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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY
Gift of the
Historical Society of Iowa

IOWA BIOC^RAPHICAL SERIES
EDITED BY BENJAMIN F. SHAMBAUGH

JAMES BAIRD WEAVER

JAill^S liAIKD WKAVKK

IOWA BIOGRAPHICAL SERIES
EBITED BY BENJAMIN P. SHAMBAUGH

JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
BY
FRED EMORY HAYNES

THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OP IOWA
IOWA CITY IOWA 1919

v;""i

U_.„

EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION
There is much inspiration in the career of
General James B. Weaver, because in his
day, when the world of politics "was chang
ing and searching out a new orbit", he was
a pioneer and a prophet. As a pioneer he
gave expression to the thought and feeling
of the agricultural West: he was, indeed,
the exponent of the democracy of the West,
and *'the key to his position upon public
policies is to be found in his persistent
spirit of democracy."
As a prophet General Weaver ''voiced
ideas and principles in Congress that were
little regarded at the time. The contrast
between the reception given his views in
1879 and the attitude of the two great parties
in recent years towards social politics is the
measure of the progress made in the inter
vening period. The pioneer of 1879 is now
seen to have been a far-sighted leader" and
prophet. The ultimate test of prevision is the rec
ord of fulfillment. Long before the close of

Viii EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION
the nineteenth century General Weaver
stood for more democracy ; he stood for pro
hibition; he stood against the control of
government by the interests ; he favored the
direct election of United States Senators;
he favored the taxation of incomes; he
favored the construction of an isthmian
canal; he advocated monetary reform; he
proposed the establishment of a department
of labor ; and he saw clearly that militarism
was a policy for keeping the people in
subjection. Benj. E. Shambaijgh
Office of the Superintendent and Editor
The State Historical Society of Iowa
Iowa City Iowa

AUTHOR'S PREFACE
This study of the life of General James Baird
Weaver is an outgrowth of the writer's Third
Party Movements Since the Civil War. A re
view of the successive minor parties from 1872
to 1912 brought out very clearly the importance
of General Weaver's leadership. The work of
Bryan and Roosevelt and their influence upon
the Democratic and Republican parties is to be
explained only by an appreciation of the earlier
labors of General Weaver; and a large part of
the program of the so-called "Progressive
Movement" goes back to the pioneer labors of
the same leader, whose platform was essentially
one of "social and industrial justice", growing
out of conditions existing in the West from
1876 to 1896.
General Weaver's campaigns of 1880 and
1892 were the real precursors of those of Bryan
in 1896 and of Roosevelt in 1904. The election
of President Wilson in 1912 was in many
respects the culmination of Weaver's efforts.
He was really the "first progressive". The

X AUTHOR'S PREFACE
platform of 1880, the speeches in Congress from
1879 to 1881 and from 1885 to 1889, the platform
of 1892, and A Call to Action are the documents
that form the basis of the Progressive party
platform of 1912.
The materials for the life of General
Weaver are somewhat meager. A large scrap
book filled with qlippings and a large letter file
form the greater part of the "Weaver Papers"
preserved by his family. Evidently General
Weaver gave little thought to the past. By
nature and temperament an optimist, he looked
forward to the very end of his life. Fre
quently urged to record his reminiscences in his
later years, he did nothing more than to put
together some "Memoranda" in regard to his
life down to tit.? outbreak of the Civil War.
For his services lu Congress, the Congressional
Record furnishes ample material, since he was
an active participant in debates and from time
to time made extended speeches in which he
developed fully his policies and measures. His
one book, A Call to Action, published during
the campaign of 1892, contains the nearest ap
proach to a systematic presentation of his
views. A careful examination of this volume
will impress the reader with the number of
instances in which General Weaver anticipated

AUTHOR'S PREFACE xi
later programs and policies in our political
life. The writer is under special obligations to
General Weaver's eldest son, James B. Weaver,
Jr., for the generous way in which he has given
access to all material in his possession. Like
wise the writer is under obligation to the editor
of the series. Dr. Benj. F. Shambaugh, for his
careful editing and for his advice and encour
agement during the preparation of the book.
Acknowledgments are also due to Mr. Edgar R.
Harlan, Curator of the Historical Department
of Iowa, for assistance in the use of newspapers
at Des Moines. Dr. Dan E. Clark offered many
valuable suggestions; while Miss Helen Otto
assisted in the verification of the manuscript,
and Miss Ruth A. Gallaher compiled the index.
Fbed E. Haynes
The State Historical Society of Iowa
Iowa City Iowa

CONTENTS
I. Early Life and Education, 1833-1856 1
II. Beginnings in Law and Politics,
1856-1861  16
III. Military Record, 1861-1865 .... 26
IV. Commander of the Post at Pulaski 53
V. Depending the Home Country ... 59
VI. A Republican Leader, 1865-1877 . . 66
VII. First Session in Congress, 1879 . . 101
VIII. Second Session in Congress, 1879-1880 130
IX. First Campaign for the Presidency,
1880  155
X. Close of the First Term in Con
gress, 1880-1881  179
XI. Political Activity, 1881-1885 . . .201
XII. Return to Congress, 1885-1887 . . 218
XIII. Last Term in Congress, 1887-1889 . 258
XIV. From Gbeenbackeb to Populist,
1888-1892  290
XV. Second Campaign for the Presi
dency, 1892  310

xiv CONTENTS
XVI. From Populist to Democrat, 1893-
1896  344
XVII. The Later Years, 1896-1912 .... 383
XVIII. Recognition  407
XIX. Final Tributes  424
Notes and References  447
Index  477

PLATES
James Baird Weaver, from an oil
painting  frontispiece
Lieutenant James Baird Weaver . . opposite 46
Colonel James Baird Weaver . . . opposite 46
James Baird Weaver  opposite 104
Mr. and Mrs. James Baird Weaver . opposite 410

Early Life and Education
1833-1856
The family of James Baird Weaver was Scotch
on his mother's side and German and English
in the paternal line. His father's ancestors
emigrated to England many generations ago,
and thence came to America, settling in the
State of New York. Some of the family fought
in the Revolutionary War, while others gained
distinction in the towns where they lived.^
Henry Weaver, the grandfather, was born on
April 15, 1761 ; and on May 1, 1790, he married
Susan Ross Crane, granddaughter of Betsy
Ross and daughter of a captain in the Revo
lutionary Army who lived in Elizabethtown,
New Jersey. Of this union there were fourteen
children. It is through Susan Ross Crane, the
paternal grandmother, that the family traces
its relationship to Betsy Ross, who made the
first American flag at the request of George
Washington.^ Removing from New York to
Ohio long before the Indians left that region,
Henry Weaver became a leader in the new west
ern community. He fought against the Indians,
and at one time commanded a fort which stood

2 JAMBS BAIRD WEAVER
upon what is now Main Street in Cincinnati.
He served also in the War of 1812, and acted
as judge in one of the early courts of Ohio.
It was in the Ohio home that Abram Weaver,
father of James Baird Weaver, was born and
reared.* He married Susan Imlay, daughter
of Captain Joseph Imlay who had served with
distinction in the Continental Army. James,
who was the fifth child among the thirteen
children of this union, was born at Dayton,
Ohio, June 12, 1833. The father was a skilled
mechanic and millwright as well as a farmer.
In 1835 the family removed from Dayton to
Cass County, Michigan, and settled on a farm
in the forest nine miles north of Cassopolis.
Here they remained until the summer of 1842,
when the farm was sold and the family mi
grated to the Territory of Iowa.
From the Weaver Memoranda it appears that
the family reached Keosauqua in October.
They "wintered in an unfinished frame house
on the farm of James Purdam, situated oppo
site Ely's Ford on the east side of the Des
Moines river, one mile west of the town."*
According to the treaty with the Sac and Fox
Indians "white settlers were not permitted
west of Van Buren county prior to May 1st,
1843. The boundary between what was then
called the old Black Hawk and the new pur
chase from the Indians was in part the west

EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION 3
line of Van Buren, and Davis county lying
immediately west was in the new purchase . .
. . But homeseekers under the guise of hunt
ers — my father among them — penetrated the
wilds of the west and northwest and selected
locations which they intended to and did settle
upon as soon as they could lawfully reach them
after the clock struck twelve on the night of
April 30, 1843.
"About 3 P. M. May 1st", reads the Memo
randa, Abram Weaver "with his entire family
and household goods comfortably packed in a
wagon drawn by two good horses, with chicken
coop fastened to the rear of the wagon, cow
tied behind, trusty rifle and watch dog, halted
on a quarter section of virgin soil on Chequest
Creek four miles north of where Bloomfield, the
county seat of Davis county now stands. The
place is now known as the William Dodd farm
near the village of Belknap. The county
capital, however, was not designated until
about one year after this settlement was made ' ',
Abram Weaver "being one of the commis
sioners who located the site. On the 12th day
of June following the writer [James Baird
Weaver] reached the tenth year of his age.^®
The first shelter in the new home, continues
the Weaver narrative, "was a bark shanty on
the bank of the creek. The first house was a
large log dwelling built of green timber cut and

4 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
hewn from trees taken from an extensive
timber plat on the south part of father's claim.
The roof was made of clapboards riven by
father with an old-fashioned adz. The floor
was made of split logs smoothly hewn and
brought to a straight edge with the adz — a
real puncheon floor as it was called, sub
stantial and strong. The doors and windows
were hung on wooden hinges, all made and
fashioned by father's dexterous hands; so the
family was comfortably housed and prepared
for the winter of 1843-1844.
"In the meantime ground had been broken
and a crop of seed corn, potatoes and other
vegetables had been grown and stored up . .
. . Mother's loom and father's handicraft
had been busy preparing for the approaching
winter, so by early fall all was ready for any
stress of weather that might come. Deer,
wolves, wild pigeons, prairie chickens and wild
turkeys abounded .... Sacs and Foxes
and Pottawattamie Indian camps near by were
all very friendly and readily exchanged courte
sies with settlers. The Indians visited our
home more or less every day until the spring of
1844 when they had mostly disappeared,
'vamoosing' toward the west. Miles of unculti
vated prairie intervened between the cabins of
the settlers, so that aside from my six brothers
and sisters Indian boys were my everyday play-

EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION 5
mates until the first log school house some two
miles away was erected the second year after
locating upon the claim. These brawny 'skin-
aways', as their parents called them, were
sturdy little chaps, fleet, expert with bow and
arrow, could climb like squirrels and skip like
fauns. ' '
School facilities are described as "meager"
in those early days when competent teachers
were very rare. "The first teacher in our
locality was Robert Miller, a man of but little
education, but a kind, patient and lovable per
son who made the old log school house with its
homely benches, big wide fireplace and greased
paper windows seem like a palace for its
twenty odd girls and boys gathered daily for
instruction under its clapboard roof. That
white oak ridge where the homely school house
stood is sacred still in my memory. The ele
mentary spelling book which I carried to and
from this, my Alma Mater, was obtained at
Bloomfield from John A. Lucas, the pioneer
merchant, in exchange for a coon skin which I
carried to him. That blessed old school book
opened first to me the door that leads to the
republic of letters. If it could possibly now be
found I would treasure it and hand it down to
my children. The Friday afternoons we all
stood and spelled down were great days and
stimulated the youthful ambition to blood heat.

6 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
"A lonely Indian trail near our cabin led
close by the school house, and it was no un
common thing as we were going and coming to
see wolves both of the large and small variety
trot across the trail. This had the effect of
stimulating our activity and reducing loitering
to a minimum. Wild dogs were almost as
numerous in those days as domestic canines are
now, with this advantage in favor of the
wolves, that they were self-supporting. The
fear which they inspired among the children
rounded us up like young calves and met with
unanimous approval among the teachers in
those halcyon days. Neither red haws, ripe
plums, hickory, hazel nor walnuts could tempt
the children to loiter by the wayside. Punctu
ality was a virtue with us all. The wolf should
have due credit for his contribution to pioneer
scholarship. "We spent five years on the farm. Mother
wove on the old loom the jeans and other cloth
necessary for family wear and then cut and
made our clothes. Each fall father bought
sides of upper and sole leather and from these
made our boots and shoes. The girls' shoes
were made of finer quality of calf skin. All
stockings and mittens were manufactured at
home from yarn spun on the large and small
spinning wheels .... Before the open
cheerful fireplace there was merry chatter.

EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION 7
song, and a thriUing touch of music, father
leading with his dear old flute. They were
happy days with the children all at home.
Everything was natural, and modern conven
tionalities wholly unknown. Deep snows were
a challenge to fun,, coon hunting a luxury,
shooting wild turkeys and prairie chickens and
netting quail almost a daily occurrence. Every
necessity of life seemed to be piled right up at
our door. The south side of our cabin was
always covered in the winter time with coon
skins, wolf and deer hides, tacked up to dry.
They were regarded as legal tender at the store.
Those were charming days when we were all
close to Nature's throbbing heart. True, we
were forty-five miles from grist mill, and fre
quently without either meal or flour. But we
ground 'grits' on our old coffee mill and fared
sumptuously every day.
' ' When the pioneer preacher came around, as
he frequently did, he was always a jolly fellow
and after father and mother called the children
all in we had enough to make a fair sized con
gregation, and how those early saddle-bag
preachers could sing! With good cheer they
hunted up the remote settlers, through rain and
sunshine they reminded us of God and duty
and invited us all to the big meeting which was
always soon to occur at some pioneer home. All
formality was discarded at those religious

8 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
gatherings. They sang and prayed with
unction. Amen and Hallelujah resounded as a
matter of course.
"After crops were laid by in summer,
through the fall and winter father worked at
his trade, built houses, made furniture, cut
hoop poles, made staves and fashioned them
into barrels, and busied himself with an almost
endless variety of handicraft for which he was
noted throughout the widely scattered neigh
borhood. "Finally he was elected Clerk of the District
Court for our county and then we moved into
town. Here our school opportunities were
somewhat improved as they extended over
longer periods of time, and a higher class of
teachers were secured. Our home life was
more varied as we met our neighbors with,
greater frequency — a priceless boon in pio-
n^e3Ti,lifa. It was a real joy in those days to
m^^t our.jneighbors. Hospitality was at high
tide,iffthil'e^ Coily a trace of selfishness could
occasionally be ffouiftd to mar the generous flow
of good neighbo-rship. i M
"Soon after moving int^jtown father secured
from the government a eontractcto carry on
horseback a bi-weekly mail from Bloomfield to
Fairfield, and I was detailed for the job. I
entered upon the work and served for three
years winter and summer. I was forced to

EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION 9
leave school and so pursued my studies as best
I could at nights at home. Finally father threw
up his contract and then I re-entered the old
log school house. My experience as mail car
rier was interesting and frequently thrilling,
being compelled often times to swim swollen
streams, including the Des Moines River and
Big Cedar Creek, many times every year, and
to engage in battles royal with neighbor boys
who gathered along the trail to fret and annoy
if possible the lad who rode astride the govern
ment saddle-bags. But fair play was always
the motto on both sides and that was the only
condition required. It was not long until the
boys were all my friends and some of them still
live to manifest their generous feeling. Caleb
Baldwin, afterward Chief Justice of Iowa, and
long since passed away, was post-master at
Fairfield during this period, and at the same
time pursuing the study of law. I frequently
rode up to the post-oflfice door and threw the
mail bag into his hands. He was a young man
of enormous size, weighing three hundred
pounds, active and powerful, and completely
filled the door as he appeared to receive the
bags. . . .
"It is my recollection that I began carrying
the mail in the early fall of 1847 and quit in
1851.^ The Mexican war had occurred while we
were on the farm and was over before I became

10 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
knight of the saddle-bags, and the old soldiers
had returned, and some of them were domiciled
among us. I took up my elementary studies in
the local school; but news of the discovery of
gold at Sutter's Mill in California in 1848
quickly crossed the continent and became
known to the world. This thrilled and intensely
excited all classes of people, and all the older
pioneers, including myself, caught the fever.
But my parents repressed its rage to the utmost
of their power, and notwithstanding a brother-
in-law. Dr. C. W. Phelps, pulled out for the
Eldorado in the spring of 1849, I was not per
mitted to accompany him, but continued to
carry the mail until the latter part of 1851.
After quitting the road I attended three terms
of school. In addition, I had begun to study
law under occasional instructors in the office of
Hon. S. G. McAchran, a practicing lawyer at
Bloomfield, during the summer and winter of
1852-1853. "I was now about nineteen years of age,
strong, and with the rugged experience of the
pioneer lad felt that I was equal to any emer
gency. Meantime my brother-in-law. Dr.
Phelps, had reached home returning by sea via
New York with a snug quantity of gold, and
was preparing for another trip overland with a
herd of cattle, and would need my help. Fifty
head of steers were secured, all tamed to the

EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION H
yoke, and I engaged to accompany him as an
all round hand and helper."
Late in March, 1853, the start for California
was made by a company of four persons: Dr.
Phelps, young Weaver, and two others referred
to as "Mike" and "Jack". The leader of the
expedition was Dr. Phelps who had crossed the
plains in 1849. His experience with horses on
that trip had determined him to change to oxen
on this second journey: fifty-two were taken, of
which eight worked at a time.
On account of road conditions and swollen
streams the party did not reach the Missouri
River until about the middle of April. After
two days of rest they crossed this river and
bade adieu to white settlements. To the youth
ful traveler the first noticeable feature was the
vastness of the country as compared with the
narrow limits of his boyhood home. For a fort
night the journey was "commonplace and
monotonous, relieved only by the occasional
killing of an antelope for food, or the shooting
of a wolf. ' ' The weather was soft and pleasant
for many weeks, except for a sudden sandstorm
which surprised the party one morning about
ten o'clock and lasted two hours and forty
minutes. They survived the ordeal without loss
or injury.
While near the Green River country in Utah
they experienced some alarm because of the

12 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
behavior of the Indians, whom they had ex
pected would be friendly and peaceable. For
tunately, however, nothing happened in this
region more thrilling than the shooting of a
huge cougar by Dr. Phelps. This episode
aroused in the party a desire to hunt big game,
and so they decided to spend a day or two
hunting the grizzly and the lion in the Hum
boldt Mountains in Nevada near which they
would pass. One day's experience, during
which they saw two large cinnamon bears and
a cougar, satisfied them that a "party consisting
of but four men, indifferently armed and in
experienced .... were risking life in a
hazardous pastime." After crossing the desert
and the Sierra Nevada Mountains they arrived
at Sacramento on August 15th; and here they
went into camp.
"After resting briefly and satisfying our
curiosity", wrote Weaver in The World Re
view, "Mike and Jack secured employment and
the little party was reduced to the Doctor and
myself. Before leaving home, I had resolved
to enter the legal profession, and after a brief
mining adventure, the desire for gold and the
rough life which makes its finding possible, was
entirely dissipated, and I was seized with an
intense desire to return and take up my studies.
The Doctor .... was anxious to join me
in the return by sea in October. The cattle

EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION 13
were readily disposed of at good figures. We
then repaired to San Francisco and spent a
fortnight exploring the city, hunting up old
friends, and informing ourselves concerning
the safest and best manned vessel upon which
we could embark for New York via Panama.
The ' John L. Stevens ', a powerful clipper built
boat, beautiful to look upon and advertised to
clear October 2, was selected and tickets se
cured. Another ship .... was booked
to leave the same day and hour, but the
'Stevens' was preferred because of her speed,
which resulted from her clipper spread of sails
supplementing her steam; and for the further
reason that Captain Pierson had commanded
her for about five years in the passenger service
on that coast."
Except for a severe storm at sea and an
experience with brigands in crossing the
Isthmus, nothing of moment happened in the
course of the journey to New York. The
Doctor and his companion each had "belted"
about them "about twenty-five hundred dollars
in what were then known as fifty-dollar octagon
gold slugs." The Panama Railroad was then
in operation for a distance of only twelve miles
from the Atlantic*
In the year following his return to Iowa
young Weaver became clerk for Edward Man
ning at Bonaparte, Iowa. His employer, who

14 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
later became one of the richest men in the State,
took a fancy to him, and when he indicated his
intention of leaving, Mr. Manning offered him
increased pay and an interest in the business.
Weaver, however, declined to accept the offer,
having decided to earn his living by means
other than those of manual labor. Ability to
speak in public and a taste for discussion and
controversy turned him towards the study of
law. At the same time the experiences of his
early life, coupled with a deep respect for his
father, who was both farmer and mechanic,
formed an abiding influence in the life of James
Baird Weaver: it gave to him an interest in
and sympathy with both farmers and artisans
that had much to do with the shaping of his
career.'' In the autumn of 1855 Weaver entered the
Cincinnati Law School from which he gradu
ated the following year. His favorite instruc
tor was the professor of legal rights, Bellamy
Storer, for whom later he named his first son
James Bellamy. The examination preparatory
to the receipt of his diploma was conducted by
a committee of five; and the certificate, which
bears the date of April 14, 1856, was signed
among others by Rutherford B. Hayes, who
afterwards became President of the United
States. While at the law school Weaver's ex
penses were not high. One hundred doUars,

EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION 15
which he borrowed from a friend who charged
him thirty-three and one-third percent interest,
met the bulk of his expenditures. Such experi
ences as this one may have had an influence in
forming his opinions in regard to capital and
the issue of money — opinions which later led
him to break away from the Republican party
and become an independent party leader.*

II
Beginnings in Law and Politics
1856-1861
Immediately after his graduation at Cincinnati
young Weaver returned to Bloomfield and
entered into the practice of the law, taking the
oath as an attorney-at-law before Judge H. B.
Hendershott. Two years later he was admitted
to practice in the United States District Court
of Iowa at Burlington, the oath being adminis
tered by James M. Love.** Before he had fairly
established himself in the practice of his chosen
profession the Civil War broke out ; and after
1878 he either held public office or was engaged
actively in politics. People who remember his
early appearances in court declare he was an
able advocate.
At the time when his career was to receive its
initial direction the country was agitated by
discussions and conflicts over the slavery ques
tion. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise
by the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 roused the
opposition of all those who were hostile to the
extension of slave territory and gave to the
anti-slavery movement an impetus and support
it had never before had. Iowa, bordering as it
16

LAW AND POLITICS 17
did upon the territory involved, was vitally
interested in the conflicts that followed. More
over, Iowa had been "a steadfast Democratic
State. It had voted for two presidential candi
dates, Cass and Pierce. In ... . Con
gress it had two Democratic senators, one
Democratic and one Whig representative. Both
of the senators and the Democratic represent
ative voted for the Kansas-Nebraska Bill; the
Whig representative did not vote."^"
The southern half of the State was strongly
pro-slavery, while the northern portion had
been settled from the regions in the East that
were opposed to slavery extension. It was in
Iowa that the first election after the enactment
of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill was to be held.
James W. Grimes who had been nominated for
Governor by the Whigs was endorsed by a Free
Soil convention. He conducted an aggressive
campaign during which he visited nearly every
part of the State, driving from county to county
in his own conveyance. His election in August
by 23,325 votes over his Democratic opponent,
who received 21,202 votes, marked the end of
Democratic supremacy for thirty-five years.
Another result of this election was the choice
of an avowed anti-slavery man to the United
States Senate. Fremont carried the State in
1856; and two years later Grimes was sent to
the Senate.^^

18 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Beginning his active career under such con
ditions Weaver very naturally became involved
in the slavery agitation. His interest was first
aroused by a series of debates with George W.
McCrary on the Kansas-Nebraska Bill in the
country school houses of Van Buren County
during the winter of 1853-1854. The discovery,
made at this time, that he had a gift for public
speaking determined him to study law. Un
doubtedly the debates with McCrary, which
gave him an opportunity to test his ability,
were of great importance in shaping his career.
His own account of these debates described
"the eventful period" of his life as beginning
with them. He was clerking for Manning at
Bonaparte, while McCrary was teaching school
in the same town. Weaver, who was then a
Democrat, was drawn into a public debate by
McCrary who had already become opposed to
slavery. Before an audience composed largely
of Democrats Weaver "portrayed the danger
to the union if slavery was interfered with."
He forced his opponent "into a position in
which he declared that if it was necessary to
preserve slavery to preserve the union, thdn let
the union go. I had him then and the debate
was decided for me."
It was not long after this that Weaver was
converted to the Free Soil idea by reading the
New York Tribune and Uncle Tom's Cabin.

LAW AND POLITICS 19
"At that time, 1856, there were but six known
Free Sellers in Davis County", writes Weaver
in Ms Memoranda. "Being thoroughly im
pressed that human slavery was wrong and
wholly bad, and convinced that the Democratic
party was hopelessly committed to the insti
tution, and pledged to perpetuate and extend
it, after consultation with my parents, I openly
left my party in 1857 and announced myself as
a Free Soiler .... Of course this called
down upon my youthful head the wrath of every
other Democrat in the locality, but being com
bative and having anticipated the inevitable
result I did not flinch, but prepared to defend
myself against all assailants.
"The clouds were thickening, events multi
plying and it became evident to close observers
that the storm would soon break with the force
of an avalanche over the whole country. Re
cruits began to come into our ranks and soon
we became aggressive and assailed the defend
ers of slavery in the school houses in every part
of the county. "^^
In the course of this activity. Weaver "went
into Van Buren County and stumped for Mr.
McCrary, who was running for 'floating repre
sentative', at the request of H. Clay Caldwell,
afterward judge of the United States Circuit
Court. My speech was at Keosauqua, in the
old court house there. Caldwell was so tickled

20 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
over the speech that he kicked a solid walnut
table to pieces. "^^
Once embarked upon a political career in
such stirring times. Weaver threw himself
heartily into the struggle. His own account of
these years in Iowa, as recorded in his Memo
randa, shows his characteristic enthusiasm and
optimism. "The election of James W. Grimes
as Governor in 1854 completely unified the
Whigs and Free Sellers .... imparted
to the new and compact force an aggressive
spirit, and made certain the election of Gov.
Grimes to the United States Senate in 1858.
This promotion of our stout hearted leader
electrified his supporters and cleared the way
for the great contest for Governor in 1859.
"The Democracy determined to reclaim the
ground lost in the Grimes campaign, understood
fully the importance of selecting their strongest
man, and accordingly placed in nomination
Hon. A. C. Dodge who had served in the Senate
of the United States acceptably and a gentle
man of the highest integrity, possessing no
mean military experience on the frontier, and
held in the highest esteem throughout the state.
In addition to this he was at the time of his
nomination our Minister at the Spanish Court.
"The Republicans — this was the name
under which the new force was now acting —
nominated the Hon. Samuel J. Kirkwood, for-

LAW AND POLITICS 21
merly a Democrat who possessed exceptional
skill as a campaigner, and immediately the
struggle waxed hot and became fierce. These
antagonists were both in their prime and each
had seen enough of public life to sharpen their
weapons of offense and defense and to give
poise in the stress of battle. Kirkwood in those
days was like a skiUed swordsman, adroit, cool,
knew his ground and always aggressive. Dodge
was stately, military in bearing, a stickler for
the old regimen. He invoked the constitution
as interpreted in the Dred Scott decision and
plead for the binding character and inviola
bility of the Fugitive Slave Law. He plead for
the Union and predicted dire disaster if the
decision and the law were ever repealed. But
Kirkwood was the better debater, more impas
sioned and was abreast with the anti-slavery
tide; while Dodge caught by the receding
waters of the old feudality which he failed to
see could never again flow back, was carried out
and engulfed in inevitable defeat. The world
was changing and searching out a new orbit.
"The campaign included a series of joint de
bates between these candidates, and the people
came in multitudes to hear. A part of the dis
cussion related to the Fugitive Slave Law. I
was present at the Bloomfield encounter and it
was a titanic struggle. Kirkwood drew a pic
ture of a slave mother with a babe in her arms

22 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
fleeing from bondage with her eye on the North
Star. In close pursuit was her cruel master
with his bloodhounds hard after her, just as she
crossed the Iowa line from Missouri. Clench
ing his fists and advancing toward Dodge he
demanded to know if he under such circum
stances would turn that fleeing mother and her
infant back to her pursuing master. Before
the breathless multitude Kirkwood shouted at
the top of his voice 'Answer my question!'
Dodge replied, 'I would obey the law.' Kirk
wood retorted, ' So help me, God, I would suffer
my right arm to be torn from its socket before
I would do such a monstrous thing!' The
crowd broke into a frenzy that resembled the
sweep of a cyclone through a forest. Men grew
pale and clenched each other in frenzy. The
whole audience and everybody were carried off
their feet. The moral sense of the multitude
had been reached and it was vain to attempt to
reverse the deep impression which had been
made. "However, so evenly balanced were the
opposing forces in the field that the official
returns only gave Kirkwood a fraction of above
3,000 majority in the state over his sturdy
antagonist, which demonstrated conclusively
that it was skill in debate and presenting the
claims of freedom that insured victory in that
historic struggle. We were passing through

LAW AND POLITICS 23
the pangs of a new birth, and for a while it was
hard to tell the result. But while the margin
was small, it was sufficient to place our young
commonwealth permanently in the anti-slavery
column and to prepare her people for the his
toric uprising of 1860, and the deluge just
beyond."" Weaver's actual part in the stirring events
of the years during which the Republican party
was taking shape and while the stage was pre
paring for the Civil War could not have been a
large one since he was only . twenty-eight in
1861. One may imagine, however, that he was
more than an interested spectator, and that his
personal experiences and observations- during
these years of party change and conflicts left
impressions that largely explain his belief in
the possibility of the reorganization of parties
to serve the interests of the masses of the
people. His active participation in affairs led to his
selection as a delegate from Davis County to
the Republican State Convention held at Des
Moines in January, 1860, to name delegates to
the national nominating convention.^® With
Fitz Henry Warren, Jacob Rich, Governor
Samuel J. Kirkwood, James B. Howell, James
Thorington, Hiram Price, Judge John F. Dillon,
Amos N. Currier, and F. W. Palmer he is men
tioned as among those who in May, 1860, com-

24 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
prised "Iowa's volunteer attendance" at the
Chicago Convention which nominated Lincoln
for the Presidency." In addition he is named
in a Ust of fifty-eight "leaders earnestly sup
porting Kirkwood" in 1859.1'^ He is referred
to as making speeches in the campaigns of 1856
and 1860, and as "fascinated" by the doctrines
of Fremont to which "he gave himself up . .
. . with all the ardor of his mature years. ' ' ^®
To Weaver probably belongs the credit of
being one of the originators of the expression
"the bloody shirt". His own story of the
origin of the use of the phrase was that a
"preacher by the name of McKinney, a most
pugnacious and forceful man, moved from
Davis county to Texas. He was one of these
fellows who would preach every Sunday if he
had to be the audience himself. Down in Texas
one Sunday he got the negroes together at Ft.
Worth and preached to them. Word was
passed around that an abolitionist was exciting
the negroes to insurrection and the citizens got
together. They took McKinney out and
whipped him with a rawhide blacksnake whip,
cutting his shirt into shreds and lacerating his
body. He returned to Davis county in about
'55 or '56, and an abolitionist meeting was held
and I presided. McKinney had his shirt with
him. A few days later I was at Agency City.
Senator Grimes, James F. Wilson, Edward

LAW AND POLITICS 25
Stiles and myself were speakers. I recounted
the outrages on McKinney and had the shirt
with me. I waved it before the crowds and
bellowed: 'Under this bloody shirt we propose
to march to victory'. I was a very young man
in those days." The effect of such a statement
upon an audience gathered together in south
ern Iowa during those years requires no
elaboration. For nearly twenty years after the
Civil War "the bloody shirt" was regularly
waved in each campaign, and it rarely failed to
gain votes for the Republicans."
It was during these years of preparation for
his work in life that Weaver married Miss
Clara Vinson, a native of St. Mary's, Ohio, who
had been teaching school at Keosauqua and
whom he met while he was clerking at Bona
parte. Courtship in those pioneer days meant
the fording of streams and tramping through
the woods. On one occasion young Weaver
undertook to make the trip from Bloomfield to
Keosauqua; and when he got to Pittsburg he
found the Des Moines River "a seething tor
rent, the ice was breaking up and the river was
full of huge cakes, grinding and rocking and
almost prohibiting passage. I . . . . got a
long pole. With the aid of this, I jumped from
one cake to another until I reached the opposite
shore. ' ' They were married on July 13, 1858, at
Keosauqua by Rev. Miltiades Miller.^o

Ill
Military Record
1861-1865
As soon as the call for volunteers was issued by
President Lincoln in April, 1861, a company of
volunteers was formed at Bloomfield; and of
this company James Baker, who had served in
the Mexican War, and James B. Weaver were
elected captain and first lieutenant. It was the
hope of these volunteers that they would be
included in the First Iowa Regiment. Immedi
ately upon the organization of the company.
Baker and Weaver left for Burlington in search
of Governor Kirkwood to tender to him the
services of the new company. At Burlington as
they went on board the boat they met the
Governor coming off. They retired into the
cabin, where commissions were issued to
Weaver and others.
The Weaver commission bears the date of
April 23, 1861, the name of the company and of
the regiment being left blank. The First Regi
ment being fuh before the offer was made, the
Bloomfield company became Company G of the
Second Iowa Infantry. To Weaver a later
26

MILITARY RECORD 27
commission was issued, under date of May 28,
1861, in which the company and regiment were
given their proper designation.^^
"Bloomfield was then thirty-five miles from
a railroad, and the patriotic farmers of the
neighborhood brought in their teams and
hauled the embryo warriors to the nearest
station — Keosauqua. "^^ The rendezvous for
the troops from southern Iowa was Keokuk;
and as soon as enough companies had arrived
to form a regiment, the Second Iowa Infantry
was organized and mustered into the service of
the United States. "It was the first regiment
of three years' men .... sent into the
field, and the first of all to leave Iowa for the
theatre of war. "^^
It left Keokuk on June 13th with instructions
"to take military control of the lines of the
Hannibal and St. Joseph and North Missouri
Railroads." Colonel Samuel R. Curtis stated
in his official report "that he received the order
at one o'clock a. m. and that at five o'clock
a. m. " the regiment was on board the steamer.
Landing at Hannibal, Missouri, on the same
day. Colonel Curtis "proceeded to take mili
tary possession of the railroads indicated,
using for that purpose .... a force of
about 2,700", including his own regiment. "As
he advanced, small forces of the enemy were
encountered and quickly overcome ; flags, muni-

28 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
tions of war, prisoners and supplies were cap
tured, and loyal and peaceable citizens assured
protection. Leaving detachments to guard the
bridges, buildings and other railroad property
from destruction, he pressed forward", and
arrived at St. Joseph on June 15, 1861.
In fifty-six hours from the time orders were
received at Keokuk, military possession of the
railroad had been taken and the Confederate
forces that were mustering through that part
of the State were scattered and disorganized.
"The promptness with which the order was
obeyed alone saved this important line of rail
road for the transportation of Union troops
and supplies, and prevented a more prolonged
resistance by the Confederate forces in that
portion of the State of Missouri. Colonel
Curtis was promptly promoted to the rank of
Brigadier General and later was given the rank
of Major General."^*
The principal points from which the Second
Iowa Regiment operated during the summer
and autumn of 1861 were Bird's Point, Ironton,
Pilot Knob, and Jackson in Missouri, and Fort
Jefferson in Kentucky. Its duties were of the
same character as those which it performed so
well in its first action. "The fact of principal
interest, however, connected with this part of
the regiment's history, was its unhealthfulness.
When the command returned to St. Louis, in

MILITARY RECORD 29
the latter part of October, there were only
about four hundred men fit for duty. The sick
list was large in every company. "^^
Remaining in St. Louis during the winter,
the regiment was assigned to guard duty at
"McDowell College", an institution which was
used "as a sort of prison" for persons sus
pected of secession sympathies. Some of the
specimens in the museum having disappeared,
the regiment was held responsible. By general
order the command was publicly disgraced, and
when it embarked for Fort Donelson on Febru
ary 10, 1862, it did so "without music and with
its colors furled." This disgrace, whether
deserved or not, was soon wiped out by the
bravery manifested at Fort Donelson, where
the Second Iowa led the famous charge.^"
During the year 1861 the war had not been
vigorously or skilfully conducted, and conse
quently the Union arms had suffered during the
campaigns. But the successes in the West in
1862 more than reversed the disasters of 1861.
The first in importance of these victories was
the capture of Fort Donelson on the Cumber
land River in Tennessee, which opened the way
for the passage of the Union armies up the
Cumberland and Tennessee rivers. General
Grant, who had just captured Fort Henry on
the Tennessee River only twelve miles away,
had twenty-seven thousand men, while the gar-

30 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
rison of Fort Donelson numbered twenty-one
thousand. "The Federal superiority in num
bers was more than balanced by the Confed
erate superiority of position: the fort itself
stood on a bluff one hundred feet above the
river, dominating also the country to the rear,
while well-planned intrenchments occupied the
ridges, all approaches blocked with abatis. . .
"Operations against Donelson began with a
poor outlook for the Federals. The weather,
so mild at first as to lead many of the inexperi
enced troops to throw away their coats and
blankets, became cold and stormy. For a day
or two Grant's force was distinctly inferior,
and might have been attacked to advantage by
an enterprising foe. But his front was bold,
and his reinforcements arrived in time." In
addition the three Confederate Generals —
Floyd, Pillow, and Buckner — were not in har
mony, and no aggressive attack was made by
them at a time when it would have been most
effective.^'' The Second Iowa Regiment was transported
by water from St. Louis to Fort Donelson
where it arrived on the 14th of February.
Heavy skirmishing had occurred on the 13th,
but the first determined attack was not made
till the next day by the gunboats under Foote.
Meanwhile the army proceeded with the invest
ment, which on the evening of the 14th was

MILITARY RECORD 31
practically complete. It was early on the 15th
that Pillow attacked the Union right held by
General John A. McClernand, and after a
furious battle of four hours the Union troops
were forced to retire; reenforcements and a
new supply of ammunition enabled them to re-
occupy their old position and recapture the
guns lost in the morning.
Meanwhile General C. F. Smith held the
Union left. General Grant ordered him to as
sault the fort in order to retrieve the situation
resulting from McClernand 's retirement. He
selected as "the storming party" the brigade
commanded by Colonel J. G. Lauman of the
Seventh Iowa, which was composed of the Sec
ond Iowa, the Seventh Iowa, and the Fourteenth
Iowa, a regiment of "western sharpshooters",
and the Twenty-fifth and Fifty- second Indiana
regiments. Colonel J. M. Tuttle with the left
wing of the Second Iowa led the advance, and
his official report describes the part played by
that regiment in the famous charge by which
victory was won for the Federal arms.
According to this account the Second Iowa
on its arrival had been assigned a position on
the extreme left where it spent ' ' a cold and dis
agreeable night, without tents or blankets. ' ' It
remained in this position until 2 P. M. of the
next day (February 15th) when it received the
order "to storm the fortifications of the enemy

32 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
in front." It proceeded "steadily up the hill
.... without firing a gun. On reaching
the works, we found the enemy flying before us,
except a few who were promptly put to the
bayonet. I then gave the order to fire which
was responded to with fatal precision until the
right wing with Lieutenant Colonel Baker
arrived, headed by General Smith, when we
formed in line of battle again under a galling
fire and charged on the encampment across the
ravine in front, the enemy still retreating be
fore us. After we had reached the summit of
the hill beyond the ravine, we made a stand and
occupied it for over an hour." Soon after
wards Colonel Tuttle retired because of an
injury, leaving Lieutenant Colonel Baker "in
command until the following morning, when
the enemy gave signal for a parley, which was
succeeded by the enjoyable intelligence that
they had surrendered the fort. We were then
ordered by General Smith to take the post of
honor, in marching to the fort, where we placed
our colors upon the battlements beside the
white flag of the enemy ' '.
The work of the Second Iowa brought from
Major General H. W. Halleck, department com
mander in the West with headquarters at St.
Louis, a telegram in which he referred to the
regiment as "the bravest of the brave. They
had the honor of leading the column which
entered Fort Donelson."

