, and when the celebrated charger died gave him decent burial in his own family graveyard. Other misfortunes overtook the lord of the Manor. In a few years after his removal to Maryland his first wife died, and she was the first, or certainly one of the first, to find burial in the graveyard which he had laid out in his vineyard on his home plantation. His older children, now still older grown, had married, and moved from under the parental roof to establish homes of their own. Thus left alone, in course of time, Herman, that he might have some one to assist him in the superintendence of his large establishment, but especially that he might have some one to care for him in his declining days, decided to take to himself a second wife. This was a mistake and misfortune that proved fatal to his peace and prosperity. The new wife neglected him, and sorrow and sickness became his portion. Finally, worn out in body and dis quieted in soul, the once wealthy and influential lord of the Manor breathed his last, and was buried beside his first wife, and near the noble horse which had delivered its. THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 17 owner from imprisonment. At the time of his death Herman was about sixty-six years old, and had occupied the Manor about a quarter of a century. Over his grave was placed a large stone tablet, which Herman had ordered previous to his death, and which bears the following in scription : AVGVSTINE HERMEN, BOHEMIAN, THE FIRST FOVNDER & SEATER OF BOHEMIA MANNER. ANNO i66i.* This stone that has withstood the wear and tear of two hundred winters I have frequently seen. It is about four inches thick, three feet wide, and seven feet long. Years ago it was removed from the spot it was intended to mark, and now lies several hundred yards distant therefrom, and the grave itself is entirely obliterated. I doubt whether three persons, besides myself, are living to-day who could tell just where Herman lies buried. I may remark in passing that the grave is about five hundred feet due north from the house, long ago destroyed by fire, which was the Bohemia Manor home of Governor Richard Bassett, who, by the way, became the possessor of the site of Herman's grave and Herman's house, and of a portion of its fur niture, including the portraits of Herman and his horse, his wife, and one of his sons. Just here let me quote a few lines, in simple language, from the diary of a young girl who, as long ago as May, * Evidently the inscription is the work of an unskilful and illiterate artisan. 2 1 8 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; 1815, visited the spot I have just described. She says, "We strayed all around Governor Bassett's garden, accom panied by the gardener, who is a Swede. There was a spacious orchard. Mrs. Hodgson asked me if I had ever taken a walk to the old manor-house. I told her that I had not, but that I would like to see where the old manor- house once stood. She said I might also see where old Herman was buried. His tomb is there yet. By this time we had reached the end of the orchard. . . . Henry, the gardener, opened the gate. We soon reached the spot where Herman and his horse were buried. We found his grave among the sumachs and elders. We saw the place where the house and garden were once located. " Mrs. H. told me that she had all their pictures in her room. . . . When we returned to the house Mrs. Bassett asked us to tea, and after tea we went in to see the pictures. There was one of old Herman in life-size, one of his wife, one of his son, and one of his son's wife." Copies of the above-named pictures, or at least of those of Herman and his horse and Herman's wife, are now in the possession of Mr. James R. C. Oldham and Mrs. Dr. C. H. B. Massey, both of whom are descendants of the brave Bohemian. The features of the latter, as represented upon the canvas, are decidedly German. His hair parts in the middle and falls in thick locks to the shoulders. He has a beardless face, prominent cheek-bones, firmly-set lips, and piercing eyes. He wears a straight-breasted, red-colored frock-coat, an ample white necktie that falls upon his bosom, and ruffles that are so full and long that they half cover his hands. One of his hands is besmeared with THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. jq blood that flows from the nostrils of the panting charger at his side. The portrait of Madam Herman is probably the only representation extant of that distinguished lady. Her hair is black, her, forehead high, her nose sharp, and her mouth small. Her skirt is of a light-colored material, while her overskirt (which does not completely cover her dress) and its body are of green, — the latter being pleated. Her arms are bare from the wrists to the elbows. Her dress is cut moderately low at the neck, where is a broad lace collar. Of all the distinguished men of provincial and colonial times I cannot recall one who so earnestly endeavored to immortalize himself as Augustine Herman. He called his Manor by the name of the land of his nativity and he gave his own name to a cove, and a stream, and other natural objects within his territory. He willed that his heirs should adopt his name, and even provided that his name and his title of " lord of the Manor" should be engraved on the monumental stone that was to mark his grave. But alas for the transitory character of terrestrial things, to-day there does not live a man who bears his name ; the streams that he named after himself are now called by other titles; his grave is levelled with the adjacent ground and is lost to view; and the substantial stone that was in tended to mark the grave has been removed. The late Richard Bassett Bayard, of Baltimore, on whose farm this stone is located, requested the writer to arrange, at his ex pense, for the re-erection and preservation of this tablet, but before the work could be accomplished Mr. Bayard died. It would be highly proper for the Delaware or 20 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; Maryland Historical Society to see that this stone is re- erected in its appropriate place, or that it find lodgment among the interesting relics of the Society. Augustine Herman died in 1686, and his title and Manor descended to his oldest son, Ephraim George, who at this time was about thirty-five years old. He had accompanied his father's family on their removal from New York, to which city he returned, and held an office under the govern ment. He moved to Delaware about 1676 and settled at New Castle, and became an influential citizen. He was married in New York on September 3, 1679, to Elizabeth Van Rodenburg, a daughter of the governor of Curagoa, and died in 1689, at which time his Manor passed into the possession of his only brother. This brother, whose name was Casparus Herman, pre vious to the death of his father and brother, owned and occupied a place on the Delaware River below where Port Penn now stands, and called it Augustine, during which time he was for several sessions a member of the General Assembly from New Castle. In later years he represented Cecil County in the Maryland Legislature. He inherited from his father a large tract of land south of Bohemia Manor, called Little Bohemia, or Bohemia Middle Neck, which is to-day in part the property of the Crawford and Flintham families and the heirs of the late Judge Edward G. Bradford, of Wilmington. Casparus Herman was married three times. First to Susanna Huyberts; second, in New York, on August 23, 1682, to Anna Reyniers; and third, on August 31, 1696, to Katharine Williams. He was associated with Colonel THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 2 1 Edward Cantwell in the erection of a mill on Drawyers Creek, over which stream, at Odessa, Cantwell built a bridge, which gave to the town the name of Cantwell's Bridge. It was not until a later date that the place was called Odessa, from a fancied resemblance to the great grain-shipping port of that name on the Black Sea. One can hardly believe that, but a few years since, the now immense transportation of freight carried on by rail roads, barges, and sailing vessels was formerly brought by sloops only, up the Chesapeake Bay to Niedy's Wharf, on Bohemia Manor, and thence, by a few country teams, trans ported across the Peninsula through where Middletown now stands to Cantwell's Bridge, or Odessa, as it is now called, and thence reshipped to Philadelphia. Those were slow times, but the opening of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal, which, by the way, nearly touches the northern boun dary of Bohemia Manor, and finally the construction of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad, changed and improved that state of trade into the pace and volume of to-day.* On June 3, 1690, his brother being dead, Casparus Her man was formally granted, and he assumed possession of, the manor-house. Here he resided for a number of years, enjoying the honors and emoluments of the third lord of the Manor, and then, with but little to signalize his last days, he died at the age of fifty years, leaving his estate to his only son, Colonel Ephraim Augustine Herman, who became a man of affairs ; several times represented his county in the * Thomas C. Hambly. 22 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; State Legislature, and wielded considerable influence in the civil and social interests of the community. He leased, in 17 1 3, to Henry Linton a farm on his Manor, where may still be seen the house and the room in which Doctor Bird wrote the play entitled "The Gladiator," which became one of the tragedies of the distinguished actor Edwin Forrest. Colonel Ephraim Augustine Herman's first wife was Isabella, daughter of Maurice Trent, of Pennsylvania, by whom he had two daughters, Catharine and Mary. His second wife was Ararainta, by whom he had one child, a son, who survived his father only four years, dying previous to 1755, and with whose death the last male bearing the sur name " Herman" passed from earth. The children and grandchildren of this family were for many years contending in the courts for their respective rights in Bohemia Manor. It would be tedious to write, and more tedious to read, of all the intricacies and ramifications of these civil suits. Suffice it to say, that " the litigation that had lasted for more than half a century ended about the termination of the Revolutionary w^x, and at the same time ended the legal existence of Bohemia Manor, that had con tinued for a period of one hundred and twenty-eight years."* I ought to have said that Colonel Ephraim Augustine Herman's youngest daughter, Mary, married John Lawson, whose share of Bohemia Manor was eventually owned by Governor Richard Bassett, and that his eldest daughter, Catharine Herman, married Peter Bouchelle, and had a * See Johnston's " History of Cecil County, Maryland," page 185. This history is an interesting and valuable work. THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 23 daughter Mary. The latter, in the year 1757, became the wife of Captain Joseph Ensor, of Baltimore County; Mary land, and, subsequently, the mother of a family whose his tory is replete with adventure and romance. Of three members of this family special notice may here be taken, — Augustine Herman Ensor, Joseph Ensor, and Mary Ensor. The first named, Augustine Herman Ensor, was born January 28, 1761. While yet in his minority he was the acknowledged lord of the Manor, but, alas, on the very day on which he, with several gay companions, was celebrating the attainment of his majority, he was thrown from his horse and killed. The second named, Joseph Ensor, Jr., or " Josie Ensor," as he was familiarly called, was the next succeeding heir, but, being an idiot, he was incapable of occupying and enjoy ing his inheritance. Yet, after all, he was not so feeble, in tellectually, as to forget that he was " lord of the Manor," as he was wont to style himself, in vindication of which claim he would, with his cane, draw a circle about him in the soil of his domain, and defy any one who disputed his rights " to cross that circle." The third named, Mary Ensor, on November 21, 1784, was married to Colonel Edward Oldham, of the Revolution ary army. The latter was engaged in almost every action in the South, and, with the exception of Kirkwood, of Dela ware, and Rudolph, of the Legion of Infantry, was probably entitled to greater credit for fortitude and bravery than any officer of his rank in Greene's army.* In the celebrated * See " Memoirs of the War of 1776," by Henry Lee. 24 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; charge on the British at Eutaw, of thirty-six men, whom he led, all but eight were killed or wounded, yet he forced the enemy. At the North he was in the battles of Brandywine, Germantown, and Monmouth. At his death he was buried on his wife's inheritance on the Manor, which then was, and still is, called " The Mansion Farm." His tombstone bears this inscription : THIS MONUMENT is erected in love and honor to the memory of COLONEL EDWARD OLDHAM who departed this life Nov. 4th, 1798, in the 42d year of his age. His wife, mentioned above as Mary Ensor, died in 1819, aged fifty-four years, and lies buried near her husband.* His children were Maria, Elizabeth, Ann, Edward, George Wash ington, Charles Herman, and Harriet. George Washington Oldham's grandson, Oldham Massey, is the only representa tive of the family now residing on Bohemia Manor. * The writer has, in his historical collections, many Interesting items rela tive to the descendants of these noted personages. He has also a genealogical chart of the Oldham family. THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 25 III. HERMAN'S DAUGHTERS AND THEIR DESCENDANTS. Anna Margaretta marries Matthias Vanderheyden — Their Beautiful Ariana — Colonel John Thompson and his Family — " Old-One-Hundred-and- Five" — Broad Creek Meeting-House — Bethel and Bishop Asbury — Gov ernor Clayton's Life, Death, and Burial — Herman's Village — The Laba dists settle on Bohemia Manor. Thus far we have followed the fortunes of the sons of the first lord of the Manor and their descendants, but have had nothing to say of his daughters. These were three in number, and bore the names of Anna Margaretta Herman, Judith Herman, and Francina Herman, to whom their father bequeathed a large tract of land adjoining his Manor, consisting of three contiguous necks, which tract he entitled " The Three Bohemia Sisters." The first-named daughter, Anna Margaretta Herman, was married, about 1 680, to Matthias Vanderheyden, for merly of Albany, who was related to the distinguished Schuyler family of New York. Their daughter, Ariana Vanderheyden, born in 1690, was noted for her beauty and accomplishments. She became the wife of Hon. Thomas Bordley, of Bordley Hall, Yorkshire, England, afterwards Attorney-General of the Province of Maryland, whose son John Beale Bordley, was the last of the admiralty judges of Maryland under the provincial government, and, by the 26 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; way, the step-father of General Thomas Mifflin, governor of Pennsylvania, and president of Congress when General Washington resigned his commission. On the death of her husband, Ariana married Edmund Jennings, Esq., of Annapolis, the son of Sir Edmund Jen nings, of Yorkshire, England, and in 1737 accompanied him to England. She was there inoculated for the small pox, of which she died in 174 1, leaving a daughter, who became the wife of John Randolph, of Virginia, and the mother of Edmund Randolph, Secretary of State during the presidency of General Washington. A portrait of the beautiful and accomplished Ariana was preserved by her descendants* up to a recent date, when one of her great- granddaughters declared it to be so defaced and decayed as to appear worse than a skeleton, and had it destroyed. The second daughter of Augustine Herman was Judith, who became the wife of Colonel John Thompson, a pro vincial judge, who was distinguished in the history of the early treaties with the Indians on the Delaware. Through his wife he became possessed of many acresf that had for merly belonged to his father-in-law, the lord of the Manor. But, besides these, he had large possessions elsewhere, in cluding a house in New Castle and a farm in New York, which he and Colonel Bayard held in partnership. He * The writer has facts of interest relative to other descendants, namely, the Griffiths, of Indianapolis, Gibsons, of Philadelphia, Cummins, of Wash ington, D.C. f Now possessed by his descendant, Mr. Samuel Thompson, and by Colonel Fletcher Price, the Harbert family, and others, residing near Pivot Bridge, Maryland. THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 27 lived, as is supposed, to the advanced age of one hundred and nine years, and then died, leaving his eldest son in pos session of the property he had inherited from the first lord of the Manor. This eldest son was Richard Thompson, born November I, 1667, who, like his father, became a centenarian several years before his death. Indeed, he lived so long that his neighbors began to think that he did not intend to die at all. And when he passed his eightieth year without dying, and his ninetieth, and his one hundredth, and then his one hundred and fifth, and still did not die, either to distinguish him from the paternal centenarian, or for some other reason vulgar people called him " old-one-hundred-and-five."