MILITARY RECORD 33
A committee of the General Assembly of
Iowa, then in session, was sent to the battle
field to care for the wounded ; and on its return
to Des Moines it carried the flag that had been
used in the famous charge. The flag was pre
sented to the House to be hung near the Speak
er's desk till the close of the session, when it
was to be turned over to the State Historical
Society for permanent preservation.^*
Lieutenant Weaver was with the regiment
throughout its service from June 13, 1861, to
the capture of Fort Donelson. He was on rail
road guard duty in Missouri from June to
October and in St. Louis from October to
February. From October 2nd to 12th he took
part in an expedition to Charleston, the na
ture of which is not specially described.^'' In a
letter to Mrs. Weaver, written from Fort Don
elson, February 19, 1862, he gives a vivid and
detailed account of the part played by the
Second Iowa in the assault.
According to Lieutenant Weaver's descrip
tion the regiment landed four miles below the
fort during the night of the 13th, and the next
morning "bright and early .... started
over the hills in fine spirits to the scene of
bloody conflict. We were ordered by our Gen
eral Smith to the extreme left of the grand
army [which] encircled this indescribable
stronghold of secession. The morning of the

34 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
15th dawned cold and desolate .... Early
.... that day the battle began to rage
with great fury on the right wing (though they
had been fighting at intervals for nearly two
days) and lasted until about two o'clock when
Gen'l Smith rode up to our regiment and in
formed them that he expected the left wing of
our Regiment, including our company, to
charge the breastworks of the enemy about
four hundred yards distant from us in full
view. These works were situated on the brow
of a very steep hill all over which the enemy
had felled in wild confusion, heavy timber
which had grown there. Several other regi
ments had made the attempt to storm the well
planned works of the enemy before and had
failed with terrible loss. Hence the reason for
sending but half of our regiment. It was
¦enough to sacrifice.
"Col. Tuttle took charge of our wing and
Col. Baker the right wing which was to come to
our support after we had gained the works.
We were ordered not to fire a gun until we had
driven them from their works at the point of
the bayonet. The command of 'forward march'
was given, and at quick time we moved for
ward to the terrible slaughter and to a more
wonderful triumph. Presently we came within
short range of the enemy's trenches when they
opened upon us a terrible and deathly cross

MILITARY RECORD 35
fire. All around us and amongst us flew the
missiles of death and all around and on every
side of me men were falling in the agonies of
death .... But on, on we went without
firing a gun or saying a word except those of
cheer to our men until we gained the works and
then with an awful yell we leaped into the
midst of the enemy and here our revenge be
gan. And such a holocaust to the demon of
battles ! Everywhere could be seen the enemy
falling in death while ever and anon some one
of our own boys would lay down and give up
the ghost. On we went until we gained the
second hill. Our right wing was now with us
and we were fighting with desperation, but our
ammunition was about exhausted and we were
compelled to fall back to the entrenchment we
had just taken. We came back very slowly and
silently. But the enemy had got enough of us
and did not pursue. When we got there we
found the 7th and 14th Iowa, the 25th and 52d
Indiana Regiments occupying the earthworks
and eager for the enemy to come upon them.
Here we were ordered by Gen'l Smith to form
our Regiment outside of the breastworks and to
lay under their cover all night ready to fight if
attacked and 'in the morning', said he, 'we vsrill
advance and drive them from the next tier of
works or lose every man in my division'.
"We formed over near those who remained

36 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
and there we lay without shelter or fire until
daylight. During the time we looked around
for our dead and wounded .... About
daylight we were supplied with ammunition
and it was expected that we were going to
move forward. But the enemy, thank God, be
gan to 'sound the bugle for the parley', and
presently we saw moving everywhere white
flags. It was Sabbath morning and we sup
posed they wanted to bury their dead. But no,
it was unconditional surrender. And then such
a shouting! Our flag was moved from the
breastworks, and in a few minutes our regiment
was informed that the General desired to give
the 2nd Iowa the distinguished honor of mov
ing into the fort first and of planting our flag
upon the ramparts of their citadel. Here I
wept like a child. We marched in and such a
sight! 25,000 prisoners were there formed to
receive us. Voltaire Twombly, our flag bearer,
unfurled our banner on the walls. But I shall
have to stop. I was struck on my right arm
but it did not hurt me. My cap was shot
through and my head grazed but through the
providence of God I was saved. Thank God!
Let us ever worship Him."^"
An interesting letter from John A. Duck
worth, then second sergeant in Company G, to
the editor of the "home paper" at Bloomfield
gives an account of the same events. It refers

MILITARY RECORD 37
to Lieutenant Weaver during the assault as
passing "quickly from right to left, reminding
us of our duty, and charging us to 'keep cool' ".
Of incidents it mentions Colonel Baker and
Lieutenant Weaver as each receiving a ball
through their caps.^^ Colonel Tuttle, in his
official report, refers to Weaver and eight other
lieutenants by name as deporting "themselves
nobly throughout the engagement. "^^
"Of the six hundred and thirty officers and
men who formed the storming party, being all
of the regiment fit for duty at the time ' ', thirty-
three were killed and one hundred and sixty-
four were wounded. The losses of the Second
Iowa were higher by more than one hundred
percent than those of the regiment standing
next in number of casualties, the Twenty-fifth
Indiana. From Company G the losses were six
killed and twenty-two wounded.^^
General Grant believed that in the confusion
following the fall of Fort Donelson a good
leader, well supported by the united Union
forces in the West "could have marched to
Chattanooga, Corinth, Memphis, and Vicks-
burg". The Union armies, however, were not
united, and General Halleck seems to have been
suspicious and jealous of Grant, with the result
that the victory was not immediately followed
up. After a costly delay, which had given the
Confederates time to rally from the confusion

38 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
that followed the unexpected defeat, the Union
troops moved up the Tennessee to attack "the
strategic points on the Mississippi and Ala
bama frontiers". At the end of March it
appears that Grant had about 33,000 men "at
and near Pittsburg Landing", while twenty
miles distant Johnston and Beauregard occu
pied Corinth with 40,000 troops. Buell with
about 30,000 was marching to join Grant.
Would the Confederate General attack before
the two Union armies united F^
The Second Iowa remained nearly a month
in the vicinity of Fort Donelson, and then
embarked for Pittsburg Landing where it ar
rived on the 19th of March. The men encamped
about one mile from the landing and remained
there in quiet till Sunday morning, April 6th,
when it took part in the Battle of Shiloh which
lasted during that day and the next.^^
This battle was the result of an attempt on
the part of the Confederate generals to redeem
the losses due to the fall of Donelson. Believ
ing that no offensive would be taken by his
opponents so soon after their defeat. Grant
neglected defensive measures and thus exposed
himself to attack. The Confederate army left
Corinth on April 3rd, but stormy weather and
bad roads caused the delay of the attack
planned for April 5th to the next day. During
the afternoon of the same day the advance

MILITARY RECORD 39
guard of Buell 's army arrived in the neighbor
hood, but did not push on to Pittsburg Landing
since Grant did not anticipate a fight at that
point. The result was that the first day's
battle witnessed 40,000 Confederate troops
confronting 33,000 Union troops.
The contest on the first day continued twelve
hours and was a Confederate victory. Never
theless the outcome was a disappointment since
the plan was to capture the Union army, or at
least to drive it from the field in complete con
fusion. On the next day the Confederates had
to meet the fresh troops of Buell who had
arrived late on Sunday, April 6th. At two
o'clock, after eight hours of fighting, the Con
federate commander gave the order to retire,
and this was accomplished in good order; no
•effective pursuit was made by the Union
forces.^^ It was under the command of Lieutenant
Colonel Baker that the Second Iowa partici
pated in the Battle of Shiloh, since Colonel
Tuttle, having won the rank of Brigadier
General at Donelson, had been placed in com
mand of a brigade composed of the Second,
Seventh, Twelfth, and Fourteenth Iowa In
fantry. During the first day's battle it formed
part of the Second Division, commanded by
General W. H. L. Wallace. Beginning early
that day the enemy made repeated attacks for

40 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
about six hours. By that time the troops on
each side had given way so as to give the enemy
an opportunity to turn both flanks, and conse
quently General Wallace gave orders for the
whole brigade to fall back. "The Second and
Seventh retired through a severe fire from both
flanks, and reformed, while the Twelfth and
Fourteenth .... delayed by their en
deavors to save a battery which had been placed
in their rear, were completely surrounded and
compelled to surrender. ' '
The two regiments that had escaped capture
formed, along vdth fragments of other regi
ments, "an important part of the line of last
resistance at Shiloh on the 6th of April, and
again the regiment occupied a post of honor.
On Monday, the 7th, the Second Iowa was
placed under the orders of General Nelson
[General Wallace was killed April 6th] and
made a bayonet charge in a most gallant man
ner, the enemy giving way before them. It will
thus be seen that the regiment well sustained
at Shiloh the record it had made at Donelson."
The entire loss of the Second Iowa was between
seventy and eighty men.^"''
Lieutenant Weaver described the battle in a
letter written to his wife on April 9, 1862. In
this account he stated that "the enemy under
Beauregard, one hundred thousand strong,
made a most vigorous attack .... Our

MILITARY RECORD 41
force was somewhat surprised but from 6
o'clock A. M. until dark, the battle raged all
along our lines (five miles in length) with the
greatest fury. BueU had not yet reached us.
The enemy greatly outnumbered us and the
slaughter was of the most horrid character and
magnitude on both sides. The enemy had
driven us slowly back during the entire day,
though our men contested every inch of ground
they passed over with a zeal worthy the highest
admiration. Nothing could be heard during the
entire day but a continuous roar of artillery
and musketry. About sun down we succeeded
in checking the enemy's advance and after a
most awful battle between our artillery and that
of the enemy in which we fearfully worsted
them, the battle closed for the day, both armies
lying within gun shot of each other. During
the night Buell 's force came up and formed in
our front in a masterly manner all along the
lines. At daylight we made an attack upon the
enemy .... Then came on the bitterest
contest ever witnessed on this continent. But
the enemy could not stand. At 4 o'clock P. M.
we had him completely whipped and driven
pell mell in perfect rout. The day is over, thank
God, and the entire rebel army in the West
badly, fearfully, routed and all cut to pieces
and completely demolished. We captured
nearly all their artillery and small arms in

42 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
great quantity. The enemy retreated in per
fect disorder, throwing away all they had.
Report from our headquarters says that
Mitchel with about 40,000 men has taken
Corinth with about 13,000 prisoners. All is
ours. No more fighting in this woods for us of
any consequence. Company 'G' had nobody
killed. Wounded, Capt. Moore, severely, in
both legs, not dangerous .... The bal
ance of the company are all safe. Our wounded
are getting along well and are not in the least
danger. . . .
"We had killed and wounded about 8,000, the
enemy about 10,000. The field is covered with
dead for miles in length and breadth. I do not
pretend to state the precise number of killed or
wounded on either side, although the enemy
suffered vastly more than our forces. . . .
"Our regiment did not suffer very badly,
although they have suffered enough God knows.
We had 72 wounded and 7 killed, 5 missing. We
had five captains and lieutenants wounded,
none killed. The 12th and 14th Iowa were most
all taken prisoners the first day and are yet in
their hands. . . . Have not got any pay
yet. Col. B. is safe .... On the battle
field just before our regiment became engaged
I took out the little testament you gave me and
read a psalm. It did me good."^®
After the battle of Shiloh it appears that

MILITARY RECORD 43
General Halleck assumed personal command of
the main army at Pittsburg Landing and began
"with pick and spade" a slow advance upon
Corinth. Beauregard with greatly inferior
forces held him at bay for a long time and
finally left "only the sheU of his camp."
Corinth was occupied by the Union armies on
May 30th, and Halleck was called to Washing
ton in July to become general-in-chief, leaving
the Western forces in charge of Buell and
Grant. The Federal armies now dominated a vast
area, including Kentucky, most of Tennessee, a
section of Alabama, and a smaller portion of
Mississippi; "but the population was hostile;
the lines of communication ran through long,
unfriendly distances from Louisville, the far
away base on the Ohio River .... The
inhabitants showed their hostility by communi
cating misleading intelligence, by cutting off
stragglers and small detachments, by swooping
down in guerilla bands even upon heavy col
umns drawn out in a long march. ' '
In September Grant sent to Buell two divi
sions to aid in the defeat of the Confederate
invasion of Kentucky and Tennessee; "he still
had forty-six thousand men in the two armies
of the Tennessee and Mississippi, but they
were much scattered, guarding posts and com
munications in a hostile country." There were

44 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
considerable Confederate forces in and near
Vicksburg; and Memphis, "an unfriendly
city", must be held "as the base to which trans
ports brought" supplies. The Army of the
Mississippi lay at Corinth with 23,000 men
under General W. S. Rosecrans. Most of the
active work of dealing with the Confederates
fell to Rosecrans during this period. On Sep
tember 19th at luka, Alabama, a fight occurred
between the Federal forces and a part of the
Confederate army. Early in October the com
bined forces of the enemy attacked Rosecrans
at Corinth — the opposing armies being about
equal in strength. The fight continued for two
days, October 3rd and 4th, when the Confed
erates were allowed to retire without effective
pursuit.®^ The Second Iowa Infantry remained in camp
near Pittsburg Landing till the campaign
against Corinth began. Its record during this
period was devoid of noteworthy incidents. It
joined in the pursuit of the Confederate army
after the evacuation of Corinth, which involved
several days of hard marching. Afterwards it
went into camp near Corinth. The next oper
ation of any importance by the Second Iowa
was a march to luka; but the men did not take
part in the battle there on September 19th.
During this period Colonel Tuttle had been
made a brigadier-general. Lieutenant Colonel

MILITARY RECORD 45
James Baker had become colonel, and Lieuten
ant Weaver had been promoted to major, on
the eve of the battle of Corinth.**'
The circumstances under which Lieutenant
Weaver received his commission as major were
described by him to his son only a week or ten
days before his death. He was "in charge of
the outside guard on the picket line on the
evening of October 2, 1862. While thus en
gaged Col. Baker .... rode up to Lieut.
Weaver and said to him, 'Lieutenant, you are
placed under arrest. ' .... he saluted the
Colonel, drew his sword and reversing it,
handed it to the Colonel, at the same time say
ing, 'what does this mean!' Col. Baker then
drew from his pocket a paper which he handed
to Weaver. On being opened it proved to be
his commission as Major of the Regiment.
Col. Baker then said to Weaver 'I had this
done because I know that if anything happens
to your superior officers I can depend upon you
to take care of the Regiment'." The commis
sion as major was dated July 25, 1862.*^
From a different angle John M. Duffield,
captain of Company G from which Weaver was
promoted, gives a more detailed account of the
circumstances of his promotion and also of his
later appointment as colonel of the regiment.
"On the 2nd day of October", writes Duffield,
"as well as I remember, the word came to the

46 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
camp that Lieutenant Weaver had been com
missioned Major of the regiment, and that I
was ordered to relieve him. He was then in
charge of the outside guard, and I was ordered
to go and relieve him, and take his place in
command of the guard. The next morning
when I returned to camp, I saw there was great
dissatisfaction among the line officers because
of a Lieutenant having been promoted to Major
over all of the Captains of the Regiment.
"This feeling seemed to exist until the battle
of Corinth which took place on the 3d. day of
October. On that day Colonel Baker was mor
tally wounded, on the 4th day of October
Lieutenant [Colonel] Mills was mortally
wounded, and the command devolved on Major
Weaver who had only two days before that
been First Lieutenant, and had never been in
command of a regiment, or maneuvered a regi
ment. Major Weaver seemed to realize the
responsibility that rested upon him, and dis
played the greatest courage in directing his
men, in keeping close to the line of battle, and
encouraging his men to advance on the enemy.
When we had driven the enemy from the field,
a reenforcement of the enemy under Colonel
Johnson of the 18th Arkansas advanced on us.
Major Weaver rode up and down the line wav
ing his revolver over his head, and calling upon
the men to bring the enemy's colors down, and

LIEUTE.NANT .fAMES BAIED WEAVEE COLONEL JAMBS BAIISD WEAVEE
SeCOXD lOfTA INFANTKV SECOND. JOWA INFANTRY

MILITARY RECORD 47
every time that he shouted .... he fired at
the man carrying the colors with his own re
volver. When the sergeant carrying the colors
fell, the enemy fled, and Major Weaver was the
only man I saw in that charge on horseback;
all the other officers had dismounted. After
wards, when I was asked who that young officer
was that so gallantly rode up and down the line
encouraging his men, I told them it was Major
Weaver who had only two days before been
promoted from the First Lieutenancy from the
company which I commanded in that battle.
The man who asked me the question, then re
marked, that that was one of the bravest men
he ever saw.
"Ten days after that battle the line officers
met together to recommend someone for Col
onel of the Regiment, and I believe that General
Weaver received, the vote of every officer . .
- . for Colonel, and I am satisfied that his
bravery in that battle was what removed the
prejudice that seemed to exist by reason of his
having been promoted over other officers a few
days before."*^
The official report of the part taken by the
Second Infantry in the battle of Corinth was
made by Major Weaver. According to his
account the regiment went into the engagement
"with three field, two staff, and twenty-one line
officers, and three hundred and twenty men.

48 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
making an aggregate of three hundred and
forty-six. In the first day's battle near White
House, which was most stubbornly contested,
the loss of the regiment was very heavy, par
ticularly in officers .... an aggregate
of forty-two killed, wounded and missing in the
first day's engagement .... total killed,
wounded and missing in both days ' engagement,
108. . . .
' ' Colonel Baker fell mortally wounded on the
first day, at the very time his regiment was
charging on the retreating enemy with the
greatest enthusiasm and fury. He remarked as
he was being borne from the field, ' Thank God
when I fell my regiment was victoriously
charging'. Lieutenant Colonel Mills was
wounded in the second day's engagement, while
fighting with the most conspicuous courage and
coolness .... Colonel Baker expired on
the morning of the 7th at 11 o'clock and Lieu
tenant Colonel Mills on the 12th at 7 o'clock
. . . . After the fall of Lieutenant Colonel
Mills, .... the command devolved upon
myself. "*3
Two letters to his wife written by Major
Weaver from Corinth and dated October 6th
and 12th supplement his official report. In one
he writes that he assumed "command in the
forenoon of the 2nd day of the fight and took
the Regiment triumphantly through". In the

MILITARY RECORD 49
other letter he refers to the death of Colonel
Baker and indulges in some reflections natur
ally produced by the experiences through which
he had been passing. His deeply religious
nature is clearly displayed in this letter.**
After Corinth the Second Iowa, now reduced
in numbers by heavy losses, continued in ser
vice in Tennessee, Alabama, and Georgia,
during the fall and winter of 1862 and the spring
and early summer of 1863. For a whole year it
participated in no general engagement, but
formed part of the forces under General G. M.
Dodge, which indirectly assisted General Grant
in his campaign against Vicksburg by "keeping
open communications between Middle and West
Tennessee, in preventing raids, and in many
other ways". In the summer of 1863 the en
campment was moved to Lagrange, Tennessee,
and late in October to Pulaski where it went
into winter quarters.*^
From Pulaski the regiment started upon its
last great campaign, that of Atlanta. It left
Pulaski on April 29, 1864, and on May 9th
began skirmishing with the enemy in Georgia.
From that date till the fall of Atlanta in Sep
tember it was almost constantly "within the
sound of skirmish or battle". On May 14th
and 15th under the command of Colonel Weaver
it took part in the fighting which accompanied
the crossing of the Oostanaula River near

50 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Resaca, Georgia. "The regiment was the first
one thrown across the river after the pontoons
were laid, and .... by threatening the
enemy's communications, caused Resaca to be
evacuated." This was the last enterprise in
which Colonel Weaver commanded, as his three
year term of enlistment expired May 28, 1864,
when upon being mustered out he returned to
Bloomfield.*" After the fall of Atlanta the regiment joined
in the march to the sea, during which it "had
little fighting, except .... when General
Rice crossed the Ogeechee River in face of the
enemy and had a brisk engagement, in which
the Confederates were quickly and handsomely
whipped with considerable loss. The Second
lost two men slain and as many wounded in
this brilliant affair. A fortnight afterwards
the grand army entered Savannah in triumph. ' '
Late in January, 1865, after about a month
spent in the city, the march northward began.
The last battles of the regiment were fought
near Columbia and Lynch 's Creek, South Caro
lina, in February. At the latter place "many
of the men fought in their 'birth-day suits',
having stripped to cross the stream", and en
countering the enemy's cavalry before com
pleting the crossing. At Bentonville, the last
of General Sherman's engagements, the regi
ment was in the reserves.

MILITARY RECORD 51
The Second Infantry marched by Goldsboro,
Raleigh, Petersburg, and Richmond to Wash
ington where it took part in the grand review
in May, 1865. Remaining in camp near the city
till early in June, it then proceeded to Louis
ville, Kentucky, where it was mustered out of
service on July 12th. From Louisville the
regiment moved to Davenport "where it was
received by the citizens en masse, and wel
comed back to the State by the Hon. Hiram
Price, Representative in Congress. Colonel
Howard responded briefly, and the regiment
marched to camp for the last time, and was
soon finally disbanded."*''
Colonel Weaver had been mustered out May
27, 1864, at the expiration of his term of enlist
ment, and honorably discharged from service.
Consequently he had no part in the later
activities of the Second Iowa around Atlanta
and on the march northward. He returned to
Bloomfield and entered actively upon the prac
tice of his profession. His military experiences
"made a deep impression upon his character.
He ever remained a warm defender of those
who had taken part in defending the Union and
both in public and private life remained loyal
to his comrades." He was "brevetted Briga
dier General United States Volunteers, March
13, 1865, 'for gallant and meritorious services
and conduct on the field of battle '."*»

52 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Captain A. A. Stuart, in his volume on Iowa
Colonels and Regiments, describes Weaver "as
a good and brave officer", and adds that "there
are few who were as cool as he in battle. At
Shiloh, while the 2d and 7th Iowa were running
that terrible gauntlet, on the afternoon of the
first day's fight, Captain Moore, of company
G, was shot through both legs and disabled.
Lieutenant Weaver stopped, picked him up, and
bore him from the field. Under the circum
stances, not one man in five thousand would
have imitated his example. He is a member of
the Methodist Church, and is one of the few
officers who abstained from the use of liquor in
the service."*®

IV
Commandeb of the Post at Pulaski
As has been stated the Second Iowa Infantry
was stationed at Pulaski, Tennessee, from
November, 1863, to April, 1864, during which
time Colonel Weaver "was assigned to the
command of the post at Pulaski by order of
Gen. G. M. Dodge, commander of the left wing
of the 16th army corps. . . . Gen. Dodge
issued an order and made it public, in which he
stated that his army was in need of supplies of
every kind, and that if the people would bring
in supplies, vouchers would be rendered for the
same without making any inquiries as to the
loyalty or disloyalty of the parties. The people
brought in their supplies and vouchers were
given, and they were all paid by the assistant
commissary general, Cyrus C. Carpenter.
"During my administration as commander
of the post", reads the Weaver statement, "a
large number of refugees came within our
lines. They came from the Confederate army
in Alabama and elsewhere. They were totally
without supplies and destitute, and at that time
they could not be allowed to depart without
restraint. Gen. Dodge issued an order com- 53

54 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
manding me [Weaver] to make a levy of $2000,
as I now remember, from wealthy citizens living
in the vicinity, for the purpose of paying for
supplies necessary for the" sustenance of these
refugees. In obedience to that order I issued
an order reciting the authority under which I
was acting, and served it upon certain parties
. . . . The money collected was paid direct
to Col. Cyrus C. Carpenter, assistant commis
sary general .... and did not pass
through my hands, if I remember correctly,
and the wants of the refugees were supplied.
In no event was one cent retained by myself
"I did not dispossess any one of their dwell
ing houses and appropriate the same for officers
quarters during my stay in Pulaski. My head
quarters were in the Court House and I boarded
with a private family, that of Mrs. Ballentyne.
The officers of my regiment lived in their tents
in line with their respective companies. The
several divisions, brigades and regiments en
camped at Pulaski were not under my author
ity — not even my own regiment — while I was
in command of the post .... My associ
ation with the people was as peaceful and
fraternal as possible during the existence of
hostilities, and remarkably so in all that region
of the country. ' ' ^*
The foregoing statement made by Colonel

COMMANDER AT PULASKI 55
Weaver was in reply to charges of cruelty and
oppression directed at him by political oppo
nents during the campaign of 1892. His speech-
making tour in the South was disturbed by
threats of violence, and he was compelled to
give up his appointments in Georgia where
systematic opposition was encountered. The
basis of this hostility was a revival of sectional
feeling aimed at a political candidate who
threatened to weaken the dominant party con
trol in the South. Its spirit was shown by the
remark of one of the residents of Pulaski who,
addressing a reporter sent to investigate the
charges, referred to Weaver as that "darned
Yankee Colonel. "^^
In a letter addressed to Weaver at the time.
General Dodge declared that "twenty-five or
thirty years after the war they propose to
punish in the South a good soldier, which you
were, for simply obeying orders from a supe
rior officer; it does not make any difference to
me whether the orders were good or bad or
cruel. It is a very singular thing because a
soldier obeyed an order in the Federal army he
should be denounced in the South where their
orders were far more strict than ours.
"Then, again, it is very singular to me that
Giles County, Tennessee, should object to any
order, because, as you know I commanded there.
I did not force the oath upon any person. I

56 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
said to those people — knowing them to be all
in sympathy with the South — that if they
would send in to our different posts what they
had to sell we would buy it from them, but if we
went after it we would not pay for it.
"Now, the refugee order was an order from
General Sherman to me and I gave it to you.
General Sherman planted himself upon the
ground that these were their own people. And
if because they were Union, people they forced
them out of their line into ours, that the Rebels
in our lines should take care of them. ' ' ^^
Another account of Colonel Weaver's con
duct as commander of the post at Pulaski was
by a resident of the place written twenty-eight
years later in reply to an inquiry by the editor
of the The Weehly Toiler of Nashville, Ten
nessee. The writer referred to Colonel Weaver
"as a Christian gentleman" whom he had
known well, as his tent had been on his "prem
ises, within sixty feet of my dwelling house, for
one whole winter. His tent was his head
quarters until he was ordered to the court
house, which was in full view, to take command
of the post, which duty he performed until his
regiment was ordered to Chattanooga. He was
commander of the post say about half the
winter of 1863-4, but his tent was not taken
down until he made his final move. . , .
"I had built my house in the edge of a grove

COMMANDER AT PULASKI 57
of tall trees, the nearest grove to the town of
Pulaski, looking to the eastward. It was a
grand grove and I felt proud of it. On the
evening of the day that the 2d Iowa took pos
session of and encamped in my grove I sought
Col. Weaver and plead for my grove, telling
him that I had been raised in the country
amongst the trees, and had it not been for that
grove I should not have remained in the coun
try; and more than that, that I intended to
preserve it for the benefit of others as well as
for myself. Just at that moment I spied some
soldiers passing, each with a couple of fence
rails on his shoulder. I remarked if my fences
are burned they can be replaced but if this
grove is destroyed I can not live long enough to
grow another. Col. Weaver straightened him
self to his full heighth and declared with
emphasis, 'It shall not be cut' ., . . . He
did not go back on his word. He gave me to
understand that he did not make war upon the
citizen."^* A reporter for The Weehly Toiler also inter
viewed Mr. A. J. Ballentine, a prominent citizen
of Pulaski, with whose mother Colonel Weaver
boarded during his stay in that town. His
reply to a question for information ' ' about this
rascal Weaver" was a vigorous one. "Young
man, if you want to hear anything in the way
of abuse of Gen. Weaver never come to a

58 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
BaUentine after it. As for me, I never saw
Gen. Weaver, and was opposed to him during
the war and am against him now [1892]. With
all that, I can never say a word against a man
who protected my mother and sister as Gen.
Weaver did while he boarded with them. He
knew that my mother had four sons in the Con
federate army, yet he treated her with the
greatest respect. I was in the army at the time
and know nothing of Weaver, as an officer or as
a gentleman. All I know is that mother said
he was a gentleman, and a kind-hearted, brave
soldier. So, you see, young man, when my
mother (she's been dead two years now) tells
me that this man was a nice man, it is hard for
me to believe otherwise. I remember one morn
ing after the close of the war that she asked me
to see after some papers she had. They proved
to be vouchers for supplies given to Weaver.
I took them very reluctantly and told her she
would never realize anything on them. A few
weeks later she asked me about them, and I con
fessed that I thought so little about them that
I had lost them down at the store. Gen.
Weaver, however, came to the rescue, and tried
to get the money for us. My brother was with
the general in congress and I have heard him
speak of Weaver often. "^*

V
Depending the Home Country
Iowa, like all States near the boundary between
slave and free territory, suffered from disturb
ances caused by sympathizers with the South.
So-called Copperheads opposed the war and
urged peace much as do the pacifists of the
present. Under the mask of opposition to the
war, "Knights of the Golden Circle, draft
evaders, deserters", and other more disrepu
table characters committed all sorts of out
rages, not even stopping short of murder. The
first open violence occurred in Keokuk County
in August, 1863; while in October of the same
year Fremont County witnessed similar out
breaks. In October, 1864, "outrageous mur
ders were committed in Sugar Creek Township,
Poweshiek County."
Murders of Union men also took place in
Davis County at about the same time. ' ' Twelve
young men, dressed in Federal uniform, mount
ed on splendid horses, and armed with from
two to seven revolvers each, entered the county
near the southeast corner, on the morning of
the 12th of October, 1864." They rode through 59

60 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
the county, robbing the farmers along their
route and threatening all sorts of violence.
Many of the people of Bloomfield were at the
county fair, and when rumors of the raid
reached there, it resulted in the breaking up of
the fair and the return to town of the men. An
attack was "momentarily expected; men were
placed on the tops of houses, as look-outs, to
watch and warn us of approaching danger.
Men, women, and children were hurrying to and
fro .... All was hurry, bustle, and con
fusion; all were willing and vied with each
other in getting ready to meet the danger . .
. . But there was no one to take command,
and bring order out of chaos. The voice of a
citizen was heard above the din and confusion,
proposing that Col. J. B. Weaver, late of the
2d Iowa Infantry, take command of all the
militia, and that every man would yield prompt
and implicit obedience to his command. A
universal shout of approval rang out along the
lines, and confidence was seen and felt in the
cheerful obedience to every order issued.
"A company of mounted men, led by Col.
Weaver .... started in pursuit late in
the afternoon, leaving the command of the
militia, for the defense of the town", to Lieu
tenant Colonel S. A. Moore who was "mate
rially assisted by Capt. Gray, Capt. Minge, and
a large number of returned soldiers, whose

DEFENDING THE HOME COUNTRY 61
nerves had been trained to steadiness at Fort
Donelson, Shiloh, Pea Ridge, siege of Vicks
burg and other fields, made glorious by their
valor." The force under Colonel Weaver fol
lowed the trail until midnight, when they were
in Missouri, five miles behind the raiders.
Finding it impossible to overtake them, "they
reluctantly retraced their steps homeward."
Preparations were made for the defense of
the county seat. Rumors came that the Con
federate army was on the western ' ' side of the
Missouri river; the valley of the Des Moines,
with its immense supplies of provisions and
forage, was surely [its] destination unless met
and driven back by the federal army ....
The inhabitants of the county were fully
aroused to the importance of the occasion;
companies, armed and unarmed, were called
out, and performed cheerfully the guard and
patrol duties assigned them."
An order was issued by the Governor's aid-
de-camp "to Col. Weaver, instructing him to
take command of the entire militia forces of
the county, and to put as many men on duty on
the border as he thought the public safety re
quired. One hundred mounted men and two
commissioned officers were detailed by the
Colonel, and assigned to duty along the south
line of the county, with instructions to patrol

62 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
the roads day and night. Twenty-five men were
detailed to do duty in the county seat, and in
structed to arrest every suspicious-looking
stranger that could be found in the vicinity.
The same instructions were given to the troops
on the border .... Over one hundred
persons have been arrested and turned back to
Missouri, at one post (Savannah). Ceaseless
vigilance was the order of the day. A chain of
couriers was appointed, reaching to every
school district in the border townships, and
every precaution taken to guard against
surprise. "On the evening of the 21st day of October,
1864, a courier arrived .... from Pu
laski, with the intelligence that a body of
twenty-five mounted men had been seen that
morning, some three or four miles from Milton,
in Van Buren county. Some forty men were
immediately mounted on horseback, many of
them 'pressed' for the occasion, and started in
the direction of Milton, fifteen miles distant,
under command of Col. Weaver. ' ' On the way
information was received that the raiders were
encamped six miles south of Milton. At Milton
they found "the militia of Troy, Pulaski, and
other posts of the county, with the forces in the
vicinity". About daylight the next morning
the force reached the place where the raiders
were supposed to be encamped only to find that

DEFENDING THE HOIME COUNTRY 63
they had left there about nine o'clock the pre
ceding evening. "The command was again
mounted, and started in pursuit ; but with some
nine hours the start of us, it was impossible to
overtake them. Their tracks indicated that
they had divided into small squads, taking as
many different roads. We scoured the country
for some twenty miles in Missouri, and failing
to find them, returned".
From that time to the evening of November
seventh there was comparative quiet, although
"the number of strangers constantly passing
and attempting to pass through the county"
gave rise to the fear that "Southern fugitives"
would concentrate ' ' somewhere near the border,
and make another raid for pillage and murder. ' '
On November 7th six persons entered the
county from the east, traveling in pairs. Two
of them stopped at a house and "in a rude,
boisterous manner demanded something to
eat". On the refusal of the lady of the house
"to get dinner for them, they helped themselves
to what they could find in the cupboard, and
left. ' ' They went to another house and put up
for the night. Three men of the neighborhood
determined to arrest them and went to the
house where they were staying. In the strug
gle that followed one member of the arresting
party was killed and one wounded, while one
of the strangers was injured but managed to

64 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
escape. The militia arrived in a short time and
pursued, but in the darkness the men made
their escape. Their horses and equipment were
captured. "Their saddle-pockets were filled
with powder, balls, percussion-caps, bullet-
molds, horse-shoe nails. Everything about
their equipages indicated that they were rebel
bushwhackers or Confederate soldiers."
The news of this outrage reached Bloomfield
quickly. "The militia were called out, the
roads were patrolled and guarded in every
direction. Quite a number of strangers had
been seen during the day in different parts of
the county. Many believed that an attack was
contemplated the next day, the day of the
Presidential election."
Arrests were made, and at one time there
were as many as thirteen men in jail. Two
United States detectives "came along, and be
ing arrested and confined with the prisoners
obtained much information of value ....
in regard to the future movements in contem
plation by the bands of scoundrels who have
infested northern Missouri since the rebellion.
The prisoners were all sent to Missouri and
placed in the hands of the proper authorities.
Nine contraband horses, with their equip
ments," were captured by the militia and sold.
The belief was very prevalent that "large num
bers of rebels" were "quietly wintering in

DEFENDING THE HOME COUNTRY 65
Iowa with a view of recruiting their horses and
recuperating themselves preparatory to a con
centration at some point in the spring. "^^ The
people along the southern border of Iowa were
urged to be on the alert and to question all
strangers whom they met. Every loyal man
was advised to have at least one revolver in
addition to the arms furnished by the State and
to carry this with him at all times ready for
immediate use.

VI
A Republican Leadee
1865-1877
Colonel Wbaveb's military record gave him a
position of leadership in Davis County and
southern Iowa which entitled him to consider
ation in the councils of the Republican party of
the State. The party that had carried the war
through to a successful conclusion occupied a
peculiarly strong place in the support of the
people, while the Democracy was weakened by
its connection with slavery and disunion. In
1865 the Burlington Weehly Hawh-Eye declared
that ' ' the vastly preponderant sentiment of the
soldier is with the Republican ticket ....
Governor Stone is sure of an overwhelming
majority. His associates on the State ticket
are destined to win; and the Legislature will
hardly have a copperhead in it to represent a
miserable band of plotters and traitors. ' ' The
same paper a few months later described "the
military element in the Legislature" as "very
strong. It is our opinion that fully one-half
the members have served in the army. ' ' ^® The
same conditions that produced a line of soldier
Presidents after the war opened official posi-

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 67
tions all over the country to the men who had
served in the army.
General Weaver's own ability and interest in
politics, which had developed before the out
break of the war, inclined him to take advan
tage of the favorable situation. Within about
a year after his return to civil life he was a
candidate for nomination as Lieutenant Gov
ernor before the Republican Convention, stand
ing second in the number of votes received on
the first ballot. Benjamin F. Gue was the suc
cessful candidate for the nomination. Out of a
total of nearly 900 delegates Gue had the sup
port of over 500, Weaver came next with from
250 to 255, George W. McCrary received 80,
and another candidate recorded 32. Upon a mo
tion made by Weaver and seconded by McCrary,
the nomination of Gue was made unanimous. ^^
After the election in October it appears that
Weaver sent a letter to the Burlington Weehly
Hawh-Eye enthusiastically expressing his in
terest in the victory of the Republican party.
The letter ran as follows: "Dear 'Hawk-Eye'.
— Davis county is thoroughly redeemed : 150 to
200 majority for the whole union ticket, both
State and County. Who can do better than
this? "58
The next year Weaver's activity is recorded
in his signature to the call for a convention in
the first Congressional district as a member of

68 JAMBS BAIRD WEAVER
the committee representing Davis County.^"
At the October election he was the successful
candidate for district attorney in the second
judicial district which was then made up of
Davis, Appanoose, Wapello, Monroe, Van
Buren, and Wayne counties. The election was
for four years.^" Soon after the election he
sent letters to the Burlington Weehly Hawh-
Eye and the Gate City of Keokuk. He called
the attention of the Hawh-Eye to the fact that
Davis County gave "J. F. Wilson 300 majority
over Fitz Henry Warren, Preacher to Guate
mala — State and county ticket from 250 to
280. Who has done better? You will see that
we have doubled our last year's majority." In
his letter to the Gate City he wrote: "The
Copperheads refused to vote for Warren be
cause they heard he was Minister to Guatemala.
'Preachers,' they say, 'should not meddle in
politics.' Fatal for Warren."*^
In 1867 General Weaver was appointed by
President Johnson to the office of assessor of
internal revenue for the first district of Iowa,
in which he served the government for six
years — or until the office was abolished by an
act of Congress in 1872 providing for the abo
lition of the offices of assessor and assistant
assessor on or before June 30, 1873. Previously
there had been a collector and assessor in each
collection district. These districts were estab-

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 69
lished by the President and could not exceed in
number in any State the number of its repre
sentatives in Congress. The assessor divided
his district into a convenient number of assess
ment districts, in each of which an assistant
assessor was appointed by the Secretary of the
Treasury upon the nomination of the assessor.
After 1873 the duties of the assessors devolved
upon the collectors, and the new system proved
more efficient and economical."^
General Weaver's ability as a public speaker
was forcibly described in the Burlington
Weehly Ha/ivh-Eye in 1871. In September he
had addressed a Republican meeting at Bur
lington where, according to the account, "he
spoke for an hour and a quarter, comparing the
platforms of the two parties in this State, con
trasting the histories, the purposes, and the
principles of the two parties in the country, and
advocating the reasonableness of the claim of
the Republican party for a continuance of its
beneficent rule and the absurdity of Demo
cratic pretensions. This portraiture in both
cases was striking, and his reference to the
deeds of the Republican party and the develop
ment of its great central ideas of liberty and
progress were eloquent and thrilling, and
stirred the blood of his hearers into repeated
outbursts of applause.
"Gen. Weaver was listened to with close

70 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
attention, and made an excellent impression
upon those who heard him. We have not room
for a complete synopsis even of his speech, but
must content ourselves with this general ref
erence to it, and in advising all our readers to
improve the first opportunity they have to
listen to this able defender of the Republican
faith. ""^^
By the year 1872, if not earlier. General
Weaver had come to be regarded as a prospec
tive Congressman to represent the first district
following Wilson and McCrary, and later the
sixth district when Davis County had been set
off from its old connections. In 1872 he was
one of the presidential electors, representing
the sixth district."*
It was in 1874 that General Weaver came
within one vote of receiving the nomination for
Congressman in the sixth district. On the in
formal ballot he had thirty-two votes to his
principal opponent's twenty-four — two other
candidates receiving eleven votes. On the first
formal ballot the two leading candidates had
thirty-two and twenty-six votes respectively
and one other candidate had eight. But on the
second formal and final ballot Weaver received
thirty-three votes, while his successful oppo
nent. Judge E. S. Sampson, had thirty-four
votes. Weaver had been regarded as the probable

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 71
nominee and there were many charges made
both by Republicans and Democrats that he
was defeated by unfair means. One delegate
was reported to have desired to change his
vote before the final ballot, but the chairman of
his delegation refused to announce it. The
friends of Weaver were so aroused that they
sent a committee to Sampson to urge him not
to accept the nomination, while at the same time
his opponents sent a committee to the candi
date to urge his acceptance. The convention
was held at Ottumwa and Judge Sampson was
holding court at Fairfield. Both committees
started from Ottumwa on the evening train to
interview the candidate. One of the members
of the committee, disappointed by Weaver's
defeat, telegraphed Sampson not to accept the
nomination till he saw the committee. Both
committees conferred with the candidate, who
took the matter under advisement and a few
days later announced his acceptance."^
The Iowa State Register in referring to the
nomination of Sampson declared that "no bet
ter selection could possibly have been made,
unless, indeed, General Weaver had been
chosen, and that would have been a choice un
doubtedly as good, but perhaps no better.
General Weaver gave Judge Sampson close and
gallant contest, and lost the prize by only one
vote. That the General did not succeed will be

72 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
regretted by thousands and tens of thousands
of his devoted friends and admirers in all parts
of the State. Outside of the District, the feel
ing was largely and warmly in his favor, and it
was generally supposed that there was little
doubt of his success. It would have pleased us
to chronicle here his nomination."""
The Bloomfield Democrat declared that "the
nomination was secured by such trickery that
numbers of the Republicans refuse to support
the ticket", and that many Republicans "be
lieved, and justly too, that Weaver had been
most villainously cheated out of a nomination. ' '
Later this paper described the nomination as
coming to Sampson "by the meanest kind of
wire pulling, by political chicanery, and by the
use of dishonorable transactions." Another
editorial in the same paper stated that recently
Sampson had "assured Gen. Weaver himself,
while the twain were riding in a railroad coach,
together, that he (Sampson) would not in any
manner stand in the way of the other's aspira
tions. We have received this information from
Republican sources, and have every reason to
believe it authentic .... Weaver is hon
estly entitled to the nomination. Thru scul-
duggery Sampson was boosted ahead of him."
Again a week later the Bloomfield Democrat,
commenting upon a statement that "what de
feated Weaver .... was the same thing

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 73
that defeated Harlan, the Methodist Church",
declared that "the people have concluded that
the Methodist Church cannot run this country.
This is only an excuse ; the true reason was that
Weaver would not pledge himself to continue
the present set of Federal officials in their com
fortable quarters, if he should be elected. He
didn't propose to go into the race handicapped
with Warden and Hedrick and Hamilton; so
these worthies and the rest of the ring pro
ceeded to slaughter him and place the nomina
tion where it would do good. The Methodist
Church may do for a scape-goat, but the true
reason for Weaver's defeat is the one we have
given above.""''
Apparently Weaver was regarded as the
logical nominee in the sixth district in 1874.
His personal strength is shown by the fact that
he later carried the district three times as an
independent candidate. Clearly there was dis
tinct and interested opposition to him. His
ability and independence explain this opposi
tion as satisfactorily as it can be accounted for
by a study of contemporary political conditions.
The opposition in the Republican party to able
and fearless leadership that has defeated it
from time to time was already gathering
strength in 1874. It was to be one of the fac
tors in driving Weaver out of the party a few
years later.

74 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
In 1875 General Weaver was the leading
candidate for the nomination as Governor be
fore the Republican State Convention. He
made a vigorous campaign and won a majority
of the delegates. The opposing candidates
were John RusseU, John H. Gear, Robert
Smythe, and W. B. Fairfield. Weaver had
aligned himself fearlessly "with the elements
which were demanding the vigorous control or
entire suppression of the saloons, and the public
control of the railways and other semi-public
corporations." When his opponents found that
"he was going to be nominated, unless some
strong new feature or issue, or some new and
stronger man, could be introduced on the scene,
there was much of canvassing all night long the
night before the Convention met, to devise a
winning plan and accomplish Weaver's over
throw. ' '
His most active opponents were "the liquor
or saloon people". The corporation repre
sentatives "were also nearly all opposed to
him, but not nearly so earnestly nor so unan
imously as the saloon element." Various pro
posals were considered, among them one to
nominate General G. M. Dodge; but it was
known that he would not accept because he did
not want the office and because of his friendship
for General Weaver. After canvassing this
possibility "the saloon people began to turn to

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 75
Kirkwood, and yet morning came without any
regular programme having been reached to
present his name or to work the stampede from
Weaver. ' ' "®
The convention met in Des Moines on June
30th at Moore's Opera House, "with the house
so crowded that several of the delegations had to
be seated on the stage. There was much gossip
and speculation among the delegates as to what
was to be done, and the whole Convention was
plainly nervous and expectant of something
sensational going to happen. There was no
chosen leader to take charge of the Kirkwood
boom, or to openly antagonize the Weaver
majority." Senator Frank T. Campbell nominated Gen
eral Weaver; and then in turn John Russell of
Jones County, John H. Gear of Des Moines
County, Robert Smythe of Linn County, and
W. B. Fairfield of Floyd County were named.
At this point in the proceedings Dr. S. M.
Ballard arose to nominate Ex-Governor Kirk
wood; and General Trumbull of Dubuque in
quired if he had authority to present the name.
Dr. Ballard, "a veteran white haired Repub
lican of imposing form", replied: "I have the
authority of the great Republican party of
Iowa". This statement was greeted with tre
mendous cheering, and Russell and Gear imme
diately withdrew their names, declaring they

76 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
would not oppose the "Old War Governor".
Senator Campbell asked if friends of Kirkwood
had not received a dispatch from him saying
that he was not a candidate. This inquiry was
replied to by cries that it made no difference.
Dr. Ballard moved to nominate by acclamation,
but the motion was opposed and withdrawn.
An informal ballot was taken and resulted in
the casting of 268 votes for Kirkwood, 200 for
Weaver, 111 for Smythe, and 33 for Fairfield;
a total of 612 making 307 necessary for a choice.
A formal ballot was next taken, but before the
vote was counted, delegations began to change
to Kirkwood, whereupon Captain John A. T.
Hull, of Davis County, moved to make the nom
ination unanimous, an action that was greeted
"with thundering applause.""®
The stampede of the convention away from
Weaver so greatly desired by the anti-prohi
bition and pro-corporation delegates had been
accomplished; but the result was probably
brought about by "instantly utilizing a way
opened to them in a time of great need" and
not by originating the movement. "The Con
vention in its highly wrought condition and
excitement was hypnotized, as so many large
popular bodies frequently are, and enough of
General Weaver's delegates were swept off
their feet and carried along by the storm to
furnish the votes needed to make a majority

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 77
for Kirkwood .... Before the next day
had come, and the spell was over, many of those
who had helped to do it, deeply regretted it,
and would have undone it if they could. ' '
A combination of circumstances in connec
tion with the adroit use of the name of the
"War Governor" without his knowledge, swept
the nomination that "General Weaver had so
ardently coveted, and had so clearly and hon
estly won .... out of his hands and his
whole course in life [was thereby] changed."
After General Weaver's death in 1912 James
S. Clarkson, long the editor of The Iowa State
Register and prominent in the Republican
party of the State, recorded his recollection
and judgment of the convention of 1875. He
felt at the time, and had felt ever since that
Weaver "was treated unjustly .... and
given ample provocation for the course that he
afterwards took. I have always believed, too,
that the unjust action of that Convention
caused in the end as much of loss to the Repub
lican party as it did to General Weaver. For
at that time he was already one of the two or
three strongest men in mental force, debating
power and popular influence in the Republican
party in Iowa; and if he had been given the
nomination for Governor then, for which he
had an unquestionable majority of the dele
gates when the Convention met, he would have

78 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
been elected, would have made a strong and
popular Governor, and would almost surely
have been afterwards elected United States
Senator and would have made such a great
career in the Senate, as a parliamentary leader
and debater as to have added greatly even to
the great power and renown which Iowa,
through its unusually able men in Congress
between 1861 and until about 1908 enjoyed — a
renown and a power which were equalled by no
other delegation in Congress except that of the
State of Maine."
Mr. Clarkson believed that General Weaver
was compelled to leave the Republican party
"in vindication of his self-respect". He never
blamed him "for the course that he took"; and
"in the inner circles of the Republican party,
and among fair men everywhere, this view was
taken. It was a most serious sacrifice to him,
for he had a nature which prized and treasured
personal friendships as being really the sweeter
things in human life, and the most of his friend
ships were among the Republicans. His orig
inal aspirations were all within the party of his
first choice. His illustrious career as a soldier,
and the devotion to him of all Union soldiers
but added to this. At different times, and in
different ways, but of course always without
publicity, many of us in the Republican party
sought to open the way for the self-refepecting

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 79
return of the General to the party. But the
right way could never be opened; and besides
the General once he had entered upon his new
career of fighting the Republican party, because
of its growing tendency no longer to keep hu
man rights and human interests above ah
property rights and property interests, felt
that it was his duty to stay at the new post in
the new field."
In concluding his tribute, Mr. Clarkson de
clared that it was "to the eternal credit of
General Weaver that the main motives and de
sires of his life always were to serve his fellow
man. Generously endowed by nature, in both
mental and physical force, he could easily have
won fortune and success in several fields. .
. . when the call of duty came, however, and
he became convinced that the government was
drifting into the control of the special interests
and the privileged classes, and from Lincoln's
ideal of a 'government of the people, by the
people, for the people,' he did not hesitate to
make the sacrifice and give up all his personal
ambitions and go to the defence of the people.
Then he became one of the forerunners, and I
think the greatest of them all, in the great pop
ular movement to resist this tendency to make
our Republic a government of money, by money,
for money, and not of men, which is now nation
wide, and so valiantly led by Roosevelt and

80 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
other gallant spirits following on these higher
paths where Weaver led. Millions of fair men
who opposed the General then, and honestly
thought him visionary or seeking personal
power and renown through new and untenable
issues, find it a pleasing duty to themselves to
do him justice now."''*'
The evening session of the Republican con
vention that nominated Kirkwood as Governor
in 1875 completed the State ticket and adopted
a platform. A spirited discussion was carried on
in regard to temperance, the currency. Southern
questions, and a third term for the President
of the United States. The chief controversy,
however, was waged about prohibition, to
which the platform as reported by the com
mittee on resolutions made no reference. By
a delegate from Keokuk a resolution was pro
posed for which General Weaver immediately
offered a substitute, declaring that "the Repub
lican party of Iowa is opposed to the repeal of
the prohibitory liquor law of this State, and
will stand by its record on that question." A
motion was then made and adopted to refer
both proposals to the committee on resolutions
with instructions to report "forthwith".
A little later the committee brought in a sub
stitute of its own to the effect that it was the
duty and right of the State "to provide such
legislation upon the subject of the liquor traffic

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 81
as will best protect ¦ society from the evils of
intemperance." Colonel Henderson proposed
to leave the matter to the General Assembly
and to the people. Attention then was given to
General Weaver's substitute. Mr. Potter of
Scott County protested against its adoption,
since it would drive 20,000 Republicans out of
the party; and he urged the reference of the
question to the people. In reply General
Weaver said that 40,000 Republicans would
leave the party if the platform did not confirm
the record of the party. "I warn you not to
defy the temperance sentiment in the Repub
lican party". Potter replied with a warning
against crippling the Republican party by
adopting the prohibition test, and he was sup
ported by another delegate from Scott County.
Judge Nourse spoke in favor of honesty in the
platform. He opposed the committee's resolu
tion for it meant nothing; "the resolution of
Gen. Weaver" was "the only one" that had
"any ring to it." Delegates from Floyd and
Dubuque counties favored temperance, but ob
jected to crowding it down the throats of those
opposed to it. Finally, "the resolution and all
its amendments were laid upon the table — the
vote on both sides being heavy and strong, but
the majority clearly and largely with the
ayes."''^ The attitude of opponents of prohibition on

82 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
the position taken by General Weaver is clearly
illustrated by editorials which appeared in the
Bloomfield Democrat. One editorial declared
that "when Gen. Weaver comes to be nomi
nated for the State Senate next fall, the nat
uralized citizens of this county will remember
that he said .... 'The time has come
for American civilization to assert itself against
European dictation.' Properly interpreted,
this means that a foreign born citizen has no
right to drink a glass of beer against the pro
tests of a native American cold-waterite. The
Gen. may yet have cause to regret this enunci
ation of know-nothing sentiments."
Another editorial in the same number of the
same paper, referred to General Weaver in
connection with a comment of the State Leader,
which said that "it is time we hear from Gen
eral Weaver of Davis county. If Kirkwood is
for license how can General Weaver support
him in the face of his speech made in the state
convention? "¦'2
Late in August of the same year General
Weaver was nominated for State Senator from
Davis County by acclamation. After the other
candidates had been named, "Weaver was
vociferously called for"; whereupon he arose
and spoke as follows:
Gentlemen of the Convention : I thank you for the
nomination you have to-day given me. I assure you

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 83
that it is appreciated on my part, because it came
from those with whom I have lived from my child
hood, and for the further reason that it was entirely
unsolicited on my part. No member of this Conven
tion can say that I have asked directly or indirectly,
for this nomination. I have lived among you 33
years, and this is the first time that my name has
been before a Convention in this county. I wish to
remark right here, that as you have taken the respon
sibility of nominating me to-day, upon you will rest
the responsibility of electing me ; but while I lay upon
you this responsibility, I shall, at the same time do
everything in my power, during the canvas to secure
my election, and the election of the whole ticket. We
must have no scratching at this election, if we can
help it. Let us by united work secure a triumph in
Davis county this fall. The people of this county.
Democrats, alike with Republicans, have a common
interest, in securing good officials and good govern
ment. I promise you, gentlemen, if elected, to do the
very best I can for the interests of this country.
There is one thing, however, which I wish clearly
understood — one thing that I intend to live and die
by — I am a prohibitionist.
"Under cover of the applause which greeted
this declaration, the Gen. retreated, to give way
to Power [the nominee for Representative],
who said that he was not a speech making man,
but that he endorsed the principles advanced
by Weaver, and would represent the principles
of the party, this winter, if elected.""

84 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
The campaign opened immediately. Accord
ing to the Bloomfield Democrat, which referred
to the Republican convention as "Hull's Con
vention", the "Ring Ticket was nominated",
and the "Bloomfield Clique have it their own
way". A meeting at Pulaski on September 20th,
at which the Democratic candidates began their
canvass, was attended by fully as large a
crowd "as the one addressed by General
Weaver, the week before." Senator H. A.
Wonn, who was a candidate for reelection,
replied to Weaver's questions as to his course
in the State Senate. He showed that "instead
of voting 'first, last, and all the time' for the
railroads, as had been charged by Weaver, he
gave repeated votes for measures which were
intended to curtail the power of those corpora
tions. Mr. Hotchkiss [candidate for Repre
sentative] followed in a reply to Weaver's
speech, and made a very telling argument
against the position taken by the would-be Sen
ator. Weaver's statement on the currency
question was shown up by quotations from the
decisions of the Supreme Court." A crowd of
Republicans led by Hull, the county chairman,
were described as conducting "themselves in a
boisterous and sacreligious manner in the
church. When Gen. Weaver spoke he had the
consideration to ask that no demonstrations of
that character be made."'^*

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 85
Early in October the same paper contained
comments upon the campaign to the effect that
"Weaver goes about the county saying that
under the operation of the present railroad law
the people of Iowa have saved a million of
dollars in the past year". It also was stated
that "Wonn, in the Senate, voted for a substi
tute to the present railroad law, which provided
that railroads should charge only reasonable
fare; yet the Republican charges that he voted
in the interests of the railroads. "'^^
After the election the Democrat declared that
"Weaver stepped into nomination for Senator
at the County Convention, by acclamation, but
stepped out by one hundred and thirty-nine
majority in ballots." Another editorial in the
same paper reminded its readers that they must
not forget their "allies, the Liberal Repub
licans and Anti-Monopolists who stood shoulder
to shoulder with us ... . Along with
these allies of the Democracy we wish to thank
those Republicans who had no stomach for ring
rule and clique dictation, and aided our cause
with their votes."''"
A week later the Democrat described the
election as "the best fight the Democracy of
Davis county ever made within our recollection
. . . . The strongest man the Republicans
could select as their leader. Gen. Weaver, con
ducted the most thorough canvas ever made

86 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
here, and was defeated. Preponderance of
votes did the work .... Every available
vote in the county was in the ballot boxes."''''
Still another reference in the same paper de
scribed "the gubernatorial election" in Davis
County as "a mere matter of form, an event of
no moment. The grand center of attraction
was Weaver. Weaver was the perfect embodi
ment of radical Republicanism, and radical
Republicanism loved and caressed, petted and
worshiped the General; but dear friends, all
sublunary things are uncertain. — Fortune is a
fickle Goddess. Weep no more, dear friends;
the way is yet open; the Democracy are mag
nanimous in time of victory; so throw away
your broken sticks, abandon your false idols
and ye shall be received with outstretched arms
of welcome".''®
The attitude of the Republican papers was
reflected in the statement that Weaver "has the
entire Republican press of the State to aid in
salving his political wounds ' '.
One paper was quoted as saying that the
"defeat of no man in the State will be more
generally regretted than that of General
Weaver .... he could and will wield
more Real influence in the State Senate, than
fifty like the gentleman who has defeated him
. . . . the people of Davis county ....
will regret their unwise act in defeating the

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 87
man who could do more in the Legislature than
any other man in their midst. "''^
General Weaver's defeat for the nominations
for Congressman in 1874, for Governor in 1875,
and in the campaign for the State Senate
showed conclusively that there was some strong
influence in the State opposed to his advance
ment. At the same time it is equally clear that
he was regarded by the rank and file of his
party as an able and conscientious leader. His
military career had been highly creditable, and
he was popular with the men who had served in
the army. Apparently he had the qualities,
and the conditions in general were favorable to
his success. The key to the situation seems to
be found in his views on temperance — views
which created a solid and unyielding opposition
and prevented his further advancement in the
party. So notable was the succession of defeats that
the Burlington Hawh-Eye, a Republican paper,
asked the question in November, 1875, whether
Weaver was to be forced to leave the party.
It referred to him as "really too good a man
to be thus driven about from one end of the
ring to the other." The Henry County Free
Press was quoted as "aptly" saying that "if
there is one man in the State of Iowa who is
justified .... in becoming a 'sorehead',
that man is Gen. Weaver." Recent political

88 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
history was reviewed to show that before''1874
he had been successfully side-tracked for nomi
nations that he had good reasons to assume
were coming to him. He was regarded as the
prospective successor to Wilson and McCrary
in the first district, but Gear who wanted to be
Congressman used his legislative influence to
throw him into the sixth. Later he was de
feated for the nomination from that district by
Loughridge and Sampson. Again, in the State
convention in 1875 "Gear and Kirkwood
double-teamed against him, and though he led
on the first ballot, he lost the prize."*''
In spite of these repeated disappointments
there were no immediate indications that Gen
eral Weaver seriously considered leaving the
Republican party. In January, 1876, he was
described as "in Des Moines, one of Harlan's
chief Lieutenants, foremost among the workers
at the Harlan headquarters", and doing all
that he could to make him again United States
Senator.*^ In July The Iowa State Register printed a
card from Weaver in regard to his candidacy
for Congress in the sixth district against Judge
Sampson. He wrote that he had "always con
ceded the Judge 's right to a second nomination,
if his course in Congress was satisfactory to his
constituents. And I now concede his right,
under the two term rule to the nomination, if.

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 89
in his opposition to the repeal of the Resump
tion Act, and in his opposition to making silver
coin a legal tender for all sums, he expresses
the will of the Republican voters of this Dis
trict. With one exception I have neither talked
nor written to a single delegate concerning this
matter, and then only in reply to a letter re
ceived from him. Please do me [the] justice to
publish this letter". Another item in the same
number of the same paper called attention to
the card and declared that the writer "had no
idea that he [Weaver] entertained any notion
of being a candidate until the 10th inst., though,
as we learned, his friends had then been work
ing in his interest for some weeks. "*^
About the same time a number of citizens of
Appanoose County wrote to him asking his
opinion on "the resumption question and other
financial matters. His reply was frank and
manly as his answers always are". The cor
respondence, which was published at the time,
developed more fully the general ideas pre
sented in his card sent to The Iowa State Reg
ister. He described the Resumption Act as "a
violation of all the natural laws of trade" and
as "a costly experiment to the whole country
. . . . It is causing daily, fearful and rapid
contraction of the currency, which was barely
adequate to the business interests of the coun
try before contraction began .... The

90 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
idea that we will be ready in 1879, to commence
business in this country upon an exclusively
gold basis .... is a proposition too ab
surd to be entitled to any but mirthful con
sideration." He referred to the declaration of the Repub
lican State convention of 1874 for a "policy of
specie resumption at such a time as is consistent
with the material and industrial interests of the
country, to the end that the volume of currency
may be regulated by the natural laws of trade. ' '
He called attention to the fact that the last Con
gressional convention of the sixth district
endorsed this policy and added a statement in
favor of "regulating the issue of currency so
as to promote a return to specie payment with
out producing a derangement of business."
Expressing the opinion that these declarations
represented "the uniform doctrine of the Re
publican party in Iowa for years" and that
there was nothing in them "inconsistent with
the National Republican Platform", he added a
brief comment upon the silver legislation of
Congress, which he described as "a crime
against Providence, and the common sense of
the age. This is in keeping with the plan of the
eastern gold jobbers, of both parties, to bring
the west to their feet as suppliants when the
crash shall come."*^
Again, in September there was what The

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 91
Iowa State Register called a "laconic cor
respondence ' ' between General Weaver and the
Greenback Congressional convention in the sixth
district. Porte C. Welch telegraphed from
Oskaloosa to General Weaver as follows : "Will
you accept the Congressional nomination on the
Indianapolis platform, waiving choice for Pres
ident?" To this inquiry General Weaver
replied: "No, I am for Hayes and Wheeler,
Silver and Greenbacks". In reply came the
question whether he would "accept the nomi
nation on the Indianapolis platform and vote
for Hayes if you want to?" To this telegram
signed "Moore and Ballard", he sent the
answer "No".**
Evidently during 1876 Weaver had no idea
of leaving the Republican party. A receptive
candidate for a Republican nomination to Con
gress, he abruptly declined to consider a Green
back nomination. His opinions in regard to
the currency seemed to him consistent with his
continued membership in the Republican party.
He closed the campaign of that year with a big
speech at Bloomfield the night before the elec
tion. As one of his admirers later expressed
it, he was then "a red-hot Republican".*^
In 1877 he was mentioned as among the
strong men in the field for the nomination for
Governor against John H. Gear, who was re
garded by some Republicans as almost sure to

92 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
be nominated by acclamation. Yet there are no
indications that Weaver was as keenly inter
ested as in 1875. He attended the State con
vention and was one of the vice-presidents.
Mr. Gear was nominated upon the first formal
ballot.*" General Weaver was "entirely satisfied"
with the position taken by the Republicans upon
the temperance question, and he so declared
himself in a letter to The Iowa State Register.
He referred to his "well known" opposition to
the nomination of Mr. Gear, and said that he
would support him "unreservedly", and that
he had faith that he would "do nothing to
undermine the expressed will of his party."
He urged the temperance people to "move up
their forces and occupy the vantage ground
already conquered. Consolidate your forces by
letting the world know that you intend to be
reasonable." He did not regard the action of
the convention as "a compromise between Mr.
Gear's supporters and the temperance men",
but as "an independent, honest and bold enun
ciation, introduced and supported by men who
were opposing Mr. Gear's nomination."*''
The letter in which General Weaver ex
pressed himself satisfied with the position of
the Republican party upon prohibition and in
which he declared his intention of supporting
Mr. Gear was dated at Bloomfield, July 11,

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 93
1877. From the same place he wrote Mr. Gear
on August 29th the following letter :
Differing, as I do, so widely with the Republican
party upon questions of finance, I find it impossible
for me to go before the people and advocate a contin
uance of that policy. Neither do I feel that it would
be right for me to remain silent and withhold my
protest against what I conceive to be a gigantic
wrong. I wish, therefore, to be released by you from
my pledge of personal support, assuring you, sin
cerely, that my action is not dictated by considera
tions personal to yourself. I shall act with the Inde
pendents. Two days later Mr. Gear replied from Bur
lington as follows:
Yours of 29th at hand. You ask me to release you
from your "pledge of personal support". Your
offer of support was of your own free will and accord
— I accepted it as frankly as it was offered and am
free to say that I was gratified by your offer.
I release you from your promise but regret — not
on personal grounds — that you see it to be your
duty to leave the republican party in which you have
done such loyal service to train in other camps. The
republican party has done much for the country and
this is ample evidence to me that it can in the future
do better by the country than can the "Independents"
or any other party organized on what seems to me to
be a false basis.**
General Weaver's final break with the Re-

94 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
publican party, with which he had been identi
fied almost from its birth, and in which he had
attained a position of leadership, was a dra
matic event fraught with results little under
stood at the time and for many years there
after. His own political experience had
brought home to him the fact that the Repub
lican party had ceased to be one of high ideals,
whose interests were primarily for the people.
Partisanship, office-seeking, and corruption had
replaced the self sacrifice and devotion of
earlier years. Especially was it true that cor
poration and financial interests seemed to be
more and more in evidence. The fight for pro
hibition had apparently been largely won when
the party adopted the policy officially in its
platform of 1877, and Weaver himself seems to
have been satisfied for he urged the extremists
to be reasonable.
He had been giving careful attention and
study to currency and financial problems for
several years. These questions had attracted
popular interest through the fall in the price of
silver and because of the controversies over the
resumption of specie payments. The formation
of a Greenback party in 1876 was the result of
the failure of the two great parties to satisfy
the demands of those who were opposed to the
demonetization of silver, and who favored the
continued use of greenbacks. Both Hayes and

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 95
Tilden were known to be hostile to the views of
the "Independents". The distresses due to the
effects of the business depression beginning in
1873 and the difficulties involved in contraction
were real reasons for a careful consideration of
the monetary situation. Bankers and business
men failed to grasp the needs of the situation.
Political compromises combined with the in
creasing influence of corporations and financial
interests gave rise to suspicions of officials and
government. General Weaver's retirement
from the Republican party and his alliance with
the Greenbackers was only a conspicuous inci
dent in a period when many persons were taking
similar steps. The near approach to defeat of
the Republicans in 1876 showed that the oppo
sition to that party was widespread and influ
ential. In September and October, 1877, General
Weaver took an active part in the State cam
paign upon the Greenback side. Of course he
was fiercely assailed by the Republican press as
a renegade, no opportunity being neglected to
ridicule and denounce him. At Oskaloosa, on
September 21st, he engaged in a joint debate
with Marcellus E. Cutts, a Republican "of
great ability and a man of most extraordinary
and brilliant talents. ' ' According to an account
of the meeting in the Oshaloosa Herald, re
printed in The Iowa State Register, each

96 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
speaker was to have half an hour and the whole
debate was to consume three hours, thus giving
each one of the debaters three opportunities to
present his case. Cutts opened the discussion,
and maintained his position with great success,
while Weaver entirely failed to meet his telling
points. His part was described as a complete
failure, and he was advised "to skip Oskaloosa
and — Cutts ' ', when he came that way again.
Weaver's well known ability as a public speaker
makes his reported collapse in this connection
quite unlikely.
In the same number of The Register there
was printed a dispatch from General Weaver
to the editor, dated September 25th, in which
he referred to the statement that Cutts "used"
him "up" at Oskaloosa. His comment was,
"Ask all the people of Oskaloosa outside of the
Herald office as to the truth of that. Have
Cutts do it again" in Des Moines on October
6th. According to The Register Weaver was
still "smarting under the argumentative bat
tering ram of Hon. M. E. Cutts at Oskaloosa,
and he probably wouldn't have felt so bad if
The Register had not sent the fact broadcast
over the State." It should be noted that
Weaver was the challenger for the second de
bate — an indication that he was not so com
pletely defeated as his former Republican
friends would like to have it appear.

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 97
The second debate at Des Moines, in the
opinion of The Register, was also a "failure".
It was, however, "not all his own failure; it
simply illustrated the utter fallacy and the
complete weakness of the Greenback party . .
. . With all proper candor, and with all due
respect to Gen. Weaver, who is a most esti
mable gentleman and an able speaker, it is to be
said that his portion of the debate ....
was literally a continuous confession of the
sophistries of his cause, and of his inability to
meet argument with argument, and to mdtch
logic with logic." Reference was made to the
packing of the hall with Greenbackers "to come
to the relief of Weaver in case of distress, and
by interruptions and questions to try to throw
Cutts off his line of argument and consume his
time ' '. According to this report of the meeting
all these efforts completely failed, and the
victory of Cutts over Weaver and his sup
porters was overwhelming.*®
The accounts of the two contests between
Cutts and Weaver are so plainly partisan and
unfair to the latter that little dependence can
be placed upon them. They represent the atti
tude of persons who had no sympathy with or
understanding of Weaver's point of view.
Their hostility was also increased by the bitter
controversies aroused during the campaign — a
campaign made more acrimonious by Weaver's

98 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
recent defection. His prominence in the Re
publican party and his remarkable ability upon
the platform made his loss more keenly felt.
Hence his work for the Greenbackers was sys
tematically and persistently underrated and
subjected to sarcasm and ridicule.
As already suggested. Weaver's unusual
power as a public speaker makes it very un
likely that he failed to give a good account of
himself in these debates. At any rate, in the
opinion of many persons who heard them, they
were the sensation of the year, and General
Weaver was regarded as having the advantage.
Cutts was a master in "sardonic ridicule and
irritating invective", and the contest between
him and Weaver was a battle of wits con
ducted with great ability. So many people
would not have remembered them and the great
attention which they attracted had they been as
one-sided as partisan Republican accounts
would have us believe.*^ Certainly the lapse of
time would not have transformed the van
quished into the victor. Weaver was a pioneer
and his position was beyond the comprehension
of those who saw only the partisan aspects of
the situation. They could not conceive of any
other motives than those with which they were
familiar. Their only weapons were ridicule and
misrepresentation. After his election to Congress in 1878 General

A REPUBLICAN LEADER 99
Weaver devoted himself largely to public af
fairs : his time in the public service was limited,
but he was constantly in demand as a public
speaker and he was active in every political
campaign. Consequently, his career as a law
yer was subordinated to his public activities.
Before 1878, and after his return from military
service in 1864, his work as a lawyer seems to
have been "rather notable". From 1866 to
1870 he was district attorney and therefore a
party to every suit of importance during those
years. Judge Robert Sloan of Keosauqua, who
was circuit judge in the district from 1869 to
1880, recalls that Weaver had good success, and
adds that "the lawyers opposing him ....
in all the important cases, were of more than
usual ability and very resourceful, and a vic
tory for the state, could only be won by arduous
effort on his part.
"As I remember", continues the Judge, "he
was regarded as an able prosecutor, but not a
persecutor, and gave good satisfaction through
out the District. He was very courteous to
opposing counsel and the Court, and quite suc
cessful in examining witnesses, and very able
in argument of a case to the jury, and eloquent
when the case was such as to justify it. In civil
cases, he displayed the same qualities as in
criminal cases. After the close of his term as
District Attorney, he was engaged in practice

100 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
in Bloomfield, but at the same time devoted
much of his time and attention to politics and
public speaking, in which he greatly excelled,
and by reason thereof was not as close a stu
dent of the law as he would otherwise have
been. Had he devoted himself to the law, there
is no doubt in my mind that he would have be
come one of the leading lawyers of the state.
He displayed excellent ability while he re
mained in the practice, and was entitled to high
rank among the lawyers of the District of that
day, and there was no better bar in the state
than the bar of the Second Judicial District."®^

VII
FiEST Session in Congeess
1879
The political situation in 1878 in Iowa and in
the country as a whole was such as to put the
Republican party in a position of defense.
Inevitably some corruption had resulted from
long continuance in power; and business de
pression had reacted upon it. No constructive
currency legislation since the Civil War had
been undertaken: not even the resumption of
specie payments had been accomplished. There
was intense opposition, especially in the West,
to the proposed resumption for which the Re
publicans were responsible; inflationists de
manded a larger circulation; which was to be
made up of silver or greenbacks. The admin
istration of President Hayes had given satis
faction neither to the politicians nor to the
independents. Under such conditions there seemed good
reason to hope for the success of a coalition of
Democrats and Independents. General Weaver
had taken an active part in the campaign of
1877 — which was a State campaign. The
101

102 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
chief center of interest in 1878 was, of course,
in the Congressional contests. There was con
siderable talk of the Democrats endorsing the
Greenback nominees for Congress, and General
Weaver was regarded as a candidate for the
Democratic nomination in the sixth district.®^
The leading Greenbackers favored fusion with
the Democrats, but there was a good deal of
opposition to it in the rank and file of the party
— especially among the editors of Greenback
papers."^ General Weaver seems to have been a con
sistent believer in fusion. Throughout his
career, when conditions promised a measure of
success, he favored the union of the forces of
the opposition. The most conspicuous instance
was in 1896 when he urged the union of Popu
lists and Democrats in support of Bryan. In
part this attitude was prompted by his political
intuition, and in part it was due to his dis
inclination to go to extremes. Thus as a prohi
bitionist he urged reasonableness in 1877.
Acting on the theory that the surest progress
was always gradual, he was constantly attacked
by the extremists for his compromises with
some branches of the opposition.
Actual and effective fusion in 1878 was
brought about in only two Congressional dis
tricts in Iowa — the sixth and seventh. In the
former Weaver was elected over his old op-

FIRST SESSION IN CONGRESS 103
ponent, Sampson, by a vote of 16,366 to 14,308 ;
in the latter, the Des Moines district, E. H.
Gillette was elected by a vote of 16,474 over the
Republican candidate who received 15,546
votes. On the State ticket four Democratic
candidates were withdrawn late in September
and four Greenback candidates substituted;
but this fusion arrangement was of little im
portance since it did not result in any successes
at the polls. The significant victories in Iowa
in 1878 were those of Weaver and Gillette in
the Congressional districts.®*
As already noted. General Weaver had been
a candidate for Congress in the sixth district
for a number of years. Defeated in 1874 and
1876 by Sampson for the Republican nomina
tion, he carried the district in 1878 by a plural
ity of over 2,000. The victory, coming as it did
so soon after his change of parties, was a
notable one. Undoubtedly it was facilitated
somewhat by his personal record and the belief
that he had been unfairly treated in the past by
his former party associates. At any rate his
success was a personal endorsement of which
he might well be proud. It indicated clearly his
personal strength, and also showed that there
was a very considerable support for the point
of view in politics which he represented.
The Republicans made a great deal of talk
about what they caUed the "Corrupt Weaver

104 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Bargain" with the Democrats. They claimed
that he had agreed to give up ' ' the platform he
had helped to make at Toledo" and act with
the Democrats in everything except finance. In
return for these concessions the Democrats
were to nominate no candidate for Congress in
the sixth district, thus leaving their party mem
bers free to vote for General Weaver. It was
said that he wanted a direct nomination by the
Democrats, and was disappointed when he did
not receive it. The bitter partisanship of the
period makes it difficult to disentangle truth
from falsehood. Undoubtedly there was some
understanding in regard to joint action, since
General Weaver was at the Democratic con
vention at Ottumwa and was invited to speak
but declined because some of his Democrat
friends and some of his Greenback associates
thought he had better not do so.®^
Judge H. H. Trimble, one of the Democratic
leaders, in answer to a letter of inquiry in
regard to Weaver, described him as having left
the Republican party for good because he re
garded it "as having sold out to the bond-
holding and gold interests of the world, and as
utterly abandoned to all popular interests and
rights." He had not given up "his convictions
as to slavery and the war, but regards that as
finally settled." He was fully satisfied with
Hayes 's policy as to home rule in the South.

.JAMBS BAIRD WEAVER
f'ASDIDATJS FOR CoNOKESS 1878

.lAMKS BATED WEAVER

FIRST SESSION IN CONGRESS 105
If elected, runs the Trimble letter. General
Weaver "expects to labor for a reform in
finances, and will co-operate with such men,
as believe with himself in regard to finances,
and when he cannot find, on any given meas
ure, such men, will act with those who come
nearest his views. He expects to co-operate
with the Democrats as against the Republican
organization, and will assist the Democrats in
the organization of the House." He was a
Democrat before the Civil War and had always
been opposed to a protective tariff.
"He is not an extremist on currency," con
tinues the letter, ' ' does not believe in unlimited
inflation, and thinks we ought to have an in- /
crease of currency, either by full silver coinage
or more greenbacks; is opposed to making the
nation pay interest, directly or indirectly, on its
currency, and is opposed to any policy looking
to the creation of a perpetual debt.'""*
At the time of his first election to Congress
in 1878 these views probably represent General
Weaver's opinions stated in a conservative way
to avoid unnecessary offense to possible sup
porters who might differ in unessential mat
ters. The distinctive features of his views
centered around finance.
Two editorials in The Iowa State Register
expressed the opinions of his former party
associates in regard to his election to Congress.

106 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
The first described the election of General
Weaver as "not so objectionable as that of
Gillette, for the General has far more to com
mend him personally, and much more to fit him
for service in Congress, and is in every respect
more a man of honor". A second editorial
compared the results in Iowa and Maine, in
each of which States two Republican Congress
men were lost, and pointed out the "striking
coincidence" that in both States "one of the
two Greenbackers elected ' ' was ' ' a man of good
record and honor personally, and with the qual
ifications of integrity and capacity to fit him
for Congress, like Weaver here — and the oth
er, March, like Gillette here .... an
avowed Communist, a dishonest agitator"."''
Probably the extreme statements about Gil
lette were due to the fact that he had defeated
the candidate of the party of which The Iowa
State Register was the official organ. The
remarks about General Weaver represented the
feelings of former party associates who had
had ample occasion to observe his ability and
qualifications. In addition, Gillette was a
wealthy Easterner who had made his home for
only a short time in Des Moines and could there
fore be regarded somewhat as an intruder. In
any event General Weaver's opponents were
compelled to admit his preeminent fitness for
service in Congress.

FIRST SESSION IN CONGRESS 107
In December, 1878, a Greenback conference
caUed by the State Committee met at Des
Moines to discuss fusion with the Democrats.
The conference lasted all day, and in the even
ing a public meeting was held at the Court
House. There were a number of speakers, in
cluding General Weaver who declared that
clubs must be formed in every township in Iowa
for the next campaign: organization must be
the motto. Opponents of fusion said only a
few persons were invited who were known to
favor fusion. The only reporter present repre
sented The State Leader, the official organ of
the Democrats. A chairman of the State Com
mittee was chosen outside of the membership
to get a man favorable to fusion. The con
ference was described "as a fraud, a cheat and
a swindle"."® The Forty-sixth Congress was called in spe
cial session in March, 1879, because of the
failure of the preceding Congress to pass the
necessary appropriation bills — an outcome of
the conflict between the executive and legisla
tive branches of the government over the Presi
dent's policy in regard to the South. As in the
two preceding Congresses the Democrats had a
majority in the lower House; there was also a
small representation of Nationals or Green
backers, to which group General Weaver be
longed. The combined Republican and Green-

108 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
back membership of the House was only 144,
while the Democrats had 149 members; and so
the organization of that body was effected
without the aid of the Greenbackers,*® who cast
their votes for Hendrick B. Wright for Speak
er. James A. Garfield was the Republican
candidate ; and Samuel J. Randall, the success
ful Democratic nominee.
In the committee assignments General
Weaver received appointments upon the com
mittee on elections and the committee on
expenditures in the Treasury Department."**
It was evident from the first that his position
in Congress must depend entirely upon his
personality and ability unaided by party affili
ations and seriously handicapped by his con
nection with an independent or third party. A
member of a minority of a minority had little
chance for a display of his ability, and little
hope of recognition upon his merits.
General Weaver's first speech was made on
April 4, 1879, in the debate in the committee of
the whole upon the army appropriation bill with
special reference to the use of Federal troops
at elections in the South. The debate was a
continuation of a controversy which had arisen
in the preceding Congress and involved par
ticularly a discussion of the new policy in re
gard to the South. It had been the occasion
for the failure of the last Congress to enact the

FIRST SESSION IN CONGRESS 109
usual appropriation bills. General Weaver's
participation in the discussion enabled him to
make plain his own position and that of the
Greenback group upon this as well as upon
other more or less connected subjects.
By way of introduction Weaver declared
that the people of the country had "witnessed
for many years with painful impatience the
continuation of ... . sectional strife."
He then referred to the fact that "the same
eternal broil ' ' had been kept up during the two
preceding Congresses. "And now in this first
and extraordinary session of the Forty-sixth
Congress, when the people are confidently look
ing for substantial relief, the same old difficulty
is again introduced and weeks of precious time
are being wasted in the discussion. . . .
"I have changed my mind entirely as to the
remedy necessary to drive away from the pol
itics of this country this disturber of our peace.
I . . . . was a republican for twenty-one
years. As soon as I obtained my majority
almost I joined that party and fought in an
humble way both at home and in the field to
ingraft upon the laws of the country the meas
ures which I believed were rightfully advanced
by that organization. But in my opinion no
remedy applied merely to the surface of this
wound will give the people permanent peace.
We must have constitutional treatment that

110 JAMBS BAIRD WEAVER
will remove even the cause of the disease, and
this makes it necessary to have a change of
physicians. ' '
Congressman Weaver next expressed amaze
ment at the reference of a member of the House
the day before "to the hereditary right of the
democracy to rule", and the comparison of
"that party to the children of Israel in their
wanderings from Egypt to the promised land
. . . . Upon reflection I thought there
might be some similarity, but I did not know
but he had mistaken the army of Pharoah for
that of Israel. Let us, however, notice the
similarity between the children of Israel and
the democratic party. The democracy have
succeeded in getting their Joshua into the
Senate and their Caleb into the House, but
thousands of their carcasses have fallen in the
wilderness on their way to the Canaan of their
hopes. And I say to him and to the gentlemen
on that side of the House that their Moses in
1880 will die on Mount Nebo, especially if he
should be a hard-money Moses. . . . The
new Moses, if he represent sectional strife and
the flnancial views which are now starving the
people of this country, will perish also without
realizing his exalted hope; but not because he
struck the rock from which the water was to
issue, but because he and his friends have
joined hands across this aisle with the hard-

FIRST SESSION IN CONGRESS HI
money men on the republican side of the House
to dry up the fountains of the prosperity of
the people."
"Sir, gentlemen talk about revolution — the
eloquent gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Garfield]
did so on last Saturday in the most adroit and
forcible manner. I say to this House that if by
the continuation of sectional strife and the
withholding of substantial relief you force the
people to much longer 'eat the bread of idle
ness ', it will not be long before they will thirst
for the 'wine of violence'. There is where the
danger of revolution is to be looked for. It
does not come from the defeated confederacy,
it does not come from the gentlemen on my
right, primarily; but it comes from the uneasy
masses who are out of employment to-day, and
out of food and destitute of raiment. It comes
from those through whose enforced idleness the
country is now losing more per diem than it
cost to put down the rebellion at its most ex
pensive period.
"Sir, I want it distinctly understood that
cotton is no longer king in this country, nor is
gold, but that the laboring-man, the industrial
classes are sovereign, and their behests must
be obeyed, and be obeyed speedily. It is un
questionably the duty of the industrial classes,
by means of the ballot, to speedily take the
Government into their own hands, but in doing
so to do justice to all."

112 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Returning to what he called ' ' this unpardon
able sectional strife". Weaver stated that he
believed that the old parties were incapable of
giving relief to the country. It takes "ten or
fifteen years to develop the leaders of a great
party, and fully as long to shake them loose
again; and it is never done, and history will
bear me out in that statement, except by move
ment from without that crushes the organiza
tions over which they dominate. This is the
only method through which the people can
gather the fruitage of advanced civilization.
. . . . A new organization must do it, and
the Lord is raising up that party now. The
workmen are all at work in the quarries, and
every block in the temple shall be peace. As an
humble representative of the national green
back party, I feel great solicitude that it shall
commence to build on solid foundations ; and I
say here to the gentlemen on the right and on
the left that the national greenback party wants
neither soldiers nor bulldozers at the polls".
After several interruptions and questions, to
which Congressman Weaver replied amid
laughter and applause, he closed his speech by
saying that unless there was passed at that
session, "first, a law for the unrestricted coin
age of silver ; second, a law for the substitution
of greenbacks for national-bank notes ; third, a
law stopping the further increase of the bonded

FIRST SESSION IN CONGRESS 113
debt and providing for the speedy payment of
the debt now outstanding; fourth, a law liber
ating the five hundred or more millions now
lying idle in the Treasury; fifth, give to the
people an opportunity to escape from the im
pending loss of their homes ; unless these things
be done at this session, very few of the gentle
men who occupy seats upon this floor will ever
see them again.
"Our people out West do not like the combat
to which you summon them, nor the feast that
you set before them, nor yet the contrast that
exists between the inflation mortgages upon
their farms and the resumption hogs they are
forced to sell. There is too great a contrast
between them. There is a screw loose in Fed
eral legislation, and the people have found
where it is. They have learned that these
parties [Republican and Democratic] are
recreant to their trust and are not legislating
for their interests.
"Let us act as Representatives of the whole
people, and not as politicians, nor for the rings
and cliques of the country. ""^
This first speech in Congress was very illu
minating. It not only gave General Weaver an
opportunity to declare his views upon public
questions, but it also gave him a chance to dis
play his ability as a debater. His ready use of
scriptural references and quotations was espe-

114 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
cially noticeable: his deeply religious nature
was never concealed in his public service. The
success of his first appearance may be inferred
from statements made in Iowa papers in which
it was declared to be the first time the sixth
district had been heard from in Congress since
its organization in its then existing form.
Indeed, such was the impression made that
Congressman Weaver was invited by the mayor
and other citizens of New York to speak at
Cooper Institute on April SOth.^^^
General Weaver had voiced ideas and prin
ciples in Congress that were little regarded at
the time. The contrast between the reception
given his views in 1879, and the attitude of the
two great parties in recent years towards
social politics, is the measure of the progress
made in the intervening period. The pioneer
of 1879 is now seen to have been a farsighted
leader. Again on April 10th Weaver took part in a
debate in regard to the proper disposition of
$10,000,000 held in the Treasury to redeem
fractional currency. The debate was an inci
dent in the discussion of appropriations for the
Pension Bureau in connection with the legis
lative appropriation bill. On account of an
impending deficit the Secretary of the Treasury
had proposed an issue of four per cent bonds.
Opponents of this recommendation urged that

FIRST SESSION IN CONGRESS 115
the $10,000,000 referred to was idle money, and
could safely be used because of the small
amount of fractional paper currency in circu
lation, and also because the Secretary of the
Treasury was authorized to exchange $10,-
000,000 of subsidiary silver coins for the
$10,000,000 of paper money. Mr. James A.
Garfield and Mr. John A. McMahon of Ohio
were the principal speakers. Weaver sup
ported the position taken by Mr. McMahon who
argued for the use of the $10,000,000; while
Mr. Garfield opposed it on grounds of sound
financial policy.
Congressman Weaver thought it "unques
tioned that the $346,000,000 of legal-tender
notes outstanding" included "the $10,000,000
held in the Treasury for the redemption of the
fractional currency", and that the Secretary of
the Treasury was "abundantly able to redeem
all the fractional currency" as it came in with
fractional silver. The suggestion of Mr. Gar
field that the law passed on May 31, 1878,
requiring the Secretary to pay out greenbacks
as they came in under the Resumption Act, was
simply a law to make certain what before was
uncertain was not true. "The resumption law
was a bold attempt to convert every greenback
into interest-bearing debt and then to destroy
them .... under the resumption act the
Secretary of the Treasury was destroying the

116 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
greenbacks, every one that came into his hands.
This law was passed .... to prevent the
further destruction of greenbacks; and it
further provides that he should pay them out
and keep them in circulation. This amendment
does not change existing law. Why keep on
hoarding them? Why keep them there to re
deem fractional currency when there is no
necessity, when you have plenty of fractional
silver currency to redeem them? It is a mere
trick of the Secretary to avoid the plain object
of the law and to circumvent public sentiment.
' ' Now, the policy of the gentleman from Ohio
[Mr. Garfield] is this : to issue bonds to get
money to pay the arrearages of pensions, while
ours is to issue the idle greenbacks now in the
Treasury and save to the people this enormous
and unnecessary increase of the public debt.""^
On May 8, 1879, Weaver interposed remarks
in a debate upon a free coinage bill. Congress
man H. G. Fisher of Pennsylvania, a hard-
money advocate, opposed the measure upon the
usual grounds that gold would be driven out of
circulation and the country would have only
silver. He referred sarcastically to a bill intro
duced by a Greenbacker, Mr. Gilbert De La
Matyr of Indiana, asking for $1,000,000,000,
saying that he wanted the same amount for a
few constituents "for the laudable purpose of
constructing a narrow-gauge air-line railway to

FIRST SESSION IN CONGRESS 117
the moon, to ascertain whether or not that
luminary is made of green cheese. ' ' Mr. Fisher
declared that he wanted to say to the gentleman
from Iowa tha^t he was elected by his constitu
ents upon a gold platform and that he had car
ried his district the first time it was ever
carried by the Republicans. In reply Weaver
said, "That is good. I carried mine the other
way for the first time.""*
General Weaver's longest speech during the
first session of his service in Congress was de
livered on May 9, 1879, in connection with a
discussion over a bill for the free coinage of
silver. He declared, in beginning his address,
that the consideration of "systems of finance
for a great government" was an important
matter, but that he had not been highly im
pressed with the manner in which those opposed
to the bill had discussed the question. "They
seem to regard the bill as an unwarranted in
trusion upon the rights of somebody. They
attack it alternately with levity, sarcasm, and
abuse. It is a question that ought to be dis
cussed in the light of the Constitution, the
necessities of our people, and the present con
dition of public affairs."
Two facts, he said, impressed him forcibly at
the commencement of the discussion: "silver
and gold have been used as money from the
foundation of human society", and there is

118 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
' ' about an equal amount of gold and silver bul
lion in the world. ' ' Opposition to the remoneti-
zation of silver can only be based upon "the
position that there is too much metal money in
the world .... The annual gold product
throughout the whole earth at this time is about
$100,000,000, (and it is rapidly declining,)
barely enough, if we could command it all, to
pay the annual interest of the bonded debt of
the United States alone. If we are to demone
tize silver, and have no power to create a legal-
tender paper money, it will be readily perceived
that the proposition is to hitch the car of Amer
ican progress and American civilization to this
decreasing product, and this will lead us into
inevitable decline and pauperism."
General Weaver maintained that Congress
had no power to prohibit silver coinage and
that the law passed in 1873 was consequently
unconstitutional. In referring to the more
recent claim that the demonetization of silver
in 1873 was "an accident, and was not inten
tional", he said that if the excuse was a true
one, the proposal to reinstate silver as legal-
tender money would not be opposed. "The
animus of the demonetization of silver is dis
closed by the opposition which its remonetiza-
tion has met with and is now meeting with. In
reality and in truth, silver was demonetized in
the interest .... of a certain class of
men in this and in other countries.