* Many years before this, in 1723, this same Richard Thompson leased for a term of twenty-one years, for one ear of Indian corn, one acre of his land near, if not border ing on, the present Chesapeake and Delaware Canal, near Pivot Bridge, to the " Bohemia and Broad Creek Presby terian congregation," who erected thereon a church edifice, within and about whose walls, in the long ago, occurred a proceeding which, in our day, would be considered unusual in the extreme. Alexander Hutchinson, a licentiate from Scotland, was about to be ordained to the gospel ministry by the Pres bytery then and there in session and installed pastor of the church. Immediately preceding the solemn service, the clerk of the body made proclamation three times at the * For further historical, biographical, and genealogical data, see the author's monograph of " The Thompson Family.'' 28 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; door of the sanctuary that, " if any persons had anything to object against the ordaining of the candidate, they should make it known to the Presbytery now sitting." No ob jection being offered, the said Mr. Hutchinson was solemnly set apart to the work of the ministry by fasting, and the imposition of the hands of the Presbytery. Every trace of the existence of this old structure and of the graveyard that surrounded it has long since disappeared, except sev eral inscribed tombstones, the oldest of which is to the memory of Gabriel Clark, who died on July 27, 1757. Not far from this spot, at a much later date, was erected, on ground given for the purpose by Ephraim Thompson, a grandson of the above-named Richard Thompson, what was long known as " Old Bethel Methodist Church," to whose erection two governors of Delaware — Governor Richard Bassett and Governor Joshua Clayton — made pecuniary contributions. Bishop Asbury visited this church, and his services so affected his hearers that they sang and leaped for joy. In the same pulpit, in still later times, appeared that zealous and eccentric preacher Lo renzo Dow, whose preaching-appointments were so many, and whose circuit was so large, that he was accustomed to ride at the rate of thirty miles a day and preach in several places between breakfast and bedtime. On the occasion to which I refer, a great congregation had gathered in old Bethel church, filling the pews and aisles. When his sermon was ended, the eccentric preacher, rather than waste time and strength in forcing his way through the crowd to the door, deliberately jumped from the pulpit-win dow to the ground, and hurried on to his next appointment. THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 29 A graveyard now occupies the site of this old sanctuary, and here rest the mortal remains of not a few who were prominent in church and state a generation or two ago. Among these may be mentioned the governor of Delaware referred to a moment ago. He and his once beautiful wife lie buried beneath one gravestone, whose inscription reads as follows : Sacred to the memory of HON. JOSHUA CLAYTON, ESQ., who departed this life Aug. nth, 1798, in the 54th year of his age. Also of RACHEL, wife of Hon. Joshua Clayton, and mother of James L. Richard and Thomas Clayton. She died Jany 7th, 1821, aged 70 years. One of the above-named sons, Thomas Clayton, was chief justice of the State of Delaware, and also represented that State in the United States Senate. Governor Joshua Clayton was a physician as well as a statesman, and happened to be a member of Congress from Delaware when that body held its sessions in Philadelphia, and while the yellow fever scourged that city. He gave medical treatment to persons afflicted with the fever, and was very successful. When the fever began to abate he returned to his Bohemia Manor home, where he died, having contracted that malignant disease. His last will and testament prescribed that his body should be buried in the most convenient burying-ground in the neighbor hood, and directed that neither sermon nor funeral-service should be delivered at his burial. 30 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; It may be remarked, in passing, that not far from where this distinguished man died was the home of Mary, the daughter of Alexander Stuart, who became the wife of Rev. Thomas Read, D.D., who at one time preached with great eloquence to the Presbyterian congregation in Wil mington, whose services were held in the ancient structure now occupied by the Delaware Historical Society. The remains of Dr. Read were, at his death, buried within these walls, but subsequently were removed to the grave yard adjacent. Some of his descendants may be found in the family of Read Jennings McKay, M.D., of Wilmington. The third and youngest daughter of the lord of the Manor was Francina Herman, born about the year 1662. In her girlhood she went from Maryland to Holland, but soon returned to this country. She married Joseph Wood, and inherited from her father several hundred acres of the tract of land called "The Three Bohemia Sisters." On her inheritance, and near the present homestead of Mr. Thomas Mclntire, stood, until a few years ago, a sub stantial brick mansion whos.e ornamentation, in carved wood and chased cornice, was admired by many. The history of the house is involved in obscurity, and at the time of its demolition an atmosphere of " ghostly" mys tery surrounded it. Francina had a son, grandson, and great-grandson who bore her husband's name. The prop erty passed out of the possession of the family one hun dred and fifteen years ago. Augustine Herman, immediately after estabhshing him self upon Bohemia Manor, made several attempts to organ ize a colony or village there, but only indifferent success THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. ,i attended his efforts for more than twenty years. Dis couraged and aged, he wellnigh abandoned all efforts in that direction, when, in December, 1679, two travellers un expectedly arrived at the manor-house, where, by letter, they were introduced to Herman as Petrus Sluyter and Jasper Dankers, representatives of a religious society called Labadists, located at Wiewert in Friesland, who were anxious to colonize in America, as soon as a suitable tract of land could be obtained for that purpose. The Labadists were a communistic body founded by a French Jesuit named Jean de Labadie. He abandoned the order of Loyola, and, in 1650, joined the Reformed church, and entered the Protestant ministry. Finally he seems to have lost all religious reckoning, and so found it necessary to organize a new sect to suit his own distempered imagi nation. Eloquent as a preacher, he soon aroused the en thusiasm of those who indulged in golden dreams of paradise on earth under the social system so eloquently described and painted in the glowing colors of the finished orator. He exerted himself to the utmost for the restora tion of Apostolic religion on pietistic principles, and gained many partisans.* But Labadie died in 1674, at Altona, in Denmark, whither he had gone with his fol lowers, who soon removed to Wiewert in Friesland, where, gaining but few adherents, they resolved, as has already been stated, upon colonization in America. Their agents, Sluyter and Dankers, were well pleased with a tract of land on Bohemia Manor, consisting of four * Dr. Brower, Danville, Pennsylvania. 32 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; contiguous necks of land and comprising three thousand seven hundred and fifty acres, for which a deed of convey ance was executed by Augustine Herman on the nth of August, 1684. Secure in the possession of this tract of land, which has thenceforth borne the name of " The La badie Tract," Sluyter and Dankers prepared immediately to establish the community on it. A company of men and women, including several families, arrived from Wiewert. A few persons residing in New York also removed thither. Sluyter declared himself bishop or abbot, and installed his wife a kind of abbess over the female portion of the estab lishment. Thus was formed not only a new colony but a new church of Labadists in America. The members belonging to this community did not at any time greatly exceed a hundred men, women, and chil dren. They had all their possessions in common, so that none could claim any more right than another to any part of the property. They worked at different employments in the house or on the land, such as the manufacture of linen and the cultivation of corn, tobacco, flax, and hemp. The Labadists ate their meals in silence, the men by them selves and the women by themselves, the former with their heads covered, except during a short season spent in in audible thanksgiving. They slept in the same or adjoin ing buildings, one of which was designated " The Great House," in the garden of which was the common grave yard in which the members at their decease were buried. The dress of the Labadists was plain and simple. Gold and silver ornaments, jewelry, carpets, lace, and other fanqy work, were prohibited. Eschewing all fashions of the THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 33 world, they confined themselves to the useful and neces sary. But the seeds of dissolution were developing themselves to such an extent that in so short a space of time as four teen years it appeared certain that the perpetuity of such a social system could not continue. Hence, in 1698, Petrus Sluyter, who had become sole proprietor of the entire lands, perhaps by the withdrawal of most of the others, resolved to divide the property between the remaining members. He conveyed three of the necks to Hendrick Sluyter, Samuel Bayard, and others, while he retained one of the necks himself, and became a wealthy man in his own right. He died in 1722, after his wife, about which time the Labadists seem to have disbanded. Certain it is that nothing of them remained, as a religious community on Bohemia Manor, five years after his death.* This was, so far as we know, the first attempt of the believers in this visionary scheme of social life in this country, which has since been tried by the Shakers, the settlers at Harmony on the Ohio, and in other places, but always with nearly the same results as followed the scheme of the Labadists, although often the end was farther post poned and wealth more largely accumulated. The sole memorial that survives to the present to tell us that the Labadist body once lived is that the tract of land on which it lived, died, and was buried, still bears the name of " The Labadie Tract." * See publications of " The Long Island Historical Society," vol. i.. Intro duction. 3 34 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR, IV. THE SLUYTER AND BOUCHELLE FAMILIES. The Sluyter Family — The Labadist Bishop — He reserves and occupies Third Neck — Hendrick, the Ancestor — The Ancestral Estate — The Ancient Grave yard — The Labadie Mill — Solomon Hersey — St. Augustine Church and Graveyard — Lege de Bouchelle and his Descendants — Dr. S. Bouchelle's Elaborate Tomb— The Old Family Graveyard. I SHOULD not do justice to the history of Bohemia Manor did I not refer at some length to the more prominent families who descended from the Labadists, and who inherited the so-called Labadie Tract, some of whom still have represen tatives on that historic ground. I refer to the Sluyters, the Bouchelles, and the Bayards. Of the first-named family, the most distinguished member was Dr. Petrus Sluyter, formerly of Wesel, in Germany, but more recently from Amsterdam, in Holland. His first appearance in America was in 1679, when, as has already been stated, he was commissioned by the Labadists of Fries land, of whose society he was an influential member, to find in the New World a suitable territory to which they might move. He and his wife, whose name was De Vries, settled on Bohemia Manor about the year 1683. On the death of the latter, Petrus Sluyter married Anna Margaretta Couda, who was the widow of Lege de Bouchelle, and the mother of Dr. Petrus Bouchelle, and also of Susanna Bouchelle who became the second wife of Samuel Bayard. Petrus THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 35 Sluyter spent his last days on the Third Neck of the Labadie Tract, whicli he had renamed Providence, and from it, unat tended by wife or children, all of whom he had survived, his mortal remains were in 1722 borne (as he expressed it in his will), " to be buried after our own humble way in the garden of the so-called Great House, where several of my brethren and sisters in Christ repose." His papers and books were bequeathed to his brother Johannes, and his watch to his kinsman, Hendrick Sluyter. Hendrick Sluyter,* just named, was probably the ancestor of all the Sluyters who have lived on Bohemia Manor since 1722, and his plantation, which has descended from father to son from his day to the present generation, may be con sidered the ancestral seat of the family. It is located at the confluence of the Bohemia River and the Labadie Mill Creek, and was occupied by him in 17 17, when, it is sup posed, he built thereon a residence long since gone to decay, near which may still be seen the old Sluyter grave yard. The spot, which is overgrown with weeds and wholly neglected, reveals but two inscribed gravestones, on one of which are the characters " H. S." In this obscure and unsightly spot lie buried nearly all who bore the name of Sluyter. Hendrick Sluyter died in 1722, and was succeeded in the possession and occupancy of this large estate by his son Benjamin, excepting from it, of course, the widow's legal dower. The latter has been adversely immortalized in her * The author has in his possession a genealogical chart of the Sluyter family, and many interesting facts relating thereto. 36 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; husband's last will and testament, which declares, "as my wife, to my sorrow, had always some difference with my friends, it is my desire that she retire to her former home in Philadelphia, or elsewhere." Y^o matter what may be said disparagingly of this woman's disposition, she could not have been devoid of some redeeming qualities, else she would not have succeeded, as she did, in winning to herSelf the heart and hand not only of such a prominent gentleman as Hendrick Sluyter, but also of a second husband, named Jawert, and a third husband, named Lawson, and even a fourth husband, named Boom. Her first husband, Hendrick Sluyter, died on February 4, 1722, when his son Benjamin took possession of his inheritance, and probably occupied the house his father had erected. Here he resided for about thirty years, enjoying the heritage of lands and slaves and other wealth which his ancestors had accumulated. In 1754 he sells to Solomon Hersey the historic Labadie Mill, which for nearly seventy years had gj-ound the grain of the industrious and frugal Labadists. The old mill was located in a picturesque and romantic region, and a tale or two might be told, if its crumbling walls could speak, of the joys and sorrows, the hopes and disappointments experienced there. With little stretch of imagination we can picture a handsome and ven erable man, whose name we will not give, returning to the scene of other days and early joys, and soliloquizing thus ; " Here, from the brow of the hill, I look. Through a lattice of boughs and leaves, On the old gray mil], with its gambrel roof, And the moss on its rotting eves. THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. y I hear the clatter that jars its wall, And the rushing water's sound, And I see the black floats rise and fall As the wheel goes slowly round. " I rode there often, when I was young, With my grist on the horse before. And talked with Nelly, the miller's girl, As I waited my turn at the door. And while she tossed her ringlets brown. And flirted and chatted so free. The wheel might stop, or the wheel might go. It was all the same to me. " 'Tis twenty years since last I stood On the spot where I stand to-day ; And Nelly is wed, and the miller is dead, And the mill and I are gray. But both, till we fall into ruin and wreck, To our fortune of toil are bound; And the man goes, and the stream flows, And the wheel moves slowly round."* While Solomon Hersey was in possession of this mill- property, the pioneer preachers of the Methodist church often slept and conducted religious services beneath his hospitable roof, including Bishop Asbury himself, and it is said that beneath that same roof the first Methodist Society on the Eastern Shore of Maryland was organized in 1771. The same Benjamin Sluyter, who sold to Solomon Hersey the mill-property, parted with another acre or two of his plantation, but for a very different purpose. On August * Lines by T. Dunn English, in Harper's Magazine. "Into ruin and wreck" the old mill has at last fallen, and but little remains to mark its site. 38 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; 6, 175 1, he sells for "four hundred pounds of good mer chantable tobacco," to the vestry of Augustine Parish, so much of his land as was at that time used and occupied by the St. Augustine church. As the early records of this church, when it was yet a chapel of St. Stephen's, on Sassa fras Neck, were long ago destroyed by fire, the date of its erection is lost. Suffice it to say that it was an ancient structure when the great-grandparents of the present gener ation were little children sporting around its crumbling walls, or playing hide-and-seek behind and beneath its time- worn tombstones. This old Manor church was held in veneration, not only for its antiquity, but also because it had been the Sabbath- home of so many of the early settlers, and because that, under its shadow, scores, if not hundreds, of them had found sepulture. " Thou art crumbling to the dust, old pile; Thou art hastening to thy fall; And round thee, in thy loneliness. Clings the ivy to the wall. The worshippers are scattered now Who knelt before thy shrine. And silence reigns where anthems rose In days of ' Auld Lang Syne.' " And sadly sighs the wandering wind Where oft, in years gone by. Prayer rose from many hearts to Him The Highest of the High. The tread of many a noiseless foot That sought thy aisles is o'er, And many a weary heart, around. Is still for evermore. THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 30 "How doth ambition's hope take wing ! How drops the spirit now ! We hear the distant city's din; The dead are mute below. The sun that shone upon their paths Now guilds their lowly graves ; The zephyr which once fanned their brows The grass above them waves. " Oh ! could we call the many back Who've gathered here in vain ; Who've careless roved where we do now. Who'll never meet again : How would our very hearts be stirred To meet the earnest gaze Of the lovely and the beautiful, — The lights of other days."