FIRST SESSION IN CONGRESS 119
"It is very remarkable, when you come to
read the history of the demonetization of metal
money, that that metal which is the more abun
dant is always demonetized . . . . it is a
remarkable circumstance that demonetization
in the Old World is coincident in point of time
with demonetization in this country. And the
war upon silver is made by the same class of
men the world over, namely, those having fixed
incomes and who complain that the value of
their incomes will be depreciated in proportion
to the increase in the value of property. I want
these facts to be well understood by the people
who own the great bulk of the labor and prop
erty of this country. I want them to distinctly
understand that the conflict is between money
on the one hand and all other kinds of property
on the other. . . .
"I am as much opposed as any member here
to worthless money, to depreciated money, but
unquestionably it is the interest of the great
mass of our people that we should have cheap
money and dear property; I do not mean
worthless money, but I mean cheap money as
compared with the property which it buys.
Property is held by the many and money by the
few; and if the Government is to be adminis
tered in the interest of the many, then my prop
osition is correct. I want good money, but
cheap money and dear property. We have just

120 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
the reverse of this to-day; we have cheap prop
erty and dear money. Money to-day is master
and king in America, and property goes beg
ging and is at a discount."
In the next place reference was made to the
fact that England, "the greatest bondholding
nation upon the earth," was the first to de
monetize silver. "The money dealers of Ger
many, England, and the United States own the
bulk of the funded debt of the world, which now
amounts to about thirty-two thousand millions,
mostly contracted in flush times.
"Capitalists readily saw that if they could
strike down as legal-tender money one-half of
the metal money of the earth and make this
enormous funded debt payable in gold alone, it
would be greatly to their advantage. The people
should thoroughly understand this also. They
are beginning to understand it, and are every
where and almost unanimously demanding that
silver shall be thoroughly reinstated. Thus we
are brought face to face with the great fact that
demonetization was the result of a great inter
national conspiracy, inaugurated by men who
had fixed incomes as against, and to the detri
ment of those who own the great bulk of the
property of the world. ' '
After a number of questions were asked and
answered. General Weaver turned to a consid
eration of the national banking system and

FIRST SESSION IN CONGRESS 121
showed that if it was to be permanent "then of
necessity the bond system must be permanent
also .... Hence you have ingrafted
upon this Government as another step in the
great conspiracy the system of permanent
national banks and permanent national debt".
As another reason for opposing national banks
he referred to their power to contract the cur
rency at their pleasure in accordance with the
demands of trade. He maintained that the
elasticity obtained at the option of the banks
constituted one of the greatest objections to
the system.
General Weaver also declared that "resump
tion was another step in the great scheme which
included the demonetization of silver. The re
sumption act was one of the trinity of infamies
fastened upon the American people by that
diabolical plot. What was the plea for that
act? It was that we should pay our honest
debts, that we should pay the debt created by
the greenback. This was the plea of the repub
lican party all over the country; that the Gov
ernment ought to pay its honest debts. I wish
to show right here and now the hypocrisy of
that declaration. I say that the resumption act
was not passed for the purpose of paying our
honest debts, but for the purpose of increasing
the bonded debt of the country."
In conclusion he referred to the abusive

122 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
methods used by the opposition in Congress and
by the press against the Greenbackers. "It
makes the syndicate and subsidized press as
mad to see a greenbacker in Congress as it does
a bull to shake a red flag at him. ' ' "^
A contemporary newspaper account of Con
gressman Weaver's speech will give some idea
of the impression made by him in Congress
during his first session of service. According
to this report his speech in April "made him
such a reputation as a debater and a man of
ability" that he was sure of an attentive hear
ing whenever he desired to speak. When it
became known that he had prepared a careful
speech reviewing the whole scheme of Repub
lican bank and bond legislation, there was a
general desire to hear him. As soon as he
began to speak members from all parts of the
house crowded into the seats near him. His
own seat was "next to the center aisle, three
seats from the front, the most available place
in the House." The galleries were well filled
at the beginning and the numbers increased as
he proceeded.
"As the speaker gradually opened the
theme", continues the account, "and step by
step, exposed and denounced the wicked legis
lation of the Republican party, drawing hearty
applause at every turn, it was amusing to see
the syndicate fellows on the Republican side

FIRST SESSION IN CONGRESS 123
wince and gnash their teeth. Finally, angered
to a perfect fit of frenzy, they began to inter
rupt the speaker with questions. But they were
answered so quickly, candidly and effectually,
that they could not retain their anger, and as
many as ten or a dozen would be up propound
ing questions at the same time. Finally, Gen.
Weaver, who preserved his good temper
throughout, remarked that he was perfectly
willing to answer all the questions that anybody
might care to ask, but he suggested that it
caused too great confusion to have the whole
syndicate propounding questions at the same
time. This raised a general laugh and took the
wind completely out of the whole horde."""
It was on May 15, 1879, that Congressman
Hiram Price of Iowa commented upon Weaver's
speech which had been delivered during his
absence. In the course of his remarks he men
tioned the fact that he had the printed speech
before him. He wanted to show, he said, that
"the whole tendency of the debate" was "to
create unrest, uneasiness, dissatisfaction, un
certainty" in monetary and commercial affairs.
He was "a silver-dollar man, and in favor of
the silver doHar of 412% grains." He refused
to allow Mr. Weaver to interrupt in a five-
minute speech. He could take his own time and
he would answer any speech or question that he
might ask. He reiterated his statement that

124 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
such a debate as they were engaged in was un
settling the business of the country and making
the people uneasy and dissatisfied. "To-day a
day's labor will buy more of anything that a
man eats or wears than it ever would at any
time in the last fifty years of the history of this
country. ' ' "''
During the voting upon various sections of the
silver coinage bill on May 21st General Weaver
offered an amendment directing the Secretary
of the Treasury to pay out "without discrimi
nation standard silver coin belonging to the
Government that may at any time be in the
Treasury the same as gold coin in liquidation
of all kinds of coin obligations against the Gov
ernment." After much opposition to the pre
senting of this amendment from Republican
leaders like Mr. Garfield and Mr. Reed, a vote
was taken which resulted in 143 yeas, 75 nays,
and 67 not voting."®
The next day during some heated remarks a
hard-money representative referred to the gov
ernment as "a damned scoundrel", if it paid
interest on its bonds in depreciated currency.
He added that he did not "use the word in a
profane sense, but as a pulpit expletive." At
this point General Weaver made the point of
order that the gentleman was "swearing like
the army in Flanders ' ' — a sally that was greet
ed with laughter by the House.""

FIRST SESSION IN CONGRESS 125
Again on June 18th Congressman Weaver
was allowed five minutes in the debate upon the
bill providing for the exchange of trade-dollars
for legal-tender silver dollars. He remarked
by way of introduction that it was amusing to
listen to "the conflicting views" upon metal
money. One member thought the silver dollar
of 4121/^ grains was not of equal value with the
gold dollar, and would be willing to cut down
the gold dollar to equalize them. He did not
have personally "any very serious objection",
but he would like to inquire how the bonds is
sued since 1870 could be paid since they were
payable either in gold or silver dollars of
existing weights. A change in the gold dollar
would leave only the silver dollar with which
to pay interest upon the bonds. ' ' That, I think,
would be a capital joke on the bondholder, and
I rather like it."
Next he paid his respects to his colleague
from Iowa, Mr. Price, whom he described as
growing eloquent in the closing hours of the
session in favor of unlimited coinage of silver
after voting against the Warner Silver Bill a
few weeks before. Mr. Price interrupted to
warn him against misrepresenting his position,
and to say that he had never stated that he was
in favor of unlimited coinage of silver. In
reply Mr. Weaver remarked that "at the risk
of my personal safety, then, let me put my col-

126 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
league on record before the people of Iowa as
being opposed to unlimited coinage. The gen
tleman may take that form of the dilemma if
he likes, and that will not be very safe for him
in Iowa." Mr. Price answered that he had
stated his views upon the question before the
people of Iowa.
Congressman Weaver then took up the pro
posed redemption of the trade-dollar with
standard dollars. "What! Propose to redeem
a dollar of 420 grains with one of 412% grains?
Why will not the gentleman be consistent and
come out and admit frankly .... that it
is the fiat that he wants and not more grains of
metal?" In reply to questions as to whether
he did not think that paper money could be
"made as good by the simple fiat of the Govern
ment as metal money", he stated that he was
"in favor of gold, silver, and legal-tender
paper money, of equal legal-tender qualities,
and made so by the fiat of the Government."
His opponents were "in favor of gold, silver,
and national-bank currency — particularly the
national bank part of it. ' '
Asked what he would have his greenback
money based upon. Weaver replied that he
wanted it founded "upon the gold, the silver,
the wheat, the corn, and everything else in the
country, including the public credit." Several
other questions brought out from Weaver the

FIRST SESSION IN CONGRESS 127
rejoinder: "One at a time, if you please.
Verily, the voice of the greenbacker stirreth up
my friends on the right. ' '
"Now, there is great difficulty in regard to
cutting down the amount of gold in the dollar",
continued Weaver. "As I remarked, if you
reduce the amount of metal in the gold dollar
it will be said you cannot pay the bond in gold.
And if you add to the amount of silver in the
silver dollar, then you take away, for the third
time, from the people the right to pay the
bonded debt according to the contract. It is
high time for this Government to do away with
this bartering with creditors, and say, 'There
is one dollar for all, rich and poor alike ; and it
shall pay all debts to the rich and the poor,
whether he be a bondholder or a bondpayer'.
We want a dollar of the Government estab
lished by law, and not by barter with crafty
public creditors .... I adhere to the old
standard of 412% grains for a silver dollar and
25.8 grains for a gold dollar, and then I would
have the royal loyal greenback as my paper
dollar. It came to the rescue of the Govern
ment when silver and gold, like cowardly trai
tors, fled away and hid until the battle was
over."i" During this first session General Weaver
introduced ten bills, six of which had to do
with pensions or relief for soldiers or their

128 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
dependents and one related to the removal of
cases from State courts to United States courts.
The remaining three measures had reference to
the currency : one directed the Secretary of the
Treasury to pay out standard silver coin with
out discrimination; another authorized the
Secretary of the Treasury to issue $600,000,000
of United States notes to be known as lawful
money of the United States ; and the third gave
the same official power to issue $50,000,000 of
fractional currency. The bills introduced by
him, as well as the part which he took in debate,
indicated that his paramount interest was in
currency and financial matters.^^^ He repre
sented ably and constantly opinions that had
been gradually taking shape for a number of
years. Some of these opinions have been
proven, by later developments and through
wider observation, to be mistaken. Thus, the
myth about the ' ' Crime of 1873 " as a part of a
world-wide conspiracy to strike down silver is
no longer seriously regarded. But the funda
mental truth of the danger to democracy from
the concentration of wealth and financial power
is now generally recognized.
General Weaver was a pioneer with the
viewpoint of the agricultural West. At the
same time he was without the experience to
judge broadly as to financial and business
developments in the older industrial and com-

FIRST SESSION IN CONGRESS 129
mercial parts of the country. Instinctively,
and in the main accurately, he felt that financial
and commercial interests could not safely be
left to deal with matters of vital concern to the
masses of the people. The details of his
diagnosis have many times been shown to be
erroneous, but his main conclusions have come
to be generally accepted. Even in the case of
his emphasis upon the currency, many observ
ers and authorities admit that a more liberal
policy might have avoided some of the diffi
culties actually experienced. Political reasons
rather than economic forces have too often
determined national policies.

10

VIII
Second Session in Congress
1879-1880
During the second session of his Congressional
service, lasting from December 1, 1879, to
June 7, 1880, the role taken by General Weaver
was similar to that assumed by him in the first
session. On December 3, 1879, he introduced
what came to be known as the Weaver Soldier
Bill, described to be "for the relief of the sol
diers and sailors who served in the Army and
Navy of the United States in the late war for
the suppression of the rebellion, and to restore
to them equal rights with the holders of Gov
ernment bonds." The bill was read twice and
referred to the committee on military affairs.
A week later he asked "unanimous consent to
present a petition signed by about twenty
thousand ex-soldiers or their immediate
friends." Although not specifically mention
ing it, the petition requested relief along the
lines suggested by the bill introduced by
Congressman Weaver.
The petition declared that the soldiers had
been paid in "a depreciated currency" worth,
130

SECOND SESSION IN CONGRESS 131
during the greater part of their terms of ser
vice, "from forty to seventy cents on the dollar
in coin"; that the government had since de
scribed "the payment of the bondholders in the
same money" as "dishonesty and repudia
tion"; and that the bondholders did not have
' ' a claim either in law or equity better than the
men who offered their lives that the nation
might live". The petitioners, therefore, be
lieved that the government was "honestly and
justly indebted to the soldiers for the difference
between the value of greenbacks and gold at
the time of payment with 6 per cent, interest,
compounded semi-annually", and that Congress
should provide for the payment of such differ
ences in "a full legal-tender greenback, not to
be fundable into bonds of any rate or class."
Such action, it was declared, would give "im
mediate and direct relief to one million of the
defenders of our Government in its hour of
trial and danger, and indirectly to forty mil
lions of American citizens by reason of the
impetus given to all industrial pursuits".
Congressman Weaver requested that the pe
tition without the names be read and that it be
referred to the same committee to which his
soldier bill had been referred. He also an
nounced that "at the proper time" he would
address the House in support of the petitioners.
On December 18, 1879, General Weaver rose

132 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
to a question of privilege in regard to a para
graph in the New York Tribune of the day
before which described the numerous petitions
recently received from ex-soldiers as all alike
and suggested that he was the author of them.
Viewing the item as a reflection upon his char
acter "as a Representative of the people".
Weaver declared that he was not the author
and was not "the exclusive medium of their
presentation to the House .... I hurl
back the imputation as a slander by this Wall
street journal upon myself and the brave men
who have petitioned for equal rights with the
holders of Government bonds." In conclusion
he remarked that "at the death of Horace
Greeley the New York Tribune lost its reputa
tion both for honesty and intelligence."
About a month later Congressman James W.
Singleton of Illinois presented a petition from
five hundred officers, soldiers, and sailors from
Greene County, Illinois, asking for the passage
of the Weaver Soldier Bill. The petition con
tained resolutions, adopted at a mass-meeting
held in the county, requesting their "Senators
and Representatives in Congress (without re
gard to political parties) to support this most
just and righteous measure", and urging organ
ization "all over the nation" and the keeping
of a record of the action of members of Con
gress as to their attitude toward the measure.

SECOND SESSION IN CONGRESS 133
The bill received no further consideration in
the House, and consequently General Weaver
probably never delivered his promised address
in its favor, although there was printed in the
appendix to the Congressional Record, under
date of May 10, 1880, a speech entitled Human
Life versus Gold, and described as "on the bill
for the relief of the soldiers and sailors . ,
. . and to restore to them equal rights with
the holders of Government bonds. "^^^ .
The most dramatic episode in Weaver's sec
ond session in Congress was his long struggle
for recognition by the Speaker in order to
present two resolutions. In the first of these
resolutions it was declared to be the sense of
the House that "all currency, whether metallic
or paper, necessary for the use and convenience
of the people, should be issued and its volume '
controlled by the Government, and not by or
through the banking corporations of the coun
try". The second resolution opposed the re
funding of the public debt, urging that it should
be paid "as rapidly as possible", and "to
enable the Government to meet these obliga
tions, the mints of the United States should be
operated to their full capacity in the coinage of
Standard Silver Dollars, and such other coin
age as the business interests of the country
may require".
These resolutions, embodying fundamental

134 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
financial principles from the point of view of
the third party group in the House of Repre
sentatives, were drafted by Weaver, and on the
first Monday in January, 1880, he asked to be
recognized by the Speaker in order to introduce
them. Under the rules of the House at that
time it was proper for any member on Monday,
if he could secure recognition of the Chair, to
move the suspension of the rules and place upon
its passage any measure which he might desire
to offer.
Recognition of Mr. Weaver was refused by
the Speaker because the Democrats did not wish
to be placed upon record, immediately before
the Presidential election, upon what they re
garded as "mere abstractions." Each Monday
for thirteen weeks the struggle continued.
After a few weeks it began to attract general
attention. Crowds filled the galleries on Mon
days and the newspapers severely criticized
"the aggravating perseverance of the author
of the resolutions." The Speaker received
many letters, some praising him for his firm
ness and others denouncing him as a tyrant.
The illustrated weeklies also contained "gross
and uncomplimentary" caricatures of General
Weaver. Finally, on March 6, 1880, Harper's
Weekly published a full page cartoon by Nast,
representing Weaver "as a donkey, braying to
the utter consternation of the House. The

SECOND SESSION IN CONGRESS 135
Speaker was represented as standing with his
back to the author of the resolutions, members
as holding their hands over their ears, others
as endeavoring to crawl under the desks, and
the Mace as having been blown violently from
the hands of the Sergeant-at-Arms while he was
vainly attempting to hide from the storm. ""^
The first reference in the Congressional Rec
ord to these resolutions is to be found on
February 27, 1880, in a debate upon the re
vision of the rules. Weaver referred to them
as having frightened the House for five weeks,
saying that they represented the opinion of
ninety-nine out of every hundred members of
the Democratic party west of the Alleghany
Mountains. He then had them read as a part
of his remarks, and afterward declared that he
"well understood" why the leaders of the
Democratic party, "being in the East for hard
money and in the West for soft money," did not
want to be put on record "on the eve of a presi
dential election. But these resolutions are now
before the country, and I shall be found stand
ing here inserting the thorn in the flesh every
Monday from now until the adjournment of
Congress, unless sooner gratified, seeking rec
ognition. I am determined that gentlemen in
this House shall be put upon the record on
those resolutions and their public professions
tested.""*

136 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
March 1, 1880, Congressman Weaver rose to
make a "parliamentary inquiry". After con
siderable controversy with the Speaker and
other members, he mentioned the cartoon by
Nast, "a gross misrepresentation", showing
the Speaker with his back toward him. Mr.
Garfield asked which figure represented Mr.
Weaver, who replied: "The large figure with
the long ears, of course, represents me. You
know that the ass in the Bible saw the angel
before Balaam, his rider, saw him."^^^
Finally at the beginning of April it became
apparent that the long struggle would soon
end. Rumors that recognition would be given
the first Monday of the month became current,
evidently emanating from the Speaker himself.
Then a new problom appeared as under the
rules a yea and nay vote could not be secured
unless demanded by one-fifth vote of the mem
bers. There were but thirteen of the National
party so that assistance was necessary to ob
tain a vote after recognition had been conceded
by the Speaker. In this emergency Mr. Weaver
and his associates appealed to Mr. Garfield to
help in obtaining a yea and nay vote. They
pointed out that the Republicans were already
on record against the propositions contained in
the resolutions, while the Democrats at home
usually favored thie propositions, but always
avoided being put on record in regard to them.

SECOND SESSION IN CONGRESS 137
After consultation with his colleagues Garfield
replied that his side of the House would sup
port the demand for a yea and nay vote.
It was on the first Monday in April that
General Weaver was finally recognized. He
made "the necessary motion to suspend the
rules and demanded that the vote be taken by
yeas and nays. Upon statement of the demand
by the Chair the Greenback members. General
Ewing, of Ohio, and Mr. Tillman, of South
Carolina, rose to their feet followed by the
entire Republican side of the House. The yeas
and nays were accordingly ordered. ' ' Immedi
ately with a few exceptions, the Democrats left
the hall and gathered in the cloak rooms for
consultation. On the first call of the roll only
three or four Democrats responded, while the
Republicans voted almost solidly in the nega
tive. On the second call there were 84 yeas
and 117 nays, 91 not voting. The affirmative
vote consisted of eleven Greenbackers, one Re
publican, and seventy-two Democrats, mostly
from the South and West. The negative vote
was composed of Republicans, reinforced by
eastern and middle States Democrats. ^^^
In the debate upon the resolutions Mr. Gar
field said that he had never heard the provisions
contained in them until they were read that
day. They had, however, attained "some his
torical importance by being talked about a good

138 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
deal in the newspapers, and by blocking the
other business of the House for some weeks."
After a brief analysis of the resolutions, he
asked how the $780,000,000 falling due "this
year and next" were to be paid. "Print it to
death — that is the way to dispose of the public
debt", according to the resolutions. He urged
"both parties" to show their courage by de
stroying "the triple-headed monster of cen
tralization, inflation, and repudiation com
bined. ' '
Replying to the leader of the Republicans,
Congressman Weaver declared that he reck
oned himself "most happy in having an
opportunity of witnessing a vote upon these
resolutions" which had "so attracted the atten
tion of this House and of the country for the
past three months." He was not surprised at
the opposition of the gentleman from Ohio, for
he understood "very well that that gentleman
and his party ' ' stood ' ' in the road blocking the
progress of the people toward financial re
form." With reference to the criticism direct
ed at the resolutions, he pointed out that "the
national greenback party is opposed to the vio
lation of the public faith, and is squarely
opposed to the repudiation of any portion of
the public debt. We are in favor of the pay
ment of the debt according to the contract, and
we are the only party that desires ever to pay

SECOND SESSION IN CONGRESS 139
it." In answer to the question where the gov
ernment could get the money to pay the ma
tured bonds, he said: "first, from the surplus
revenues properly increased by a judicious in
come tax; second, by the coinage of silver."
Explaining more fully his meaning, he declared
that the government bought silver with the
surplus revenues and manufactured silver dol
lars, and the $4,000,000 worth monthly that
might be purchased under the existing law,
would pay off the debt in half the time that it
was proposed to fund it for. He called atten
tion to the fact that they were paying off the
debt then "for electioneering purposes at the
rate of two millions a week", and did not feel
it. There was ample surplus revenue for the
purpose; all that was needed was the disposi
tion to pay.^"
During the second session of the Forty-sixth
Congress it appears that General Weaver intro
duced ten bills, nine of which were for pensions
or for the relief of soldiers and their depend
ents. The tenth measure was the so-called
Weaver Soldier Bill. He also introduced five
resolutions — two of these being the proposi
tions about which he made his long fight for
recognition by the Speaker. Of the other three,
one was his minority report from the Com
mittee on Elections, of which he was a member,
recommending that the seat occupied by

140 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
William F. Siemens from the second district of
Arkansas be declared vacant; another request
ed the Secretary of the Treasury to report to
the House his action in anticipating interest
payments upon the public debt as provided for
by a joint resolution passed in March, 1864;
and the third recommended the employment of
an "additional page for the convenience of the
House. ""8
These bills and resolutions indicate his two
chief interests — justice to the soldiers who
had served in the Civil War and currency and
finance. Frequently he combined them in one
measure — as in his Soldier Bill in which he
proposed "to restore to them equal rights with
the holders of Government bonds."
His speeches and incidental remarks illus
trated the same tendencies. On January 22,
1880, he spoke upon the bill then under discus
sion requiring the reserves of national banks to
be kept in gold and silver coins. He pointed
out that under the proposed measure banks
might keep their entire coin reserves in sub
sidiary silver and trade-dollars. Those coins
were consequently "exalted above the green
back", which was a legal tender for all
amounts. Such a proposal was "a discrimina
tion against the greenback and inimical to the
interests of the people .... and in favor
of the bondholder. It is the same old obnoxious

SECOND SESSION IN CONGRESS 141
class legislation over and over again ....
The greenback is the only reliable dollar in
America to-day. It stays at home, and is al
ways as good as gold."
The claim of the opposition that the country
owed "three hundred and forty-six millions of
legal-tender war debt" was refuted by refer
ence to the act of Congress of May 30, 1878, by
which "the greenback became the perpetual
legal-tender money" of the United States. He
admitted the statement of the opposition that
President Lincoln approved of the issue of
greenbacks because there was no other re
source. "Gold, silver, and the Shylocks of the
country failed the Government in the hour of
its trial, and we were compelled to resort to
legal-tender paper. It was the fiat of the Gov
ernment to save the nation 's life ; and the same
fiat is doubly necessary to-day to save the
liberties of the people .... The issue
fairly before the people is this: Shall we have
in this country legal-tender paper issued by the
Government, or shall the people depend upon
banking corporations for their circulating
medium ? Shall the Government or the banking
corporations control the volume of the cur
rency? Let gentlemen meet that issue fairly
and squarely. The issue is between the cor
porations and the people. Shall we depend
upon banking corporations for the volume of

142 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
our currency, and in that way give the banks
the control of all values in this Republic?"
He referred to the opposition of ' ' the gentle
man from New York [Mr. Chittenden] " to his
soldier bill; "he stooped over and shook his
little fist in my innocent face ! . . . . The
gentleman goes into hysterics the very moment
he mentions the soldiers ' bill. He regards it as
an assault upon the peculiar interests which he
represents. But he is not the only gentleman
who is seriously annoyed by it. A very dis
tinguished gentleman, a citizen of the State of
Illinois, a distinguished ex-soldier and philolo
gist [John A. Logan] said .... that the
bill introduced by General Weaver .... to
equalize the pay of soldiers was the worst piece
of 'demagogy' — 'demagogy' is good — ever
introduced into an American Congress."
Mention was also made of a letter of a mem
ber of the House from Missouri in which it was
said that the author of the soldiers' bill was
not in earnest and that the bill would not pass.
' ' Sir, let me say that the author of that bill and
the more than five hundred thousand men who
stand behind him were never more in earnest
than now. They were not more earnest when
storming the heights of Fort Donelson or fight
ing the bloody battles of Shiloh, Gettysburgh,
and the Wilderness. And this House must give
the relief asked for, or these men will send a

SECOND SESSION IN CONGRESS 143
Congress here that will grant them their
prayer. ' '
General Weaver next paid his respects to his
"colleague from Iowa [Mr. Price]", who had
spoken a few days ago. He had told them that
"France had $426,000,000 of silver money, and
60 per cent, more than that of gold. That would
give France $19 per capita in gold, $12 in
silver, and she has $12 per capita in paper,
making in all $43 per capita for the entire
population, while in this country we have not
to-day $8 per capita in actual circulation, al
though we have a population 50 per cent.
greater than France, and an area of territory
eighteen times larger than the territory of that
country. ' ' He pointed out that his ' ' colleag-ue ' '
had "occupied every sign in the zodiac upon
this question of finance, and no man can tell
from what he said in his speech whether he
favors this bill or is opposed to it ... .
But my colleague lauds the greenback! There
is one thing I do not want him to do. He must
not try to crawl into bed with the greenbackers
without first taking off his republican boots
and overcoat."
In conclusion he declared that the bill was
calculated "to take the greenback out of the
reach of the people and place it in the hands of
those who will hoard it. Under the law as it
now stands they can not do this as well as they

144 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
could desire. The people have some little pro
tection. But if this bill becomes a law they will
be largely deprived of the legal-tender paper
dollar. It will disappear from circulation . .
. . the attempt has been made in this House
since the assembling of Congress to suppress
the discussion of the financial question. It can
not be done. The pressure is from without. It
comes from the people, who are masters of the
situation. They are discussing it in every vil
lage and hamlet, in every public meeting, in the
workshops, and even in the churches, and they
will continue to discuss it until it is settled in
their behalf."""
Another speech by Weaver was printed in
the appendix to the Congressional Record
under date of May 10, 1880, with the title of
The Irrepressible Conflict — The People vs.
Privileged Classes. It is described as having
been made while the House had under consider
ation the bill "to facilitate the refunding of
the national debt" — although it may never
actually have been delivered. In this speech he
maintained that the "system of funding the
public debt, now the ruling policy of this Gov
ernment, affords the most startling evidence
of the domination of the privileged classes, and
marks our total and melancholy departure from
the teachings of the founders of our Republic.
It is not a plant of American growth, but is

SECOND SESSION IN CONGRESS 145
borrowed from the effete aristocracies and
monarchies of the Old World. This system has
been ingrafted upon our simple republican
polity by men who are hostile to democratic
institutions, and who believe in an aristocracy
of wealth whose privileges and exemptions
guarantee to the few the greatest possible
accumulation of property and the widest con
trol of public affairs ....
"All legislation looking to the perpetuation
of our national debt, and of the national-bank
ing system which feeds and fattens upon it,
should be universally discouraged and de
nounced as a crime against the people, and all
laws looking to their existence should be imme
diately repealed."
"Such has been the management of our
finances, that it is conceded we cannot pay at
the date these bonds become redeemable. The
pretext upon which they were issued was, that
the Government was not then able to pay, but
would certainly be at the expiration of the time
for which they were then to be issued. The
expectation that we would ever be able to pay
all these bonds at once was never for a moment
entertained by the managers of this funding
scheme, and if the people ever entertained such
an idea they have been signally disappointed.
"The national party is opposed to funding
this debt. We say that it is our great duty to
11

146 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
demand that it shall be paid. How can it be
done, and when? We answer:
' ' Fii-st. By applying the surplus revenue to
its extinguishment, which now amounts to over
$50,000,000 per annum after defraying all ex
penses of the Government.
"Second. By paying out the silver now in
the Treasury," amounting to $70,000,000. Twen
ty-three million dollars of this consists of sub
sidiary coin 7 per cent, light, which would have
to be coined over into standard dollars.
"Third. By operating our mints to their
full capacity in the coinage of standard silver
dollars. "Fourth. By levying a judicious income-tax
upon the wealthy, who now bear none of the
burdens of taxation.
"Fifth. By substituting legal-tender g-reen-
backs for national-bank notes and canceling the
bonds now held by the Treasury to secure their
circulation. ' '
In conclusion General Weaver declared that
"national banking and the funding system are
counterparts of each other. The two must
perish together, and perish quickly. They are
twin monsters, brought hither to crush out lib
erty on this continent. Aware of the danger,
the people have organized a party for self-
defense. This party believes in the power of
the Government to make all the money neces-

SECOND SESSION IN CONGRESS 147
sary for the use of the people, and in the right
of the nation to pay off its debt whenever it has
the money. No human power can stop the
progress of this new movement. It is broad
and national in its doctrines and purposes. It
eschews sectionalism, and demands for the
humblest individual in the land a free ballot,
fair play, and equal rights before the law. The
old factions will not allow us to succeed if by
any means, fair or foul, they can defeat us. In
California they strike down free speech with
fine and imprisonment. In other sections they
confront us with slander and misrepresentation.
The bulldozers of one section join hands with
the money kings of the other to crush the peo
ple's party, and to keep laboring-men from
voting their untrammeled sentiments. But
'your covenant with death shall be disannulled
and your agreement with hell shall not stand.'
You have the chains forged necessary to rob
industry of its reward. But you shall be dis
appointed. You would like to see the sun rise
and set on a nation of slaves. But the people
perceive your purpose and are awake to the
danger. "May God in his infinite mercy help the tax
payers of this country to look into this question,
and nerve them to rebuke their despoilers ; may
He send upon our people that high type of
patriotism and courage that will crush all

148 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
parties, and men, and laws that stand for the
enslavement of the people !"^^**
No matter what might be the nature of the
measure upon which General Weaver was ad
dressing the House, he seems usually to have
turned to some phase of the subjects that mainly
engaged his attention. In February, 1880, in
speaking upon a bill regulating the removal of
causes from State to Federal courts, with which
he expressed himself as "in hearty accord", he
took up the subject of corporations. He re
garded the right of corporations to appeal to
Federal courts in the trial of cases brought
against them by individuals as a serious griev
ance, and in violation of the constitutional
principle that the citizen should be tried by a
jury of the vicinage.
He pointed out that the founders of the gov
ernment "threw around the cradle of the young
Republic certain safeguards. One of these
safeguards was that there should be no titles of
nobility in this country; another that the right
of primogeniture should not obtain here, that
there should be no entailed estates, so that the
wealth of the country should diffuse itself
among the people according to natural and
beneficent laws. They did not contemplate the
creation of these corporations that are as real
entities as are individuals — ideal persons that
never die, and yet possess the power to acquire

SECOND SESSION IN CONGRESS 149
and hold property equally with real persons.
They did not .... contemplate the rise
and progress of these legal Goliaths. . . .
"The existence of such corporations seems to
be necessary to the progress of our civilization ;
they are inseparable from it; but they should
not be clothed by legislation with exclusive
privileges over the citizen. The people must
put hooks into the jaws of these leviathans, and
control them.
' ' The accumulation of capital in the hands of
these corporations of itself gives them immense
power and tremendous advantage over indi
viduals. But if you, in addition to that, load
them with exclusive privileges by law — the
privilege of shirking and shunning the ordi
nary tribunals in which the common people have
to litigate their rights — and if you allow them
the power and the privilege of dragging the
citizen to remote tribunals, then, indeed, you
more than double or treble their power. The
corporation should seek no exclusive privileges,
and the citizen should be just to the corpora
tion. . . .
"What objection .... can be urged
against compelling corporations to come into
the State courts? The only one I can imagine
is that there is a prejudice in the minds of the
people which precludes justice in the State
courts .... If there is prejudice existing

150 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
to-day in the minds of the people against cor
porations, it grows out of a deep-seated con
viction on their part that the legislation of the
country has been in favor of the corporation
and against the citizen. Let the citizens . .
. . know and understand that there are to be
no exclusive privileges, that the corporations
are simply to go into the State courts and there
assert their rights as any other citizen ; that of
itself will disarm any honest man of preju
dice. . . .
"There is no such thing as shutting the eye
. . . . to the fact that there is a growing
tendency to-day in this country to concentration
of power in the hands of the few. I do not
charge in my remarks that this is the result of
any deliberate scheme of legislation; it is not
necessary here for me to do so; it is a fact
nevertheless. And whenever this Congress or
this House has the opportunity to strike down
that tendency, and to reduce all classes of
citizens to an equal footing, and to remand
them to common rights, they should avail them
selves of the opportunity. " ^^^
Weaver's position in the House was an un
usual one ; for the first time there was a group
of members who did not belong to either of the
two great parties. They were too small in num
bers to hope to have much influence, but they
believed that they represented a considerable

SECOND SESSION IN CONGRESS 151
proportion of the people of the country, and
consequently felt obliged to assert themselves.
Their official designation was ' ' Nationals ' ', but
they were variously referred to in the House as
the "party of the center" and as a "third
party". The former appeUation was taken
from the location of their seats (six of them
including Weaver had seats on the center
aisle) ; the latter came from the traditional
division of our people into two parties follow
ing the accepted English arrangement. Any
divergence from settled principles was de
scribed as a third party ; all legislative arrange
ments presumed two parties and two only.^22
Early in his Congressional career General
Weaver seems to have been recognized as the
leader of the third party group. His ability as
a speaker and debater, and his prominence as a
soldier and in the Republican party before he
joined the Independents pointed to him as the
most promising member for such a role. To
ward the end of the second session the time of
final adjournment was under consideration.
The Speaker ruled that fifteen minutes should
be allowed to the member representing the ma
jority, and the same amount to the one repre
senting the minority, and he added that "the
gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Weaver] claims that
he ought to be recognized to have a portion of
the time, and therefore the Chair would sug-

152 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
gest that a part of it, say, five minutes, should
be allowed to him." In reply to a question the
Speaker said that it was the custom "to recog
nize representative members."
There was considerable opposition to the
ruling, but it was finally followed and General
Weaver spoke against adjournment. He de
scribed the funding bill as "a menace to the
labor and industry of this country, and threat
ens the whole country with a calamity more
terrible than a plague, pestilence, or famine.
The fate of that bill is extremely doubtful if
the vote can be reached now. The vote in this
House on the 5th of April on the currency and
debt resolutions placed the funding bill in great
peril. This is well understood. But it is just
as well understood that if its friends can carry
it over until after the presidential election, they
will pass it and fasten that debt perpetually
upon American industry. That is one of the
main reasons for this hasty adjournment.
"Again, the right of petition has been denied
and abridged to the American people during
this session. Petitions bearing the signatures
of more than six hundred thousand soldiers
have been stowed away in a committee-room in
this House unheeded. These soldiers petition
for justice and the equalization of their pay.
They ask the Government to fulfill its solemn
contract made when the country's life was in

SECOND SESSION IN CONGRESS 153
hazard. But there is no disposition on the part
of a majority of this House to regard their
petition. Fifteen years have now passed away
since the close of the war, and yet the bounties
and back pay due to soldiers and the pay of
teamsters and others who served in our armies
for the preservation of the Union are unsettled
and utterly neglected. Hundreds of claims
have been adjusted, even under existing law,
but Congress has thus far failed to make the
necessary appropriation to pay them.
"During these fifteen years that have elapsed
since the war closed the Government has been
giving away to rich corporations vast empires
of our public domain and throwing the wealth
of the country into the laps of the opulent and
powerful. But there is no disposition to be
just, much less generous, to the soldier, his
widow, and orphan.
"I enter my solemn protest against the final
adjournment until Congress does justice to the
men who saved the flag that throws its protect
ing shadow over the Speaker ".^^^
These remarks are an excellent illustration
of the way in which Weaver made use of every
opportunity to emphasize his favorite prin
ciples. In season and out of season he called
attention to those measures which he regarded
as of vital importance. Most of his effort
seemed wasted at the time — practically no re-

154 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
suits were obtained. His work Avas that of a
pioneer, misunderstood and ridiculed. But it
was destined to bear fruit in due time, although
not always in the form which he proposed.
Many times he was mistaken in his detailed
proposals, but he was sound in his hostility to
special privilege as opposed to the best inter
ests of the masses of the people.
He made two basic contentions : that the gold
production of the world was inadequate to fur
nish the circulating medium for the trade of the
world, and that the control of the volume of
money in circulation should be by the govern
ment and not by the bankers. As to the first of
these contentions, it should be remembered that
the circulating medium per capita in the United
States and the world has been tripled since 1896
by the opening of the Rand and Alaskan mines,
and by the introduction of processes for the
reduction of low grade ores. Furthermore, the
control of the currency has been definitely
placed by the enactment of the Federal Reserve
Act in the hands of the Federal government.

IS
First Campaign eoe the Presidency
1880
The records show that General Weaver was
granted leave of absence "indefinitely" from
June 7, 1880, by the House of Representatives,
Congress itself adjourning that year on June
16th.i24 ]^Q reason was given for the action;
but it was understood that such leave would
allow him to attend the Greenback National
Convention which was to meet in Chicago on
June 9th, and by which he was to be nominated
for the Presidency. His prominence in Iowa as
a Republican leader before his change of
parties, supplemented by his activity in Con
gress for two sessions, made him inevitably one
of the most promising Greenback presidential
probabilities in 1880. He seems to have been
very optimistic in regard to the prospects for
the Greenbackers playing an important part in
the election.^^®
There was clearly a chance that the new
party might hold the balance of power in the
next Congress as it had hoped to do in the
Forty-sixth Congress. The narrow escape 155

156 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
from defeat in 1876, together with the dissatis
faction of many Republicans with the adminis
tration of President Hayes, gave encourage
ment to the hopes of success of the Democrats.
In any event the new party might find itself in
a position of advantage. No selection of Presi
dent by the electors might throw the election
into the House, and in such an event the Green
backers would hold a place of great strategical
importance, and might conceivably dictate
which one of the leading candidates should be
made President. Political uncertainty in 1880
favored the Greenback party.
In 1879 occurred the biennial election for
Governor in Iowa, John H. Gear being a candi
date for reelection. Weaver was reported to
have decided against fusion with the Democrats,
and to have said that the Greenback vote in the
State would amount to 75,000. He also believed
the Greenbackers would carry the South in
1879. An editorial on an interview with him in
The Iowa State Register in September de
scribed him as "the leader of his party in this
State and a popular candidate of it for the
Presidency next year." Weaver announced
that the "great guns" of the party — Solon
Chase and Congressman March of Maine,
James Buchanan and Congressman De La
Matyr of Indiana, and "Old" Jesse Harper of
Ihinois — were coming to Iowa to help elect a

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 157
Greenback congressman in the Fifth District to
fill the vacancy caused by the death of the mem
ber elected in 1878. Success in this contest
would strengthen the Greenbackers in Congress
as well as prepare the way for the campaign in
1880. Weaver himself had taken part in the
campaign in Maine, from which he had just
returned. His estimate of the Greenback vote in Iowa
was too optimistic — the actual count was
nearer 45,000 than 75,000. But 1879 witnessed
some near successes in Maine and Massachu
setts that made his predictions actually more
reasonable at the time than subsequent events
now lead us to believe. In Iowa, too, the Green
backers received the largest vote ever cast for
a third party in that State — thus partly justi
fying Weaver's optimism.^^^ On the eve of the
campaign of 1880 there was really some ground
for the belief that the situation of the Green
backers corresponded to that of the Republican
party in the early days of its existence.
In January, 1880, a National Greenback
Labor conference was held in Washington,
attended by one hundred to one hundred and
twenty-five delegates exclusive of the Greenback
Congressmen. Most of those present were rep
resentatives of State and local Greenback
organizations with a few from trade and labor
unions. The gathering was composed of law-

158 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
yers, editors, workingmen, and farmers, repre
senting many different shades of political and
social reform. After the chairman of the
National Committee had called the conference
to order. Congressman March of Maine was
made permanent chairman. The purpose of
the meeting was to decide the time and place
for the next national nominating convention,
and after considerable discussion Chicago was
selected as the place and June 9th as the time.
Besides adopting the usual resolutions the
conference endorsed Weaver's bill for the
equalization of soldiers' pay and bounties; but
immediately afterwards Weaver himself ap
peared and asked the withdrawal of the endorse
ment, since in his opinion the matter was not
suitable for consideration at that time. His
request was promptly complied with.^^v
A few months later General Weaver was said
to favor General Benjamin F. Butler of Massa
chusetts as the best man for the Greenbackers
to nominate for President; and Congressman
De La Matyr agreed with him, declaring that
with Butler as a candidate the election would be
thrown into the House and the Democrats
would vote for Butler in preference to a Re
publican.^^* Early in June, 1880, Weaver, Gillette, and
Senator David Davis of Illinois, had an ex
tended conference in Washington upon the

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 159
political situation. It was hoped by Weaver
and Gillette that Senator Davis would consent
to become the candidate of the Greenback party
for the Presidency and the meeting was ar
ranged with that object in view. The confer
ence occurred in one of the committee rooms of
the House of Representatives and lasted for
about three hours. Senator Davis declared that
he felt grateful for the mention of his name as
"the candidate of the industrial people, and
was in accord with most of their purposes ; but
he was not in a situation to accept the nomina
tion and must decline, and we were instructed
to see that his name was not placed before the
convention. We plead with him to yield, but
without avail. "^^"
In May, 1880, the Iowa State Greenback Con
vention met at Des Moines. Resolutions to
present General Weaver as the first choice of
Iowa Greenbackers for President to the Na
tional convention were objected to; but upon
the explanation being made that only a recom
mendation to the delegates was intended, the
resolutions were adopted upon motion of L. H.
Weller "with three cheers and a tiger." Gen
eral Weaver, Congressman Gillette, Daniel
Campbell, and M. H. Moore were chosen dele
gates at large.^^**
The National Greenback Convention met at
Chicago on Wednesday, June 9, 1880, and con-

160 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
tinned in session until early Friday morning.
Considerable confusion attended its organiza
tion because of the very varied elements of
which it was composed. Almost every phase
of radical opinion of the time had representa
tives anxious to have their peculiar views
recognized. Supporters of woman suffrage
and socialism were especially active in their
efforts; and there were divisions among the
Greenbackers themselves, some favoring fusion
with the Democrats and others opposed to com
promise of any kind. Woman suffrage was
given a hearing, but no reference to it was made
in the platform. Forty-four delegates from the
Socialist Labor party were admitted to the
convention at their own request in order "to
make common cause against the common enemy
— the money power. ' '
Apparently General Butler was most gener
ally thought of as a candidate for President at
the beginning of the convention — at any rate
he seems to have been the second choice of a
very large number. Edward P. AUis of Wis
consin also had "a good deal of strength among
Western delegates." Later the sentiment of
the convention turned to Weaver. Nomina
tions began at one o 'clock Friday morning and
continued for three hours. Congressman Gil
lette nominated General Weaver and six other
candidates were named. At four o'clock an

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 161
informal ballot was taken and resulted as fol
lows: General Weaver, 226; Hendrick B.
Wright, 126; Stephen Dihaye, 119; General
Butler, 95 ; Solon Chase, 89 ; Edward P. AUis,
41 ; and Alexander Campbell, 21.
Before a formal ballot was taken the names
of Wright, Dillaye, AUis, and Campbell were
withdrawn. When in the balloting it appeared
that General Weaver had over 500 votes. States
rapidly changed their votes; and when the re
sults were announced at six o'clock, he was
declared to be the unanimous choice of the con
vention for President. B. J. Chambers of
Texas was quickly nominated for Vice Presi
dent. Escorted by a committee that had been
appointed to request his presence. General
Weaver appeared and accepted the nomination
in a "few neat and timely words." At 6.45
A. M. after an all night session the convention
adjourned.^*^ A committee authorized by the convention
and composed of S. F. Norton, E. P. AUis,
Solon Chase, S. D. Dillaye, and E. H. GiUette,
wrote General Weaver "that the Greenback
Labor party of the United States, represented
by 830 duly elected delegates from 36 States of
the Union, assembled in National Convention
. . . , reposing special trust and confidence
in your integrity as a servant of the people,
unanimously nominated you for the office of
12

162 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
President of the United States .... We
also notify you that the convention, realizing
the fact that the press, the pulpit, and public
speakers, are to such an extent in the service
and under the control of our political oppo
nents, that our limited force of newspapers and
public speakers, are at a disadvantage, in point
of numbers, in the work of discussing the ques
tions of finance and labor reform, passed a reso
lution urgently requesting you to devote your
time to personally addressing the people at
public meetings during the campaign."
On July 3, 1880, from his home at Bloom
field, General Weaver formally accepted the
nomination "as a solemn duty". After refer
ring to the importance of the union of "the
various Greenback and Labor elements into one
compact organization", he declared that "the
admirable platform adopted by the convention"
met with his "cordial approval. It is compre
hensive, reasonable and progressive — contain
ing those principles of economic reform essen
tial to the preservation of the liberty and the
prosperity of the whole people. ' '
An adequate circulating medium was, in his
opinion, at the basis of the prosperity of the
people of the country. Such a medium could
only be issued by the government and should
not be controlled by banking corporations. The
existence of the national banking system de-

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 163
pended upon the continuance of a national debt,
both institutions having been borrowed from
the English monarchy. He urged the payment
of the public debt as rapidly as possible, and
maintained that the surplus revenues and the
idle coin in the Treasury, together with that
which would accumulate under the silver law
of 1878, would be sufficient to pay off the debt
within the next six years. The only excuse for
funding the debt was to perpetuate the national
banking system which, with other corporations,
was "fast swallowing up the profits of labor,
and reducing the people to a condition of vas
salage and dependence. Those monopolies, of
whatever class, headed by the associated banks,
are interlocked in purpose, and always act in
closest sympathy."
General Weaver believed that "the great
problem of our civilization" was "to bring the
producer and consumer together", and to do
this, besides an adequate currency, the "rigid ^
regulation of inter-State commerce and trans
portation" was necessary. As both of these
were in the control of monopoly, the producer
and the consumer were being ground into
"poverty and ruin". He was "especially
thankful" that the platform was "open, bold,
and unmistakable on these great questions",
because the Republican and Democratic plat
forms were either "silent" or "pronounced in

164 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
favor of the monopolies and against the
people". As to other items in the platform he referred
particularly to the fact that an area of the
public domain ' ' larger than the territory occu
pied by the great German empire" had been
"wantonly donated to wealthy corporations",
while a bill to enable poor people to reach and
occupy the public lands had been "ridiculed
and defeated" in Congress. The public do
main should be sacredly reserved for actual
settlers, and where corporations had not com
plied strictly with the terms of the grants, the
lands should be reclaimed. The Iowa State
Register described this proposal as "the So
cialistic land resolution adopted by the recent
national convention of the Greenback-Labor
party" in noting the receipt by the national
executive committee of the Socialist Labor
party of a letter in which Weaver expressed
approval of the resolution.^^*
As to the immigration of persons from for
eign countries General Weaver thought that
those "seeking homes and desiring to become
citizens of the United States, should be encour
aged, but the importation of Chinese servile
laborers ' ' should be strictly prohibited.
He pointed out that the bondholders had
been paid in gold, while the soldiers and sailors
had been paid for their services in greenbacks.

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 165
The soldiers had been taxed to pay the interest
on the bonds, while the bondholders had gone
free. During the existing Congress all efforts
for relief had failed because of the rigid rules
of the House of Representatives, and the dicta
torial power lodged in the hands of the Speaker.
In this letter of acceptance General Weaver
took occasion to declare that ' ' one of the grand
missions" of the Greenback party was "to
banish forever from American politics that
deplorable spirit of sectional hatred, which for
base purposes" had been kept alive by the
Republican and Democratic leaders. "Let us
have a free ballot, a fair count, and equal rights
for all classes — for the laboring man in North
ern manufactories, mines and workshops, and
for the struggling poor, both white and black,
in the cotton fields of the South."
Finally, he urged "united action of all indus
trial classes, irrespective of party ....
to re-establish in the administration of public
affairs, the old time Democracy of Jefferson
and Jackson, and the pure Republicanism of
Abraham Lincoln and Thaddeus Stevens. ' '
In answer to the desire of the convention
that its candidates "visit the various sections
of the Union and talk to the people", he replied
that it was his "intention to comply with this
request to the extent" of his ability.^^^
This letter of acceptance embodied Weaver's

166 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
views upon public policies on the eve of the
presidential campaign in 1880. His funda
mental interest, as has been already indicated,
centered in finance, including the currency,
banks, and the public debt : he favored the use
of greenbacks and silver upon an equality with
gold. As a Western man he also felt the need
of the regulation of transportation, and he
believed he discerned a connection between the
money power and the railroads. He anticipated
by many years the idea of "interlocking direc
torates." He saw another field of activity of
the corporations, especially of the railroads, in
the public lands, and here he anticipated in part
the later policy of conservation of natural
resources. He felt that the soldier had been
discriminated against in favor of the bond
holder, but he discouraged a continuance of
sectional controversy between the North and
the South. He hoped for the union of all the
forces of democracy in his day just as before
the Civil War there had been a union of all the
forces opposed to slavery. In his day he saw
in the place of slavery the money power and
industrial monopoly. Weaver was the first real
leader in a movement which has gone on in
creasing in momentum, but which has by no
means as yet attained the goal to which he
looked. The campaign of the Greenback candidate

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 167
seems to have begun in July : it ended only with
election day. He covered the country from
Arkansas to Maine, and from Lake Michigan to
Mobile. In July and August he spoke in Ala
bama, Georgia, Arkansas, West Virginia, and
Indiana. Late in August he went to Maine,
speaking in Faneuil Hall, Boston, on his way
there, and at Cooper Union, New York, on his
return. In October, at Des Moines, he de
scribed his campaign to date by saying that he
had been speaking in the open air for nearly
one hundred days, sometimes twice a day; had
made more than one hundred speeches; had
travelled 20,000 miles; had shaken hands with
30,000 persons; and had addressed 500,000
people in fifteen States. At Terre Haute,
Indiana, he had an audience of 30,000, and at
other places in that State he had spoken to
8000, 10,000, and 12,000 people. Notwithstand
ing continued rain. Cooper Union in New York
City was packed to its utmost capacity. His
campaign in Maine was described as a tri
umphal march. People were said to have trav
elled over two hundred miles to hear him at
Portland, and then were greatly disappointed
because his time was limited by the lateness of
the hour.^^*
Late in September the charge was made that
the Greenback canvass was being "manipulated
in the interest of the Republican party, and

168 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
General Weaver's expenses borne in large
measure from the Republican campaign fund."
The author of the charge. Dyer D. Lum, assist
ant secretary of the Greenback National Com
mittee, described a meeting of the Executive
Committee in New York in July at which, be
sides the chairman of the National Committee,
Congressman March of Maine, General Weaver,
Lee Crandall, Edward Daniels, Geo. O. Jones,
and Lum himself were present. They "were
also assisted with the advice and counsel of
Senator John P. Jones of Nevada." At that
meeting General Weaver proposed the name of
Geo. 0. Jones to raise funds for the campaign.
When General Weaver was in New York on
his way from the South to Maine, Lum claimed
to have called his attention to a rumor that
Jones had received $5000 from the Republican
fund. Weaver was described as replying "that
it made no difference how much had been
received, for his tour of Alabama and Arkansas
would have been simply impossible without the
aid Mr. Jones extended to him." General
Weaver was accompanied from New York to
Boston by Mr. Jones, and on that trip it was
arranged that Weaver should oppose fusion in
Maine, and create disaffection between the
Greenbackers and Democrats. Lum declared
that every act of Weaver recently had aimed to
injure the Democrats.

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 169
In addition Lum referred to visits made by
him to Republican leaders, including General
Chester A. Arthur, from whom he obtained
information as to sums of money given to
Jones and by Jones sent to Weaver. Informa
tion as to the existence of this plan had come
gradually, and in his desire to protect the party
from scandal he had hitherto remained silent.
Now that the policy was becoming a matter of
general suspicion, and other persons were pro
testing, he felt that he ought not longer to
remain silent. Consequently, he regarded it as
his duty to give the information that he had to
the chairman of the National Committee, who
had not been in close touch with the campaign
since the July meeting.
In reply to these charges General Weaver
declared that Lum's statement was "base,
treacherous, and false in all of its essential
features." He then gave a list of the moneys
received by him since his nomination for Presi
dent. These amounted to $1,695, of which $800
had come from Mr. Jones. Out of these funds
he had paid the expenses of his "long and
laborious campaign", and he had contributed
$570 to party expenses in various States. The
remainder $1,125 had faUen short by $100 of
paying his actual expenses. He knew "person
ally" that the national executive committee was
in debt several hundred dollars for documents

170 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
sent out to the people. He had given a careful
statement of the sums received and the immedi
ate sources, but he did not know, and had not
asked where the money originally came from,
and he did not care in the least. He did, how
ever, "most positively assert" that he had
"never requested, either directly or indirectly,
personally or through another, contributions
from the Republican committee, its agents or
friends; nor have I the promise or hope of
receiving any money from such source. The
people of this nation have heard and read my
speeches during the campaign, and can certify
whether they have been delivered in the interest
of the Republican party .... I treat
both [parties] alike, and compel them to face
the record they have made. I am making an
open fight for the integrity of my party and
the welfare of the people against both the old
rotten organizations. I defy all traitors in
Christendom to injure me in the least. ' '
The next effort of the opponents of General
Weaver to discredit him took the form of a
forged letter, purported to have been written
by him to Gillette early in September. In this
letter the opinion was expressed that most of
the Greenbackers who had come from the Re
publican party would return to that party ; and
so the problem was how to hold the Democratic
vote. The letter answered that it was ' ' only by

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 171
the breaking of that party we can hope to suc
ceed. If we can hold that vote it will probably
elect the Republican candidate, but we must be
cruel in order to be kind and may possibly
throw the election in [to] the House where our
chances would all be equal. Should the fusion
in Maine be successful .... to which I
am indifferent; as it would only inure to the
success of the Democrats in the October States
and elect their ticket in November, our position
would not be enhanced but threatened."
The forged letter was published in the latter
part of October in the New York Star, a Demo
cratic paper. As soon as he heard of it. General
Weaver issued a sworn statement in which he
branded the document as "an unqualified
forgery throughout." He had never written
such a letter and had not "entertained such
sentiments or thoughts". Congressman Gil
lette also immediately denied ever receiving
such a letter from Weaver, and declared that
from conversations with him he knew that he
did not hold such opinions. Mrs. Gillette had
conducted her husband's correspondence during
the period when the letter was supposed to have
been written, and she added her statement to
those of General Weaver and Congressman
GiUette. The trick of the Democrats seems to have
had for its purpose the -winning of the election

172 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
by weakening Weaver so that he would not get
as many Democratic votes as he might other
wise obtain. The Democrats were dissatisfied
because Weaver did not favor fusion with them
in 1880. They had hoped that he would follow
the same policy in the national campaign as he
had followed in the Congressional election.
Apparently Weaver believed that there was a
chance for the Greenbackers to develop strength
enough to dictate to the old parties and possibly
even displace one of them. At Des Moines in
October he predicted the election of from
twenty-five to fifty Congressmen, and he
thought that they would ' ' crowd the old parties
close in some States on the electoral ticket ".^^^
In connection with these charges the Iowa
State Press, a Democratic paper, declared that
General Weaver had not done anything to
favor the Democrats during the entire cam
paign. He had urged fusion with the Repub
licans in Alabama, but had denounced fusion
with the Democrats in Maine. Recently the
most prominent Greenbacker in Pennsylvania,
and Congressman March of Maine, had de
nounced his policy in the present campaign.
General Weaver wrote to the Pennsylvania
Greenbacker, Frank Hughes, in answer to his
published charges that he was opposed to
fusion. He was "in favor of an open, straight
fight against the Democratic and Republican

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 173
wings of the Money Power", and had "no
choice between them. If you have, take your
choice and go where you belong.
"It is impossible for the Greenback party to
overthrow the old parties by forming an alli
ance with them to place them in power. Nor
can an honest man have any respect for a party
organization that will do so.
' ' You, sir, have the right to differ with me in
opinion; but you mistake the sentiment of the
Greenback voters .... if you think they
are in favor of dividing our electoral ticket
anywhere with either of the old parties."
"As to your insinuation that I am actuated
by sinister motives in anything said or done by
me during the campaign, I denounce you as a
slanderer and calumniator. ' '
About the same time The Iowa State Register
said editorially that General Weaver made mis
takes, but was never charged with corruption.
It was added that he never made a fusion in
which he could not dictate the terms. ^^*
In the election in November, General Weaver
received 308,578 votes as compared with slight
ly over 80,000 cast for Peter Cooper in 1876.
The ten States contributing the largest number ¦
of votes in the order of votes cast were Mis
souri, Michigan, Iowa, Texas, Illinois, Pennsyl
vania, Kansas, Indiana, New York, and Ken
tucky. Only two of these States were eastern :

174 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
the Greenback Labor party was chiefly west
ern. ^*''
The election of 1880 was the first national
election in which a third party had had aggres
sive leadership attempting to create a new
party. General Weaver seems to have believed
sincerely in the possibility of such a manifesta
tion of strength by the Greenbackers that the
Republican and Democratic parties would be
compelled to recognize their importance. Of
course he was disappointed in the immediate
outcome, but the result that he undertook in
one way has to a considerable extent been
brought about in another manner: instead of
the creation of a new party there has been the
permeation of both the old parties by the ideas
for which he stood. The social and industrial
emphasis in the politics of the present goes
back to Weaver as the pioneer. Social politics
had its source in the campaign of 1880 — a cam
paign that ranks historically with those of 1896
and 1912. His actual canvass, in the extent of
territory covered, and the number of people to
whom he appealed directly, was not excelled
until the Bryan campaign of 1896. He esti
mated that he had spoken to a million people in
sixteen States.^^^
Shortly after the election in November there
was a meeting in Chicago of a half dozen promi
nent Greenbackers of the northwest. During

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 175
the conference, which was for the purpose of
¦consultation, a reporter of the Chicago Tribune
interviewed General Weaver, who said that the
"Greenback party has reason to feel proud of
the result [of the election] so far as it is con
cerned. We did not expect to elect our Presi
dential candidate, but we expected to establish
ourselves as a party to be respected." When
he was asked how he accounted for the falling
off of the Greenback vote in Indiana, Illinois,
'Ohio, and Michigan, he replied that there was
no falling off if the country as a whole was
•considered. The vote four years before was
only '80,000, while for the present year it would
be from 300,000 to 500,000. The States re
ferred to were "neutral ground when the two
.great parties were fighting for their lives, and
that fact drew many votes from our party.
Many men were afraid of the Solid South, who
•otherwise would have voted and worked for us.
'They were afraid to throw their votes away
while that question remained unsettled. Now
the Southern question is forever settled. Now
-the Democratic party is dead. The Solid South
is broken."
In reply to an inquiry as to how he expected
the break in the South would be effected, he
•said: "Through the Independent party — the
Greenback party. I believe the question of a
ifree ballot was settled at the last election, but I

176 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
believe that this settlement will not be accom
plished by the Republican party. The South
will never accept the Republican party, but they
must accept the Republican idea. History is
repeating itself, and we expect to be the new
party built on the ruins of the dead Democ
racy. ' '
The reporter then asked General Weaver
about his future course, and he answered that
he should make his "fight solely and squarely
against the Republicans. We shall insist on a
discussion and settlement of the great economic
questions .... The Republicans, under the
leadership of John Sherman, and the Demo
crats under Senator Bayard, will insist on the
demonetization of silver and the retirement of
the greenback. We shall oppose that, and I
believe that the Republicans of the West will be
unanimous in defense of silver and the green
back. If they dare to press this question — and
I believe they intend to — we shall gain thou
sands of Republican and Democratic votes, and
will surely succeed on that issue. We shall not
press for expansion, but we shall urge the dis
placement of the National bank-notes by the
greenbacks. The Republicans, I believe, will,
as soon as they get into power, pass the Fund
ing act, putting off debate under the previous
question if necessary. What I should advocate
would be to pay off the bonds in silver, from the

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 177
surplus revenues, thus giving the bondholder
coin of the standard in use at the time the bonds
were issued. The people do not want a simple
gold currency, and any attempt of the Repub
lican leaders to pass such a measure will cause
a stampede to our party. I should not increase
the circulation except by the silver coined
according to the amount fixed by law. ' '
In concluding the interview. General Weaver
said: "I can tell you one thing. We are in
accord with the Republican idea on the Na
tional question. Every good Greenbacker spells
the word 'Nation' with the biggest kind of an
jq- M139
Soon after the Chicago conference General
Weaver issued an address to the "National
Greenback Labor Voters of the United States"
on the results of the election. The main fea
tures of this address were a claim that "near
five hundred thousand votes" were cast for the
party's candidates, and an earnest appeal to
his supporters to reorganize for the next cam
paign. The Iowa State Register received an
advance copy, and made the comment that the
General had become "saturated with Victor
Hugo's didactic style, as witness:
"All hail, glorious army!
"Champions of equal rights, freedom and
brotherhood, I salute you!
"Around the altar of universal justice, I in
13

178 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
my heart clasp hands with each of you, while
we renew before the whole country our cove
nant never to cease our labors until we are
victorious." The further comment was added
that he did not say anything about the loss of
15,000 votes in Iowa in one year. "Such small
matters do not interest the undismayed and
hopeful General."""

X
Close of the First Term in Congress
1880-1881
The last session of General Weaver's first term
in Congress lasted from December 6, 1880,_ to
March 3, 1881. Legislation in which he took the
greatest interest and the passage of which he
opposed most vigorously was the bill for the
refunding of the national debt. This bill had
been left over from the preceding session, and
was debated in the House intermittently from
December 14, 1880, to its passage on January
19, 1881. At the very close of the session it was
finally vetoed by President Hayes because of a
provision in it which seemed to him to threaten
the permanence of the national banking sys-
tem.i*! On December 21, 1880, the chairman of the
committee on ways and means tried to dispose
of the funding bill before the holidays by limit
ing debate upon it to. two or three hours. There
was considerable opposition to this proposal
both because of the shortness of time before
adjournment for the holidays and because of
the presence of barely a quorum of members. 179

180 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Among others Weaver opposed the proposition,
saying that it was one of the most important
biUs then pending and that he protested most
heartily against such haste. He protested in
the name of his ' ' constituents, and in the name
of the people of the United States ; and if there
are sufficient members upon this floor who will
stand by me — if there are twenty-five men who
will sustain me in my efforts — I will see that it
does not pass, and that it is not to be consid
ered now. ' '
The motion to limit debate was not agreed to
by the House and consideration of the bill in
Committee of the Whole proceeded. Congress
man Gillette obtained the floor for one hour,
and after speaking twenty-five minutes yielded
the remainder of his time to Mr. Weaver who,
as he was not fully prepared to speak, asked
the privilege of retaining the time until some
other occasion. The request was granted by
unanimous consent. No member wishing to
speak, it was moved that the committee rise.
The question was then raised whether the com
mittee could control its action in the future, and
to obviate the difficulty it was proposed to give
Weaver leave to print his remarks.
At this point the chairman of the ways and
means committee, Fernando Wood of New
York, who had been temporarily absent, re
turned and moved to proceed to consider the

CLOSE OF TERM IN CONGRESS 181
bill by sections. He declared that he was quite
willing to allow the House to dispose of the bill,
but that he did not propose to permit "a few
members .... less than one-twentieth of
its members, to force the House, and control
this bill." He pointed out that there were two
ways of defeating a measure. One way is to
vote it down; "another is when those who de
sire to defeat a measure are not ready, and ask
the House to delay action until they are ready.
The gentleman from Iowa who held the floor
obtained it for one hour. If he is not prepared
to occupy his hour, any other gentleman who
desires to speak is entitled to the floor, if the
Chair recognizes him. But if nobody is ready
to continue the general debate, it is my right
and my duty to move that we now proceed to
the consideration of the bill by sections."
Congressman Mills of Texas, who had al
ready opposed the hurried consideration of the
bill before the holidays, replied that the gentle
man from New York [Mr. Fernando Wood,
chairman of the ways and means committee]
need not lecture him about his rights as a mem
ber of the House and that "he ought not to
permit his zeal to serve the syndicates and
bankers in Wall street" to lead him "to insult
a member .... who is asking this House
to give a grave and deliberate consideration to
a great question, the passage of a bill which

182 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
amounts to no less than to condemning the
generations that are to come after us to the
slavery of a perpetual debt to satisfy the god
less greed of the men in Wall street, whom the
gentleman represents." He notified Mr. Wood
that he would resist his efforts to force the
measure through by the use of every parlia
mentary means known to the rules of the
House; he resented Mr. Wood's reference to
the opposition of a few members. He then
moved to strike out the enacting clause of the
bill. Mr. Wood protested that his remarks had not
referred to the gentleman from Texas. He had
had notice served on him "by the leader of a
very small party in this House that every par
liamentary stratagem and right they could
possibly command they would make use of to
prevent the passage of any funding bill."
General Weaver interrupted the speaker with
the statement : ' ' and I now renew that declara
tion in the presence of the whole House ' '.
Continuing Mr. Wood denied that he was con
nected "directly or indirectly in the remotest
degree -with any Wall street brokers or with any
selfish interests." He was controlled by a ma
jority of the committee on ways and means, and
he regarded it as his duty to press for the
passage of a bill that would enable the govern
ment to maintain its honor and its credit. He

CLOSE OF TERM IN CONGRESS 183
was not wedded to the details of the bill, but
provision must be made for the redemption of
the bonds maturing the coming summer.
A number of members, including Mr. Bland
of Missouri and the Speaker, Mr. Randall of
Pennsylvania, then took part in the discussion.
General Weaver asked the latter a question in
regard to the effect of granting discretion to
the Secretary of the Treasury as to the issue of
long or short time bonds, expressing the
opinion that the capitalists would compel him
to issue long time bonds. Mr. Randall replied
that he was opposed to giving too much dis
cretion to the Secretary, but that ' ' the difficulty
about the position of the gentleman from Iowa"
was that he was not willing "to do anything
that looks to a permanent debt, or the further
exchange of any bond which continues even the
present aggregate of the public debt. The truth
is we have this debt on our hands, and if we
have not the money to pay it off absolutely
now, we have to provide for it by new loans in
some way. Therefore the gentleman's position
is not a practical one, nor does he present a
business-like argument that would be applicable
to the business either of an individual, a firm, a
corporation, or a government. ' '
In answer to the Speaker's criticism of his
position. Congressman Weaver stated that he
was opposed to any permanent debt, and that

184 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Mr. RandaU would be "if he was following in
the footsteps of Thomas Jefferson." He him
self was opposed to "the funding of any portion
of the public debt beyond the power of the Gov
ernment to pay it when it pleases." The
Speaker pointed out that General Weaver
would increase "the aggregate of the circula
tion of the country to meet these bonds",
and would consequently "produce inflation
and depreciate values of every description."
Weaver's reply was that the gentleman did not
understand the doctrines of the Greenback
party, and to this statement the Speaker made
the rejoinder that he was in favor of green
backs before Weaver was.
To this sally from the Speaker Weaver
answered that he was "like Saul of Tarsus, per
secuting the saints at the time the gentleman
was, like Judas, serving with the Apostles. I
am not now in that condition. The resolution
which I had so hard a time to get before the
House at the last session proposed to pay the
public debt according to the contract, and in no
other way. " In reply to another question about
paying the debt in silver. Weaver remarked
that no one had. referred to the hoard of silver
on hand in the Treasury which could be used
for the purpose without endangering resump
tion. He declared that he would not support
any measure that took from the government the

CLOSE OF TERM IN CONGRESS 185
right to pay the bonds in standard silver coin.
"It is very marvelous that the leading demo
crats of the East are found to be in full accord
with the republican party of this country when
it comes to the consideration of the question of
finance and other great economic questions."
Reference having been made to the recent
political campaign. General Weaver declared
that the success of his party in his section of the
country was "very marked". The district
which he represented was carried by the Re
publicans "by seven majority, and they had to
put in one hundred and fifty illegal votes to
count it that way. There was a republican
majority of four thousand .... two years
ago, and the district remains reliably anti-
republican to-day." The Greenback party
throughout the country polled "nearly 400 per
cent, of an increase over the vote polled in
1876." In answer to a question as to what length of
time would be required to meet the debt falling
due in 1881 if no refunding act should be
passed, the Speaker replied that in his opinion
the government could pay in ready cash
$72,000,000, and of the remaining $600,000,000
that $400,000,000 certainly could be placed in
2-10 year bonds, and the balance only need be
put into a permanent loan at 3%. To another
question as to how long it would require to

186 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
retire all the bonds falling due in 1881 at the
existing rate of income, Mr. Randall estimated
the surplus revenue to be $90,000,000 a year,
and the number of years could be ascertained
by dividing the amount of the bonds by the
amount of surplus revenue.
Discussion then turned to the platform of the
Democratic party in 1868 which demanded the
payment of the bonds in greenbacks and to the
fact that at that time General Weaver was a
Republican. Weaver replied by saying that
about the time he got converted to the Demo
cratic theory, the Democratic party went back
on it. Furthermore he declared that "the
democratic party in its whole history has
simply camped every four years exactly where
the republican party camped four years before,
and during the late campaign they were neck
and neck with the republican party in their
doctrine. ' '
General Weaver pointed out that in 1876 the
Democrats complained because the Republicans
had not hastened resumption and urged the re
peal of the resumption act that action might be
taken immediately, he supposed, but they were
beaten again. To the suggestion that they were
cheated out of the election, he replied that they
were "beaten out of it some way". Asked as
to who was elected in 1876, he answered: "I do
not believe anybody was elected." Again, in

CLOSE OF TERM IN CONGRESS 187
reply to a question for whom he voted in 1876,
he said: "for Rutherford B. Hayes ....
and I am sorry for it."
In 1878 the Democratic party in all sections
of the country favored "the substitution of
greenbacks for national-bank currency, and the
abolition of national banks, one currency of
equal legal-tender value with coin, and the abo
lition of national bank-notes."
But in 1880 the time came again as in 1860
when the Democratic party had to choose which
set of ideas should dominate in the management
of its affairs. In 1860 it had to decide between
Stephen A. Douglas and Jefferson Davis; no
agreement was made and the party was divided
and defeated. In 1880 "it had to be determined
whether August Belmont and the Bayards, the
eastern wing .... should dominate on
all these questions, or whether leaders like
Hendricks of Indiana, Ewing of Ohio, Voorhees
of Indiana, Trimble of Iowa, and Beck of Ken
tucky, should dominate in the councils of the
party, and whether the policy of the South and
West should be adhered to. The result was that
the Bayards and the August Belmonts dom
inated, and the sequel was the overthrow of the
democracy — a just retribution for forsaking
the principles they had enunciated to the
people. "There is but one party in the country".

188 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
declared General Weaver, "that does adhere
strictly to the principles it has enunciated be
fore the public — save and except the repub
lican party, which is open and bold in its piracy
upon the rights of the people of the United
States. The party I refer to does adhere to its
maintenance of the rights of the people, and is
above-board in the declaration of its principles,
and will be till it sweeps this country. And let
me say to those who laugh at the diminutive
size of the greenback party that that comes with
an ill grace from the republican side of the
House, when in my own short memory I can
recall the time when the republican party did
not poll so many votes as did the national green
back party in the last campaign. ' '
Another question from a Democratic mem
ber led Weaver to add that the platform of 1880
was "a slap in the face of every southern and
western democrat, and of every democrat who
formerly adhered to the declarations of 1868
and .... of 1878. It was the repudiation
of a Voorhees, a Hendricks, a Ewing, a Thur-
man, the wisest and most fearless and talented
leaders that the democratic party has produced
in modern times. It was an indorsement, and a
cowardly indorsement, of the republican theory
of finance and of funding. And the result was
that the people of the United States said, if that
is to be the settled policy of the Government,

CLOSE OF TERM IN CONGRESS 189
we prefer to trust the party that has shown
itself the time-honored friend of the bondholder
and of the syndicates of the country; we will
not swap horses while crossing the stream."
These remarks of General Weaver led to
angry retorts from Democratic members, in
which the charge made during the recent cam
paign that he used his influence in favor of the
Republican party was repeated. Congressman
Bland declared that he might deny it, but he
knew "what is matter of public history, and
that men high in the caucus of his own party
charged him with this conduct in the canvass
. . . . his whole campaign .... cor
responds with his speech here in the interest of
the party that has conducted this Government
and passed the laws he has complained of and
fixed them upon the people of this country, and
against the party that all this time has opposed
that policy."
At this point Congressman William Sparks
of Illinois interjected a remark to the effect
that Weaver was then a Republican and sup
ported those policies. Weaver understood him
to refer to the recent campaign and retorted:
"The gentleman is crazy". To which Sparks
replied: "The gentleman states a falsehood".
Weaver rose to a question of privilege, but
Bland claimed he had the floor, and continued
his attack upon Weaver, whom he described as

190 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
"belonging to his pretended greenback party"
while he "seems to be more hostile to the demo
cratic party to-day than he was when holding
to his old faith. That seems to be the whole
purpose and object of these new parties, to
supplant and cut down the democratic party
. . . . My friend from Iowa seems to have
the sympathy of gentlemen on the republican
side of the House. They seem to be a sort of
harmonious family, and therefore we may ex
pect that when he makes another change it will
be simply to go back to his old bed and lie down
in the place that is mentioned in scripture
where wallow and mire are named. ' '
In reply to the insinuations of Congressman
Bland, Weaver made answer that "the gentle
man from Missouri has sought to create the
impression that I have been a chronic office-
seeker in the republican party, and that I left
it because I was disappointed by not getting
an office. That is not true. When I left the
republican party it had sixty thousand majority
in Iowa over all opposition combined. I left it
because I believed, on investigation of its prin
ciples, that its policy was hostile to the interests
of the people, and that there was no possible
chance of reforming that party. That is why
I left the republican party and have remained
out of it ever since, and I am more at war this
moment with that party than ever before ; and

CLOSE OF TERM IN CONGRESS 191
no amount of abuse can drive me or induce
ments lure me into a party that is hostile to the
principles which my party promulgates. I will
organize with any man to fight the money power
who will agree with me on the principles I advo
cate, without regard to the party to which he
has formerly belonged."
At this point Congressman Sparks asked
Weaver to yield to him a moment and explained
that his previous statement had not been in
tended in any way to reflect upon his conduct
during the recent campaign, but had referred
to his membership in the Republican party in
1868 to 1873 when the objectionable legislation
was passed. General Weaver accepted the ex
planation, but refused to yield more time. He
said that because of confusion in the House he
had misunderstood the gentleman from Illinois
and had replied in the way he did. "The gentle
man replied very offensively that that was a
falsehood. Now, having been compelled once
to apologize .... the gentleman should be
very careful about using language of that kind.
I did not take it as a personal insult ; I did not
take it as applying to me. If the gentleman
ever does apply such language to me, and does
it within the reach of my arm, I certainly shall
personally chastise him." Here Sparks again
interrupted to say that "the gentleman talks
about what he will do within the reach of his

192 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
arm. Sir, that gentleman could not do any
thing 'within the reach of his arm'. I spurn
-«dth contempt the reach of his arm. The reach
of his arm would affect me about as little as it
affected the last presidential election."
Weaver replied by cautioning the member
from Illinois not to talk when he was excited
and said that he was perfectly safe so far as he
was concerned. His apology was ample and he
accepted it, but he warned him against the use
of such expressions which he believed in Ken
tucky were "regarded as the first blow ....
And the gentleman is mistaken about my fight
ing weight; it is one hundred and eighty-five
pounds." Mr. Sparks quite naturally replied
by saying that his weight was two hundred and
fifteen pounds. A further interchange of per
sonalities led Weaver to denounce Sparks as a
liar, to which Sparks responded by calling
Weaver ' ' a scoundrel and a villain and a liar ' '.
Mr. Weaver then advanced toward Sparks "in
a menacing attitude", and said, "If you get
within my reach I will hit you."
Members of the House interposed, the
Speaker resumed the chair, and the Sergeant-
at-Arms with his mace of office, moved about
the floor of the House, and order was restored.
After the committee of the whole had risen in
due form, the House adjourned."^
The next day before the completion of the

CLOSE OF TERM IN CONGRESS 193
reading of the Journal, "the disgraceful pro
ceedings of yesterday" were considered. A
Republican Congressman from Massachusetts,
S. Z. Bowman, rose to make a parliamentary
inquiry preliminary to the proper punishment
by the House of the offenders; R. M. McLane, a
Democratic member from Maryland, proposed
that the offending members be allowed an
opportunity to apologize, as he felt sure they
would both be ready to do so. Objecting to
such mild treatment, Mr. Bowman introduced
a resolution for the expulsion of Weaver and
Sparks "for gross breach of the privileges,
rules and decorum" of the House. A third
suggestion came from Thomas M. Browne, a
Republican from Indiana, for the appointment
of a committee of three to investigate the con
duct of the two offenders and report to the
House without delay "what proceedings should
be taken, if any, to vindicate its dignity. ' '
After considerable discussion and contro
versy the last proposal, that of Mr. Browne,
was adopted by a vote of ninety to forty-three.
At this point Congressman 0. D. Conger, a
Republican from Michigan, urged that the per
sons implicated should be given an opportunity
to speak if they desired to do so ; by unanimous
consent such leave was granted.
General Weaver spoke first, expressed regret
at his part in the incident, and said that there
14

194 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
could not be "two opinions as to the propri
ety and necessity of an apology to the House
for what took place yesterday. No one regrets
the occurrence more deeply than I do myself.
I know that I very rarely lose my temper at all
either in public debate or in private life ; and I
had not intended to do so yesterday. I can
only say to the House what is understood by
every member and by the country at large, that
the language used by myself was wholly un
justifiable under the rules of this House and
the proprieties of debate, and was entirely out
of order. I am not only willing, but I am
anxious, to say so to this House ; I am sorry I
used such language in the presence of the
House ; and I make my apology. Such conduct
is wholly unjustifiable. I certainly feel this as
deeply as any other member.
"I wish to say further that I had borne my
self through a long running debate, as I
thought, -with good nature; and the offensive
language was used just before the close of my
last remarks in reply to the gentleman from
Missouri [Mr. Bland]. The occurrence was
wholly unexpected at the time. I thought the
whole difficulty was settled.
" I do not -wish to raise at all any question as
to who was to blame. I say that, whether I was
to blame or some one else, or both to blame, our
conduct was wholly unjustifiable as members of

CLOSE OP TERM IN CONGRESS 195
this body. I apologize to the House for my part
of it, and ask to be excused. ' '
Mr. Sparks then apologized in the same
ample way. Mr. McLane tried to withdraw his
proposition, but was not allowed to do so ; Mr.
Conger urged a vote on the amended resolution
of Mr. Bo-wman; and Mr. Singleton of Illinois
moved that the whole subject be laid upon the
table. By a vote of 105 to 44, with 142 not
voting the last proposal was adopted."^
Referring to this episode in Congress, The
Iowa State Register expressed itself editorially
as follows : ' ' Gen. Weaver caught the eye and
ear of the country again on Wednesday week.
The Democrats were after him a long while
before the General's patience gave out. But
finally, after long badgering, and after one
fellow had called him a liar, he became virtu
ously mad, told the fellow he was another, and
pulled off his coat and descended upon him in a
regular cavalry kind of charge. Mr. Sparks,
who was the other fellow, seeing that there
were several gentlemen ready to stop him, also
advanced on the General. But the non-combat
ants finally persuaded the hot bloods not to do
it, and they didn't. But we warn them not to
presume on Gen. Weaver. He is a good Metho
dist, and likes peace as well as anybody, but
then he was one of the Second Iowa men and so
has the muscle and grit to take care of himself.

196 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
We hope, though, the General will oblige his
own State so much as not to do his fist-fighting
in the halls of Congress. However, if he cannot
avoid it without appearing cowardly, we want
him to take care of himself. If it does come to
that and he don't whip the other fellow, he need
never come back to this State. ' ' "*
The funding bill was debated in the House at
various times after the holidays until its pas
sage on January 19, 1881. General Weaver
took part in the discussion frequently, repeat
ing his demands for the use of silver to pay the
bondholders, opposing the refunding of the
debt for a long period of years, and persisting
in his hostility to the national banking system
as fostering the money power. With great skill
and the use of many parliamentary devices, he
undertook to delay the passage of the bill,
although he probably realized that eventually
it would be put through in some form. It
finally passed the House by a vote of 135 to 125,
with 32 not voting. Later the House concurred
in the Senate amendments, and the bill went to
the President only to be vetoed by him."'
During this last session of his first term in
Congress, General Weaver introduced only two
bills — one for a pension, and the other "to
authorize the construction and equipment of a
double-track steel railway from the city of New
York, in the State of New York, to the city of

CLOSE OP TERM IN CONGRESS 197
Council Bluffs, in the State of Iowa." The
pension bill was considered and passed by the
House, but was lost in the Senate committee on
pensions; the railroad bill was referred to the
committee on railways and canals where of
course it remained.
Of the two resolutions introduced by General
Weaver during the same session, one was a
minority report from the committee on elec
tions, and the other was a proposed amendment
to the Federal Constitution "providing for the
election of Senators by vote of the people."
Here, also, the only probable action was taken
— namely, reference to the proper committee.^*®
General Weaver's interest and reputation
were also shown by the nature of the petitions
presented by him. By far the largest number
of them opposed the refunding of the public
debt, and urged the payment of the same, if
necessary, by an issue of legal-tender notes. A
few asked for the passage of the Weaver Sol
dier Bill; and there were single petitions for
legislation to regulate interstate commerce, to
reserve the public lands exclusively for actual
settlers, and to make the Commissioner of Agri
culture a member of the President's Cabinet."''
Another indication of General Weaver 's chief
concern during his Congressional service is
found by following his incidental remarks from
time to time. He opposed the repeal of the bill

198 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
providing for the use of stamps on bank-checks
for it would reduce revenue and facilitate the
funding of the debt, and the tax was le-\ded upon
persons who were as able to bear it as any
others.^** He objected to an appropriation for negotia
tions with foreign governments with a view to
the international remonetization of silver for he
regarded the proposal as "simply an attempt
to bring about some kind of international agree
ment or quasi-legislation to be followed finally
by an act of Congress by which the silver
product of this country -wiU be so manipulated
that it will be impossible to pay it out for the
public debt. For the purpose of placing this
country, the greatest silver-producing country
of the world, within the power of France, it will
limit the amount of silver we shall have in circu
lation.""" In a discussion in regard to the appointment
of managers for the national Home for Dis
abled Volunteer Soldiers, it appears that Gen
eral Weaver proposed the name of General
Benjamin F. Butler upon whom he said that it
was unnecessary for him to pronounce any
eulogy. ' ' The country knows him ; history will
embalm his name and fame. Not only that, but
the disabled soldiers in the very institutions
named .... have felt the beneficial effect
of his great executive and administrative abil-

CLOSE OP TERM IN CONGRESS 199
ity. As to being non-partisan, there is not a
man in America who can show such a non
partisan record as General Butler. "^^^
In a parliamentary tangle in the House over
the re-apportionment of Representatives in
Congress, General Weaver proposed that "the
right and the left submit this matter to the arbi
tration of the center, and agree to abide by our
action. We will act impartially." A member
remarked that "that would be a fiat decision",
to which Weaver replied that "it would be bet
ter than the House seems able to make. ' ' ^^^
During this session Congress showed the
effect of the results of the election of 1880. Be
fore that election both Republicans and Demo
crats had feared the possible strength of the
Greenback party, and Weaver as one of the
ablest of its leaders was treated with a consid
erable amount of respect. Afterwards the
older party leaders felt their fears had been
exaggerated and that there was no immediate
danger of the formation of a strong third party.
Consequently they treated Weaver with less
.-"espect. The controversies of the campaign were also
reflected in Congress, especially the bitterness
of the Democrats against Weaver because of
his opposition to fusion with them. They re
garded him as ungrateful for their assistance
in his election to Congress. Hence their treat-

200 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
ment of him and the charges and insinuations
that finally led him to lose his temper after a
long and trying debate.^®^
His leadership in a national way seems to
have been pretty thoroughly established by the
end of his first term in Congress. His nomina
tion to the Presidency in 1880 would suggest
such a conclusion; but in numerous less striking
ways it was plainly evident. His membership
and service in Congress gave him national
leadership, and from 1881 he was constantly in
demand all over the country as a speaker and
advocate of economic and social policies.