* A structure that had been so long historic as this old Manor church is worthy of description, which fortunately I am able to furnish in the language of a distinguished gentleman, who, by the way, had large landed interests on the Manor. I refer to the Hon. Richard H. Bayard, who, writing under date of May 7, i860, says, "The old Manor church was a brick quadrangular building with a circular projection on the eastern side. It had a hipped-roof with a heavy wooden cornice round the four sides. The entrance was on the western side, and I think there were two large windows on each of the other sides. There was a gallery along the western side, a board floor, and the body of the church was divided into the old-fashioned box pews. * The above lines were found, written anonymously, on the wall of the old Blandford church, Virginia. 40 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; " I recollect it," continues Mr. Bayard, " while it was yet in a decent state of preservation. But as most of the inhab itants of the Manor at the period I refer to, in the early part of the present century, had embraced the discipline and form of worship of the Methodist church, there was no Episcopal congregation to repair the ravages of time, and these were hastened by the depredations of obscure persons living in its immediate neighborhood. Its gallery, its pews, and its floors were carried off piece-meal for fuel, and finally its brick walls were demolished and used in the domestic architecture of its despoilers. . . . The lot on which the old church stood is still enclosed, and a frame building was some years since erected on it, in which divine service is occasionally performed." It may be observed that the recent improvement of the building, and especially of the graveyard surrounding it, is due, in large part, to the generosity of Colonel Alfred Nowland, of New Castle, whose parents worshipped in the ancient structure, and of the late Augustus Nowland (father of the Hon. Henry A. Nowland), whose remains, ac cording to his request, and in indulgence of his poetic and romantic fancy, were buried in a certain previously desig nated spot, on the site of the old sanctuary, under whose shadow, seventy years ago, he played with schoolmates who now lie near him in death. But I must return to mention again the Benjamin Sluy ter who parted with the ground that was devoted to these religious purposes. He died about the year 1752, leaving his large estate to be equally divided among his sons Henry and Peter. The last named took possession of the THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 41 lower half, which bordered on Bohemia River, and occupied the old mansion, which is said to have been a building of considerable proportions and pretensions, while the other son, Henry Sluyter, took the upper half, and built thereon a strong, substantial, and attractive brick building, which may be considered the home of each successive generation of Sluyters from that day to this ; and, surprising as it may seem, though this old structure has twice been tried by fire, its walls appear as strong as when first erected, more than one hundred and thirty years ago. In course of time Peter Sluyter died, and his inheritance, which, as already stated, included the old homestead and the old family graveyard, became the possession of his brother Henry, from which time until the present the two farms have been considered as one, and were, at Henry's death, inherited by his only son, Benjamin Sluyter, who had already married Francina Thompson, a descendant ot Augustine Herman, the first lord of the Manor. In this family is instanced a widower with a son, marrying a widow with a daughter. But not only did the widower marry the widow, but the widower's son married the widow's daughter, and thus wasj quarters when, in 1777, he and his Hessian troops en camped upon the Manor. Upon the walls of this old man sion might have been seen many years ago an elaborate and artistic military display, — the work of a soldier's pencil. Thoughtless hands long since obliterated the picture. I have already said that the first Samuel Bayard who settled on Bohemia Manor in 1698 was the father of three sons and one daughter, namely, Peter, the ancestor of the Bayard, Smith, and Rodgers families ; Samuel, the ancestor of the few Bayards who still remain on Bohemia Manor, as well as of the Bayards who may be found in Pennsyl vania; James, the ancestor of the Delaware and New Jersey Bayards ; and Mary Ann or Anna Maria, who mar ried Dr. Sluyter Bouchelle, and was the ancestor of the Bouchelles of the South as well as of the late Anthony M. Higgins and Caesar A. Rodney. The latter gentleman possessed and greatly prized a souvenir that had descended to him from his Bayard an cestors. It is a diminutive French prayer-book printed in 1648. Its cover is made of tortoise shell and its back is of steel. On the back is a complicated monogram which neither Mr. Rodney nor his friends have been able to de cipher. The book contains the following quaint inscription : " 1790, Polly Higgins, her book. Mary Higgins, her book. It was brought from France by her great-grandmother Madame Bayard in 1660. This is a piece of antiquity. Mary Higgins' book. Wilmington, Sept. 15th, 1810." 58 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; VL JAMES BAYARD'S DESCENDANTS. James Bayard married Mary Ashton — An Ancient and Noted Mansion — An Aged Occupant's Description — "Whitefield's Room" — Old Mrs. Bay ard, a Mother in Israel — James's Twins — Colonel John Bayard — His Last Visit — His Death and his Tomb. The Mary Ann or Anna Maria Bayard who married Dr. Sluyter Bouchelle had, as I have already stated, a brother James. The latter married Mary Ashton, whom he brought to the Bohemia Manor residence of his wid owed mother, whose interests he proposed to superintend during her declining days. The residence itself demands more than a passing notice, as it is probably the most in teresting structure, historically considered, now standing on Bohemia Manor, being, as it is, the ancestral seat and the birthplace of the more distinguished branch of the Bayard family. The writer hasi frequently visited this old mansion, has wandered around its castle-like walls, awed by their solidity and gloom, has been hospitably enter tained beneath its spacious roof, and has been permitted to wander from cellar to attic while engaged in antiquarian research. The mansion is a large, two-storied, brick building, and has a front portico along its entire length, also large fold ing-doors, on one of which is found a heavy brass knocker. THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 59 There are four front windows in the second story, each of which has very deep sills and the old-time diminutive window-panes set in heavy sashes. The front door admits you to a large vestibule, furnished with a fire-place. Im mediately facing you is the dining-hall, while at your right hand is a reception-room, and at your left a spacious parlor. The apartments in the second story, reached by a broad, winding staircase, for the most part correspond in size with the rooms already described, and one of them, that in the northwest corner of the house, is even to this day called " Whitefield's room," in honor of the great preacher whose name it bears, who often occupied it when he labored on the Manor, though his feet crossed its threshold for the last time one hundred and thirty years ago. As the peaked roof of the mansion is very deep, room is found for two attics between it and the ceiling of the second story, so that the house is much more ample than an outside view would suggest. Besides the ordinary cellar, there is a sub-cellar, or wine vault, deep and long.* I must not neglect to describe the parlor, which, with the exception of the so-called " Whitefield's room," is the most interesting and attractive apartment of the house. It is a large room, whose walls are wainscoted from floor to ceil ing, whose mantel-piece is ponderous, and whose ample fireplace in the long, long past, was the spot about which gathered many of the great and good of earlier generations. * I have in my collection of Bayard relics and mementos a remnant of a Bayard wine-bottle, bearing on its glass seal the date 1740 and the mono gram of the original owner. 6o ANCIENT FAMILIES OF. BOHEMIA MANOR; A relic of great historic interest and antiquarian worth once ornamented this parlor, but now is numbered among my own collection of relics, through the kindness of the present owner,* of this Bayard mansion. The relic is an iron fire-plate about three feet wide and four feet high, in the centre of which is a representation of a scriptural scene, Christ and the woman at the well, with the ap proaching disciples seen in the distance. Beneath the picture are the characters "C. D. ANNO 1667." It is surprising that the Bayard family could lose sight of this interesting object, on which, probably, have rested the eyes of representatives of each successive generation since the arrival of the first of the name on Bohemia Manor. The writer received, ten years ago, from a venerable friend, who in childhood had been an inmate of this ancient mansion, a letter describing it, in which these words occur : "At what time it was built I have no knowledge. The iron fire-plate which stood in the parlor fireplace I remem ber seeing many a time and oft. It represented the meet ing of our Saviour with the woman of Samaria, to whom he so freely offered the water, to drink of which she would not thirst again. And I also remember a pair of quaint andirons in the same fireplace, but what has become of these relics I know not. . . . Some one hundred or two hundred yards southwest from the dwelling-house was a family burying-ground, where the Bayards, I believe, are * Colonel Richard C. Johnson, of Massey's, Maryland. THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 6 1 buried. There used to be, when I was a child, in the top loft of the dwelling-house, a barrel or two of old papers and documents, and, no doubt, if they could be found* they would assist your researches greatly. In my juvenile days the house laid claim to some distinction, the rooms were large, the ceilings high, wainscoted, and corniced. A knocker of brass upon the front folding-doors was suffi cient to be heard at the top of the building. The brick was of superior quality and, as I have often heard said, had been imported. Sixty years have passed since I left the place, and thirty since I have seen it. I should hardly recognize anything now. ' The meadow, the fountain, the deep-tangled wildwood. And all the loved scenes which my infancy knew,' alas, are gone, and gone forever." It has already been remarked that the celebrated Rev. George Whitefield was a guest at the Bayard mansion. In his Journal he thus refers to his first visit there. Under date of November 24, 1740, he says: "I arrived on Bo hemia Manor about eleven o'clock last night and was most kindly received by old Mrs. Bayard, a true mother in Israel, many of whose family are under good impressions. I preached in the afternoon to about two thousand, and have not seen a more solid melting, I think, since my arrival. ... I parted from good old Mrs. Bayard in tears and rode with my friends about ten miles to a place called St. * Inquiry was made as to the whereabouts of these barrels and their con tents. An occupant of the house, now dead, destroyed them by fire, because mice had made their nests in them. 62 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; George's, where a kind and courteous Quaker received us into his house." Whitefield's second visit to Bohemia Manor occurred in April, 1747. Here he spent four weeks, during which he wrote as follows in reply to a request to labor elsewhere : " Here are thousands in these southern parts who scarce ever heard of redeeming grace. Is it not my duty as an itinerant to go where the gospel has not been named ? I am willing to hunt in the woods after sinners, and could be content that the name of George White- field shall rot if thereby the name of my dear Redeemer could be exalted." Whitefield's third visit to Bohemia Manor occurred in December, 1754, at which time he was just forty years old. It ought to be observed that this eminently pious and useful gospel minister exerted a won derful influence for good upon the inhabitants of Bohemia Manor, which was felt even up to within a comparatively recent date. The old Mrs. Bayard, from whom Whitefield parted in tears, was Susanna, the daughter of Lege de Bouchelle and sister of Dr. Petrus Bouchelle. At this time she was sixty-three years old and a widow. She lived about ten years longer, and was succeeded in the possession and occupancy of her old home by her son, James Bayard, who by this time had married Miss Mary Ashton. By adding commercial enterprise and industry to the cultivation of his large farm he, in a few years, accumulated what at that time was considered a handsome fortune. This, however, he did not long live to enjoy. Both he and his wife died young, leaving two sons, twins, named John Bubenheim Bayard and James Ashton Bayard. It may be remarked THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 63 that the latter was the first James Ashton Bayard, and be came the father of the distinguished statesman of that name who was United States commissioner to Ghent. The former, early in life, dropped his middle name, Bubenheim, and thereafter subscribed himself simply John Bayard. These twin brothers received their classical education under the direction of the Rev. Samuel Finley, D.D., after wards president of Princeton College, and then removed to Philadelphia, John to engage in mercantile pursuits and James to devote himself to the medical profession. Sub sequently they married sisters, Margaret and Ann Hodge, the aunts of the late Rev. Charles Hodge, D.D. About this time the seeds of grace which had been sown in the young heart of John Bayard began to develop in him those Christian virtues which in after years made him so distinguished for piety and benevolence.* He united with the Presbyterian church, of which the Rev. Gilbert Ten nent was pastor, and subsequently was made an elder, which office he filled acceptably for many years. He be came intimately acquainted with the Rev. George White- field, who had been the guest of his father and aged grand mother at their Bohemia Manor home, and occasionally accompanied him on his preaching-tours through the then American colonies. At the commencement of the Revo lutionary war John Bayard took an active and decided part in favor of his country. He was at first chosen cap tain, then major, and, finally, colonel of the Second Bat- * From an extended notice of Colonel John Bayard in the Evangelical Intelligencir, vol. i.. No. I. 64 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; talion of the Philadelphia militia, at the head of which he marched to the assistance of General Washington at the battle of Trenton. Colonel John Bayard was thrice married : first to Mar garet Hodge, then to Mrs. Mary Hodgden, the daughter of Mrs. Mary Grant (who became the second wife of the Rev. Dr. John Rodgers), and, thirdly, to Johannah, the daughter of Colonel Anthony White, with whom in 1788 he removed to New Brunswick, New Jersey, as the place of his permanent residence, where a few years later he built a handsome and commodious dwelling-house. Here he was elected mayor of the city, and judge of the Court of Common Pleas, and here, on January 7, 1807, he died, and two days later his remains were deposited in the bury ing-ground of the First Presbyterian church. From the late venerable Judge John Terhune, of New Brunswick, a copy of the inscription on the monument has been pro cured, which is, in part, as follows : " The Tomb of JOHN BAYARD Benevolent, liberal, patriotic. He was chosen by his country to fill her first offices, his integrity and zeal justified the choice. Generous in his temper, sincere in his friendship, eminent for every social virtue, he possessed the esteem of all who knew him. He enjoyed the confidence and love of a numerous family who erect this monument to his revered memory. He departed hence in triumph on the 7th day of January, 1807, in the 69th year of his age." THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 65 It should be noted that Colonel Bayard, in the year 1788, sold the historic house* on Bohemia Manor, in which he and some of his children were born. Though he thus and forever parted with this possession that was bound to his memory and affection by so many sacred ties, he never forgot these scenes of his childhood. His last visit to this dear old spot was made in June, 1805, when he had become an old man and was within