XI
Political Activity
1881-1885
General Weaver's term in Congress and his
candidacy for the Presidency in 1880 made him
the leading exponent of Greenback principles
in the United States. His well-known ability as
a speaker and campaigner resulted in frequent
demands for his services in different parts of
the country. The months immediately follow
ing his retirement from Congress in 1881 were
devoted to a campaign of education in the inter
ests of the Greenback party. Late in September
he declared that since April he had spoken
nightly to audiences of from two to ten thou
sand; and a month later he stated that since
March he had delivered one hundred forty-nine
speeches in thirteen States from Massachusetts
to Kansas.^^,^
In June he spent over a week in Massachu
setts, speaking in Boston, Reading, Lawrence,
Newburyport, Danvers, Marblehead, Lynn, and
Springfield. The tour was arranged by the
State central committee of the National party,
which tendered General Weaver a reception 201

202 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
and a banquet at the Revere House, Boston, on
Saturday afternoon, June 18th. Nearly one
hundred persons from different parts of the
State were present.
General Weaver declared in his Boston ad
dress that the Greenback party was peculiar as
an organization because it believed in "some
thing" — a statement that could not be made of
either of the old organizations. In his opinion
"the great task" before the new party was
"that of preserving and perpetuating free gov
ernment" in the United States. He pointed out
how "the agents of commerce — money, trans
portation and the transmission of intelligence
— necessary to the welfare and prosperity of
the republic had been wrenched from the hands
of the people and given into the hands of soul
less corporations .... the old parties
did not dare to champion the cause of the
people. Only a party organized for the specific
purpose of controlling corporations could ever
accomplish the task .... Any party kept
in power for twenty-five years will become cor
rupt. You might just as well keep a president
in for twenty-five years as to keep a party in
for that time. It is the same men that are con
trolling the party to-day that controlled it in
1860, the same old rings, and that is the
tendency everywhere now." He described the
Greenback party as being in the period of tol-

POLITICAL ACTIVITY 203
eration, after passing through the periods of
ridicule and abuse. "The greatest calamity
that could have happened to the party would
have been the election of your candidate last
year". During the week he met Wendell Phillips by
appointment at his home on Essex Street,
Boston. "The conversation covered a wide
range of topics and embraced many pleasant
reminiscences of the days when he and Gar
rison and Sumner stood side by side in the
grand struggle for human liberty." Compar
ing the conditions in 1880 with those of forty
years before, Phillips pointed out that the per
sons engaged in reform had taken their stand
as a result of "calm deliberation and firm con
viction", while in "the anti-slavery fight" they
were ' ' pitched into the fight and hardly knew it
until they were in the thickest of it." He was
at that time busy with the address delivered a
few days later at Harvard College upon the
"Scholar in a Republic". The visit of General
Weaver to Wendell Phillips is an indication
that he sincerely believed that the reform move
ment in which he was engaged was similar to
the movement in which the great abolitionist
had had so important a part.
Evidently General Weaver made a good im
pression during this week in Massachusetts for
he was invited to return in October for two

204 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
weeks. One paper described him as "a hand
some man and an orator of the true Western
flavor". He was in "good voice, full of his
favorite topic, and said his say with an empha
sis indicating his heart to be in the work. His
remarks were listened to -with rapt attention.
The good points, clinched with apposite anec
dote or burst of eloquence or sarcasm, had the
seal of applause evidently born of conviction.
As a whole the lecture was instructive, eloquent
and convincing. The expose of the inner work
ings of the national bank system was probably
the clearest and best ever given by any orator
of this persuasion, in this city. The brief ref
erence to anti-monopoly was timely, and indi
cates the position of this party in reference to
the more than Trojan struggle involved, which
impends in the near future in this country. The
address was well calculated to confirm the
faithful and to make converts. "^^*
During the months of July and August it
appears that General Weaver delivered twenty-
six speeches in Kansas "in the midst of
drought and hot winds, with the mercury from
104 to 110 in the shade." The meetings were
usually attended by from three to five thousand
people; and the addresses dwelt upon the duty
and prospects of the Greenback party, the hope
less condition of the two major parties, and the
injustice of the national debt. The speaker

POLITICAL ACTIVITY 205
summarized Greenback policies as foUows:
"We want three kinds of money. Gold, silver
and paper, and aU issued by the Government,
and not by the national banks. We want bank
notes taken up and greenbacks in place of them.
We want to put gags in the mouths of the rail
road monopolies, and compel them by law to
carry you and your products for a fair re
muneration .... We want every man to
have the fruits of his labor. How are you going
at it? 1. Let the Government call in all na
tional-bank notes, and issue greenbacks in their
place. 2. Pay off the bonds in legal tender
Government notes. And if they won't have
them, God Almighty has hid away in the bowels
of the earth silver enough to pay the balance in
coin, if they want it. If they insist upon coin,
let them back up their cart and take it. No
Greenbackers want to issue greenbacks in un
limited amount. It is an old, revamped lie to
say we do, but we do say that the Executive
and the representatives of the people know
their wants better than a few favored individ
uals working for their own interests. ' ' ^^^
During 1882 General Weaver campaigned
less extensively throughout the country since
he was personally engaged in the canvass in
Iowa as a candidate for Congress in the sixth
district. He was the leader of his party in the
State, but there was considerable opposition to

206 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
him among the more extreme Greenbackers,
who resented his -willingness to fuse with the old
parties and who were jealous of his wide in
fluence and popularity. One of them declared
"that he was tired of Weaverism, into which
the remnant of the Greenback party in Iowa
had changed, and that he should vote the Re
publican ticket". The Democrats, too, charged
him with the defeat of Hancock in 1880, and
accused him of being the active ally of the Re
publicans. They described him as having "de
serted distinct Greenback ground", and passing
"as an anti-monopolist .... a sham re
former, a sort of $25 a day reformer, who
sticks his finger into the spigot but refuses to
investigate the bung. ' '
Under the circumstances, therefore, it proved
impossible to arrange for fusion as in 1878.
The Republicans, the Democrats, and the Green
backers each nominated a candidate in the
sixth district ; and the same situation existed in
the seventh and eighth districts. In the only
district in Iowa — the fourth — where fusion
was adopted, the Greenback candidate, L. H.
Weller, was elected. The Greenback candi
dates took second place in the sixth and eighth
districts, while Gillette, -with such a strong com
petitor as Kasson in the seventh, ran only
about nine hundred votes behind the Demo
cratic candidate. It seems reasonable to infer

POLITICAL ACTIVITY 207
that Weaver would have carried his district
easily, had it been possible to arrange for
fusion. The official returns gave him 8,569
votes as compared with 11,250 votes for the
Republican candidate and 8,040 votes for the
Democratic candidate. A fusion of Democrats
and Greenbackers would have given Weaver
16,609 votes, two hundred forty-three more
than he received in 1878. The Republican
candidate in 1882 actually received over 3000
votes less than the same party candidate re
ceived in 1878.
The same methods of campaigning were used
in 1882 that had brought success in 1878. Ac-
•cording to The Iowa State Register the work
began in March in the sixth and seventh dis
tricts. Reference was made to the statement
of General Weaver that he had already raised
:$10,000, and that he was going to increase it to
$50,000. Evidently the Republicans feared
•General Weaver as a campaigner, and tried by
every means to weaken him in the estimation of
the voters.^^®
In the election of 1882 Congressman Mar
cellus E. Cutts, the Republican candidate who
had been Weaver's antagonist in the joint de
bates in 1877, was successful. But Cutts died
soon after his reelection — before, indeed, he
had actually taken his seat in Congress. The
Ifepublican district committee sent a "distin-

208 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
guished ex-congressman" to Weaver with the
proposition that, if he would announce himself
as an independent candidate for the vacancy
upon his own platform, they would not nomi
nate a candidate against him. He might advo
cate on the stump and in Congress just what he
had been advocating as an independent. The
only promise they required of him was that
when elected he should enter the Republican
Congressional caucus. This proposal was made
to Weaver at the Savery Hotel in Des Moines :
it was promptly declined -with the statement
that if it ever seemed his duty to return to the
Republican party he would do it without
reward. The same offer was again made to Weaver by
a "distinguished army comrade and was again
declined. The whole conversation between my
self and these gentlemen would be illuminating.
. . . . The republican party .... had
adopted a prohibition platform and the leaders
were fearful of defeat. I received a telegram
on Saturday to 'Come to Mount Pleasant, im
portant'. I replied that I could not as I had an
appointment to speak in Missouri the next day
but would be at home at Bloomfield on Sabbath
and that the party could either see me there or
write. When I reached home I received a letter
requesting me to meet a very dear friend, an
ex-United States Senator at Albia at midnight

POLITICAL ACTIVITY 209
the Monday following; that he would be in the
Pulhnan car on the Chicago, Burlington &
Quincy railroad. I met him in obedience to
that telegram and rode with him to Chariton.
This gentleman stated that the republican state
committee had requested him to come and make
to me the following proposition: If I would
come back into the republican party I could
have any position I might desire and at the first
opportunity that offered. That I could have his
old place in the United States senate or any
place I might want. I replied that I could not,
with the convictions that I then entertained
concerning public policy, accept the proposition
and maintain my self-respect and hence was
compelled to decline absolutely. He said he had
told them there was no use making the effort
but they had insisted so hard that he yielded to
their importunity. Let it be remembered that
the republican machine in those days could de
liver the goods and set up one man and pull
down another, just when they pleased. "^^''
These offers made in 1883 indicate very
plainly how Weaver was regarded by his for
mer party associates, and how anxious they
were to induce him to return to the Republican
fold six years after his departure therefrom.
In August, 1882, General Weaver wrote Gov
ernor H. M. Plaisted of Maine that "the ex
treme urgency of the work" in Iowa made it
15

210 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
impossible for him to visit Maine as he had
been invited to do and as he had intended. He
expressed his hearty endorsement of Governor
Plaisted and saw no reason why, because of his
nomination by the Democrats, any member of
the national Greenback Labor party should
hesitate to give him unqualified support.
"When monopolies combine to crush out liberty
and rob the people, shall not good men associate
in self defence? Fusion between organizations
whose creeds are contrary is hateful. It smacks
of spoils. Honest men will shun it. But co
operation on the part of patriotic people who
believe alike is commendable when resorted to
to avert a common danger. In Maine, however,
both our ticket and our principles have been
alike accepted by the Democrats. What more
can be asked ?"i^«
Although giving close attention to the Green
back campaign in Iowa in 1882, General Weaver
also kept in view the prospects of the party in
the nation. Early in the year he had written
ten letters to leading Democrats in the South
and West, proposing a coalition between the
Greenbackers and the Democrats. Among the
Democrats written to was Daniel W. Voorhees
of Ohio. If the Democrats would endorse the
principles of the Greenback party, arrange
ments might be easily made about offices. Pre-
dictioiis of Republican defeat in the next presi-

POLITICAL ACTIVITY 211
dential election were freely made, based upon
this combination.^^" The result of the election
of 1884 proved that General Weaver's political
judgment as to the possibilities of a combina
tion of the Democrats and Greenbackers was
not unfounded. The opposition of a group of
Independents to the Republican candidate and
their support of Cleveland caused the election
of the Democratic candidate. How much more
decisive might have been the victory if the
wide-spread sentiment represented by the
Greenback party could have been definitely
allied with the Democratic party !
General Weaver's political insight appre
hended the opportunity for a coalition which
would have anticipated by many years the later
developments in Araerican social politics. The
elections of 1896, 1912, and 1916 might have
been preceded by one in 1884 which would have
made the later struggles unnecessary. A more
sympathetic and discerning candidate than
Cleveland might have made the work of Bryan
and Roosevelt and Wilson easier, and our poli
tics might be free from much of the confusion
that now exists. Probably the siti^ation was
not ripe for such developments: possibly Gen
eral Weaver was too far in advance of his con
temporaries to get concrete results.
The campaign of 1883 was "one of the most
hotly contested ever known in the State": it

212 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
illustrated "what a genuine brand of Hawkeye
politics looks like".^^*' General Weaver took
an active part in this contest as the candidate
of the Greenbackers for Governor. The un
usual feature of the canvass was a series of
joint debates between the Republican and Dem
ocratic candidates for Governor; eleven meet
ings were held, beginning August 29th and
ending October 3rd. The request of the Green
back party to have its candidate included was
refused by the Republican party because of the
undue length of the meetings that would result,
and also because there was no wide variance
between the two parties comparable to that be
tween the Republican and Democratic parties.
General Weaver, however, was not entirely
left out of the joint discussions, since a series
of appointments was made for him "in the
evenings of the same days and at the same
places" where the two other candidates were
to speak in the afternoon. This gave him the
advantages of large audiences without the dis
advantages of limited time to which the other
speakers were held. Probably a large propor
tion of the seventy-five thousand persons, who
heard the speeches of the two leading candi
dates, remained to hear General Weaver. Un
usually full reports of these meetings were
published by the newspapers, and it was esti
mated that they were "read by over a million

POLITICAL ACTIVITY 213
readers ' '. Such a campaign marks a real gain
in democratic discussion of public questions.
At the first meeting, which was held at Inde
pendence, General Weaver occupied a seat on
the grand stand and was "greeted by a pleas
ant cheer". At the close of the joint debate, he
asked the privilege of making a statement to
the audience, in regard to a personal matter,
which was granted by the Democratic candi
date, Mr. Kinne; but the chairman of the Re
publican State committee said: "Weaver sit
do-wn, this is our meeting." The Republicans
tried to get up a joint debate between General
Weaver and Colonel W. P. Hepburn, but failed
because Weaver refused to debate with any
candidate not of equal rank. Then the Repub
licans announced that Hepburn would speak
after Weaver. In the evening the crowd again
assembled in the same place in which the meet
ing in the afternoon had been held. Weaver
there announced that "this is my meeting and
no Republican shall speak from this platform
this evening, and there are a thousand men in
this audience who will see that he don't."
There was intense excitement for a few min
utes, but that soon passed away, and Weaver
spoke three hours and closed in spite of re
quests to continue.
The Republicans continued to urge a joint
debate between Colonel Hepburn and General

214 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Weaver at the second meeting, but it was de
clined for the same reasons. At several places
Colonel Hepburn held opposition meetings in
the evening, but after the fifth meeting at
Atlantic they were given up : they were never
very satisfactory or successful. General
Weaver's meetings were all largely attended,
and frequently the quarters proved entirely
inadequate to accommodate all who wished to
hear him. General Weaver was characterized
in the reports of these meetings as "prominent
for his dramatic powers, his fine presence, his
ability to work on the sympathy of his audi
ence, and his wit. "^®^
But of a total of 327,233 votes. General
Weaver received 23,089 — a loss of over 5000
from the Greenback vote of 1881. The com
bined Democratic and Greenback vote was
163,121, less by 974 than that for the Republican
candidate. Governor Sherman received 164,095
votes in 1883 as compared with 133,328 Repub
lican votes in 1881. The Democratic vote in
creased from 73,344 in 1881 to 140,032 in 1883.
The total vote cast in 1883 exceeded that of
1881 by 92,181.^2 Both old parties showed
decided gains, which indicated that the Green
backers were resuming their old party rela
tions. Under such circumstances even such an
effective campaigner as General Weaver could
not hope to stem the tide. The Democrats were

POLITICAL ACTIVITY 215
destined to reap the first political results of the
protests of the Greenbackers.
The principal topic of discussion among the
Greenbackers of Iowa in 1884 was in regard to
fusion with the Democrats, since it was becom
ing apparent to all but the extremists that
practical results could be obtained in no other
way. General Weaver advocated fusion strong
ly, and it was adopted by the State convention
by a vote of two hundred twenty-five to eighty-
eight. Fusion arrangements covered presiden
tial electors as well as State officers. The
majority for Blaine was less than 20,000 — the
smallest vote for a Republican candidate since
1860. Politically the Congressional delegation
stood seven Republicans and four fusion.
Weaver was the only Greenbacker among the
Congressmen elected, the others being Demo
crats.^®^ It was as one of the delegates at large from
Iowa that General Weaver went to the National
Greenback Convention which met at Chicago in
May, 1884. His colleagues were L. H. Weller,
E. H. Gillette, and W. S. Kenworthy. Indeed,
Weaver was the permanent chairman of the
convention which nominated Benjamin F.
Butler for President upon the first ballot. It
is probable that Weaver favored Butler because
in 1880 he regarded him as the best man for the
Greenbackers to nominate since there was good

216 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
reason to hope that the election might be thrown
into the House of Representatives, in which
event the Democrats would vote for Butler in
preference to a Republican. In his last service
as Congressman in 1881 he had referred to
Butler in eulogistic terms. ^®*
Again in 1885 fusion with the Democrats was
the main subject of discussion in the Greenback
State convention. General Weaver favored
fusion as he had in the preceding year, making
the most effective speech in support of it. He
described himself as tied to no party and favor
ing cooperation -with the Democrats to over
throw the Republicans. He asked the minority
opposed to fusion to give it a trial. Having
followed the politics of the State for twenty-five
years, he was confident that fusion would carry
the State that year. He predicted that fusion
would secure a Greenback Lieutenant Governor
and State Superintendent, with an anti-monop
oly Governor and Judge ; and there was a possi
bility that they might secure a whole Greenback
ticket. Weaver was made permanent chairman
of the convention, and a motion to nominate
only two candidates, unless the Democratic
candidates proved unsatisfactory, was adopted
by a vote of 3701/2 to 112y2.i««
The election resulted in the choice of the Re
publican candidate for Governor, William
Larrabee, by a plurality of about 7000.^**^ The

POLITICAL ACTIVITY 217
results of the elections of 1884 and 1885 showed
that Weaver's expectations for the success of
fusion were by no means unfounded. To reduce
the Republican plurality from 50,000 to less
than 10,000 in a State like Iowa was no mean
achievement ; but its significance was neglected
because it did not lead to a successful issue. It
was really a local manifestation of the same
forces that brought about the Republican defeat
in the nation in 1884. Weaver's advocacy of
fusion in these years was a proof of his political
insight and judgment: he had a keen eye for
practical results — a power not usually com
bined with the qualities that make up a pioneer
and reformer.
In these near victories of 1884 and 1885
General Weaver's part was fully appreciated
by some of his Democratic allies. The Des
Moines Leader described him as "not only the
most effective speaker" but "one of the best
organizers in the state .... with the
help of two more such men we should have car
ried the state by a nice majority. He has the
gratitude and the warm esteem of every demo
crat in the state. ' ' ^^''

XII
Return to Congress
1885-1887
The Forty-ninth Congress in which Weaver
took his seat on December 7, 1885, was com
posed of one hundred eighty-three Democrats,
one hundred forty Republicans, and two Na
tionalists. The candidates for Speaker were
John G. Carlisle of Kentucky and Thomas B.
Reed of Maine. Weaver voted for the majority
candidate, and received committee appoint
ments as a member, of the committe on labor,
and as chairman of the committee on expendi
tures in the Interior Department. The first
session of this Congress lasted from December
7, 1885, to August 5, 1886.i««
In the sixth district the opposing Republican
candidate, Frank T. Campbell, contested the
election of Weaver on the ground "that 81
illegal votes were cast for the contestee by per
sons incompetent as electors, and that there
were some errors in the count, amounting to
perhaps half a dozen more". It was also
claimed that in one township in Mahaska
County, there were one hundred fifty ballots
218

RETURN TO CONGRESS 219
received from electors in violation of the regis
try law of Iowa, and that sixty other votes were
cast in another to-wnship in the same county in
violation of the same law. General Weaver
denied all these allegations, and charged that
there were "some 50 illegal votes cast for the
contestant; that some of the persons casting
these votes were bribed and others were colon
ized from adjacent regions of the country".
Since the majority for Weaver was only sixty-
seven votes, these charges, if sustained, would
have deprived him of his seat.
The committee of the House of Representa
tives reported that, after careful examination
of the evidence, they had excluded from the
vote of the contestee sixteen ballots as illegal,
and from the vote of the contestant "some 35
ballots" for the same reason. According to
the opinion of the committee "the sole question
involved in the contest" related "to the affi
davits upon which more than 200 voters were
allowed to vote." The question was "purely a
legal one", and depended upon "the proper
construction of the registry law of the State of
Iowa. ' '
In one of the townships where the registry
board was Republican, the evidence disclosed
"clearly that there was an attempt to manipu
late improperly the registry-list for the pur
pose of depriving Democratic electors" of their

220 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
right to vote. The evidence was "uncontra
dicted that out of a voting population of 800,
25 per cent., nearly all of them Democrats, were
purposely left off the registry-list. Men who
had voted there for years, old and reputable
citizens, were omitted, and on the day of the
election were so indignant and humiliated at
the neglect and impropriety involved in their
being left off the list that they absolutely ab
stained from voting. ' ' About one hundred fifty
of those left off the list prepared affidavits;
one hundred and three gave as reasons for their
names not appearing "neglect" and "left off
the registry-list"; while thirty-one others left
blank the space where the reason should have
been inserted. It was upon these affidavits that
the contestant based his claims to the seat.
The majority of the committee concluded that
the statute of Iowa left the matter to the dis
cretion of the judges of election, and that after
the vote had been received there was no power
that could review or reconsider the action. The
only basis for a contest, thereafter, would be
whether the voters were legally qualified and
competent electors. There was no question but
that these citizens were, and it was "the barest
and most complete technicality .... that
was ever made the basis of such a claim either
in a court or a legislative body".^"^
The majority of the committee reported —

RETURN TO CONGRESS 221
only three of the six Republican members dis
senting — that Weaver was entitled to his seat,
and when the vote was taken there were not
exceeding six men who voted in the negative.
Among those who voted in favor of Weaver
"were the leaders on the Republican side of the
House. They did not feel there was anything
in the legal points or the facts sought to be
made against" him.^''"
As in his first term of service in Congress,
Weaver's chief interest was in money and
finance, which he regarded as the "one great
question of the world ".^'^ His longest speech
was delivered in February, 1886, under the title
of The Conspiracy and the Re-action, in which
he reviewed the history of the monetary system
during and since the Civil War.
He declared that "the present great duty" of
Congress was "to establish once for all an ade
quate, permanent financial system ' ' that should
"serve as a basis for economic prosperity . .
. . a system under which there shall be no
privileged classes, and under which the rights
of the humble laborer and the capitalist shall
be alike secure. It will not be pretended that
we even approximate to this condition at
present." In his opinion there were "two ever-present
disturbing forces connected with our monetary
system — the public debt and the national

222 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
banks. They are the evil outgrowths of the
Civil War, and the nation will ever be in peril
until they are swept out of existence. The hos
tility of the national banks to silver coinage is
only one phase of a conspiracy which had its
origin in the early stages of the Civil War, and
which has never yet been overthrown. The re
bellion was overthrown, but this conspiracy
never has been; and it will require all the power
of the country, now happily reunited, to uproot
it. It has grown with our growth and strength
ened with our strength until to-day it defies the
law and the power of the Government. I pro
pose to trace some of the features of this con
spiracy and of the reaction in public sentiment
which is now in progress. ' '
Weaver explained how gradually the con
spiracy developed which gave control of the
currency to the banks. The main objects were
"to place the public debt beyond the possibility
of payment, to increase its amount, and to se
cure for all time the right and power to control
the volume of money. ' ' The conspiracy to pre
vent Congress from paying the debt in the "cur
rency of the contract" began in 1867, and was
the purpose of the war against silver. Silver
was demonetized "by stealth" in 1873, and the
act for the resumption of specie payments,
passed in 1875, also provided for the destruc
tion of the greenback currency. "It was to be

RETURN TO CONGRESS 223
redeemed in gold coin, and the coin was to be
obtained by a new issue of interest-bearing
long-time bonds, thus destroying our non-
interest-bearing currency by converting it into
interest-bearing debt." The result was to fill
the country ' ' on the one hand with wrecked for
tunes, suicides, helpless poverty, and broken
hearts, and on the other with exceptional indi
vidual fortunes, some of them so monstrous in
magnitude as to be quite beyond the grasp of
the human intellect."
Continuing Weaver declared that "the his
tory of this struggle between the people and the
confederated monopolies, like every other sim
ilar struggle through which we have been called
to pass, proves that the confidence reposed in
the people by the framers of our Government
was not misplaced. The waves first arose, so to
speak, on this vast ocean of human sufferers,
and God is still lashing it into fury for the pur
pose of purifying the waters. The year 1876
witnessed the organization of a small body of
earnest and patriotic men under the leadership
of the venerable Peter Cooper."
The Bland Act of 1878 was "first blood for
the people". It was followed in the same year
by the law that stopped further destruction of
the greenbacks, and this legislation in turn was
followed by resolutions which declared it to be
the right of the Government to pay aU its obli-

224 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
gallons in standard silver dollars. These gains
were only partial, because the Bland Act pro
vided for the issue of only $2,000,000 worth of
silver per month, and the Treasury department
had been in the hands of the conspirators, and
had defied the efforts of the people in favor of
silver. The greenback, however, had become
permanently incorporated into the financial
system and its constitutional status had been
fixed by the Supreme Court. "This was the
second -victory for the people in this protracted
struggle. ' '
"The year 1884 brought about a great
change. To use a homely illustration, in No
vember of that year the people took hold of
Uncle Sam 's wagon, lifted it out of its old ruts
and out of the mire, unhitched the old team,
hooked on a fresh one, and changed drivers.
Now why not move out on the high lands ? Why
return to the miserable old ruts from which,
with great difficulty, we have been extricated?"
Weaver's conclusions, based upon this survey
of events, were that in the matter of finance
four things must be done by Congress in order
to relieve the conditions of trade, labor, and
commerce. "Congress must provide for the unrestricted
coinage of American silver into standard silver
dollars on private account.
"A law must be passed to issue Treasury

RETURN TO CONGRESS 225
notes to take the place of bank notes as fast as
they are retired. The banks are now retiring
their circulation, as is well known, with great
rapidity. This vacuum must be filled or busi
ness, now sorely languishing, will absolutely
perish. "The larger portion of the surplus now in
the Treasury must be paid out in liquidation
of interest-bearing public debt now subject to
call. "We must forbid by law any further discrim
inations against our silver coin. ' '
In Weaver's judgment these propositions
were reasonable. They did not involve the in
flation of paper currency — the thing that
frightened so many people. The only increase
would be an increase of specie. He predicted
that a refusal to adopt these proposals would
meet "with condign and wrathful retribution
from the country."
Toward the close of his speech he referred
briefly to some other measures that he believed
Congress ought to adopt as promptly as pos
sible. He would guard every acre of the public
domain as the apple of the eye, and forfeit
every land grant where the equities are not
clearly -with the grantee. He would organize
unoccupied territory, and let the homeless
families have where to lay their heads. He
would place the remnant of the Indian tribes
16

226 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
upon a reasonable area, and open "the remain
der to civilized men, to law, to the church, and
to the school-house, instead of to the cattle
syndicates and corporations, either foreign or
domestic". He would give to the people fair
rates of transportation, and fair facilities for
getting their surplus to market.
In conclusion Weaver declared that the rea
son why so little progress had been made is
seen in the fact that for twenty years every
branch of the government had been in the grasp
of monopoly. "When the people ask for an
adequate system of finance commensurate -with
the wonderful energies of the nation, the bank
ing corporations forbid it. When they ask for
a postal telegraph, another powerful corpora
tion forbids that. When they ask that the cost
of transportation may be cheapened, another
hydra-headed being, more terrible than the
apocalyptic beast, rises up out of the land in
stead of out of the sea. When the people want
cheap fuel and light, a confederation of monop
olists show their teeth. When they ask that
their burdens of taxation may be lightened by
transferring a portion to the wealthy classes
through a graduated income tax, why then those
who have been shirking their share of the public
burdens rise up and declare with one voice that
such taxes are odious. When the whole coun
try cries out for silver, up jumps a triple power.

RETURN TO CONGRESS 227
composed of the national banks, gold specula
tors, and holders of Government bonds, backed
by all the aristocracies of Europe, and they cry
out -with united voice, ' Oh, the silver dollar is a
dishonest dollar, it is only worth eighty
cents!' ""^
In July it appears that Congressman Weaver
spoke for ten minutes upon a resolution, requir
ing the Secretary of the Treasury to disburse
monthly in payment of the public debt all sur
plus money in excess of $100,000,000 — a dis
bursement that must be in sums of not less than
$10,000,000 per month."* In opening his re
marks he referred humorously to the presump
tion of a man who did not live in New York
ha-ving any opinion upon the subject. Perhaps
the common people ought to defer to the judg
ment of New York, he said, but "we shall have
to discuss it for a few minutes anyhow."
In his opinion the resolution was mild and
conservative, for he believed that the govern
ment could safely pay out twice as much as
would be paid out and then have money to
spare. Nevertheless he favored it because it
directed the payment of the public debt and
established that as a policy. "This, of course,
will undermine the national banks and direct
public opinion to the great question of what
shall be the permanent currency of the Re
public.

228 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
"The payment of these 3 per cent, bonds will
be followed by contraction of national-bank cir
culation, but not to an extent greater than the
amount paid out on the bonds. There will be a
saving of the interest which we are now paying
on the 3 per cents. I shall vote for the resolu
tion, but I wish to amend it so as to define what
is meant by 'surplus or balance', and also so as
to require the disbursement of all surplus
money in the Treasury in excess of $50,000,000.
I think this is enough and more than is needed
as a working balance and to satisfy the halluci
nation that possibly some one may want at some
future time to present a few greenbacks to be
exchanged for coin."^''*
Later when the resolution came before the
House again as a conference report and in a
still more conservative form General Weaver
announced his intention of voting against it.
The original resolution having passed the
House by a three-fourths vote, he characterized
the action of the House members of the confer
ence committee as a "cowardly surrender".
After its passage by the House he said that
"Wall street issued its decree. A caucus was
called of gentlemen belonging in the other
House of Congress, at the home of a former
Secretary of the Treasury, and in that caucus
the House resolution as amended by the Senate
and substantially as finally reported by the

RETURN TO CONGRESS 229
committee of conference was agreed upon".^'^
How Weaver would apply his financial prin
ciples concretely is shown by the bills he intro
duced and the amendments proposed by him to
measures before the House. On December 21,
1885, he offered two bills and a resolution upon
financial subjects : one bill provided for the free
and unrestricted coinage of the silver dollar;
the other bill provided for the issue of silver
certificates on the deposit of standard silver
dollars; while the resolution instructed the
Secretary of the Treasury to apply the lawful
money in the Treasury to the payment of an
equal amount of the interest-bearing public
debt.^'^ On January 11, 1886, he offered a bill
to retire bank-notes and to prevent fluctuations
of the currency by substituting treasury notes
in place of bank notes, and also a bill to provide
for the issue of fractional paper currency."''
Six months later, on July 21, 1886, he offered an
amendment to the sundry civil appropriation
bill to the effect that no portion of the appropri
ations should be expended for printing United
States notes of large denomination in place of
notes of a small denomination cancelled or
retired.^'® During July he took an active part in a de
bate as to the right of the Secretary of the
Treasury to alter the denominations of the
United States notes. He claimed that the law

230 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
of 1878 forbade the changing of the denomina
tions of notes that were outstanding at the time
of its passage, while his opponents maintained
that the matter was left to the discretion of the
Secretary of the Treasury. In addition there
arose a controversy between the advocates of
greenbacks and silver. Congressman Bland of
Missouri urged that the greenbacks were kept
in circulation by law, while there was discrim
ination against silver. He favored a provision
for the issue of one and two dollar coin certifi
cates to force silver into circulation. He would
not issue legal tender notes under twenty dol
lars, thus making room for one and two dollar
coin notes issued upon silver.
General Weaver replied that Bland's posi
tion was not tenable. He discussed the question
as if there were a sufficient amount of money in
circulation, and as though the question was
whether there should be greenbacks or silver.
He gave the gentlejnan from Missouri notice
that he was just as good a silver man as he was ;
but if the fight was between the greenback and
silver, he was for greenbacks. A better way to
get silver into circulation would be to pay it out
on the public debt. He favored the greenback
because it was far more convenient. There was
no need of conflict. There was ample room
"for the circulation of all the gold we can get,
and all the silver that will come to us, and of all

RETURN TO CONGRESS 231
the greenbacks now authorized by law, and a
great deal more." He knew that he had been
considered by some people as rather extreme in
his notions of finance, but he had ' ' always been
in favor of gold, silver, and paper money, all
issued by the Government and all full legal
tender and properly limited in amount."^''"
At this session General Weaver again intro
duced a bill for the relief of soldiers and sailors
such as he had urged during his first term in
Congress — a bill that had come to be known as
the Weaver Soldier Bill. The measure pro
posed to restore to those who had fought in the
Civil War equal rights with the holders of gov
ernment bonds, which meant that the soldiers
should be paid the difference in value between
the depreciated paper in which they had been
paid and gold as had been done in the case of
bond-holders. It embodied two great interests
of its author — the soldiers and their claims
and the monetary problems of the time. The
bill, of course, never had any prospect even of
consideration by Congress, although it repre
sented a demand that had a good deal of sup
port throughout the country. The obligations
of the nation to the soldiers have been met by
pensions rather than along the lines suggested
by Weaver. He was the channel through which
a good many petitions urging the passage of
such a measure and of kindred legislation for

232 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
the relief of the soldiers and the common people
reached Congress.^*''
The other subject to which Congressman
Weaver gave extended consideration during his
second term of service from 1885-1889 was that
of the Indian policy — especially in connection
with the opening of Oklahoma to settlement.
On December 21, 1885, he offered a bill "to pro
vide for the organization of that part of the
territory of the United States now known as
'The Indian Territory' and the 'Public Land
Strip ' into a Territory to be known as the Ter
ritory of Oklahoma, and to provide a temporary
government for the same, for allotment of
homesteads to the Indians in severalty, and to
open unoccupied lands to actual settlers. "^®^
Weaver's general position as to Indian policy
was stated on the floor of the House in January.
He hoped the time was not far distant when the
government would adopt a sensible policy to
ward the Indians. The uncivilized Indians
were not self-supporting and never would be.
They were chiefly found lying around agencies,
dependent on the government for their support.
They were allowed to occupy 134,000,000 acres
of land, very little of which they cultivated, and
there were but 260,000 Indians under the juris
diction of the United States. Gratuity appro
priations could only be justified on the ground
that the Indians were the wards of the govern-

RETURN TO CONGRESS 233
ment. Let a policy be adopted that will make
them citizens under such safeguards as will in
sure their proper protection and bring them in
proper relations to the government and their
white neighbors.^®^
A substitute for Weaver's bill was reported
by the committee on Territories late in March,
recommitted and reported back in April, and
debated on May 1st and June 3, 1886. Final
action was not taken by the House during this
session, and in the debate Weaver took part
only occasionally by brief remark or question.
His deep interest in the problem is further evi
denced by his participation in the discussion of
an Indian policy in connection with other meas
ures, his most extended remarks being recorded
on March 11, 1886, during the debate upon the
Indian Appropriation Bill.^**
General Weaver prefaced his discussion by
the declaration that "the group of questions"
involved in the bill before the House was of the
greatest importance because the relation which
the various tribes of Indians sustained to the
government of the United States had assumed
in the past few years a new phase. When the
government treated with the Indian tribes as
separate and distinct peoples or nations, a dif
ferent rule obtained from that which must now
be observed. Since 1871 the government had
been in the relation of trustee of the estate of

234 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
the Indian. It must manage the estate of its
wards "with reference to two things: First, the
interest of the ward ; second, the general inter
est of the people. ' '
With these statements as a basis for action.
Weaver turned to a consideration of the situa
tion in the Indian Territory, a map of which he
had prepared and placed upon an easel in the
House. He then pointed out the country occu
pied by what were known as the five civilized
tribes; next the "Oklahoma country, ceded to
the United States by Creeks and Seminoles by
the treaties of 1866"; what was known as "the
Cherokee outlet, or Cherokee strip", west of
the territory of the five civilized tribes ; and the
Public Land Strip, or No Man's Land, ceded by
Texas in 1850, west of the Cherokee strip.
West of Oklahoma and southwest were the res
ervations of the Cheyennes, the Arapahoes, the
Wichitas, the Kiowas, the Comanches, and the
Apaches. The territory contained 44,154,240
acres of land, "an area as great as that of the
States of Iowa, Massachusetts, Rhode Island,
and New Jersey combined, larger by 266,600
acres than the seven states of Maine, New
Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Con
necticut, New Jersey and Delaware."
This vast territory possessed a delightful
climate, unlimited resources, and a soil suited
for the raising of all the cereals. In some por-

RETURN TO CONGRESS 235
tions cotton could be cultivated with profit, and
its grazing and stock-raising resources were un
excelled. And yet this beautiful country was
"a block in the pathway of civilization". It
was preserved "to perpetuate a mongrel race
far removed from the influence of civilized
people — a refuge for the outlaws and indolent
of whites, blacks, and Mexicans". It cost the
government hundreds of thousands of dollars
to peaceably maintain from sixty to eighty
thousand Indians when the Territory was
capable of supporting many millions of enlight
ened people. Prompt legislation by Congress
was necessary to remove these conditions.
Weaver then turned " to a different branch of
the question, the unoccupied portion" of the
Territory. He used the word "unoccupied" in
the legal sense, meaning that the country was
not occupied by any person having a legal right
to be there, but he did not deny that there were
trespassers in the Territory. If the Indians on
reservations were given reasonable amounts of
land per person or family and their holdings
consolidated, there would remain in the Indian
Territory ' ' over 20,000,000 acres of unoccupied
land, all available for settlement — an area
nearly as large as the State of Indiana ' '. This
would not be an injustice to the Indians, for
over a thousand acres could be given to each
family, and still leave the 20,000,000 acres for

236 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
settlement. Furthermore, he would not take
these lands from the Indians without their con
sent, nor without compensation. "Be just to
the Indian, be humane to him, but at the same
time be humane and just to our own constitu
ents. ' '
In the next place Weaver called attention to
what he described as "one of the most disgrace
ful chapters in the history of this whole contro
versy over the Indian Territory. ' ' He exhibited
a map prepared by a cattle syndicate in 1883,
showing the existing condition of the Cherokee
strip. The syndicate that had this map pre
pared leased from the Cherokee tribe the entire
strip containing over 6,000,000 acres. They
agreed to pay $100,000 for the privilege of
occupying that country -with their herds; and
then they sub-leased it for about $500,000 per
annum to different cattle companies — "a net
profit of $400,000 yearly to this syndicate which
holds possession of the strip to the exclusion of
white settlers, and in plain violation" of the
laws of the United States. The names of the
sublessees were significant; among them were
the Dominion Cattle Company of Canada, the
New York Cattle Company, and the Standard
Oil Company. "These lessees are all pooled
and it only costs about 28 cents to raise a steer
until he is three years old. How can an honest
farmer compete with that kind of thing?