two years of his death. A handsome barouche that had been driven from Wilmington, if not from his home in New Brunswick, appeared, and its erect, stately, and aristocratic occupant, Colonel John Bayard, alighted. At his feet flowed the waters of the beautiful, blue Bohemia, at his left stood the old ancestral mansion in which he had, in his boyhood and early manhood, witnessed scenes of joy and sorrow, while at his right hand were the graves of his father and his father's fathers for many generations. At those graves he no doubt lingered long, shed a tear, and then turned away and departed, never to return. This is the graveyard that Whitefield used to look upon from his window in the Bayard mansion, and which, at one time, * The purchaser was Edward Foard, who occupied it until January 24, 1822, when he died at the advanced age of seventy-nine years. His wife, Sarah Mansfield, survived him about three years. They had two children, — Jemima Foard, who married James Blackiston, and Mary Foard, who mar ried Dennis James Nowland. The above-named Edward Foard had a brother, Richard Boulding Foard, from whom descended the Foards now owning property on Bohemia Manor, through his son and their grandfather, Levi G. Foard, who married Ann Bayard. Edward Foard had other brothers, Jeremiah, Hezekiah, and Josiah, but they have no descendants of their name now residing on Bohemia Manor. S 66 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; he desired might eventually become the place of his burial. Nobody would care to be buried there now. It is a lonely, neglected, and forsaken spot, and, if my mem ory serves me, not an inscribed stone remains to mark a single grave. And yet, " Perhaps in this neglected spot is laid Some heart once pregnant with celestial fire ; Hands that the rod of empire might have swayed, Or waked to ecstasy the living lyre." THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. Qy VII. The First James Ashton Bayard — Jane, a Devout Christian — John Hodge Bayard — An Interesting Letter — The Distinguished James A. Bayard — Governor Richard Bassett — A Joint Burial-Service — Bayard Graves — Farewell to Bohemia Manor. Colonel John Bayard's twin brother, who, as has been stated, was the first James Ashton Bayard, was born on Bohemia Manor August ii, 1738. He became a surgeon in the Revolutionary army. He died on the 8th of Jan uary, 17" , in Charleston, South Carolina. His property- was diminished by various vicissitudes, and his family was left mainly to the care of his brother. This family con sisted of a wife, who, in about four years, followed her husband to the grave, and three children, John Hodge, James Ashton, and Jane. The last named, Jane Bayard, was born on February 13, 1765, and was baptized on March 16 of that year by the Rev. John Rodgers.* In a letter written to the author by the late Dr. Charles Hodge, of Princeton, I learn that she never married, be came a strict Methodist, and was always dressed as a Quaker lady. * Dr. Rodgers was highly esteemed by the Bayard family, and frequently officiated at their baptisms and marriages. 68 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; Her brother, John Hodge Bayard, was born January ii, 1762. He went to Western Maryland, and seems to have been almost wholly lost sight of by his friends, who sup posed that he had died unmarried and childless. But a single clue enabled me to discover that the tradition was altogether unfounded, and that he not only married, but left many descendants.* From one of these I have re ceived several interesting papers refei-ring to his family. One is a letter written to John Hodge Bayard by his brother, the Hon. James A. Bayard, United States com missioner to Ghent. As it refers to matters military and political, as well as social and domestic, I hesitated to reproduce it until, in response to a note of inquiry ad dressed to the Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, Secretary of State of the United States, I received the following : " Washington, D. C, March 5, 1887. " Reverend Sir, — I am very glad to know that you are to deliver before the Delaware Historical Society an address on Bohemia Manor, and can see no reason why the interesting letter of Mr. James A. Bayard (my grandfather) to his brother John, written in 1800, should not be published. It breathes the spirit of a patriot and but confirms the reputation the writer left. . . . " Very respectfully, "Your Obt. Servt., "T. F. Bayard." The letter referred to is dated April 27, 1800, and says : " My dear Brother, — It was a great satisfaction to me to find that your confidence in me was restored, and that you ceased to think me so unworthy * His daughter married, and left many children and grandchildren. I have not space even to name them, nor to relate interesting circumstances con nected with the last days, and the death and burial, of John Hodge Bayard. THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRA VES. 69 as to have forgotten an only brother, to whom I owed obligations, and who had ever behaved to me with affection. Nature has not been so unkind to me as to have robbed me of her best feelings, though she has not disposed me to give unavailing proofs of their existence. I never did, nor could, attach much importance to literary correspondence. There is no person to whom I make it a point to write except to my wife, and even as to her I should often probably be remiss, had I not some apprehensions that neglect might endanger the peace of the family. You will probably not hear from me after the adjournment of Congress, till we meet again at the city of Washington. But I beg you not to suppose that I forget or am indifferent to you. The day of adjournment has been fixed on the second Tuesday in May ; after that I shall be occupied in the courts. I heard lately from our sister, who is in as good health and spirits as she ever possessed. She is now a plain Methodist, who has discarded, and despises, the pomp, the show, and the vanities of the world, and given herself up to a holy £eal for the cause of religion. ... " There is little new on the subjectof politics to communicate. . . . The event of .the mission to France cannot be known for several months. I have no doubt of a treaty of peace being concluded, though I have little con fidence in the observance of it after it is made. The French rulers, through all these successive changes, have demonstrated by their actions that they consider a treaty binding no longer than it is the interest of the nation to keep it. Our only assurance of peace can be derived from allowing war to offer no advantage. This we accomplish by being prepared for hostilities. " It is impossible to say what effect peace with France will produce in rela tion to Great Britain. Peace with this country is very valuable to Britain, and yet if Sweden and' Denmark should join the coalition, and the United States be -left the only neutral maritime power, England would have a great interest' to go to war, in order to prevent the great accession to our carrying trade, which our neutral situation would necessarily attract. The event is to be deprecated, but I hope the nation would be found as ready to resist the aggressions of England as of France. For myself, I can say that the dread of no war would induce me to submit to any acts of a foreign government which tended to degrade the character of the nation. ¦ I love peace, but I love ' still more the honor of my country. There certainly will be another campaign in Europe, and from the vast preparations which both parties are 70 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; making, it will probably be as fierce and bloody as any which has happened in the war. . . . " I remain " Affectionately yours, "J, A. Bayard." The writer of the above letter was born July 28, 1767. He commenced the practice of law in Wilmington, Dela ware, in 1787, and nine years afterwards was elected to the national House of Representatives. In 1804 he was chosen United States Senator as successor of his father-in- law Governor Bassett, which position he retained until he was selected by President Madison as a commissioner, with Gallatin, Clay, and others, to negotiate a peace with Great Britain. He returned to this country, and died in Wilming ton, Delaware, August 6, 1815. His mortal remains were borne to Bohemia Manor for burial in a vault which his father-in-law, Governor Bassett, had erected near his coun try residence. As Governor Bassett died about the same time, a joint funeral service was held, conducted by his life-long friend, the Rev. Ezekiel Cooper, but because of the large con course of people and consequent confusion no religious exercises were observed at the vault. This vault was broken into many years ago, and some of the coffins despoiled of their rich adornments. Afterwards the late Richard Bassett Bayard, of Baltimore, had the contents of the vault removed to the Wilmington and Brandywine Cemetery, and deposited in a vault, which has since re ceived his own remains. In the late residence of the latter may be seen many interesting souvenirs of the Hon. James A. Bayard, including the inkstand used by him THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 71 and his co-commissioners at the signing of the treaty of Ghent. I have already referred to James A. Bayard's father-in- law, Richard Bassett. He was born April 2, 1745. He became an eminent lawyer, a judge, governor of Delaware, member of the old Congress, and a senator of the United States. He was a delegate from Delaware to the conven tion 1;hat formed the Constitution of the United States, and his name is enrolled, on that account, with the names of Washington, Alexander Hamilton, Benjamin Franklin, Robert Morris, and other distinguished patriots and states men. His personal friend, the Rev. Henry Boehm, says that at one time Governor Bassett was a very fashionable man, and, being rich, had his good things in this life. But after his conversion he was as humble and teachable as a little child. At this remote period it is impossible to have a correct idea of the position he once occupied, and the influence he exerted in favor of the church of his choice, in whose annals he should ever have a promi nent place. In person Governor Bassett was a stout-built man, of medium height, and looked as if he was made for service. His countenance was full of benignity, his eye was very expressive, and his voice strong and musical. He was dis tinguished for benevolence, and was given to hospitality. He had three homes, residing part of the time in Dover, then on Bohemia Manor, and then in Wilmington. He has entertained over one hundred persons at one time. His heart was as large as his mansion. 72 ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR; This mansion, let it be remarked, which was distinguished for its antiquity, for the splendid paintings that adorned its walls, for the hospitality that reigned there, and as the home of Bishop Asbury when he preached on Bohemia Manor, was burned down many years ago.* The present owner of the site of this noted mansion, and of the site of the mansion of the first lord of the Manor and his grave, is Governor Bassett's great-great-grandson, Richard ) Bayard , of Baltimore. The author has endeavored to sketch the history of Bohemia Manor from its establishment, in 1660, up to the present time, and to describe its ancient families and their homes and their graves. From the commencement to the conclusion of his task he has been embarrassed with the abundance of material at his disposal. For years he has been collecting facts, figures, names, traditions, genealogi cal records, descriptions of persons, houses, and graves. There is scarcely an object of historic interest on Bohemia Manor, no matter how comparatively trivial, that he has not examined, nor an aged resident with whom he has not " compared notes." The result of all this he has collected into a large manuscript volume, whose five hundred pages it fills. Only a tithe of this has been introduced into this little work. Whether the rest will ever appear in print the author cannot say. He can conclude the present effort no more appropriately than by quoting a local poet, who long since removed, and is probably now dead. His name is withheld because of the personal and sentimental char- * See " Reminiscences of Rev. Henry Boehm." THEIR HOMES AND THEIR GRAVES. 73 acter of his poem. More than threescore years ago he wrote, and now I transcribe a FAREWELL TO BOHEMIA. " No more along thy silver stream, Bohemia, shall I stray Beneath the pale moon's gentle gleam Or brighter beams of day : While youth and beauty grace thy shore To mark thy bosom's swell, I fondly all thy charms adore, And breathe my last Farewell. " The willow, bending o'er the tide, Shall oft its branches lave ; The sea-birds on thy bosom ride And grace thy polished wave ; Thy verdant banks, with blossoms crowned. Shall breathe their odors still. And music float in air around. From valley, lake, and hill. " The feathered songsters of the wood Shall on thy margin sing. Or gently hovering o'er thy flood Tune all the notes of Spring ; While echo, from her sweet defile. Repeats the sailor's song. Or answers, with her sweetest smile, To beauty's 'witching tongue. " Flow, lovely stream, forever flow Along thy laughing vale ; When sportive beauty oft shall throw Her wild-flowers on the gale ; ANCIENT FAMILIES OF BOHEMIA MANOR And, oh, if Mary chance to stray Beside thy lambent stream, Murmur thy softest, sweetest lay And shed thjji mildest gleam. " Though many a graceful form is seen To tread thy lily side ; She moves a modest, peerless queen, Of beauty's self the pride : And may she never, never know The heart's corroding ills, The pangs that oft from memory flow, The flood that quick distils. " But, lo ! yon murky clouds obscure The waning orb of night. And chilling blasts bid me retire From all that can delight; Yet when in foreign climes I roam Shall memory fondly tell Of lovely scenes of Mary's home,^ Bohemia, fare thee well." THE END. PAPERS OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF DELAWARE VIII. DIARY OF Captain Thomas Rodney, 1776-1777. WITH AN INTRODUCTION. BY C^SAR A. RODNEY, HIS GREA-f-GRANDSON. THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF DELAWARE. WILMINGTON: 1888. PREFACE. This paper was read before the Historical Society of Delaware by the late Caesar A. Rodney, on January 2, 1877. His brother, Mr. John M. C. Rodney, at the request of the society, has kindly permitted its publication. At a stated meeting of the Historical Society of Delaware, held at its rooms in the city of Wilmington, on Monday, the 15th day of September, 1884, the following minute of the death of Caesar A. Rodney, submitted by Judge Wales, was adopted and ordered to be entered on the journal: " Since the last meeting of this society it has lost one of its most valued and active members by the death of Caesar A. Rodney, which occurred on the 23d day of June, in the present year. " By this sad event we have been deprived of the com panionship and assistance of one who always took a zealous interest in the welfare of the society, and was ever ready by his personal services and contributions to promote its aims. He bore a name that has long been honorably associated with the history of Delaware, and he felt a just and worthy pride in the fame and distinction achieved by his ancestors. The occasional selections made by him from family papers 3 4 PREFACE. in his possession, and read before us, will not be forgotten at this moment. " At the time of his decease Mr. Rodney had not passed the meridian of life. His youth and manhood had been spent in this city, where he was well known both in business and social circles. As a man of business he was intelli gent, industrious, practical, and upright. Public-spirited and capable, he was at different times intrusted by his fellow- citizens with official duties, which he faithfully and efficiently performed. The bent of his mind was toward the study of chemistry and the natural sciences, in which he had made considerable progress. Nor did he confine himself to only a theoretical investigation of these subjects. He was in genious as well as studious, and became, to a very creditable extent, a successful inventor. While at the head of a large and important manufacturing establishment, his scientific acquirements and practical knowledge enabled him to man age its affairs with so much skill and judgment as to change an unsuccessful concern into a most profitable investment for its owners. " In domestic and social life Mr. Rodney was beloved and esteemed by his kindred and friends for his unselfish and generous nature. Well informed, an instructive com panion, kindly attentive and helpful to young and old, and regardful of the ' small, sweet courtesies of life,' his death — untimely as it appears to us — has left a wide and painful void, not only in his own home and in the membership of this society, but also in the many households where his genial disposition and cordial manner made him always a welcome guest." INTRODUCTION. Mr. President, Members of the Historical Society, Ladies and Gentlemen: The sinking of the sun behind the western hills to night completes the century that has elapsed since the close of the second battle of Trenton, or, as the writers of that period frequently called it, the cannonade at Trent Town. And as the first rays of the rising sun break forth to morrow morning, they will mark the passage of an hundred years since the glorious battle of Princeton was fought and won ; a battle that, in the short space of one-half hour, de cided the fate of the United States, and assured the world that they would maintain their position among the nations of the earth. It therefore seems appropriate, at this centennial anni versary of so important an event, that we should recall to mind the history of that period, and that any addi tional information that exists concerning it should be made public. Our historians have told us of the dreadful condition of public affairs on the ist of December, 1776, when the cause 5 6 INTRODUCTION. of American Independence seemed lost forever, and have fully informed us how that brilliant campaign, which began on the night of Christmas, 1776, and ended when our army encamped at Morristown, rolled back the dark cloud that threatened our national existence. I shall not, therefore, attempt to present a compilation of what has already been written and re-written so often, but will at once make known to you the facts in regard to the remarkable narrative that I shall bring to your notice this evening. The papers and correspondence of my great-grandfather, Thomas Rodney, and his brother, Caesar Rodney, having come by descent into my possession, I find among them a vast amount of interesting matter, correspondence, and offi cial documents relating to the early history of our nation, and especially of our own Diamond State ; and none exceed in interest those which relate to the Princeton campaign of 1776 and 1777. The historical material in my hands bear ing upon this period is so voluminous that it might, with slight amplification, be readily extended into a bulky vol ume, but want of time will, in this paper, compel me to exclude much I would gladly introduce and confine myself to the main facts, without commenting at all upon many points which require further explanation. The history of General Caesar Rodney, the signer of the Declaration of Independence, is too well known to require repetition here, but of his youngest brother it may be neces sary to say that he was born on the 4th of June, 1744, near Dover, and during his life filled many positions of trust and honor. INTRODUCTION. y I find that he was register and judge of the Probate of Wills and clerk of the Orphans' Court. Member of the General Assembly many times, member of the Council of Safety, and member and president of the Committee of In spection of Kent County. He was judge of the Admi ralty Court and of the Court of Common Pleas of the Delaware State ; twice a delegate to the Continental Con gress, which he entered for the first time in 1781, and in 1803 was appointed chief-justice of the Mississippi Terri tory, and died at Natchez in 1811. The town of Rodney, on the Mississippi, was named for him. During the war Thomas Rodney was captain of a militia company known as the Dover Light Infantry, and was afterwards colonel of the Eighth Regiment of Delaware militia. Early in September, 1775, the Council of Safety of the Three Lower Counties, a body composed of seven members from each county, and charged by the General Assembly with the safety of the colony, organized the militia of the counties by causing lists to be made of all the able-bodied male inhabitants, between the ages of sixteen and fifty years, and enrolling them into companies. From these companies eight regiments were formed, — three from New Castle, two from Kent, and three from Sussex Counties, — and John McKinly, Caesar Rodney, and John Dagworthy were ap pointed brigadier-generals. Caesar Rodney was subse quently made major-general and commander-in-chief of the State forces. In this capacity he twice led a portion of the State troops into active service, once during the Princeton campaign, during which he was placed in com- ¦8 INTRODUCTION. mand of the post at Trenton, where he remained nearly two months, and again during the invasion of the State previous to the battle of Brandywine. The general's star indicating the military rank of Caesar Rodney, and worn by him during the war, is now in my possession. It is rather rudely cut from a thin sheet of silver, and closely resembles a policeman's badge of the present day. It was worn upon the left breast instead of upon the shoulder-strap, as is the custom of the present time. Under the authority of the Council of Safety the regi ment of Colonel Haslet was raised, he having been previ ously appointed colonel of one of the militia regiments from Kent County; but its glorious deeds, its trials and its suffer ings, have been so ably described by Colonel Whiteley in a recent paper as to leave but little more to be said concern ing it. But the time for which Colonel Haslet's regiment enlisted expired on the 1st of January, 1777, and another, a Conti nental regiment, was being organized at home, in Delaware, to replace it. These facts induced most of the officers and men of the small remaining portion of this regiment to overlook the necessities of the situation, and return home in the hope of obtaining positions in the permanent organization, so that at the battle of Trenton the First Delaware Regiment was represented by only four officers. Colonel Haslet, Captain Holland, Doctor Gilder, and Ensign Wilson, and two privates, according to Colonel Haslet's own state ment, and when the army reached Morristown, the ad- INTRODUCTION. g jutant. Captain Holland, was the only member of the regi ment left. In September, 1776, a regiment of militia, under com mand of Colonel Samuel Patterson, left this State to join the "Flying Camp." They were to serve for three months, and left the army promptly on the expiration of their term of service, on the ist of December following, just when their aid was most needed. In the alarming crisis which arose at this time. Congress, then sitting at Philadelphia, made the most urgent appeal to the militia of the neighboring States to turn out and sup port General Washington until the Continental army could be reorganized, and under this ^appeal three companies of New Castle County militia left W^ilmington on the l6th day of December, 1776, under command of Major Thomas Duff. It appears from a note of General Mifflin that Major Duff, through a mistake of orders, did not join him on the march to Trenton, and therefore the troops under his com mand were not in the engagements at either Trenton or Princeton, and I can find no evidence that there were any Delaware troops engaged in those battles except the few that remained of Colonel Haslet's First Delaware, and one company of Kent County militia under command of Captain Thomas Rodney. When the militia of the colony was organized, Thomas Rodney was elected captain of the Dover company. Acting under the dictates of patriotism, and in obedience to the appeal of the Continental Congress, a portion of this company marched from Dover on the 14th of December, lO INTRODUCTION. 1776, under command of their captain, who, during the whole time they were in service, kept an accurate daily record of every occurrence of any importance. This journal I now propose to read to you as it was written one hundred years ago. DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, The Journal begins: In December 1776 the British army had driven General Washington with the shattered remains of the American Army over the Delaware, and he encamped in Bucks County; and at this time about 1200 of the Citizens of Philadelphia turned out and took post at Bristol. Part of the British Army were encamped at Trenton, Bordentown, and Burlington and the British were in pos session of all Jersey as well as York. Only Gen. Lee, with a few men, was still on the mountains east of the Raritan. Congress had determined to move from Philadelphia to Baltimore. The ruling council of our own state had met twice and seperated without doing anything, and a general dismay seemed spread over the Country. At this time and seeing our ruling council seperate the second time, without coming to any resolution, I felt my mind anxious and uneasy, and went over to my brother 12 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. [Caesar Rodney] and he was much concerned ; said every thing appeared gloomy and unfortunate, that he was very apprehensive for the safety of our cause. When I left him, I consulted the officers and several of the company, and they voluntarily agreed to turn out, and then I set up a paper inviting all those who would go to be prepared by a certain day. And thirty-five of the infantry, including several others, entered into the association to go, and this company marched from Dover the 14th of December 1776, at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, for camp, the ground being covered with snow several inches deep. That night they reached the Cross Roads [Duck Creek, now Smyrna] but as I could not get the baggage wagon off in time, I did not set off until next morning. December i^th lyjS This morning I took my leave of my wife and children and reached the Cross Roads about lO o'clock, and found that the company had marched. I stayed there to get breakfast and was detained there until 2 o'clock before I got off the Baggage wagon. I overtook the company at the Trap, [now McDonough] and pushed them on to the Red Lion that night, but the baggage wagon did not get up until 12 o'clock, and the men were a little uneasy about their blankets but continued in high spirits. December i6th i'jj6 This day we reached Wilmington, where we encamped all night. On our way we called at Col. Pattersons near DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. 13 Christeen and were fitted out with knapsacks, can teens &c. From Christiana Bridge we saw the road full of the citizens of Philadelphia who had fled with their families and effects, expecting the British army would be there in a few days. We had the pleasure of receiving the good wishes of thousands on our way and of seeing our example enspirit the people to follow it. We passed one company on the road, and two had left Wilmington this morning. [The New Castle County militia under Major Thomas Duff.] At Christiana Bridge I met with Mr. McKean, Chief Justice of Pennsylvania, and several other members of Congress on their way from Philadelphia to Baltimore, and spent the evening with them, and Mr. McKean sat late with me and gave me an account of all the information Congress had received, and observed that everything was very gloomy and doubtful and that the chief hope that remained, was, that Gen. Lee, who was on the mountains in the rear of the enemy, would be able to effect some lucky stroke that would prevent the enemy's crossing the Delaware, but if nothing of this sort happened. Congress would be obliged to authorize the Commander in Chief to obtain the best terms that could be had from the enemy. I desired him not to dispair, and urged, that the members might not say anything on their way that would discourage the people, but would endeavor by all means in their power to animate them, and to make use of what we were doing as an ex ample ; — that the spirited exertion of a few men at such a time would have great weight, and assured him that he would soon hear of a favorable turn in our affairs. 14 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. December lyth lyjd This day we travelled from Wilmington to Chester where we put up all night. All of our men continue in high spirits and good health. We are told that Gen. Lee is taken prisoner. December i8th 17^6 To-day we reached the City of Philadelphia and were quartered in the house of Samuel Emllens at the corner of Walnut Street and the Dock. All the company are in good health and spirits but some have blistered feet. When we arrived at Philadelphia it made a horrid appear ance, more than half the houses appeared deserted, and the families that remained were shut up in their houses, and nobody appeared in the streets. There was no military of any kind in the City, only Gen. Putnam, who was there to give orders to any militia that might come in. I had a sentinel placed at the General's door, and others to guard the City that night, and then went to the Coffee house, but there was no one there. After sometime I found Bradford and made him bring a bowl of punch and some biscuit, and I sat in a box alone. I asked Bradford what was the reason no one appeared, and he said that they expected the British in every moment and were afraid. I told them they need not be afraid, I would engage to guard the City that night, but he soon ran out again, seem ing afraid to stay, and I sat in a box alone; but afterwhile Capt. Fortner came to peep in, and seeing an officer in the Coffee house, took me to be a British officer, and went round secretly to Bradford, who told him who it was, and DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. 15 then they both came in; I asked them where all the whigs were, and they said there were but few in town, and they expected the British in town every moment and were afraid to be out. I told them again they need not be afraid. They then went out and brought in a good deal of company and we stayed about an hour and then broke up. December igth 1776 This morning I waited on Gen. Putnam, who commands here, and received orders to get ready immediately and march to join Gen. Washington. To-day we began to draw rations and live as soldiers. The remainder of the day was spent in getting ready to march to headquarters. This evening I was notified by general orders, that all the militia must appear at the Gen eral's at 9 o'clock to-morrow morning. This morning I went to see Joshua Fisher's family, who is uncle to my wife but are quakers and very great tories. They seemed glad to see me, were all extremely cheerful, said that the contest would soon be over now ; that the British would be in town in a day or two and invited me to sup at Thomas Fisher's that evening, which I accepted, and accordingly went. Thomas, Samuel, and Miers Fisher all supped there with me. The entertainment was exceedingly clever, and they were all particularly friendly to me. After supper several kinds of good wine were placed on the table and I drank, what was usual with me, about three glasses of Madeira. They then began on the times; they informed me, I believe very truly, of the situation of the British and Ameri- 1 6 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. can armies; told me Gen. Lee was certainly taken prisoner; that there was no prospfect that America could make any further exertions. That it was, therefore, in vain for me to attempt anything more ; that now was a favorable time to relinquish all further opposition. — That they would engage, that neither myself nor my brother nor any of my friends should be injured, and that I might expect on the contrary any favor I would ask, as they expected the British in town in a few days and would interest themselves in every degree in my favor; and that it was necessary for myself, my family and friends that I should embrace this favorable occasion and much more to the same effect. I answered them. by pointing out those circumstances that were still favorable to America, and concluded by assuring them that I should not change my determination, that I knew my business and should not return until the British were beaten, but they treated this as levity and concluded that I was an obstinate man, and must be left to take my own way. I told them I was perhaps better informed than they were, and should most certainly proceed in my enter prise ; and then as it was now pretty late parted from them and went to my quarters. December 20th 1776 At 9 o'clock this morning we appeared at the General's door but found no other companies paraded. The General was not up, but his aid appeared, and I requested that the general would dismiss us as we were under marching orders, which he immediately did. DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. 