RETURN TO CONGRESS 237
"Now, I submit that the question is no longer
whether the red man or the white man shaU
occupy this Cherokee strip. The white man
already occupies it. He has been placed there
by the Indian himself in violation of the law.
The real battle is whether the poor man seek
ing a home, who has but a single yoke of oxen
perhaps to draw his family to the Territory,
shall have a right to go there taking with him
his family, the church, and the school-house, or
whether he shall be excluded by the rich foreign
and domestic cattle syndicates that are there in
violation of law. ' '
In reply to questions Weaver stated that in
the campaign in Iowa in 1885 he had believed
that the administration had issued orders for
the removal of the cattle syndicates, and that
the orders were being honestly enforced, and
he had so declared during his canvass. Later
he learned with great regret that he was mis
taken in his belief. He had come to Washing
ton immediately after the inauguration of
President Cleveland and had placed the whole
matter before him, using the very map he had
just shown to the House. The same facts and
the same map had been placed before the Secre
tary of the Interior, to whom the occupancy of
the territory by cattle syndicates was very
objectionable and who signified his intention of
expelling them as soon as possible. As soon as

238 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
it was telegraphed west that Weaver and his
companion, Hon. Sidney Clarke of Kansas,
were in Washington asking justice for the set
tlers and opposing the rings and syndicates,
"the city swarmed with the paid attorneys and
representatives of the cattle-men as it swarms
now, and I met Senators who I believe to be
interested in the cattle syndicates, and who
stepped into the Department as I was retiring,
and they spoke to me, introducing the subject
in an offensive manner — at least one of them
did so."
Finally, Weaver protested against the opin
ion expressed in the House to the effect "that
the poor men who assembled on the border of
the Indian Territory, with a view of locating
their families on lands in that Territory, were
lawless men. They were from the States of
Kansas, Missouri, Arkansas, and Iowa, and to
my personal knowledge a large majority of
them were just as law-abiding men as this coun
try affords. When the President of the United
States ordered them to leave the Territory they
left. Not only that, but I protest against this
assault upon those poor people when it is known
that the cattle syndicates of this country are
occupying that Territory in violation of
law. "18*
In the debate upon the Indian Appropriation
Bill a week later Weaver took part occasion-

RETURN TO CONGRESS 239
ally ; and early in April he opposed the appoint
ment of an Indian commission "to inspect from
time to time", as the Secretary of the Interior
might require, ' ' the condition of the Indians of
the various tribes and bands on the different
reservations under the care, control, or juris
diction of the United States. ' ' He thought the
desired information could be obtained by the
existing machinery of the Indian bureau. Still
later, in May, he opposed the proposed com
mission because of the great difficulty of finding
suitable members to place upon it without tak
ing persons already engaged in the Indian ser
vice. He opposed the commission plan also
because it would have power to remove Indians
from the West, beyond the rain-belt, to the fer
tile portions of Oklahoma — what he called
"blanket Indians", who would have no use for
tillable land and would keep out white settlers
who would make good use of the land. He
moved to strike out the section describing the
powers and duties of the commission, but his
motion was not agreed to.
The bill was debated from time to time, but
final action was not taken during the session.
Evidently Weaver regarded this bill as antag
onistic to the bill for the organization of the
Territory of Oklahoma, because when an effort
was made the last day of the session to obtain
unanimous consent to have it made a special

240 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
order for the second day of the next session he
said that he had no objection if the Oklahoma
bill was made a special order for the first
Thursday of the next session, and from day to
day until disposed of. Adjournment was taken
without action upon either of these requests.^*^
Ideas on Indian policy and the organization
of Oklahoma as a Territory entertained by
General Weaver were closely allied with his
opinions concerning the administration of the
land laws — in fact all three subjects were
viewed from the angle of the needs of the peo
ple. The key to his position upon public policies
is to be found in his persistent spirit of democ
racy and its application to the concrete de
mands of the people. Money, banking, finance,
Indian policy, and land laws were to be framed,
passed, and administered in the interest of the
rank and file. In his day and generation
Weaver was the exponent of the fundamental
democracy of the West.
During June he took a brief part in the de
bate upon the repeal of the preemption laws.
He supported the repeal "because the idea of
giving to the homeless citizen a homestead is a
humane one; but our public-land policy ought
to be confined to that, and no one should be
allowed to speculate in the common inheritance
of all. This bill, as I understand, simply cuts
out of our public-land system the idea of specu-

RETURN TO CONGRESS 241
lation; and that is right. The present law is
the law of the speculator and not of the honest
home-seeker. . . . The policy of this bill
should have been adopted at the very cradle of
the Republic, and not one-quarter section of the
public lands should ever have been disposed of
to corporations or speculators. It should have
been sacredly held for homesteads. If this
policy had obtained labor troubles would now
be unknown and the scandalous legislation of
the last few years would have been avoided. "^^^
Again, later in the same month he referred
to the dishonest raids made upon the public
domain by the cattle syndicates and land specu
lators. He protested against a land policy
which enabled "the speculators to get hold of
the virgin lands of the West to the exclusion of
the poor settler who seeks to secure a home".
He declared himself the friend of the "Okla
homa boomer" because he believed him to be
"a poor man honestly seeking a home upon the
public domain". The action of these honest
home-seekers who obeyed the President's proc
lamation was very different from that of the
cattle syndicates who had taken possession in
violation of law. In answer to a question as to
whether he was not the paid attorney of the
"Oklahoma boomers", he rephed that he was
not, but that "on the contrary, without hope,
expectation, or desire of any reward whatever"
17

242 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
he had contributed, and would again contribute
if necessary, money out of his own pocket to
pay the expenses of those defenseless men who
were on that border seeking to obtain homes.^"
Early in July in another debate upon the
repeal of the preemption laws, he described two
theories of public land policy as struggling for
supremacy. One was presented by the bill
under discussion as it passed the House, and
the other by the Senate amendments to it.
"The House bill proceeds on the theory that all
the remaining public domain should be held for
settlement under the homestead laws in parcels
not greater than 160 acres. Following and in
harmony with that theory is the other bill,
passed by the House, which appropriates money
to enable the Land Department to discover and
unearth the frauds that have been heretofore
perpetrated in relation to the public domain.
And following along third in order is the bill
. . . . making appropriations for digging
irrigating ditches in what are known as the
arid regions of the public domain.
"Now, these three measures are in harmony,
and constitute a well-defined theory ....
First, preserve the public domain to actual set
tlers; next, unearth the frauds that have been
perpetrated and appropriate money for that
purpose ; third, when you reach the arid region
appropriate money for irrigating ditches, so

RETURN TO CONGRESS 243
that when our population becomes crowded and
there is no longer arable land within the rain
belt you may enable the settler to go upon the
arid region and raise crops by means of irriga
tion. This is the true and wise theory.
' ' Now, what is the theory represented by the
Senate amendment? It is this: Validate the
frauds that have been perpetrated upon the
public domain ; allow what is known as the arid
region to be taken up by cattle speculators and
syndicates, and strike down the appropriation
for the investigation of frauds, so the Land
Office will be powerless to protect the inherit
ance of the people. Can this House hesitate
which theory to adopt?"
Finally, in the discussion Weaver called
attention to the tendency toward large holdings
and tenant farming in the United States. He
declared that the census report of 1880 showed
that the tendency was in that direction, instead
of toward the division of land into small hold
ings as his opponents claimed. The tendency
of the population was away from the country,
and toward the city. According to the census
the number of tenant farmers had increased
enormously of late years : tenant farmers out
numbered the free-holders of the country. The
tendency was to "large holdings; whereas in a
healthy condition of our land laws and of the
Republic the tendency ought to lead from the

244 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
city to the country, and the result should be
small farms and high cultivation. " ^^^
The third subject to which General Weaver
gave considerable attention during this session
of Congress was that of labor. One of his two
committee appointments was upon the com
mittee of labor. On December 21, 1885, he
introduced a bill "to establish at the seat of
Government an Executive Department to be
known as the Department of Labor, -with a Sec
retary of Labor" at the head of it. This bill
¦ received no attention in the House during the
session, simply being referred to the committee
on labor, from which it was never reported.
Many years later, in March, 1913, such a de
partment as Weaver proposed was finally
established.^*" During 1886 there was a series of strikes
upon the railroads of the country, culminating
in the so-called Southwestern Railway Strike
upon the Gould system in the Southwest. Be
ginning in February, this strike spread until
six thousand miles of railway were tied up and
resulted in considerable violence. As a conse
quence of the outbreak an investigation was
made by Congress and several bills were intro
duced for the purpose of "creating boards of
arbitration for the speedy settlement of contro
versies and differences between common car
riers engaged in interstate and Territorial com-

RETURN TO CONGRESS 245
merce or business and their employes ' '. Presi
dent Cleveland called attention to the situation
in a special message to Congress on April 23rd
in which he recommended a commission on
labor of three members to be "charged among
other duties with the consideration and settle
ment, when possible, of all controversies be
tween labor and capital." He suggested that
this commission "could easily be ingrafted
upon" the Bureau of Labor by the addition of
two more commissioners and by the necessary
extension of the powers of the commission-
crs."o Weaver's most extensive discussion of the
questions involved in these measures occurred^
on March 31, 1886, when he submitted his
views upon the merits of the bdls, and upon the
situation to which they were intended to apply.
He stated frankly that he was opposed to all
legislation with regard to existing strikes be
cause it would not be effective. Incidentally he
remarked that compulsory arbitration, which
he described as "a misnomer", could not settle
such difficulties. He declared that he was "not
a believer in the power of legislation to cure
the evils to which society is heir — I mean
direct legislation." He was a believer in the
kind of legislation that would create conditions
out of which prosperity might be evolved, and
under which evils might die away. He declared

246 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
that the primary causes for the present dis
content were the result of the neglect by Con
gress "to make suitable provision to preserve
the prosperity of the Republic".
In pointing out the necessary measures that
should be taken by Congress, he declared that
there should be a law to regulate interstate
commerce, and that provision should be made
for a sufficient volume of currency. "This
labor controversy the world over is purely a
question of money, and nothing else. There is
just enough money in this country to-day to
enable the corporations to corner it. Just
enough to enable the banks and the usurers to
extort usury .... there are three classes
of vampires who are sucking up the last drop
of the blood of honest toil — the land monop
olies, the railroad monopolies, and the money
monopolies. And if my voice can reach beyond
the walls of this House to the humble abodes of
suffering labor throughout the land, I say to
the toiling millions of this country, you must
overthrow these three great confederated
monopolies, and this can only be done by
proper legislation. Hence, you must strike at
the ballot-box, and strike against every man
who is full of promises when he is a candidate,
but who disappoints you after he reaches his
seat in this House.
"The only proper remedy in a republic for

RETURN TO CONGRESS 247
popular evils is through the exercise of the
ballot. Strikes are only justifiable as a dernier
ressort. If this Congress will not protect labor
it must protect itself. "^"1
In this discussion of labor Weaver showed
how fundamental he regarded the money and
monopoly problems. As has already been sug
gested, no matter what the subject under con
sideration might be, he usually connected it
with some phase of the money or monopoly
problem. Interstate commerce, the administra
tion of the public lands and the land laws, as
well as labor troubles and social unrest, all
seemed to him to be the result of the lack of a
sufficient volume of the currency. In a broad
sense there was a large measure of truth in his
contention, although in details and the concrete
administration of financial affairs he was often
mistaken and visionary. He was a pioneer and
a prophet, with the strength and the weakness
of such a personality. Many of his ideas have
been incorporated into our laws and conduct of
government, while others were impossible of
application and have been forgotten.
In December, 1885, Weaver re-introduced his
joint resolution proposing an amendment to the
Constitution of the United States to provide
for the election of United States Senators by a
vote of the people in each State. He first intro
duced such a resolution in January, 1881, dur-

248 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
ing his first term in Congress. The bill was
referred in both instances to the committee on
the judiciary, and no further action was taken.
The country has finally adopted the plan which
was proposed by Weaver first in 1881 and again
in 1885.i"2
Among other matters to which General
Weaver always gave a good deal of attention
was that of pensions or claims for relief of
persons who had served in the army during the
Civil War or of their dependent relatives. Of
the bills he introduced during this session of
Congress sixteen were for pensions or the relief
of individuals.^"*
Other subjects in which he showed his inter
est by the introduction of bills, or by participa
tion in debate, were the enlargement of the
powers of the department of agriculture, the
institution of a tax on oleomargarine, the estab
lishment of a postal telegraph, and the indebt
edness of the Pacific railroads."*
Altogether he introduced thirty-three bills
and resolutions, of which nineteen were of a
private character, while fourteen were of a
public nature."^ He remained the leader of
the Greenbackers, although as a party the
group was rapidly waning in strength — there
being only two who were listed as Greenbackers
in the Forty-ninth Congress. By his ability as
a debater and parliamentarian he had earned

RETURN TO CONGRESS 249
the respect of the leaders of the two old parties.
Among the Republicans who served with him
were Thomas B. Reed and Nelson Dingley of
Maine, WiUiam McKinley of Ohio, Joseph G.
Cannon of Illinois, and Robert M. La FoUette
of Wisconsin; while among his Democratic
colleagues were Samuel J. Randall of Pennsyl
vania, Charles F. Crisp of Georgia, Abram S.
Hewitt of New York, Roger Q. MiUs of Texas,
and William R. Morrison of Illinois.
During the second session of the Forty-ninth
Congress, which lasted from December 6, 1886,
to March 3, 1887, General Weaver's chief activ
ity was in connection with the Interstate Com
merce Act, which was finally passed during that
session after having been under discussion for
a number of years. On January 19, 1887, he
gave his reasons for opposing the bill as finally
reported by the conference committee.
"For eight years", said Weaver, "ever since
I became acquainted with the provisions of
-vvhat is so widely known as the Reagan bill, I
have given it my unqualified support. I voted
for its consideration in the Forty-sixth Con
gress. Under the leadership of the gentleman
from Texas [Mr. Reagan] I voted with the
majority of this House at the last session to
strike out all after the enacting clause of the
CuUom bill, and to substitute in its stead the
Reagan bill. ... In common with my con-

250 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
stituents, I considered the Reagan bill a wise
and well-guarded measure for the regulation of
commerce among the States. I considered it
both safe and conservative, and free from
dangerous experimental provisions."
But the sections on rebates, preferences, and
advantages, the long and short haul, and pools
in the bill then before the House he criticized as
vague and doubtful in their meaning. "Now,
these are the controlling provisions ....
except the provisions which relate to the com
mission and that portion which relates to the
courts that shall have jurisdiction to hear com
plaints. . . . Neither the commission clause
nor the court clause that you have in this bill
were in the Reagan bill. Neither were your
rebate section, your preference section, your
long and short haul section — none of those
were in the Reagan bill, and they are the con
trolling and important sections of the bill.
"It seems to be the theory of the pending bill
to do as little for the people as possible ; and in
making that remark I wish to say I am entirely
impersonal in everything I say here, and desire
to be so. It seems to be the theory of the pend
ing bill, I repeat, to do as little for the people
as possible and to render those sections of the
bill relating to the rights of the people as ob
scure and unintelligible as human ingenuity
can make them. To use the language of a dis-

RETURN TO CONGRESS 251
tinguished member of this House, 'If the hand
of a Talleyrand was not present in the construc
tion of this bill then all appearances are de
ceptive. '
' ' Suppose the great Lawgiver had construct
ed the Ten Commandments with the same
uncertainty. Suppose he had said: 'Thou shalt
not steal; thou shalt not bear false witness;
thou shalt not covet — contemporaneously or
under substantially similar circumstances and
conditions'; or suppose, at the conclusion of the
decalogue the following provision had been
added: 'Provided, however, that upon applica
tion to the high priest or ecclesiastical commis
sioner appointed under the provisions of this
act persons so designated may be authorized to
cheat, steal, bear false witness, or covet, and
said commission may from time to time pre
scribe the extent to which said persons may be
relieved from any or all of said command
ments.' Under such circumstances would not
the world have been without moral law from
Moses to CuUom and from Mount Sinai to
Pike's Peak?"
The bill before the House was finally de
scribed as one "to more completely give over
the control of the business and political inter
ests of the people into the hands of the confed
erated monopolies."
"Where did this movement originate but -with

252 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
the Democratic party? The author of the
Reagan bill has been the champion of this con
troversy with the railroads for more than ten
years ; and the Democratic party, the Nationals,
and the Anti-Monopolists have stood behind
him, while the Senate has stood like a wall of
iron against the passage of that measure.
Finally, seeing they had to let us have some
thing, they licked their bill into a shape satis
factory to themselves, but most dangerous to
the people.""®
As to other matters considered in the session
Weaver's part was of incidental or occasional
character. On December 13, 1886, he offered a
resolution of inquiry relative to the issue of
legal-tender notes. He aimed his inquiry par
ticularly at the substitution of notes of large
denominations for those of smaller amount,
which he claimed was illegal under the law of
1878 prohibiting the further retirement of
greenbacks. He called attention to the fact that
a distinct provision had been inserted in the
sundry civil appropriation act, passed at the
last session, forbidding the use of any funds
obtained through that act for the printing of
United States notes of large denominations to
take the place of those of small denominations
cancelled or retired. The notes with which he
was especially concerned were the one and two
dollar bills, for the issue of which the same act

RETURN TO CONGRESS 253
had made a special appropriation. He asked
for answers to three questions. Of the funds
appropriated, had any been used for the issue
of notes of large denominations? How many,
if any, one and two dollar notes had been can
celled and retired since the passage of the
appropriation bill referred to above? Had
notes of like denomination been issued in their
places?""' A few days later he took part in a debate
upon a bill for the allotment of lands in sever
alty to Indians, urging that the amount as
signed should not be too large because "the
Indian never will cease to become a herder
until he becomes an agriculturist. He is a nat
ural herder. The white man must be considered
in this matter as well as the Indian. Under
the bill, if the amendments be adopted, a family
of four persons, supposing the children to be
over eighteen years of age, will be allotted 360
acres of arable land and 360 acres of grazing
land, or 720 acres in all. In my judgment that
is too much, but on the contrary you will sooner
civilize them if you will confine them to a less
area.""* About the middle of January, 1887, General
Weaver engaged in a debate upon the question
of the recovery of an income tax paid by the
warden of the Kentucky penitentiary during
the years 1863 to 1867. The amount involved

254 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
was $35,000, and the claim was based upon the
fact that the warden was paid no salary, was
required by law to keep the convicts at work,
and made a profit by the employment of convict
labor. Weaver opposed the refund, and gave
as his reasons that "the correct policy" was
"to tax incomes. All ought to be taxed over a
given amount. In this case the amount was
paid long years ago, and paid by an individual
who was receiving enormous profits as com
pared with those employing free labor. I am
opposed to the whole convict-labor system, par
ticularly to rewards for such labor; and this
would be nothing but a reward to a person
engaged in employing that class of labor over
and above his brother who employs free
labor.""" In February he undertook to have the bill
for the organization of Oklahoma made a spe
cial order and to have continuous consideration
of the measure from day to day until it was
finally disposed of. But in this effort he did
not succeed, no further action being taken dur
ing the session.-*'"
On the last day of the short session he op
posed the acceptance of a donation of about six
hundred acres of land near Chicago for mili
tary purposes. His reasons for opposition
were that "the original democratic features"
of American society seemed to be rapidly pass-

RETURN TO CONGRESS 255
ing away. "We are approaching that condi
tion of things in which, unless we adhere to the
old landmarks, you will have to adopt in this
country the repressive policy resorted to by the
monarchies of the Old World in order to keep
the people in subjection. This measure is but
an unmistakable indication of the tendency of
things in this Republic to-day. ' '
He pointed out that there were bills before
Congress that had been under consideration
for a number of years, "bills to compel wealthy
corporations to release their clutch upon fifty-
odd million acres of land which ought to be
consecrated forever and reserved for homeless
people who are now, under our land policy,
excluded from occupancy of this land and com
pelled to congregate in the large cities.
"The tendency is away from the farm and
away from the rural districts; the trend is to\
ward the city, where the needy congregate and
where crime becomes organized and where the
Republic is stabbed . . . .if you want to
prevent communism in this country, if you want
to do away with labor troubles, pass laws here
which shall be equal in their bearing upon all
classes. Repeal your class laws, take the bur
dens off the people, unlock your Treasury, pay
your debts, and relieve the distress of the coun
try. In this way you will have less communism
and fewer strikes than you have to-day."

256 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
He declared that if the government wanted
a military site near Chicago it was able to buy
and pay for it; if the gentlemen donating the
land had more land than they needed ' ' let them
build homes upon it and donate it to the poor
wretches around the streets of Chicago. If
they will do this they will have less use for a
military encampment there. And after doing
this if they still have a superabundance of land,
they can donate a part of that magnificent tract
numbering millions of acres granted to one of
these gentlemen by the State of Texas. . . .
"It is an idle slander to say that every man
about Chicago belonging to labor organizations
is a communist. No man in this House has less
sympathy with that class of people than I have.
Let us show ourselves just, and then we can
reasonably demand obedience among the peo
ple. Our legislation must be pure and honest
before we can reasonably expect it to be peace
able. "And I warn this House, in the name of the
laboring men of this country, not to pass legis
lation which looks to overawing the people by
military establishments, but to go to work and
undo the legislation which has brought about
our present discontent. It is the greed of the
rich and not the dissensions of the poor that
we should dread the world over."
For these reasons Weaver expressed himself

RETURN TO CONGRESS 257
as opposed to the proposed measure. He re
garded it as a plan intended "to build up a
grand military establishment in the neighbor
hood of Chicago and to override and overawe
the people." In reply to a remark containing
the words "and to overawe anarchists", he
answered, "not to 'overawe anarchists'. The
anarchists are now in the clutch of the law, and
ought to be there. "^"1

18

XIII
Last Term in Congress
1887-1889
By a fusion of Democrats and Greenbackers,
General Weaver was reelected to Congress in
1886. John A. Donnell was his opponent, and
the vote was 16,572 to 15,954. In the State at
large there was fusion of the Democrats and
Greenbackers, although the opponents of
Weaver and fusion held a convention at Cedar
Rapids in May and nominated an independent
ticket — which apparently received no votes at
the election. Besides Weaver the Congres
sional delegation from Iowa consisted of seven
Republicans, one Independent Republican, and
two Democrats.^"^
The Fiftieth Congress was composed of one
hundred sixty-nine Democrats, one hundred
fifty-two Republicans, two Labor representa
tives, and two Independents. John G. Carlisle
was reelected speaker by a vote of one hundred
sixty-three to one hundred forty-seven for
Thomas B, Reed. Weaver voted for Carlisle,
and he received as his committee appointments
the chairmanship of the committee on patents,
258

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 259
and membership on the committee on private
land claims. The first session of this Congress
lasted from December 5, 1887, to October 20,
1888.203 President Cleveland's annual message was
entirely devoted to the tariff, which became the
chief topic for discussion during the session.
The President's advocacy of a reduction com
mitted his party to tariff revision. In the
House where the Democrats were in control, the
Mills Bill was the result of the President's rec
ommendation — although his party was by no
means united on this measure. A Republican
Senate proceeded to substitute for the Mills Bill
a measure of its own. No legislation resulted,
the proposed measures merely serving to put
concretely before the country the divergent
views of the two parties. The campaign of 1888
ended with the defeat of Cleveland and the
election of Harrison.^"*
The Mills Bill occupied the attention of the
House of Representatives from April 17, 1888,
till its passage on July 21, 1888. It was on May
16, 1888, that Congressman Weaver gave his
reasons for supporting the bill. He had
"listened to the oral discussion of this measure,
with great interest, and after the publication of
the speeches in the Record I have read many of
them over with care in the quietude of my room.
The result -with me is an overwhelming convic-

260 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
tion that this is a fair and liberal bill, and that
it is my duty to support it. I believe it to be an
honest effort on the part of the majority of the
Committee on Ways and Means to relieve the
people. The framers of this bill have, as I shall
show, manifested a fairness and liberality to
wards the protected industries which those
industries and lines of business connected with
them utterly refuse to extend to the great body
of the people who use and consume their
wares." After this statement of his position in gen
eral terms. Weaver proceeded to discuss the
situation. He pointed out that it was conceded
that the national revenues were annually about
$60,000,000 in excess of necessary expenditures ;
that the surplus now in the Treasury amounted
to $100,000,000, and was increasing "rapidly
and constantly". The situation, in his opinion,
was the result of unwise and improvident legis
lation. "Instead of prudently reserving the
right to annually redeem at par an amount of
interest-bearing bonds equal to any surplus
money that might from time to time accumu
late, instead of a wise reservation like this, you
in effect enacted that there should be a surplus
and then clothed the holder of public securities
with power to extort blood-money in the shape
of unconscionable premiums".
After such a "blunder — to use no harsher

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 261
term — " the Republicans had no ground upon
which to claim the exclusive privilege of deal
ing with the outcome. The majority of the com
mittee had united in presenting a scheme of tax
reduction, while the minority simply opposed
the proposed plan. Although Republican plat
forms had pledged the party to revise and
reduce the tariff, when the Democrats under
took to make the reduction, and prevent surplus
¦accumulations in the Treasury, they were "de
nounced as free-traders, and accused of trying
to unsettle the business prosperity of the
country. ' '
General Weaver then turned to a discussion
of the record of the Republicans in Congress
upon the reduction of the tariff; and he de
scribed the attitude of the Senators and of
several Republican Representatives from Iowa.
He noted certain inconsistencies in their rec
ords, and accused them of ignoring the real
needs of the people. He thought that the re
duction should be made on "the necessaries of
life; on the lumber that shelters our people,
and out of which our houses and barns and
granaries must be constructed." It should be
made on "the clothing our people wear, the
food they eat, the salt that seasons their frugal
meals, the implements they use in their daily
toil, upon the blankets that keep us and our
little ones warm when the mercury is below

262 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
zero, and upon steel rails, the cost of which
enters so materially into the cost of transport
ing our produce to market".
Next he showed that the protected industries
were unwilling to treat their customers with
the same liberality with which they were treated
by the revenue laws. They had "ignored the
equities of their contract", and had gone into
the markets of the world and "bought their
labor where they could buy it the cheapest".
But they were not satisfied with this advantage.
Secure from foreign competition, they resorted
to "trusts" to do away with competition at
home. He then named ' ' a few of the protected
industries and connected lines of business which
are controlled by trusts: linseed-oil, watches
and watchcases, rope and cordage, salt, nails,
screws, envelopes, iron beams for houses,
bridges, etc. ; terra-cotta goods, wall-paper and
paper hangings, candy, bagging, the manufac
ture of steel, barbed wire, plated wire, uphol
sterer's goods, galvanized sheet-iron, castor-
oil, gutta-percha goods, tacks, wrenches and
hinges, boiler-flues, glass, lumber, writing-
paper, wrapping-paper, wooden-ware, oil cloth,
carpets, silver plate. ... I could extend
this list almost indefinitely. There is scarcely a
protected industry in America to-day — or un
protected, for that matter — that has not re
sorted to combination and to the trust ; and for

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 263
what purpose? For the purpose of destroying
home competition."
In conclusion he declared that it was ' ' a fraud
and a pretense to claim that labor is getting the
benefit of protection. Our tariff laws pour a
golden stream into the pockets of the manufac
turers, but it never returns to bless and enrich
the children of toil. ' ' He called attention to the
fact that recent strikes had failed, even where a
strong labor organization, like the Brotherhood
of Locomotive Engineers, was involved. Cap
ital was master of the situation, and labor
needed protection, not so much from foreign
competition as from corporations, syndicates,
and trusts. Labor possessed one thing which
capital did not — the ballot. His advice to labor
was to use the advantage, and to use it quickly.
"If you wish capital to take its legitimate place
as the servant of mankind, if you would avoid
serfdom for yourselves and your posterity,
you must immediately throw about the people
such safeguards as will insure that result. You
must erect anew the barriers which our fathers
erected, but which have been trodden down.''^**^
Again on May 31st and June 1st, 6th, and 7th,
Weaver engaged in the tariff debate in favor of
free lumber. He appealed for the removal of
the duty "in behalf of the citizens who dwell in
the prairie States, and who must have lumber
to build their homes, their barns, their gran-

264 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
aries". Protesting against any action that
would result in fastening a lumber trust upon
the farmers of his district, he demanded in the
name of his constituents that lumber should be
on the free-list. He also declared that the trust
controlled the local dealers and compelled them
to sell at a schedule price. Through their com
bination with the transportation monopolies, no
one could engage in the lumber business with
out the consent of the lumber trust and trans
portation companies, which together formed
"one of the most unconscionable trusts ever
organized", and which was organized to plun
der the people who were "far removed from
the great centers of lumber manufacture ".^^^
In reply to a member of the House who denied
the existence of a " lumber trust ' ' and who said
that his credulity had been imposed upon by
"some designing free-trader", and who also
suggested that he (Weaver) was the same man
who some years before "believed that money
could be made by the use of the printing press
and plenty of paper". General Weaver declared
that the gentleman's lack of knowledge con
cerning the lumber trust was only equaled by
his lack of knowledge of finance. "I saw this
great Government, by an exercise of its sover
eign power, create money and with it preserve
the life of this nation. The gentleman twits me
with believing that the Government can make

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 265
money out of paper. It is not a matter of faith.
I know it. The whole country knows it, and the
Supreme Court have declared it lawful in war
and constitutional in peace ; and I am not only
opposed to the lumber trust but to the national-
bank trust, and to all other trusts as well. "2^''
On still another day Weaver had an amusing
controversy with E. H. Funston of Kansas over
the duties on lumber and barbed wire. Each
tried to get the other to answer a definite ques
tion which would commit him upon the points at
issue. Funston described himself as a protec
tionist, ' ' not merely for the things that we pro
duce ourselves, not upon the ground that I want
all things that we consume in my State to come
in free and a duty to be laid upon all things we
produce", but upon "the broad principles of
Henry Clay, who so ably advocated the doc
trines of the protective system. " Weaver tried
to make plain that the Republican legislature
of Kansas had taken the position that he main
tained, and that four of Funston 's coUeagues
had voted for free lumber. Funston replied
that Weaver misrepresented his own State.
"He came down into my district last fall and
made a canvass there. The people of Kansas
have learned by experience that whenever there
is a drought in the Rocky Mountains we get
grasshoppers, and whenever there is a failure
of crops in Iowa we get the cranks. "-°*

266 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
During June it appears that Weaver took
part several times in debates upon legislation
in regard to the public lands. He was inter
ested particularly in the active prosecution of
fraudulent claims to prevent corporations from
getting control to the exclusion of actual set
tlers. He urged ample appropriations for this
purpose in order to preserve for settlement as
much as possible of the public domain which
was almost exhausted.
Challenging the statement, made by a mem
ber of the House, that all the parties had in
times past favored the grants to railroads, he
asserted that "in the pure days of the Repub
lican party, before they obtained power and
were brought face to face with the temptations
incident to power, they were not in favor of
anything of that kind, ' ' and he quoted from the
platform of the Free Soil Party of 1852, "made
by the grand old men who made the Republican
party", to support his position. After the Re
publican party "got into power it turned around
and granted the public domain to corporations
and opened it to private speculators ....
in violation of the principle announced in the
platform" of 1852. The "land grants were a
mistake, to draw it mildly — and we may as well
all admit it now ; it was a great wrong to grant
a single acre of the public domain to corpora
tions. . . . Every acre of the public lands

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 267
should have been held for homes for the people,
under a well-guarded homestead law. That was
the proper way to deal with the public domain ;
but instead of that it was thrown open to ruth
less speculators, who have speculated in it until
the poor people of this country to-day have to
fight for standing room.''^^"
At another time Weaver urged the protection
of mineral lands, especially of the coal deposits.
He was not so insistent about the iron deposits,
"because iron is not so much an article of daily
necessity"; but he would retain the title to all
coal lands, giving to the user of the soil the
right to take so much as may be necessary for
his private purposes, and guarding "the balance
carefully for the use of the people, so as to pro
tect them against paying tribute to monopoly. ' '
He would allow the government to lease the coal
lands, and to prescribe "the maximum price
beyond which the coal shall not be sold". Nor
would he use government control as a source of
revenue or of profit, as was done in European
countries : he did not want the government to
enter into mining operations, but to "retain
sovereign control over the source of the fuel
supply ".2"
Another matter in which he was interested
was the reservation along all water courses,
lake and sea shores for public use of alternate
strips of land one hundred feet wide and one

268 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
thousand feet long. His object was to keep peo
ple from being fenced off from water for stock
and other necessary water supply. Such a pro
vision was just as necessary as the one for high
ways to give access to land. Often in the West
twenty or thirty men entered the whole front of
a stream, and on the side of it, and thus cut off
all others from access to it. The cattle men
excluded other settlers from water, and then
acquired all the adjoining land since no one else
could use it under the circumstances.^^^
In September, 1888, Weaver argued for the
reservation of land for reservoir sites and for
irrigation ditches, and a "moderate" appropri
ation "for the purpose of obtaining the infor
mation necessary to a proper understanding of
this great project." He had "for the past ten
years ' ' been doing what he could to attract the
attention of the American people to the impor
tance of the question of homes for the people.
It had become apparent to the speculators that
the great area, 1,000,000 square miles, of what
was known as the arid or desert land would soon
have to be occupied and that irrigation must be
relied upon to make it fruitful and inhabitable.
Consequently, they were investing in that part
of the arid region which must be used for sites
for reservoirs for the surplus water which falls
in certain seasons of the year. Hence the imme
diate importance of the reservation of such
lands.212

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 269
In the Fiftieth Congress it appears that
Weaver again introduced his bill for the organ
ization of Oklahoma as a Territory; and Con
gressman WiUiam M. Springer introduced two
bills for the same purpose, the second of which,
introduced on June 25, 1888, was debated on
July 25th, August 6th, 28th, and 30th, and on
September 12th and 13th. On August 30th
Weaver made some brief remarks upon it with
reference to a proposed amendment which he
thought would prevent a man from selling a
mortgaged farm and making a new start in
Oklahoma. In his opinion it would exclude
worthy men whose misfortune it was to be mort
gaged beyond their power of redemption.^^^
Another related measure was a bill passed by
the Senate which extended the laws of the
United States to the unorganized territory,
south of Kansas, west of the Indian Territory,
and north of the Panhandle of Texas, known as
No Man's Land or the Public Land Strip. The
proposition was to create a land office there and
allow lands to be acquired under the homestead
laws, and also to extend the laws of the United
States over the district. The advocates of this
bill claimed that there were 15,000 people set
tled there without any form of government. On
the other hand, the supporters of the Oklahoma
Bill declared that it would be just as easy to
pass their bill, and if it were passed there would

270 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
be no need for the other measure. The Okla
homa Bill was a more satisfactory solution,
since it would estabUsh a local government;
while the other bill would merely extend over
the district the laws of the United States which
do not furnish any protection under the crim
inal code nor any protection for property.
Weaver, of course, opposed the Senate bill,
which he described as "a rival project" that
was "designed to disembowel the Oklahoma
proposition." He declared that it had been de
nounced at a recent meeting by the people living
in the district who favored the Oklahoma Bill,
and that 600,000 laboring men had petitioned
for the passage of the broader measure. Ap
parently, the opposition to the Public Land
Strip Bill was successful as there was no
further discussion of it during the session.^"
General Weaver's remaining share in the
work of the session was of a miscellaneous char
acter. He took part in a debate in March upon
a bill to make changes in the Department of
Labor; he asked whether it would become an
executive department, and whether its head
would be a cabinet officer. Evidently he had in
mind his bill of the previous Congress. The
law to ' ' create boards of arbitration for settling
controversies and differences between railroad
corporations and other common carriers en
gaged in interstate and Territorial transporta-

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 271
tion of property or passengers and their em
ployes ' ' was passed at this session, but Weaver
seems not to have taken any part in the debate
upon it. As he had stated in debate in the
previous Congress, he was not a believer in
such legislation: he would improve the funda
mental conditions out of the maladjustment of
which strikes and labor difficulties arose.^^^
When in the course of the debate over the
Department of Labor the question of farm
mortgages came up. Weaver declared that dur
ing the summer of 1887 he had traveUed "from
Western New York, through portions of Penn
sylvania, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Missouri,
Kansas, and Nebraska ' ', and the very best testi
mony he could procure indicated that "two-
thirds of all the farms in the United States and
Territories" were under mortgages. He be
lieved "this fearful state of affairs" was "the
result of excessive interest charges, excessive
transportation charges, and insufficient volume
of money, excessive taxes, and improvident
management" of the public domain.^^®
During the session Weaver introduced forty-
four bills and resolutions — of which twenty-six
were pension, relief, or other private bills ; two
were for public buildings, one at Oskaloosa and
the other at Ottumwa; and sixteen were of a
public character. Of the latter, four were cur
rency or financial measures ; five, including the

272 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Oklahoma Bill,, had reference to the public
lands; while of the remaining seven, one was
for the popular election of United States Sen
ators, another was his Soldier Bill, and the
others were to repeal the duty on lumber, to
establish a postal telegraph, to amend the
patent laws, to define the time when pensions
should take effect, and to donate some con
demned cannon to an Iowa town.^"
General Weaver availed himself of every op •
portunity to attack the national banks. Espe
cially did he oppose the then recent practice of
depositing large amounts of government funds
in the banks without interest — a practice
widely extended at that time because of the
large surplus that had accumulated. In a de
bate upon a bill to provide for the purchase of
United States bonds by the Secretary of the
Treasury it appears that Weaver followed
McKinley and was in turn followed by Reed.
Mills assigned thirty minutes to Weaver, who
described the country as "within the grasp of a
gigantic, cold-blooded money trust, which limits
the money output, prescribes the conditions on
which it deigns to accept the currency at the
hands of the Government, determines the chan
nels through which it shall reach the people,
and the terms upon which it shall be doled
out. . . .
"For a quarter of a century this trust has

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 273
overawed Congress, and at thig. time is setting
at defiance laws which it does not approve. It
is a national organization, with ramifications
everywhere. It holds annual sessions, has an
executive council, which meets in secret, and is
clothed with power to collect large sums of
money and to disburse the same for purposes
which are not made public. It is the architect
of our present financial structure. They have
built it to suit the cupidity of the usurer and so
as to administer to the devouring appetite of
money ghouls, rather than to serve the legiti
mate wants of business and trade. They have
made it a snare, a delusion, and a rack of tor
ture to those who are content to accumulate
wealth by production, and it has proved a bed
of quicksand to business energy and honest
thrift. "218
The second session of the Fiftieth Congress,
which was Weaver's last period of service at
Washington, lasted from December 3, 1888, to
March 2, 1889. Being the short session it was
devoted largely to the passage of appropriation
bills. Weaver again attracted the attention of
the country, as he had in 1880 by his fight for
the consideration of his resolution against the
refunding of the national debt. At this time he
led a filibuster in the House which resulted in
the passage of the Oklahoma Bill in the face of
strong opposition.
19

274 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
The filibuster began on Tuesday, January
8th, and continued until Saturday, January
12th, "preventing thereby totally the trans
action of any public business, except a few con
ference reports." By a series of dilatory
motions and by requiring votes thereon, the
time of the House was consumed for four days.
Saturday morning an arrangement was made
between the Democratic leaders — Carlisle,
Randall, and Mills — and General Weaver, ac
cording to which he was to cease to filibuster
and the Speaker was "to recognize a motion to
pass the Oklahoma bill under suspension of the
rules on the next 'suspension day', and if the
opponents of the bill filibuster to prevent a
vote", the House was to be kept in continuous
session from day to day until a vote should be
taken on the passage of the bill. In accordance
with this understanding Weaver ceased to make
dilatory motions Saturday morning, and on
Monday the necessary changes in the rules were
made by a vote of one hundred fifty-six to
eighty-five, eighty- two not voting. "All over
the country", to use the words of one Congress
man, "in every newspaper in this land, from the
great metropolitan dailies down to the little
country papers .... the gentleman from
Iowa has a notoriety, npt to say reputation,
which has not been equaled by the performance
of any other gentleman who has occupied a seat

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 275
on this floor since my public career began ".2"
As a result of Weaver's effort the Oklahoma
Bill -was taken up on January 30th, debated on
that and the following day, and passed by the
House on February 1st by a vote of one hundred
forty-seven to one hundred and two, seventy-
two not voting. The bill then went to the Senate
where it failed to receive attention because of
the lateness of its passage in the House, and
because of the congestion of business incident
to the close of the session. A bill for the organ
ization of the Territory of Oklahoma was
finally passed in 1890.^20
Although the organization of a Territorial
government was delayed until the following
year, the opening of Oklahoma for settlement
was provided for at this session of Congress.
On January 19, 1889, delegates of the Creeks
agreed to cede to the United States the western
half of their domain in consideration of
$2,280,857.10, the agreement being ratified by
the Creek Council on January 31st and by Con
gress on March 1, 1889. A provision was in
serted in the Indian Appropriation Bill for the
appointment of three commissioners by the
President to arrange with the Cherokee and
other Indians owning or claiming lands west of
the ninety-sixth degree of longitude to cede
their lands upon the same conditions as those
made -with the Creeks. If these terms were

276 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
accepted, the President was authorized by
proclamation to open the lands for settlement.
No preparations for the government of the
opened lands were made by Congress other than
the establishment of a United States court for
the whole Indian Territory. Land offices were
established at Guthrie and one other place, and
a military force was placed in the district to
keep it free of intruders until the time set for
its legal opening.
By these pro-nsions for the purchase of the
Indian lands one of the objections raised in the
debates on the bill for the organization of a
Territorial government for Oklahoma was re
moved. The argument that the government had
not as yet secured title to these lands from the
Indians could no longer be used; this action
would therefore pave the way for the establish
ment of a regular form of government. Gen
eral Weaver took only an incidental part in the
debates on these cessions ; but he was neverthe
less keenly interested in the passage of these
portions of the bill, and one of the incidents he
delighted to recall was his "breakneck ride"
do-wn Pennsylvania Avenue with Senator Jones
of Arkansas to get President Cleveland's signa
ture in the last hours of his first administra
tion. An agreement was made with the Sem
inoles for the release and conveyance of
5,439,865 acres of land, for which the sum of

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 277
$4,193,799.12 was paid, and these lands were
opened to settlement by presidential proclama
tion on April 22, 1889.
From the date of the President's proclama
tion a steadily increasing number of home-
seekers, with adventurers of all kinds, collected
on the borders of the district. "Whole outfits
for towns, including portable houses, were
shipped by rail, and individual families in pic
turesque, primitive, white-covered wagons,
journeying forward, stretched out for miles in
an unbroken line." No person entering the
district before the appointed time could ever
acquire lands. The law forbidding the intro
duction of liquor into the Indian Territory was
strictly enforced, and to this action was largely
due the peaceful occupation in spite of the fact
that most of the settlers were armed. "The
blast of a bugle, at noon on a beautiful spring
day, was the signal for a wild rush across all
the borders. Men on horseback, on foot, in
every conceivable vehicle, sought homes at the
utmost speed, and before nightfall town sites
were laid out for several thousand inhabitants
each. Upward of 50,000 persons entered the
Territory, and between 6,000 and 7,000 were
conveyed from Arkansas City to Guthrie by
rail in the afternoon of the first day. ' '
This dramatic beginning of the present State
of Oklahoma marked the end of a long struggle.