17 A continual snow fell last night and cleared up with rain and sleet and the weather is very cold. To-day in getting ready to march I went through the City and found it almost deserted by the inhabitants, and looking as if it had been plundered, and scarcely a chair can be had at a public house to sit down in ; or a meal of vituals to be had, but to our great joy we saw the streets full of militia and hundreds pouring in every hour. In the evening I sent the company to the mustermaster with the Lieutenant, who not carrying the muster rolls, the drunken Mustermaster cursed them and sent them back, which vexed them very much. , I gave orders that the company should be ready to march next morning by daylight. December 21st 1776 This morning early the company paraded and I carried them to the mustermaster and had them mustered, and marched immediately. The roads being very deep we only got to the Red Lion on the Bristol road 13 miles from Philadelphia where we stayed all night. {Sunday) December 22d 1776 About 2 o'clock to-day we reached Bristol, where the Philadelphia volunteers are encamped. I waited on Gen. Cadwalader, who commands here, to show him my orders, but he was engaged, and upon waiting on the Quartermaster found that there were no quarters in Bristol, but Col. Morris the quartermaster immediately sent us out to William Coxe's and Andrew Aliens on the banks of the Neshaminy creek 1 8 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. where he appointed our quarters, about 2 miles from Bristol. The Lieutenant and half the company were placed at Mr. Coxes and the other half at Mrs. Aliens, who prepared a room for me, and requested that I would stay at her house to prevent her being insulted, as her husband and brothers had fled to the enemy, and she therefore had been insulted some days before. But nothing of this sort happened after wards, as I would scorn to insult a woman or permit it to be done, for the offence of her husband : we turned out to protect and defend the innocent not to insult them. Our cause is a just one and should be maintained with Justice. Both families treat myself and the whole company with the greatest kindness and politeness. [Let me here mention that these families were people of wealth and importance in their day. Andrew Allen had been a member of the Continental Congress and was the son of William Allen, formerly chief-justicfe of Penn.syl- vania and mayor of Philadelphia. One of William Allen's daughters had married John Penn, proprietor and governor of Pennsylvania.] This evening I received an order from Gen. Cadwalader to wait on him immediately. I waited on him, and he asked me what number of men I had brought, I told him 35. He asked me if that was all. I told him it was, and I thought they were enough, and asked him how many he had there, and how many General Washington had left. He said he had had 1200 but many had gone off one way or another, but he supposed there was still 800 left; that General Washington had about 1500 and there was some more, that had been under Gen. Lee, DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. iq who was taken prisoner. That his capture had damped the spirit of the army very much, and everything looked very gloomy. I told him I was sorry for Gen. Lee because I knew him personally and had a regard for him, but I did not view his capture as unfavorable but as an advantage ; that too much confidence had been put in General Lee, that this must have greatly embarrassed the commander in chief, as he was afraid to do anything without consulting Gen. Lee, but now he would be at liberty to exert his own talents. He asked what could be done. I answered, that in an enterprise a small number was best, that 500 men was enough to surprise any of the British Posts on the Dela ware, he then said that General Washington intended some enterprise of that sort but was waiting for men to make him strong enough, and that Gen. Reed had gone down to Phila delphia to see what militia had come in, and on his return, if there was any prospect of success something would be done. I replied that there was no occasion for more men, that there was enough for any enterprise, and the measure ought not to be delayed a moment on that account, for now was a favorable time, and I had not the least doubt of success, but if men were wanting, there would soon be enough, for the roads were full from Virginia and Pittsburgh to Philadelphia. Upon this, Gen. Cadwalader's countenance began to flame and he asked me if I would stay there. I told him I was ordered to headquarters and wanted to get there to urge expedition. He said the Commander in Chief had directed him to stop all militia there, and if I would stay he would 20 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. send an express to him. I told him if he would send an express and write what I had said, to the General, and he said I might stay, then I would do so. So Gen. Cadwalader sent an express immediately to the General and I returned to my quarters at Mrs. Aliens. In the night the express returned with orders from General Washington that I might stay at this post and Gen. Cad walader sent the express out to my quarters and I accord ingly appeared at Bristol, where Gen. Cadwalader informed me that he wanted us to join a party of Philadelphia militia that night, to make a tour into the Jersey and harrass the enemy, and asked me if the men were fit to go. I told him that a number of them were, and would willingly go, but as we had marched a hundred and odd miles, some few of them were too much jaded, which I begged he would permit me to leave. However,' when he heard they had marched so far he would not permit any of us to go. The rest of the troops paraded at 2 o'clock that night, but an express from Col. Griffin informing them he was not prepared to join them stopped the expedition. December 2jd 1776 This morning at 9 o'clock I waited on tTie General and just as I reached there he received a second express from Gen. Washington countermanding our going over the River, and informing him that he had determined on his plan of attacking the British posts on Christmas night, and would not have any of the troops harrassed in the meantime, but that they should be prepared against that time for the enterprise, and he would send his plan in a day or two; this was com- DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. 2 1 municated to me by Gen. Cadwalader and I was rejoiced and assured hirri we should certainly be successful. The General pressed me much to be with him, and seemed much animated with my decided sentiments. December 2^th 1776 We continued in our quarters this day and refreshed our selves a little from the fatigue of a long march. I waited on the General this morning and he privately communicated to me all the important information, and spoke with the utmost openness, when we were alone, his own sentiments. He requested me to dine with him, but I could not take the time and he then asked that I would dine with him to morrow [Christmas day]. December 2^th 1776 I waited on the General this morning and was informed by him that he had obtained leave of General Washington to join my company to his Brigade and ordered that the company should be ready to receive marching orders to night. Yesterday the Quartermaster General, at Bristol, sent wagons down to Coxes and Aliens to take all their grain and forage but I would not permit them to touch it unless they bought it, so they left it and went away. To-day a Brigade of New England Continental troops were sent down to quarter here, and the Quartermaster came down to turn out both families, but I would not allow 22 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. them to be disturbed and wrote to Gen. Cadwalader for in structions. When Gen. Hitchcock, the commander, was informed of the matter, he politely replied he would not attempt to disturb them nor would he put the families to any incon venience. Mr. Cox, thereupon, offered the field officers one of his rooms and Mrs. Aliens house for the rest of his offi cers, upon my agreeing to move to his house, and Mrs. Allen, in consideration of such civilities, consented to do the same. About dark I received orders to march immediately to Neshaminy ferry and await orders. We march off immediately without the knowledge of the families where we were staying and met Col. Matlack at the ferry, he being the advance party of the brigade from Bristol. We soon received orders to march to Dunkers ferry on the Delaware, and after we arrived there the whole brigade came up, and also Col. Hitchcock Brigade of New England Regulars. Our light Infantry Battalion [the Dover company and four companies of Philadelphia militia under Capt. George Henry] were embarked in boats to cover the landing of the Brigade. When we reached the Jersey shore we were obliged to land on the ice, 150 yards from the shore; the River was also very full of floating ice, and the wind was blowing very hard, and the night was very dark and cold, and we had great difficulty in crossing but the night was very favorable to the enterprise. We advanced about two hundred yards from the shore and formed in four columns of double files. DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 177(i—1777. 23 About 600 of the light troops got over, but the boats with the artillery were carried away in the ice and could not be got over. After waiting about 3 hours we were informed that Gens. Cadwalader and Hitchcock had given up the expedition, and that the troops that were over were ordered back. This greatly irritated the troops that had crossed the River and they proposed making the attack without both the Gen erals and the artillery but it was urged, that if Gen. Washing ton should be unsuccessful and we also, the cause would be lost, but if our force remained intact it would still keep up the spirit of America; therefor this course was abandoned. We had to wait about three hours more to cover the retreat, by which time the wind blew very hard and there was much rain and sleet, and there was so much floating ice in the River that we had the greatest difficulty to get over again, and some of our men did not get over that night. As soon as I reached the Pennsylvania shore I received orders to march to our quarters, where I arrived a little before daylight very wet and cold. Decem.ber 26th 1776 About 12 o'clock the remainder of my company came in and in the evening we heard of General Washingtons success at Trenton and that he had captured goo Hessians. The previous disposition of the Commander in Chief was for attacking Trenton, Bordentown and Burlington all on Christmas night. That against Trenton was to be conducted by himself; that against Bordentown by Gen. Ewing and that against Burlington by Gens. Cadwalader Reed and 24 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. Hitchcock. The expedition against Bordentown has also faild, and I am inclined to think that General Washington meant these only as feints, for if our Generals had been in earnest, we could have taken Burlington with the light troops alone. About dark notwithstanding our fatigue I received orders to appear at Bristol before Daybreak to-morrow morning. December 27th 1776 We got down to Bristol about Daylight, and the whole army under General Cadwalader began crossing about 10 o'clock, about one mile above Bristol. The light Infantry covered the landing as before and about 3 o'clock the whole army got in motion towards Burlington. The Order of march was, first Col. Matlacks Rifle Battal llon on the Right and Left in single file, advanced about 200 yards before the Infantry ; Next the Light Infantry in four columns of double files. Next the Artillery, and then the main column following in platoons, flanked at 200 yards by single files in the Woods. In this order we reached Burlington about 9 o'clock, and took possession of the town, and when we had done this we found that the enemy had fled from there and all the adja cent parts in great precipitation. The General therefore gave orders that our light troops should march at 4 o'clock to-morrow morning. The troops were quartered in houses, but it being now 1 1 o'clock they had but about 4 hours to sleep. This town is opposite Bristol on the River Delaware and DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. 25 most of the houses are brick, but as it was dark when I went in and we left it before day I can give no description of it. December 28th 1776 We left Burlington at 4 o'clock this morning and passed on the Great Road to Bordentown. Along the road we saw many Hessian posts at Bridges and Cross Roads ; they were chiefly made with rails and covered with straw, all deserted. The whole country as we passed appeared one scene of devastation and ruin. Neither Hay, Straw, Grain, or any live stock or poultry to be seen. We got to within half a mile of Bordentown about 9 o'clock, and made a halt just at the foot of a bridge, where we heard that the enemy had deserted the town and were about five miles off but were disposed to return, and that some of their light horse were expected every minute. We then posted ourselves in a cornfield, so as to be convenient to surround the town ; and set posts on all the roads, but after waiting thus about an hour were informed that the enemy were flying with all speed. We then marched into the town, in several detachments and took possession of a large quantity of stores which the enemy had left, then went into quarters and refreshed our selves and in about 2 hours the main body of the army came up. This little town is pleasantly situated on the River Dela ware about 10 miles above Burlington, the houses are chiefly brick, and several of them large elegant and neat, but they all look like barns and stables, full of Hay, Straw, dirt and 26 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. nastiness, and everything valuable about them distroyed and carried off, and all the inhabitants fled. Here had been the headquarters of Lord or Count Donop, one of the Hessian Generals, but it looked more like the headquarters of a swine herd. Mr. Bordens house had some hundred pounds worth of goods, and valuable furniture ruined and broken to pieces. In the afternoon the General was informed that the enemy were at Allentown about 8 miles off, upon which, about dusk, he ordered the light troops to push forward and two battallions to follow. We went on about 4 miles to a little town called Crosswicks, chiefly, or all wooden houses built at the crossing of several roads. When we arrived there we received information that the enemy had left Allentown that morning and had gone forward about 8 miles further to a place called Hide town. Some of the militia Colonels applied to our infantry to make a forced march that night and overhaul them. We had then been on duty four Days and nights, making forced marches without six hours sleep in the whole time; Where upon the Infantry officers of all the companies unanimously declared it was madness to attempt it ; for it would use up all our brave men not one of whom had yet given out but were dreadfully fatigued. However a few Riflemen and fresh men were sent off, and the Light troops were to rein force them in the morning. Here we got good comfortable quarters, and something refreshing to eat and drink, and several prisoners were picked up in the neighborhood that night, One of them a member of the Kings foot guard, a very tall, likely fellow, said that he had been sent on Christ- DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. 27 mas day from Brunswick to Mount Holly with orders for the troops to retreat. Decem,ber zgth 1776 This morning about sunrise we set out to reinforce the troops that went forward last night, we marched on through Allentown without our stopping, and about half a mile beyond met the troops returning, with about 30 Bullocks and five tories. They had been forward about 10 miles to a place called Cranberry, but the enemy having information that our army was pursuing them closely, left that place about 10 o'clock at night in great precipitation, whereupon we all returned to Allentown and went into quarters. This is a little village of wooden houses, but indifferently built on both sides of the road at a mill about 4 miles from Crosswicks. In the afternoon was brought in the body of Isaac Pear son, who being found in the house with the other tories that were taken, fled off They shot two balls over his head to stop him, but as he persisted in rriaking off, the next two were ordered to fire at him and one of their balls passed thro' his breast and he fell dead on the spot. He is said to have been very active in favor of the enemy. Allentown December ^oth 1776 We sent out several parties to-day to press horses and wagons and bring in provisions in which they succeded very well, and the Light troops had the Day to rest here. 28 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. the main army being now at Crosswicks, having reached there yesterday. To-day a circumstance happened that seems to have at tached the Philadelphia officers of the Light infantry Regi ment to me very much. Capt. Francis Wade a vain blustering man of one of the city Battallions was appointed quartermaster General. Each Company of the Light Infantry have a neat light wagon for their baggage, and Capt. Wade ordered his wagon master to take these wagons to go and bring in forage, the Light Infantry officers refused them, but the quartermaster General sending back a peremtory order to seize them, Capt. George Henry the superior officer of the Philadelphia Light In fantry, submitted to the requisition, but all the other officers offended at this, came to me and I therefore went out and ordered the wagon master, who was putting in the horses to desist, and to inform the Q. M. G. that he should not have one of them, that we were subject, every moment, to be ordered out on parties and should not part with our wagons. The Q. M. G. was much offended, but could not help him self, and the officers were much pleased with my conduct. December 2 ist 1776 Last night Gen. Cadwalader received information that General Lee was a prisoner in Brunswick under a guard of 250 men and this morning by day light our Light Troops were ordered to make a forced march to-day, and surprise the town in the dead of night, and bring him off. We accordingly set off, and pushed on to Cranberry from DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. 29 whence we were to go on horseback after night and execute the plan. This is a little village scattered on both sides of the road, about 12 miles from Allentown. We stayed here and re freshed ourselves until dark, waiting the return of two spies, who had been sent to reconoitre Brunswick and the British troops that were on their way from Amboy. On their return they brought accounts that these troops had become alarmed and had gone to reinforce Brunswick with 1500 men, which rendered our plan abortive, and being but five miles from the enemy we held a council of war and concluded it best to return. This sudden change alarmed the people very much at Cranberry, they expected the enemy were coming and Two very beautiful young ladies who had been very kind and polite at my quarters, being a whig family, were exceedingly distressed and hung around me in tears until I was obliged to tell them the true reason of our departure. We accordingly marched back to Allentown through a very dark night and roads half leg deep which worried the troops exceedingly. When we returned to Allentown my quarters were full of militia and there was no place to sit or lie down. I went to the door of my room, which was now occupied by three Penn.sylvania field officers and politely requested them to let us go in and sit by the fire, but they sternly refused. I told them we had no other place to go and if they would not admit us willingly they must defend themselves, and thereupon drew my sword and opened the door. They then begged me to wait until they could light a candle, and 30 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. upon seeing our dress very politely invited us in and then spread the table, and covered it with good wine and ready dressed provisions of which they had great variety, and we spent the rest of the night in great festivity. January ist 1777 During this day at Allentown the troops were allowed to rest. [Colonel Haslet, who was with General Washington at Trenton, writes this day to General Rodney, at Dover, the following letter, which was the last he wrote : (Letter A.)] Allentown January 2d 1777 [This day one hundred years ago.] This morning we were called up at 2 o'clock under a pre tended alarm that we were to be attacked by the enemy but by daylight we were ordered to march for Trenton, and when we reached Crosswicks found that the brigade had gone. We reached Trenton about 1 1 o'clock and found all the troops from our different posts in Jersey, collected and collecting there under Gen. Washington himself; and the regular troops were already properly disposed to receive the enemy, whose main body was then within a few miles and determined to dispossess us. Trenton stands upon the River Delaware, with a creek called the Assanpink passing through the town across which there is a bridge. The enemy came down on the upper side of this creek, through the town, and a number of our troops were posted with Riflemen and artillery to oppose their approach. The main body of our army was drawn up on a plain DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. 31 below, or on the lower side of the Assanpink, near the bridge, and the main force of our Artillery was posted on the banks and high ground along the creek in front of them. Gen. Mercers brigade was posted about 2 miles up the creek, and the troops under Gen. Cadwalader were stationed in a field on the right about a mile from the town, on the main road, to prevent the enemy from flanking. We had five pieces of Artillery with our division and about 20 more in the field, near, and at the town. Our numbers were about five thousand and the enemy's about seven Thousand. The attack began about 2 o'clock and a heavy fire upon both sides, chiefly from the artillery continued until dark. At this time the enemy were left in possession of the upper part of the town, but we kept possession of the bridge, altho' the enemy attempted several times to carry it but were repulsed each time with great slaughter. After sunset this afternoon the enemy came down in a very heavy column to force the bridge. The fire was very heavy and the Light troops were ordered to fly to the sup port of that important post, and as we drew near, I stepped out of the front to order my men to close up ; at this time Martinas Sipple was about 10 steps behind the man next in front of him ; I at once drew my sword and threatened to cut his head off if he did not keep close, he then sprang forward and I returned to the front. The enemy were soon defeated and retired and the American army also retired to the woods, where they encamped and built up fires. I then had the roll called to see if any of our men were missing and Martinas was not to be found, but Leut. Mark McCall informed me, that immediately on my returning to ,2 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776-1777. the head of the column, after making him close up, he fled out of the field."' We lost but few men ; the enemy considerably more. It is thought Gen. Washington did not intend to hold the upper part of the town. January jd 1777 At two o'clock this morning the ground having been frozen firm by a keen N. West wind secret orders were issued to each department and the whole army was at once put in motion, but no one knew what the Gen. meant to do. Some thought that we were going to attack the enemy in the rear; some that we were going to Princeton ; the latter proved to be right. We went by a bye road on the right hand which made it about 16 miles; During this nocturnal march I, with the Dover Company and the Red Feather Company of Philadelphia Light Infantry led the van of the army and Capt. Henry with the other three companies of Philadelphia light Infantry brought up the rear. The Van moved on all night in the most cool and deter mined order but on the march great confusion happened in the rear. There was a cry that they were surrounded by the Hessians and several corps of Militia broke and fled towards Bordentown but the rest of the column remained firm and pursued their march without disorder, but those who were frightened and fled did not recover from their panic until they reached Burlington. * In justice to Martinas I must add that he afterwards joined the Delaware Regiment under Col. David Hall and became a brave and faithful soldier. DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. 33 When we had proceeded to within a mile and a half of Princeton and the van had crossed Stony Brook, Gen. Washington ordered our Infantry to file off to one side of the road and halt. Gen. Sullivan was ordered to wheel to the right and flank the town on that side, and two Brigades were ordered to wheel to the Left, to make a circuit and sur round the town on that side and as they went to break down the Bridge and post a party at the mill on the main road, to oppose the enemy's main army if they should pursue us from Trenton. The third Division was composed of Gen. Mercers brigade of Continental troops, about 300 men, and Cadwaladers brigade of Philadelphia militia to which brigade the whole of our light Infantry Regiment was again annexed. Mercers brigade marched in front and another corp of infantry brought up the rear. My company flanked the whole brigade on the right in an Indian file so that my men were very much extended and distant from each other ; I marched in front and was fol lowed by sargeant McKnatt and next to him was Nehemiah Tilton [afterwards Lieut.-Col. Tilton]. Mercers brigade which was headed by Col. Haslet of Delaware on foot and Gen. Mercer on horseback was to march straight on to Princeton without Turning to the right or left. It so happened that two Regiments of British troops that were on their march to Trenton to reinforce their army there, received intelligence of the movements of the Ameri can army (for the sun rose as we passed over Stony brook) and about a mile from Princeton they turned off from the 3 34 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. main road and posted themselves behind a long string of buildings and an orchard, on the straight road to Princeton. The first two Divisions of our army therefore passed wide to the right and left and leaving them undiscovered went on to Princeton. Gen. Mercers' Brigade owing to some delay in arranging Cadwaladers men had advanced several hundred yards ahead and never discovered the enemy until he was turning the buildings they were posted behind, and then they were not more than fifty yards off. He immediately formed his men, with great courage, and poured a heavy fire in upon the enemy, but they being greatly superior in number returned the fire and charged bayonets, and their onset was so fierce that Gen. Mercer fell mortally wounded and many of his officers were killed, and the brigade being effectually broken, began a disorderly flight. Col. Haslet retired some small distance behind the build ings and endeavored to rally them, but receiving a bullet through his head, dropt dead on the spot and the whole brigade fled in confusion. At this instant Gen. Cadwalader's Philadelphia Brigade came up and the enemy checked by their appearance took post behind a fence and a ditch in front of the buildings before mentioned, and so extended themselves that every man could load and fire incessantly ; the fence stood on low ground between two hills ; on the hill behind the British line they had eight pieces of artillery which played incessantly with round and grape shot on our brigade, and the fire was extremely hot. Yet Gen. Cadwal ader led up the head of the column with the greatest DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. 35 bravery to within 50 yards of the enemy, but this was rashly done, for he was obliged to recoil ; and leaving one piece of his artillery, he fell back about 40 yards and endeavored to form the brigade, and some companies did form and gave' a few vollies but the fire of the enemy was so hot, that, at the sight of the regular troops running to the rear, the militia gave way and the whole brigade broke and most of them retired to a woods about 150 yards in the rear; but two pieces of artillery stood their ground and were served with great skill and bravery. At this time a field officer was sent to order me to take post on the left of the artillery until the brigade should form again, and, with the Philadelphia Infantry keep up a fire from some stacks and buildings, and to assist the artillery in preventing the enemy from advancing. We now crossed the enemies fire from right to left and took position behind some stacks just on the left of the artillery ; and about 30 of the Philadelphia Infantry were under cover of a house on our left and a little in the rear. About 15 of my men came to this post, but I could not keep them all there, for the enemies fire was dreadful and three balls, for they were very thick, had grazed me; one passed within my elbow nicking my great coat and carried away the breech of Sargeant McKnatts gun, he being close behind me, another carried away the inside edge of one of my shoesoles, another had niched my hat and indeed they seemed as thick as hail. From these stacks and buildings we, with the two pieces of artillery kept up a continuous fire on the enemy, and in all probability it was this circumstance that prevented the 36 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. enemy from advancing, for they could not tell the number we had posted behind these covers and were afraid t© at tempt passing them ; but if they had known how few they were they might easily have advanced while the two bri gades were in confusion and routed the whole body for it was a long time before they could be reorganized again, and indeed many, that were panic struck, ran quite off. Gen. Washington having rallied both Gen. Mercers and Gen. Cadwaladers brigade they moved forward and when they came to where the artillery stood began a very heavy platoon fire on the march. This the enemy bore but a few minutes and then threw down their arms and ran. We then pushed forward towards the town spreading over the fields and through the woods to enclose the enemy and take prisoners. The fields were covered with baggage which the Gen. ordered to be taken care of Our whole force met at the Court House and took there about 200 prisoners and about 200 others pushed off and were pursued by advance parties who took about 50 more. In this engagement we lost about 20 killed, the enemy about 100 men killed and lost the field. This is a very pretty little town on the York road 12 miles from Trenton ; the houses are built of brick and are very elegant especially the College which has 52 rooms in it ; but the whole town has been ravaged and ruined by the enemy. As soon as the enemy's main army heard our cannon at Princeton (and not 'til then) they discovered our manoeuvre and pushed after us with all speed and we had not been DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. 37 above an hour in possession of the town before the enemy's light horse and advanced parties attacked our party at the bridge but our people by a very heavy fire kept the pass until our whole army left the town. Just as our army began our march through Princeton with all their prisoners and spoils the van of the British army we had left at Trenton came in sight, and entered the town about an hour after we left it, but made no stay and pushed on towards Brunswick for fear we should get there before him, which was indeed the course our General in tended to pursue had he not been detained too long in col lecting the Baggage and Artillery which the enemy had left behind him. Our army marched on to Kingston then wheeled to the left and went down the Millstone, keeping that River on our left; the main body of the British army followed, but kept on through Kingston to Brunswick : but one division or a strong party of horse took the road to the left of the Millstone and arrived on the hill, at the bridge on that road just as the van of the American Army arrived on the op posite side. I was again commanding the van of our army, and General Washington seeing the enemy, rode forward and ordered me to halt and take down a number of carpen ters which he had ordered forward and break up the bridge, which was done and the enemy were obliged to return. We then marched on to a little village called Stone brook or Summerset Court House about 15 miles from Princeton where we arrived just at dusk. About an hour before we 38 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. arrived here 150 of the enemy from Princeton and 50 which were stationed in this town went off with 20 wagons laden with Clothing and Linen, and 400 of the Jersey militia who surrounded them were afraid to fire on them and let them go off unmolested and there were no troops in our army fresh enough to pursue them, or the whole might have been taken in a few hours. Our army was now extremely fatigued not having had any refreshment since yesterday morning, and our baggage had all been sent away the morning of the action at Trenton, yet they are in good health and in high spirits. January 4.th 1777 At daylight this morning our army was put in motion and passed on towards Brunswick and crossed the Raritan over a bridge 6 miles above that Town, but the General found the army was too much fatigued to attempt Bruns wick as the enemy's main body were so close after us, he therefore changed his course and went on to a place called Pluckemin situated among the mountains of Jersey about 10 miles from the last place. Here he was obliged to encamp and await the coming up of nearly looo men who were not able through fatigue and hunger to keep up with the main body, for they had not had any refreshment for two days past and as all our baggage had been left at Trenton the army in this situation was obliged to encamp on the bleak mountains whose tops were covered with snow, with out even blankets to cover them. Most of this army were militia and they bore all this with a spirit becoming Free men and Americans. DIARY. OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. og Pluckemin Jan. .^th 1777 To-day we continued here and our troops were pretty well supphed with provisions and in the evening most of those who had laged behind came up. Here Sergeant McKnatt was accidentally shot through the arm by one of our own people, who fired off his musket to light a fire and as there was not one surgeon in the whole army I was forced to dress it myself and the next day got one of the prisoners to do it. The surgeons not being informed of the move ment of the army at Trenton did not hear of it until day light and then were so frightened that they fled towards Philadelphia for their liyes. Pluckemin January ^th 1777 The General continued here to-day to refresh the army. Capt. Henry [the senior captain of the Philadelphia Light Infantry, who has had command of this regiment] has been sent to carry the news of the victory at Princeton to Con gress and I as the next captain in seniority have the com mand. This morning the General ordered 40 of our light In fantry to attend the funeral of Col. Leslie one of the enemy, to bury him with the honors of war. They readily obeyed in paying due respect to bravery, though in an enemy, but as I had not paid any attention to Military Funeral Cere monies I requested Capt. Humpries to conduct it. I had nothing to cover me here but my great coat but luckily got into a house near the mountains where I fared very comfortably while we stayed here. [On the retreat of the British, leaving their wounded on 40 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. the field, General Washington, accompanied by Benjamin Rush, M.D., surgeon-in-chief, saw a handsome young offi cer wounded and inquired his name, and was told it was Captain Leslie. Dr. Rush immediately dismounted, and with the aid of a servant had him placed on a suitable vehicle and brought him with the American army. I will state in corroboration of the statement of the burial of Captain Leslie by the Delaware troops, that the Hon. Ronald Leslie Melville, brother of the Earl of Leven and Melville, and Mr. Hugh McCulloch's partner, men tioned, when he visited this country last year, that one of his ancestors, a young British officer, had fallen here during the Revolution, and that the family had never been able to learn where he was buried. An American friend of Mr. Melville has just found the grave, well preserved, in the graveyard at Pluckemin, N.J. Over it was a monument erected by Dr. Benjamin Rush, to whom the young Captain Leslie's father had been kind in Edinburgh. The following is the inscription upon this monument : " In memory of the Hon. Captain William Leslie, of the 17th British Regiment, son of the Earl of Leven, in Scot land. " He fell January 3d, 1777, aged twenty-six years, at the battle of Princeton. His friend, Benjamin Rush, M.D., of Philadelphia, hath caused this stone to be erected as a mark of esteem for his worth and of his respect for his noble family. Wounded on the 3d, brought to Pluck emin, twenty miles from Princeton, on the 4th died within sight of the village, buried on the 5th with military honors."] DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. 41 Morristown Jan. 6th 1777 We left Pluckemin this morning and arrived at Morris town just before sunset. The order of march, was first a small advance guard, next the officers who were prisoners, next my Light Infantry Regiment in column of four deep ; next the prisoners flanked by the riflemen, next the head of the main column, with the artillery in front. Our whole Light Infantry are quartered in a very large house belonging to Col. Ford having 4 Rooms on a floor and Two stories high. This town is situated among the mountains of Morris county, about 18 miles from Elizabethtown, 28 from Bruns wick and 50 from Carrolls Ferry. Morristown January 7th 1777 This morning General Washington appointed my Infantry Regiment to be his own guard (for the reason I suppose that they had distinguished themselves at Princeton and were the only Regiment in the army that were in complete uniform which was green faced with red). This day I was myself officer of the Guard whose duties consist in mounting 26 of the infantry every day, and for this service we are excused from all other camp duties. Here a circumstance happened that commenced the down fall of Gen. Mifflin. When I waited on the General to fix his guards, there was no guard house prepared, and he referred me to M. G. Mifflin who was then acting as Q. M. G. and with whom I had long been acquainted, but upon my application Mifflin said that there was no house and that he had all the busi- 42 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. ness of the army to do ; I answered if that was the case I would return his answer to the General and bade him adieu, but he sent one of his aides after me to procure a house, but now there was none to be had, excepting one that had been used as a hospital ; I told the aid that all the volunteers under my command were gentlemen and should not lodge in such a house and then returned to the General and in formed him that if he thought it necessary, the guards having no house, should encamp near his quarters, but he politely requested, that I would let our own quarters be the guard house, which was about a mile from him ; so the guards were relieved at that distance. January 8th 1777 We received information to-day that the Enemy were at Brunswick and were so much frightened that they did not take time to inspect- either Trenton or Princetown. January gth 1777 We are informed to-day that General Maxwell has taken a number of wagons and prisoners near Elizabethtown and that General Putnam has crossed the Delaware with 2000 men. The Philadelphia officers of the Regiment applied to me to-day, to represent to the General the propriety of the offi cer of the Day, on guard, dining at his table, — but I replied that such an invitation should come from the General him self, and, if he was not courtly enough to confer that honor on the officer of the guard, he would feel it as a censure on his want of Etiquet if it was pressed upon him, and there- DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. 43 fore advised them, in case the General omitted this compli ment, to consider their own tables as pleasant and honorable as his, that true honor consisted in acts of virtue and that the merit of their patriotism would not be lessened by the General omitting the required compliment. January loth 1777 The time that my men enrolled for expired to-day and most of theni seemed determined to go home, upon which I went to Gen. Cadwalader and brought him to our quarters and he informed them of the necessity of their staying a few days longer which they all agreed to do except Millis, Dawson, Pennington, Croket and Maxwell who said they would go but none of them went but Millis. January nth 1777 Col. Ford the owner of the house where we are quartered died to-day. We heard to-day that General Maxwell with 1500 men has taken Elizabethtown with 20 wagons of baggage, one schooner loaded with stores and 120 prisoners, and that Gen. Putnam has left Trenton with 2000 men. January 12th 1777 This day Leut. McCall, who was left or lagged behind us at Trenton rejoined us. By his story he came with the rear of the army to the battle of Princeton, but was not in the action and meeting with the body of Col. Haslet was about to bury him when a number of our officers who he took to be Light Horse appeared on the hill which frightened him 44 DIARY. OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. SO that he did not stop until he had crossed the Delaware where he got Mr. McGermotts horse at Mr. Coxes and came to us here. But 8 or lo of the Light Infantry, of the 2d Battallion of Philadelphia, say he came on the ground with them, and as soon as the bullets began to fly he ran as hard as he could for the woods. Robert McGermot also returned to-day from Bristol with my clothes. January ijth 1777 The Infantry were called on to-day to bury Col. Ford with the honors of war and I appointed Capt. Nezbitt to command. General Mercer is likely to recover altho' we had num bered him with the dead. January i/f-th 1777 This day the Infantry were ordered to bury General Hitchcock with the honors of war and as he was a conti nental officer I took the command myself [Here follows a long description of the funeral ceremonies of General Hitchcock, which I omit.] This day most all my company set off home though I tried all in my power to prevail on them to stay until the brigade went. January 15th 1777 To-day Lieut. McCall, Tilton and Bullen who- thought it was not worth while to stay as the rest were gone set off for home too, and left no one with me but Robert McGermot. I dined to-day with Gens. Cadwalader and Dickinson. DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. 45 January i6th Hearing that my brother had crossed the Delaware with a number of troops, I determined to set off to-day to meet him but was prevailed upon by Dr. Miller to wait for him until to-morrow. January 17th 1777 We received information this morning, that Gen. Heath is in possession of Fort Washington and is moving towards New York with 8000 men. I remained here to-day in Morristown waiting for Dr. Miller, who cannot get a horse to go with. January i8t.h 1777 This morning about 10 o'clock I left Morristown with Robert McGermot, who stayed with me, and took our route through Vealtown and Pluckemin to Summerset Court House; we had not left Morristown many miles before we met sundry persons who had heard much canonade towards New York ; and all the way to the Raritan most of the people we met had heard it, but just after we reached the Court House, a man came in, who had left Elizabeth at 9 o'clock in the morning, and said, that a canonade began at York at 2 o'clock in the morning and continued until he came 10 or 15 miles on his way: From this information we conclude that a general attack has been made on New York by General Heath. As there was nothing to be had in the Tavern at this place we put up at the house of a man who had just ob- 46 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. tained some rum and said he could make us a drink ; he found hay and a stable for our horses, and we sent out and got some corn. Here we fell in with a gentlemen from New York who invited us to lodge with him at a Dutch Doctors, just by, and we accepted the offer and were very agreeably entertained by the Doctor. He told us that Col. Mawhood who afterwards commanded the British forces at the battle of Princeton and Major Moyney boarded at his house; that they were both exceedingly clever, especially the Colonel, who often expressed himself very freely, lamenting the American contest very much, and pronounc ing lord North a villian for being the cause of it. They were both at his house when Gen. Lee was brought there, a prisoner, by the Light Horse, that Major Moyney im mediately ran out and kissed Gen. Lee with tears in his eyes, and the General told him he never expected to see him in America. They all dined there together and Gen. Lee requested that the man who had betrayed him should be brought in, and when the General saw him he abused him as a villian worthy the punishment of the most base and inhuman traitor. The Doctor could not remember the villians name but said that he was a continental officer dressed in blue faced with red and wore a brown cloak, lined with blue baize; that he heard him tell the Colonel, that he had been in the Continental service but that he had got tired of it, and had lately given the British army all the information in his power, and now that he had informed the light horse of Gen. Lee, and had gone with them, and shown them where he was so that they now had him in their DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. 47 possession, he hoped they would remember and reward him. The Doctor says that he took such particular notice of the villian that tho' he forgot his name he will never forget his face. He also told us that Col. Mahood, on the evening of Christmas day, was blaming the English Generals for dis persing their army so much, and said that if he was in Gen. Washingtons place he would make an attack on several of the principle posts at the same time ; — that they were all so weak that he could certainly cut them off, and be in posses sion of all Jersey in a few days. It so happened that about 10 o'clock next day, a light horseman came express, and informed the major who ran out, that Gen. Washington had taken Trenton with 1200 prisoners, upon which the major rushed in and said " well Col. Gen. Washington has executed your last night's plan already for he has taken Trenton with 1200 prisoners this morning." January igth 1777 We went on from Summerset Court House to Princeton and rode out to see the Battle field and then went on towards Trenton intending to see one Mr. Steenes on the road but falling in with Mr. Tucker, a member of Congress, who lives in Trenton, he informed me that my brother, with his brigade, was there and I came on with him to Trenton where I met my brother and- his troops. — I found them all well and had the pleasure of hearing that my family were well when they left Dover. 48 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. January 20th 1777 When I came here I had thoughts of going on home, but my brother insisted on my acting as Brigade major for him, as he could not find a suitable person to perform that duty. January 21st 1777 This morning Col. Collins and the Delaware Militia marched from this place for Princeton. We are informed that 400 Militia attacked 800 Regulars at Millstone and took 17 Prisoners, 100 horses, 35 loaded wagons and a great number of cattle. January 22d 1777 Another battalion marched from here to join Gen. Putnam at Princeton, and another came in the afternoon and the troops about Mt. Holly are we are informed to march to-morrow. We also have certain information that Gen. Heath has taken fort Independence. January 2jd 1777 This morning the body of Col. Haslet left here, having been taken up at Princeton and is to be sent to Philadelphia to be buried with the honors of war. The second troop of Virginia light horse passed thro' this town for headquarters. A hessian who is Capt. of artillery in our service informed us to-day that he went with a flag of truce to Brunswick on Monday last, and saw the enemy's foraging party come in with 60 wagons as hard as they could drive, and with but a handful of hay in each, not amounting in all to two loads. DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. aq An English officer taking him to be a hessian officer in their own service rode up and asked him if he had heard how the rebels had beaten them, and that he answered that he knew nothing about it, that he belonged to that army they called rebel, upon which the officer asked his pardon and rode off. He says their army at Brunswick does not exceed 5000 men. January 24.111 1777 One of the light Horse who was present informs us that Gen. Dickerson on Monday took 106 horses, 44 loaded wagons, 90 head of Cattle and 80 head of sheep. Putnams party took 17 wagons the same day. That last night a small party advanced and fired 3 rounds upon the guards at Brunswick and put the whole army under arms, created the greatest disorder and then retired unhurt. January 2§th 1777 This morning about 10 o'clock I left Trenton and my brother, who was to march to Princeton next morning. Though horses and wagons crossed the River on the ice yesterday the great rain that fell last night has broken it up and this morning I crossed over in a boat, a little above the island, opposite the town, and at the same time the last troop of Virginia Light Horse were passing over to the camp. I called at Mr. Wm. Coxes on the Neshaminy where I had left my baggage. The family were exceedingly polite and friendly in consideration of my guardianship while sta tioned there. I then went on to Philadelphia and called at 4 50 DIARY OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY, 1776—1777. old Mr. William Aliens to see Mrs. Andrew Allen and deliver to her a letter from her father and was received by her and the old gentlemen with great affection, in consider ation of my care of Mrs. Allen and her family while there. I then went to see the Fishers, but they were all gloomy, I reminded them that they were mistaken and that all was accomplished that I had foretold them but they affected not to believe it and I left them and from Philadelphia came on home where I found all well on the 28th of January 1777. APPENDIX. LETTER A. COL. haslet to MR. RODNEY. Dr. and Worthy Sir: When I last wrote you God knows, I do not : this I can affirm — that I have received no answer. After a long retreat, from a full conviction of the enemy's superior numbers, but performed in order, with a firm deter mined countenance, we at last stopt on ye banks of Dela ware — there we were stationed. Thank you, says Genl. Rodney. On Christmas, at 3 o'clock [on Christmas night, — that is, really, the early morning of December 26th. — Ed.] we re- crossed the river ; a party of Virginians formed the van guard and did most of the fighting. Lord Stirling's brigade had the honor of fighting 1000 Hessians to a surrender. We should have gone on, and panic-struck they would have fled before us, but the inclemency of the weather rendered it impossible. We repassed the river, rested one day, and then were ordered back. I'm sorry to inform the Genl. [General Rodney is meant, of course] that Capt. Holland, 51 52 APPENDIX. Ensign Wilson, Dr. Gilder, and myself are all [of the Dela ware battalion] who have followed the American cause to Trenton, two privates excepted. On Genl. Washington being informed of this, he declared his intention of having officers and men bound neck and heels and brought back as an example to the army. I told the Genl. the truth, but not the whole truth ; the last I reserved for you, and you will blush with me. Seven Philadelphia light-horse yesterday brought in nine light-horsemen, with one horse, who were sent to impress wagons. We just now hear that the bridge on this side Princeton is cut down, and the enemy retiring — a sufficient number of troops are ready to drive them out of Jersey. We hope to greet you well. On our victorious return from Trenton, I fell into the Delaware, at 3 o'clock, in the morning, up to my middle — have had .... and swelled legs ever since. But no mat ter, if we drive them to New York. If I return it will be to salute you ; if not we shall meet in Heaven. Your good ness will give Mrs. Haslet such news as you think proper. I have Gen'l. Washington's leave to return and superin tend the recruiting service at home, but cannot go for a few days longer; hope soon to lay myself at your feet, and am, with great esteem and sincerity yours, John Haslet. P.S. — The four Aliens, we hear, are with Genl. Howe, Galloway, &c. — the former fled, his brother the General in pursuit. Mr. Tilghman informed the General in my hearing that the Dover hght-horse were coming up. Is it so ? I APPENDIX. r 3 shall believe, like Thomas, when I .see it. Genl. Wash ington is Dictator. [By resolution of Congress, passed December 27.] I mentioned to Lord Stirling t'other day that I thought myself dismissed from the s.ervice, on Col. Smallwood's being favored before me. What made the case in point was the dispute of rank between us [mentioned in a former letter. — Ed.] determined by the General himself in my favour. The preference was, as in General Wooster's case, a modest hint to retire. They both remonstrated. I shall not take my resolution till I see you, nor can I give the reasoning, pro and con, at large. I hope you rec'd my last; it was a sort of journal, closed at Brunswick one day with " God bless you I we shall certainly drive them off." The hand of Ishmael was here, meaning Dr. Miller, a very important part of the Delaware regiment at present. Gilder is sick ; he is to serve with me at the head of Lord Stirling's brigade and insists on his compliments to Misses Wilson, Nixon, Killens, and the General himself, if he pleases to accept them. [The address on the foregoing letter is gone, but it is endorsed as follows :] " 1st Jany., 1777, Trenton." " From Col. Haslet to Caesar Rodney, a few days before he fell at Trenton." " Will meet him in Heaven." YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 01420 2247 ibis'i* i»ii :».*! I ?'=^:^ffl'ii*i: ?I i'; V.J'i LM^