278 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
As early as 1879 an extensive scheme was
planned to take forcible possession. Parties
from Missouri, Kansas, and Texas entered the
Territory, carrying household goods and farm
ing implements with the intention of locating
homes ; but a proclamation of President Hayes
forbade the movement, and ordered their re
moval by military force if necessary. A second
proclamation to the same effect was issued early
in 1880. David L. Payne, the leader of the
"boomers" till 1884, was "repeatedly arrested
by United States troops and expelled" from the
region, ' ' the number of his followers increasing
with every successive expedition". After the
death of Payne, raids were organized by W. L.
Couch and others who had previously acted as
his lieutenants. In December, 1884, Couch
entered the Territory -with a large body of
armed men, encamped, and defied removal by
the military. In January, 1885, he was obliged
to surrender, he and his leading associates be
ing arrested upon "a charge of unlawfully
engaging in insurrection against the authority
of the United States". The suits were subse
quently dismissed. President Cleveland fol
lowed the same policy, and the removal of
intruders several times a year continued until
1887. Meanwhile negotiations were opened
with the Indians for the settlement of unoccu
pied lands.221

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 279
The great force opposing the opening of
Oklahoma came from the rich cattle men, who
herded hundreds of thousands of cattle on the
ranges. There were three forces that opposed
the cattle men: the "boomers" who desired to
occupy the land; their friends throughout the
country who contributed to the expense of the
long campaign ; and a few members of Congress
headed by General Weaver of Iowa, Springer of
Illinois, and Mansur of Missouri. "The cattle
men were rich and powerful. Some members of
Congress were supposed to be personally inter
ested. Other members had friends who were
interested. A powerful lobby was maintained
in Congress by the cattle interests, and at one
time a - Congressional investigation of alleged
corrupt use of money among Congressmen was
threatened ' '. Many meetings were held in Iowa
and Kansas where ways and means were dis
cussed and provided to wrest the Territory
from the cattle men. A number of these meet
ings were held at the Weaver home ; and one at
Wichita, Kansas, was attended by 2000 persons,
the speakers being Weaver, Couch, and Mansur.
After the opening of the country disorder be
came so prevalent that some sort of a local
government became necessary; and so a meet
ing was called for a certain evening at Okla
homa City. The meeting was held on the open
prairie, a large dry-goods box serving as a plat-

280 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
form. Speeches were made by General Weaver,
who presided, and by others. It was decided to
call an election the following morning and elect
a city ticket, although there was no legal basis
for such procedure. Captain Couch, for years
the leader of the boomers, was the nominee of
the meeting for mayor; and he was elected on
the foUo-wing day. A Federal officer adminis
tered the oath of office and the officials immedi
ately assumed office. Order was restored and
government was administered in this way until
Congress organized the Territory of Oklahoma
in 1890.
Other Oklahoma communities met the situa
tion in the same way; mass meetings were as
sembled, and -within two weeks city governments
were in full operation. ' ' Though these govern
ments had no legal basis, being founded solely
on the consent of the citizens, they operated
efficiently; the mayor's orders were obeyed, the
ordinances passed by the city councils were
complied with, and the jurisdiction assumed by
the police courts was accepted, in both ci-vil and
criminal cases. No further governmental or
ganization occurred until, after more than a
year, a dilatory Congress took action. ' ' At the
beginning the Territory embraced only about
three thousand square miles, located in the
west-ceatral part of the original Indian Terri
tory. It was rapidly expanded by subsequent

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 281
"openings" untU in 1901 its limits touched
Kansas on the north and Texas on the south
and its area increased ten times.222
In December General Weaver spoke briefly in
favor of a bill to incorporate a company to build
a canal on what was known as the Nicaragua
route. He believed the bill was "one of the
most important measures that have been be
fore the American Congress for a decade. It
bears the same relation to the trade of America
that the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope
bore to the commerce of the Old World. The
discovery of the Cape of Good Hope turned the
commerce of Asia away from the cities of the
Mediterranean to the cities of London and
Liverpool. The completion of this great canal
will turn the commerce of the Orient away from
the cities of Liverpool and London to our shores
and to the cities of the United States. It will
give us more than 3000 miles of advantage, and
we can trust American pluck and enterprise to
do the rest .... I venture to hope it may
pass this body unanimously." 22 ^
Under date of February 6, 1889, General
Weaver printed some brief remarks upon the
same subject. He again expressed approval of
the general purpose of the measure, although it
did not contain "all the safeguards" that he
deemed desirable in such an important piece of
legislation. He found "the Pacific railroads

282 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
present in great force, opposing the passage of
this measure with all their power. The reason
for this opposition is plain. The measure takes
from them their monopoly of the transconti
nental carrying trade .... This canal
should be built by the Government of the United
States, and the day will come when the wisdom
of this suggestion will be appreciated ; but it is
impossible to secure such action at this time.
Let me suggest also that the day for the con
struction of this great commercial enterprise
has arrived. If we do not authorize its con
struction Germany or some other foreign
power will do so at once. I trust the measure
may pass, and that this great route, which
shortens our pathway to the Orient between
eight and ten thousand miles, may speedily be
constructed. "22* The bill passed Congress and
was approved by the President on February 20,
1889.225 No canal has ever been constructed along this
route, and the present Panama Canal was not
begun for many years. But Weaver's predic
tion that such a canal should be built by the
government finally came true, and is an illus
tration of his keenness of vision, or rather of
his ability to see intuitively in advance of his
contemporaries : many times he somehow sensed
things that public men and business men have
only come to see much later than he did.

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 283
The surplus revenue which the government
received, and which was one reason for the
President's proposed reduction of the tariff, led
to many schemes of lavish expenditure. One of
the most striking of all the proposals was the
measure for refunding the direct tax which had
been levied in 1861. Naturally but little of this
tax had been collected from the southern States.
The northern States would receive back prac
tically all of the $17,000,000 which they had
paid, while the South would enjoy merely the
remission of a tax which no one supposed would
ever be collected. Southern representatives,
with some help from the North, opposed the
measure.226 Ten minutes were allowed to General Weaver
during the debate upon the bill on December 12,
1888. He could not see his way clear to support
it, and proceeded to give some of the reasons
for his opposition. The direct tax was "law
fully levied for a patriotic purpose". The
proposition to refund was simply one "to do
nate the money to the various States ' ' ; and he
denied "the existence of any constitutional
authority to make such a donation." It was
claimed in Iowa during the campaign that the
State was in debt, and that the $400,000 it would
get in this way would enable it to pay its debt
without taxing the people in the usual way.
To this argument Weaver replied that however

284 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
convenient it might be for any State, the plan
lacked ' ' constitutional validity. ' '
Furthermore, Weaver maintained that it was
"a proposition to pay Southern war claims".
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
Georgia, Kentucky, Missouri, and Texas paid
about $4,500,000 out of the $17,000,000 actually
collected; that amount was consequently paid
by States that were "either in open rebellion",
or "furnished troops to the Southern army."
Such a proposal in direct form would never be
tolerated, but that was really what the refund
did, "relieved somewhat .... by the fact
that the Northern States get a 'divy'."
Furthermore, "the Southern States did not
pay their share in putting down the rebellion.
They did not pay their share of the stamp tax,
the whisky tax, the income tax, the tax upon the
gross earnings of railroads, the tax upon manu
factures, or of any other tax levied to suppress
the rebellion ; and if you are to pay back to the
States of the North — the loyal States, if you
please — their share of this tax, upon the theory
that the South did not pay their fair share, why
is it not proper to go into a regular examination
of the respective shares paid by the Southern
and Northern States, rip up the whole question
and have a readjustment, and assess the whole
country to pay back to the loyal States all that
they paid out for the suppression of the rebel-

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 285
lion? This proposition is not only unconstitu
tional, but highly unreasonable and absurd.
"The fact that we have a surplus in the
Treasury does not give propriety or justice to
this measure. If the Government of the United
States owes the States — the States that paid
this tax — the amount provided for in this bill,
it owes it without regard to whether we have a
surplus in the Treasury or not. We are the
trustees of the money now in the Treasury. It
was collected for certain purposes, and we are
in honor bound to thwart all propositions to
expend it unlawfully. If we must pay back the
seventeen and a half millions collected through
the direct tax, let us do so by levying another
direct tax for that purpose. Let each State pay
its proportion." The bill was passed by Con
gress, but vetoed by President Cleveland as a
"sheer, bald gratuity. "22'^
The last brief remarks of General Weaver in
Congress were made on February 22, 1889,
upon the bill to place General William S.
Rosecrans upon the retired list of the army.
He declared that he had had the honor to serve
under General Grant and that he cherished his
memory. He also had had the honor to serve
under "the distinguished general whose name
was under consideration", and he was his
friend. "I care nothing about the controversy
that existed between the two generals while they

286 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
were both living. It would be unbecoming in
me to do so. They were both patriotic, and I
believe the cause of the Union would have fared
badly had they not been in the service of the
Government. "I, too, had the honor to participate in the
battle at Corinth in 1862, and I know, and the
country knows, that but for the magnificent
strategy of Rosecrans, his soldierly bearing, his
wonderful grasp of and attention to the details
of that battle, the Army of the Southwest would
have been overthrown, and the consequences
could not have been foretold. He decoyed the
army of Price on to the spot where he designed
to fight the battle, and the result was that he
was victorious and captured parts of sixty-nine
different commands serving under Price and
Van Dorn and the other Confederate command
ers. In that important battle he saved the
cause of the Union in the Southwest. Rosecrans
was a splendid soldier, a valuable officer, and he
is now a most honorable citizen. Few are more
distinguished. He is one of the heroes of this
age, and his name will live forever. I am for
this bill. It must be passed. We cannot dis
honor him by voting no. I would like to see a
unanimous vote. "228
During his three terms in Congress the rec
ords show that General Weaver supported

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 287
many different measures, some of which have
long been upon the statute books, others are
still under discussion, while some have been
shown to be mistakes and have been wisely for
gotten. His financial policy included the pay
ment of the national debt incurred during the
Civil War as rapidly as possible instead of its
funding, the permanent use of greenbacks and
the retirement of the national bank notes, and
the free coinage of silver. His public land pol
icy was based upon the preservation of the
public domain for the use of actual settlers, and
included the opening of Oklahoma, the forfeit
ure of railroad land grants, the reservation of
coal deposits, the allotment of lands to Indians
in severalty, and the irrigation of the arid lands
to fit them for settlement. In addition he
favored the reduction of the tariff and free raw
materials such as lumber together with the use
of an income tax for revenue purposes. In the.
main he seems to have supported the tariff
policy of President Cleveland in his message of
1887. He believed in the regulation of the rail
roads by the government, and he opposed the
Interstate Commerce Act because he did not
regard it as sufficiently definite and explicit in
its provisions. His judgment was justified by
the early history of its operation. He favored
a number of other measures, such as the pop
ular election of United States Senators, the

288 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
establishment of a Department of Labor with
the secretary as a member of the cabinet, the
construction of the Nicaragua Canal by the
government, a postal telegraph, and the Oleo
margarine Bill. He opposed trusts and monop
olies in every form, and he anticipated the more
recent hostility to convict labor.
The Kansas City Times in 1889 described
him as "a man of mark in the councils of the
nation, and however much his greenback and
other political theories may be attacked or be
littled, his adversaries regard him as a stub
born, hard fighter, not easily taken at disadvan
tage, capable of maintaining himself with
credit either on the stump or in the halls of
legislation .... General Weaver is well up
in all matters of legislative history and prece
dent. He is a fluent and forcible speaker, and
although gifted with superior oratorical pow
ers, employs them with prudence and reserve.
He is strong in running debate, takes punish
ment well and repays with compound interest.
He is a punctual and faithful committeeman
. . . . His habits are industrious, and he is
always happier when busily employed ....
General Weaver has a pleasing presence, is
above the average height and compactly built.
He looks as if he could stand no end of physical
fatigue and his movements are quick and ner
vous. Socially considered, he fills the bill of

LAST TERM IN CONGRESS 289
cleverness in the American sense. Anybody can
see and talk to him, as he is a plain, unostenta
tious man in both dress and address. His per
sonal habits are excellent, and, considered
generally, he may be ranked among the superior
men of the House. Independence of thought
and action are his leading characteristics and
he stands loyally by his friends. "22"
President Cleveland advised with him about
appointments in Iowa and followed his ad-vice.
He is quoted as saying that "Weaver is one of
the few men who come to talk -with me about
something else than politics — about legisla
tion. "230

20

XIV
From Greenbacker to Populist
1888-1892
The immediate cause of General Weaver's
defeat for reelection in 1888 was the late
adjournment of Congress in that year. It was
late in October before the session closed; and
since Weaver remained in attendance until
almost the end of September, he had only a few
weeks for his campaign. Furthermore, special
efforts were made by the Republicans to accom
plish his defeat: his three elections from the
same district made the Republicans especially
anxious to dislodge him. Major John F. Lacey
was drafted for the purpose of making the con
test, which it was felt "was desperate indeed."
There was also believed to be in the district
a "secret oath bound organization ....
under the personal supervision and manage
ment of one A. F. Mitchell, who carried with
him autograph letters from Gen. Harrison com
mending Mitchell's plan of work, and urging
the Republicans to adopt it." This organiza
tion had been at work in Weaver's home county
for more than a month before his return.
290

FROM GREENBACKER TO POPULIST 291
Indeed, the same kind of work was vigorously
pushed in all the counties. The charge was
made that money was used among purchasable
voters, who were instructed to keep on appar
ently in the Weaver ranks. A Bloomfield paper
stated that there were men in that city with
plenty of money after the election who were not
known to have money before.23^
The campaign was "one of the most notable
. . . . ever made in Iowa." There were
joint discussions in every county and people
turned out in large numbers. The main issues
were the Mills BUI and the question of free
trade. "At Newton, Iowa, the speakers stood
under the court-house portico with a vast
throng in front of them. The Sack-ville-West
affair had just occurred, in which the British
minister had written a letter advising all nat
uralized Englishmen to vote the Democratic
ticket. Mr. Lacey of course made good use of
this incident. General Weaver closed the de
bate that day, and just as he was nearing the
last part of his very eloquent and beautiful
peroration two birds fluttered down in front of
him from the portico above and hung balanced
in the air a few feet in front of his breast. They
fluttered playfully against each other and re
mained in the same position for perhaps thirty
seconds. The General caught the inspiration
of the situation and throwing up his hands to-

292 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
ward heaven, said in earnest tones, 'The very
birds in the air bring happy omens of our vic
tory.' Quick as a flash Major Lacey spoiled all
this oratorical effect by rising and crying out,
'Beware of them. General! They are English
sparrows. '
"Here the General's time expired and the
crowd dispersed laughing and shouting. Until
the end of the campaign everyone talked of the
pestiferous English sparrows nestling in the
bosom of the eloquent general. General Weaver
in accounting for his defeat always gave con
siderable weight to this incident. ' '
Weaver's reference to Lacey as the "dapper
little corporation attorney" suggests the con
trast between the two men. Lacey was a suc
cessful la-wyer who had been drawn into poli
tics. He had no sympathy with any of Weaver 's
ideas. He waged the campaign along the tra
ditional lines so often and so successfully used
by the advocates of protection. He was a "Re
publican of the uncompromising conservative
order", who lost his seat in 1906 through the
rise of the "Progressive movement" with
which he had no patience.232 Lacey and Weaver
represented most excellently the older and
newer types of politics : one was unconscious of
the newer forms of social politics; while the
other, equally unconscious, was pioneering the
way in that direction. The contest in the sixth

PROM GREENBACKER TO POPULIST 293
district of Iowa was a suggestive and significant
one, both personally and from the point of -vdew
of social politics.
Although he received 609 more votes than in
1886, Weaver lost the election by a vote of
17,181 to 18,009. Lacey 's vote was larger by
2,055 than that of the Republican candidate in
1886.233 ji ^a^g -(.j^g yg^j. q£ Harrison's election
when the Republicans were especially eager to
redeem the defeat of 1884. Weaver ran four
times as a fusion candidate in the district: he
was elected three times. At each election he
ran ahead of the vote of the parties that sup
ported him. His victories were largely per
sonal, and he probably represented the real
views of a majority of his constituents. He
never had a strong party organization behind
him as did the Republican candidates.
The larger causes of Weaver's defeat are to
be sought in the political conditions of the time.
He entered Congress as a Greenbacker when
the new party was at the height of its power;
and when he was reelected in 1884 and 1886,
that party was still in existence, though rapidly
declining. As already pointed out, the Demo
cratic victory of 1884 represented in a certain
sense the climax of the Greenback agitation.
During the years from 1885 to 1889, while
Weaver was serving in Congress, the Green
back party disappeared, and a temporary party,

294 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
known by the name of Union Labor, absorbed
its remnants. Other Greenbackers returned to
the Republican party from which they had
come, while some joined the Democratic party.
President Cleveland received the support of a
good many independents who were chiefly inter
ested in good government and who had little
interest in social politics.
In 1886 Weaver referred to himself as a
Greenbacker in a discussion in Congress in re
gard to the lack of definite policies or tests of
membership in the two old parties. He told
the Democrats that "we Greenbackers in Iowa
affiliate with you and here in this House as far
as we can, but, reserving to ourselves all the
time the right to our own independence and the
independence of the organization .... If
the Democratic party will do anything for the
people of this country, we say, amen. We will
help you to do it. "23*
Two years later in July, 1888, in explanation
of charges of inconsistency in his public utter
ances, he described his party changes from be
fore the Civil War to the time at which he was
speaking. He gave his reasons for leaving the
Republican party in 1877, declaring that the
events of the past ten years had justified his
action. He spoke of himself as a member of
the Union Labor party, ' ' into which the Green
back party has practically merged, along with

FROM GREENBACKER TO POPULIST 295
some other labor organizations. " While he had
never joined the Democratic party, he had felt
it to be his duty "to affiliate with that party in
this House, in my State, and in my district,
whenever it was practicable, through the action
of separate conventions, because I believe the
Democratic party is nearer to the people than
the Republican party, and because I find more
friends there for the principles which I repre
sent than in any other party outside of my own.
"But while thus affiliating, it has been done
in the frankest possible manner and with the
distinct knowledge that I reserve my independ
ence and the right to strike at wrong wherever
found, and .... I have been fearless in the
exercise of my independence. I have nothing
to conceal here. Those old extracts have been
read in all the campaigns in Iowa for the past
decade, until they sound like extracts from
ancient history. The Democrats there have
said, 'Yes, he did hit us hard, but we hit him
just as hard, and the account is square ; and we
prefer him to any monopoly Republican that
can be put up in the State '."23^
Developments in Iowa politics during these
same years also throw light upon political con
ditions. Early in June, 1887, a State conven
tion was held at Marshalltown under the name
of Union Labor, although very few labor men
were present. There was two factions, one led

296 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
by L. H. Weller and J. R. Sovereign, opposed
to fusion, and the other led by E. H. Gillette
and L. Q. Hoggatt, who were willing to unite
with the Democrats. The latter group, with
whom Weaver worked, far outnumbered the
Weller or anti-fusion forces, but Weller got a
resolution passed allowing those present from
any county to cast the full vote of the county,
and by this means the distant counties, though
slimly represented, had as much weight as the
sixth and seventh districts that had almost a
full representation. Thus the minority ob
tained at once a two-thirds vote, and Weller and
the anti-fusionists had control. The Weaver
men favored ex-Congressman B. T. Frederick,
a Democrat, for Governor; but Weller suc
ceeded in nominating M. J. Caine.23<5
The defeated faction inet at Des Moines late
in August and issued an address to farmers and
labor men, but made no nominations. In Octo
ber a State committee, selected at Des Moines,
issued a short address regretting that the con
vention at Marshalltown had not been harmo
nious, but declaring that the platform was
satisfactory and advising members of the party
to support the ticket since it was too late to
name new candidates. The Greenback vote was
14,283, as compared with 23,013 for Weaver in
1883, the last year in which there had been a
straight Greenback ticket in the field.23'^

FROM GREENBACKER TO POPULIST 297
In 1888 there was in Iowa only one third
party convention, which was held at Marshall-
town in June and at which it was agreed to put
a straight ticket in the field for the State elec
tion. The leaders were WeUer, Gillette, and
Sovereign, and there was considerable discus
sion over the endorsement of Weaver and
Anderson for their action in Congress : Weller
opposed the endorsement of the latter who had
been elected as an Independent RepubUcan.
Several Iowa men were prominent in the Na
tional Union Labor convention held at Cincin
nati in May. Among them were Gillette, Caine,
Weller, and W. H. Robb. Apparently Weaver
did not attend either the State or national con
vention. Probably he did not wish to be away
from Congress during the debate upon the Mills
Bill in which he took a great deal of interest.
The vote at the State election showed a falling
off of over 5000 from that of 1887.23s
There was mention of General Weaver as a
candidate for the United States Senate in 1888
to succeed James F. Wilson whose term expired
in 1889. The Washington correspondent of
The Iowa State Register was described by a
contemporary as bringing out Weaver as a can
didate, and it was added that "the big and the
little organs of the republican party will en
gage in unceasing warfare upon Weaver, his
senatorial ambitions and his proposed cam-

298 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
paign for election. Even the organs that have
so strongly urged the election of union generals
to the senate will oppose Weaver." The same
paper thought that The Iowa State Register
had an object in proposing Weaver, and that
object was to strengthen Hepburn who was be
ing urged by that paper against Wilson.
Again, the same authority declared that if
Weaver should be endorsed by the Democratic
State convention as a senatorial candidate he
"and his friends will make a canvass of the
state that will surprise the opposition." Re
publicans feared trouble from him in the next
campaign and they had ' ' concluded that a dem
ocratic prejudice had better be worked up
against him before the canvass begins."
The Washington representative of The Iowa
State Register was quoted as follows: "Gen.
Weaver is mapping out a programme for the
democratic state convention this year, and,
judging the future by the past, it is safe to
assume that the convention will accept any plan
he may suggest, even though it may involve a
departure from the time-honored custom of the
party. In a recent conversation with a promi
nent democratic politician from Iowa, he said
that their convention this year would nominate
a candidate for United States senator and in
the election of members of the legislature, the
people would know who the successor of Sen-

FROM GREENBACKER TO POPULIST 299
ator Wilson would be in the event the democrats
should secure a majority on joint baUot. He
expressed great confidence in the result, and
thought the democrats would have a safe work
ing majority in the legislature, and the election
of a democratic successor to Mr. Wilson would
follow. It is believed here that Weaver expects
to be named by the convention for the senato
rial succession."
In the same article in which this statement is
quoted are to be found some suggestive com
ments. ' ' Iowa democrats will not be prejudiced
against Weaver by such interviews. If the
General made such predictions, they are cer
tainly of such a nature as to encourage demo
crats. Being a member of congress, it is hardly
possible that he would court a senatorial nomi
nation — after the Nebraska plan — if he did
not feel sanguine that he could and would make
a successful race. It is possible that he does not
wish the nomination, but if he does he will ask
for it. If he receives it he will make the best
effort he can make to win. His style of seeking
office in the past has been commendable and by
far too successful to please his republican
opponents. "239
A Union Labor convention was held at Des
Moines in September, 1889, in which a resolu
tion was passed favoring the nomination of
candidates for the United States Senate by the

300 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
different political parties, and proposing the
naming of General Weaver as the Union Labor
candidate for Senator. There was a strong-
sentiment in the convention against fusion,
as was shown in the vote upon the resolu
tion introduced by Weller which was adopted
by a vote of 150 to 30. The Union Labor candi
dates received votes varying from 5300 to 5800.
The election of this year was notable because
the Democrats elected their first Governor since
the Civil War. Overshadowing the principles
for which the Greenback and Union Labor
parties contended, the prohibition issue was the
chief feature of the campaign. Weaver's pro
nounced views upon prohibition made any
fusion with the Democrats less probable than
in the last few years.2*"
In August, 1890, there was held at Des Moines
a nondescript convention composed of delegates
from the Greenback and Union Labor parties.
Knights of Labor, Farmers' Alliances, and
Granges. The miscellaneous character of the
gathering illustrated concretely the confused
political conditions. There were still some who
called themselves Greenbackers, the temporary
Union Labor party had not entirely disap
peared, and the elements which were the next
year to be organized into the Populist party
were actively at work. The name of Union
Labor Industrial Party of Iowa was used to

FROM GREENBACKER TO POPULIST 301
describe the convention of independents of this
year. It added to its platform on motion of
General Weaver a resolution for the election of
United States Senators by direct vote of the
people. "And until we can properly amend the
constitution in this behalf, we favor the nomi
nation of United States senators in the State
conventions, pledging in the same resolution all
Representatives elected by our party to vote for
the nominee at the meeting of the Legislature. ' '
General Weaver also addressed the conven
tion, although a Republican newspaper claimed
that he declined to serve on the platform com
mittee because his close identification with such
a convention would injure his standing with
the Democrats in the seventh district. Such a
statement hardly seems worthy of much con
sideration, for within two weeks of the meeting
of the convention he declined a unanimous nom
ination for Congress by the Democrats of that
district. He gave his reasons fully for refusing
to accept in a letter written August 28, 1890.2*'
With characteristic frankness he wrote:
"Feeling at all times a warm sympathy for the
great industrial movement now shaking the re
public from center to circumference, I advised
members of the alliance and other labor organ
izations to hold a conference in the district con
cerning congressional matters. Such a con
ference was held. . . . Friends attending the

302 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
meeting were instructed not to allow my name
to be considered. This conference designated
Hon. Jas. H. Barnett as its candidate. You
will readily see from this statement of facts
that I cannot consent to stand as a candidate,
and that if I should do so I would subject my
self to the charge of bad faith, and I know that
you would not knowingly place me in such a
situation. These facts were unknown to the
members of the convention when I was nomi
nated, but I cannot ignore their force.
"I trust that the Seventh district and every
other district in Iowa may be redeemed from
republican misrepresentation at the coming
election. There should be no division of senti
ment in our state in view of the circumstances
which confront the people. The republican
leaders are determined at all hazards to per
petuate their power, and to do so they do not
hesitate to trample under foot the plain letter
of the constitution, the traditions of the fathers,
and the liberties of the people. This is plainly
sho-wn by the passage of the Lodge bill through
the house, the McKinley tariff bill, and the de
feat of the bill for the unrestricted coinage of
silver. The first of these measures takes the
election of representatives out of the hands of
the people where it has rested for more than a
century and places it under the control of
partisan officers appointed for life. The second.

PROM GREENBACKER TO POPULIST 303
if it shall become a law, will increase the cost of
nearly all the necessities of life without dimin
ishing a single burden. The third demonetizes
silver, reduces the country to a single gold
standard and in conjunction with kindred legis
lation renders general business prosperity im
possible. I trust the people of Iowa may break
through all obstacles and elect a delegation to
congress who will look after Iowa interests in
stead of the interests of money sharks, corpora
tions and cutthroat combines. "2*2
Light is thrown upon the political situation
by an editorial upon Weaver's declination of
the Democratic nomination, in which after an
expression of sincere regret, the statement is
made that "had Mr. Barnett been willing to
withdraw his candidacy so that General Weaver
might have had the united support of all the
opponents of the republican ticket, he might
have been prevailed upon to make the race. But
Barnett would not do it. A nomination for con
gress, although coming from nowhere and rep
resenting no party nor no organization, being
simply the act of sixteen independent men
meeting in Des Moines, was a big thing for
him, and he was as proud of it as a boy with a
new toy. ' '
The result, declared the writer, "will prove a
grievous disappointment to the people of the
district. They would have elected General

304 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Weaver to congress. From every county in the
district there came word of the enthusiasm
among the people for him. He is the ablest and
truest representative of all the people's inter
ests that could be found in the state. He is
known to be incorruptible and faithful. He
would be a power in the canvass and a host in
himself in congress. "2*3
The results of the State and Congressional
elections in 1890 showed that the estimates of
those who predicted success for the opposition
to the Republicans were not unwarranted if the
various elements composing it could unite. As
it was the Congressional delegation stood six
Democrats and five Republicans, a loss of five
for the Republicans, giving to the Democrats a
majority for the only time since the Civil War.
Furthermore, two of of the Republican districts
were carried by very close votes. Had Weaver
been a candidate for Congress, he would almost
certainly have been elected, and had he been the
Democratic and independent candidate for the
Senate, he might have made a successful cam
paign which would have added to his already
great prestige.
The election of 1890 was the first in which the
new forces that were to form the Populist party
attracted the attention of the country. The
tidal wave of defeat that overwhelmed the Re
publicans was due to conditions in the West

FROM GREENBACKER TO POPULIST 305
and South, particularly during the years just
preceding. Farming was unprofitable, and
with the best of management the average farm
er in the West could not make both ends meet.
The situation was somewhat different in the
South, but widespread unrest there resulted in
the formation of a political alliance between
the two sections. Suddenly in 1890 a combina
tion of circumstances produced the remarkable
overturn of that year, and the country found
itself face to face with a new popular move
ment, similar to the Granger and Greenback
agitations, but much stronger and destined to
have far-reaching effects upon the political
situation. In 1890 Iowa had only one Farmers ' Alliance
candidate for Congress — A. J. Westfall who
received 4658 votes and nearly defeated the Re
publican candidate' who won over his Demo
cratic opponent by only 900 votes. There had
been a Farmers' Alliance in Iowa since 1881,
but it belonged to the so-called "Northern Al
liance", the activities of which, like those of the
Grange, were non-political in character. Early
in 1891 steps were taken to establish the
"Southern Farmers' Alliance" in Iowa. The
chief differences between the two alliances were
as to the participation of their members in poli
tics and the use of some secret methods, such
as grips and pass-words. Among the persons
21

306 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
active in the efforts to establish the Southern
Alliance in Iowa were General Weaver and
J. R. Sovereign. Evidently the organization
would receive the support of former Green
backers and Union Labor party members.2**
Early in May seventy-four "leaders of vari
ous labor and farmers' organizations" issued
a call for a "people's independent convention"
to meet at Des Moines on June 3rd. The con
vention was composed of 425 delegates from
sixty counties, the largest number coming from
the eighth, sixth, eleventh, and seventh Congres
sional districts in the order named. It adopted
the name of "People's Party of the State of
Iowa", and ratified and confirmed "the move
ment inaugurated at the Cincinnati conference.
May 19, 1891, and the wise and patriotic plat
form of principles there adopted." Weaver
and Sovereign were described as in control of
the convention, and the new party was declared
to be "composed of the same men who years
ago started out to reform the world under the
Greenback banner and later as the Union Labor
party. "2*6
General Weaver attended the conference at
Cincinnati at which the "People's Party of the
United States of America ' ' was formed on May
20, 1891. He was made a member of the national
committee which consisted of three men from
each State — the other members from Iowa

PROM GREENBACKER TO POPULIST 307
being M. L. Wheat and A. J. WestfaU. He also
presided at some of the sessions, reheving
Senator WiUiam Peffer of Kansas who was
permanent chairman. Senator Peffer, Con
gressman Jerry Simpson of Kansas, General
Weaver, and Ignatius Donnelly of Minnesota
were mentioned as prominent candidates of the
new party for President at the next election.2*^
It was assumed that the party would make an
independent nomination in 1892, and its recent
record indicated that it would prove a formid
able competitor. Conceivably it might nominate
a candidate who might be elected; actually it
did help to defeat the Republican candidate and
reelect Cleveland.
There were a number of other preliminary
meetings in the course of the formation of the
new Populist party, and General Weaver seems
to have attended all of them. He was at Indian
apolis in November, 1891, where the Supreme
Council of the Southern Alliance was in session,
and was "called for and made a speech on the
general situation, which was received with
enthusiasm." Late in January, 1892, he was
present at a Reform conference in Chicago, the
purpose of which was, according to Miss
Frances E. Willard, who presided, "to form a
union of all the reform elements of the coun
try." Weaver was described as speaking "at
some length favoring the plan." He was also

308 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
made a member of the committee which was
appointed to present the recommendations of
the conference to a larger gathering, called to
meet at St. Louis on February 22, 1892. The
recommendations favored greenbacks, de
nounced the saloon, urged government control
of railroads, the limitation of land ownership,
and municipal suffrage for women.2*''
The St. Louis conference was a very stormy
affair. All sorts of "isms" struggled for rec
ognition, among them prohibition and woman
suffrage as well as the other economic and
social reforms advocated by the successive
third or independent parties. Approximately
seven hundred and fifty delegates were seated,
representing a great variety of organizations,
while a considerable number of minor associa
tions were excluded. Prohibition and woman
suffrage were the topics of heated discussion,
and a serious split was threatened over the
question of independent political action, to
which many Southern delegates were opposed.
The concrete object of the controversy was the
appointment of a committee to act with the
committee of the People 's party for the purpose
of calling a national convention to nominate
candidates for President and Vice President.
The conference failed to act, but a mass-meet
ing of delegates held immediately after adjourn
ment, with General Weaver in the chair.

FROM GREENBACKER TO POPULIST 309
appointed this "much talked of committee".
The delegates present at the mass-meeting
acted without even leaving their seats after the
adjournment of the conference. Weaver's
selection as presiding officer and his willingness
to act indicate his attitude in regard to the con
troversy. He favored independent action
against the old parties whenever there was
good ground for such action, but he was also
ready to cooperate with the Democrats if they
would accept his program. He understood that
there were times when independent action was
to be preferred, and other situations when
fusion offered the only hope of success. A
Republican paper in Iowa once declared that he
never made a fusion in which he could not dic
tate the terms.2*8
Thus during the years from 1884 to 1892
General Weaver moved with the political devel
opment of the period from Greenbacker to
Populist. In fact he was what one writer de
scribed as a "logical" Populist. He joined
each of the succeeding minor parties because he
hoped that each new one might prove to be the
instrument by which his convictions and prin
ciples would be advanced. He was mo-ving,
largely unconsciously, toward a goal which he
never reached, but which he made a little more
feasible and hopeful for his successors.

XV
Second Campaign por the Presidency
1892
The formation of the Populist party in 1891
was followed by nominations for President and
Vice President in 1892. At the time of its
organization several leading men were men
tioned as receptive or willing candidates, and
among these was General Weaver. The others
were either comparatively new men, like Peffer
and Simpson, swept into public notice by the
overturn of 1890, or like Donnelly with merely
local or literary reputations. General Weaver
was the only national figure who represented
the new issues forcefully. His reputation as a
public speaker and campaigner, together with
his notable service in Congress, had given him
a unique position. Likewise his candidacy in
1880 for the Presidency helped to make him
seem to be the logical nominee of the new party.
Early in 1892 a ticket consisting of General
Weaver and L. L. Polk of North Carolina was
regarded by many of the well informed as alto
gether probable and suitable. Weaver would
represent the West in the new alignment of
310

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 311
forces, while Polk, who was the president of the
Southern Farmers' Alliance, was identified
with the South and its interests. Polk's death
just before the Omaha convention removed his
name from consideration and left open the nom
ination for Vice President. The only important
opposition to Weaver came from those who
hoped to induce some Republican leader, like
Judge Gresham, to accept the nomination of the
new party.
One of the earliest suggestions of Weaver as
a candidate in 1892 came from a Kansas Con
gressman elected in 1890. During a visit to
Washington in February, 1891, he was quoted
as saying that he did not doubt but that the new
party would have a national ticket in the field.
"It may be too sanguine to expect to elect the
president at this time, but we will try. Weaver
of Iowa, for president and Polk, of North Caro
lina, for vice president are spoken of as the
ticket. It is not unlikely that they -will be nomi
nated. No one can say what will be the result.
It may throw the election into the house. "2*"
It was in March that L. H. Weller in writing
to a friend asked : "What will be the outcome at
Omaha?" He indicated his opposition to the
proposed ticket by adding: "but what can any
man do when the tide sets strong in favor of
any combination as it now appears for Weaver
and Polk?" Weaver and Weller differed as to

312 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
the advisability of fusion arrangements -with
the Democrats. Weller was much more of an
extremist than Weaver and had less political
insight. He was also jealous of Weaver's
wider recognition and influence.2®''
In May, 1892, The Review of Reviews pub
lished pictures of Weaver and Polk, and in
April of the same year the Arena gave promi
nence to the same men as leaders of the new
party. General Weaver had an article in the
March Arena on The Threefold Contention of
Industry.^^^ These references show that well in advance
of the meeting of the nominating convention at
Omaha there had been developed a good deal of
agreement that Weaver and Polk would make a
strong ticket and ought to be named as the
standard bearers of the new party. The only
serious opposition came from those who tried
to induce Judge Gresham to accept the Populist
nomination. Just before the Populist State Convention in
Iowa in June, General Weaver returned from
Oregon and Washington where he had taken
part in the campaign preceding the election in
those States. In an interview he described his
meetings in Oregon as "wonderful", and said
that the Republicans were on the run, and the
Democrats greatly depressed by Governor
Pennoyer's defection to the Populists, as he

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 313
was very popular and was serving his second
term. When asked about the Omaha and State
conventions, he rephed that "the backward
spring will interfere with the attendance — you
see the farmers cannot come, but we shall have
a goodly gathering and wiU select fifty-two
delegates to the Omaha convention." He re
fused to say whether he would be a delegate at
large or a candidate for the Presidency.2'52
At the State convention General Weaver was
recommended to the national convention as a
candidate for President, and delegates were
chosen who met after adjournment and selected
M. L. Wheat to nominate General Weaver.2'^3
A large element in the Omaha convention, led
by Powderly and Hayes of the Knights of
Labor, hoped to induce Judge Walter Q.
Gresham to accept the nomination for Presi
dent. They consequently tried to postpone
nominations until definite word could be re
ceived from their candidate. Supporters of
General Weaver were inclined to hasten the
proceedings of the convention. As a result of
these efforts, great confusion occurred and nom
inations were delayed until late in the evening.
General Weaver was nominated by M. L.
Wheat, and his nomination was seconded by
Mrs. Mary E. Lease. The balloting was a
"struggle between the 'new blood', represented
by Senator Kyle, of South Dakota, and the ' old

314 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
guard' of the Greenbackers represented by
Gen. Weaver" who won easily with nine hun
dred and ninety-five votes to two hundred and
sixty-five for Kyle.26*
"From the very beginning of the roll-call
Weaver led all his competitors, and so over
whelming was the vote cast for him that his
nomination was practically assured before the
ballot was half completed. The Weaver infec
tion seemed to spread as State after State cast
its vote unanimously for the Iowa man, the
Weaver people grew enthusiastic, and when the
result was announced the cheering was loud and
long continued."
The nomination was made unanimous in the
usual manner "with a hurrah and loud cheer
ing, ending with calls for Weaver. The General
was not present, and a committee was appointed
to escort him to the hall." It was after one
o 'clock in the morning when the nomination for
President was completed and the cheering
ceased. With little delay balloting for a Vice
Presidential candidate began : it resulted in the
selection of General James G. Field of Virginia.
General Weaver and General Field were
brought in and given a most enthusiastic recep
tion. Each made an address, and at 3 A. M. the
convention adjourned.
In his address General Weaver declared this
to be "the grandest moment of our civilization.

JA.MB8 BAIKD WEAVER
Oandtdatk fob Pbesidency 1892

JAMES BAIRD WEAVER

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 315
It is rallying the best hearts and heads of the
Nation around the great contention of modern
times — the great land problem, the great cur
rency or financial problem, and the great and
overshadowing problem of transportation.
These are the centres around which this great
movement is rallying. You are right, and you
will be triumphant as certain as we are assem
bled in this hall. Your faith and your work will
conquer. ' ' This is no longer a country governed by the
people, and it is the great duty to-day devolving
upon the party which you represent to rescue
the Government from the grasp of Federal
monopolies and restore it to the great common
people to whom it belongs. I wish to thank you
for the distinguished honor that you have con
ferred upon me, and to promise you that, in so
far as it shall be -within my power, your stand
ard shall not be trailed in the dust or lowered
during this campaign. And I wish to make you
here and now a promise that if God spares me
and gives me strength, I shall visit every State
in the Union and carry the banner of the people
into the enemy's camp. "2^5
The Eastern press minimized or ridiculed the
nomination of Weaver, as it did that of Bryan
in 1896; but competent observers in the West
recognized its importance and strength. The
Clinton Age described his nomination as of

316 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
greater significance than any third party nomi
nation "since the birth of the republican
party", and expressed the opinion that "the
republican party would be injured far worse
than the democratic party. ' ' The editor of this
paper showed his political acumen by predicting
the election of the Democratic candidates, al
though his political sympathies probably helped
him to this decision since he was a Democrat.2^''
In another opinion relative to the nomination
it was pointed out that General Weaver repre
sented "the Western and Southern view of the
political situation. His election would mean
prosperity to these two sections without impair
ment to the East. Able, earnest and fearless
. . . . He takes the field against the com
bined forces of the two old parties, at a time
when their determination to strangle the last
breath of liberal sentiment and the last throb
of patriotism out of the minds of American
citizenship, is demonstrated by their own decla
rations. Patriot, statesman and orator, he is
the strongest man who could possibly have
been nominated, and will go on to victory, and
the Presidency because he is the standard-
bearer of justice, honesty, principle and liberty,
which have so long been pushed aside by dis
honesty, corruption and oppression. "25''
A non-partisan reception was given to Gen
eral Weaver in Des Moines about the middle of

CANDIDATE POR PRESIDENCY 317
July. Judge C. C. Cole, a former prominent
Republican, presided, and ' ' spoke for nearly an
hour upon political topics and the record and
character of General Weaver". He described
the meeting at Omaha as "a most remarkable
convention", and expressed appreciation of the
honor conferred upon Des Moines by the choice
of one of its citizens. After a number of other
speakers had addressed the gathering. General
Weaver was introduced: he thanked them for
the ' ' demonstration ' ' and for the ' ' kind things ' '
that had been said of him, observing that "men
are secondary considerations. A score of years
hence your children will gather in meetings of
this kind, and perhaps under better auspices.
Men will pass away, but principles are eter
nal ....
' ' The new movement proposes to take care of
the men and women of the country and not of
the corporations. This movement is a protest
against corporate aggression. It is a declara
tion of purpose to entirely obliterate sectional
prejudice. It is a declaration that we will not
tolerate any foreign interference with our finan
cial system. Another principle is that working-
men have a right to organize to advance self-
interest. This is to be an exciting campaign.
Let us not be carried away by passion. Let us
approach the ballot box reverentially. In the
distribution of favors of the government we be-

318 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
lieve that those who stand nearest to the earth
should be the first partakers. We make no war
on proj)^erty rights. We_simply_lay_deep the
principle that those who produce property
should use it. The problem of the present is
resolvable into three great questions — the land
question, the money question and the labor
question and they are now completely controlled
by monopoly.
"The whole movement can be summed up in
one sentence: 'Equal rights for all and special
privileges to none.' It is simply a battle for
liberty. Having secured the power we will
work out the details.
"The great bulk of men of all parties are
honest. That is as individuals. If you think
your old party as a party is honestly trying in
the right direction to remedy present evils cast
your ballot for them. If you think our party is
the one that is honestly striving in the right
direction cast your vote with us. This is an
educational campaign. We must resort to argu
ment. The reason the principles, the same ones
contained in the Omaha platform, have not made
faster growth in Iowa is that our enemies have
had control of the press. "2^^
One of the first speeches of the campaign was
made by General Weaver on July 20th at Vin-
cennes, Indiana, where he spoke for two hours
on finance, land, and transportation. He said

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 319
that he was ' ' standing with both feet upon the
Omaha platform. ' ' He paid high tribute to and
expressed great admiration for Judge Gresham.
One of the subjects to which he gave consider
able attention was the then recent industrial
struggle at Homestead, where a battle between
an armed Pinkerton force and striking work
men resulted in a considerable loss of life. At
the close of the speech a collection was called
for to meet the expenses of the national organ
ization, and a "bushel basket was set out to
receive the silver dollars that rained into it from
all directions until it was half fuU."25»
General Weaver's first long tour was through
t_he_West. . He began at Denver on July 26th and
remained in Colorado eight days, visiting nearly
all the principal centers of population. From
Colorado he went to Nevada, where he touched
all the chief points in the State, holding a night
meeting at Reno which was addressed by Sen
ator Stewart and other State leaders in addition
to the speeches made by Mrs. Lease and General
Weaver. They were compelled to speak eight
times in one day, so great was the interest in
the campaign.
From Nevada they went to Los Angeles
where the meeting numbered from 7000 to 9000
persons assembled from all parts of southern
California. ' ' At this meeting began to be mani
fest", according to General Weaver, "the pecu-

320 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
liar psychological phenomena which character
ized the early Republican meetings throughout
the country in 1860. ' ' The people were deeply
in earnest, and their devotion to the cause was
of a religious nature. Their convictions of
right and justice had been awakened, and they
were ready to make any sacrifice necessary to
secure victory. From Los Angeles they went
to Fresno, where they met fully 6000 people in
the open-air.
On the following day they were at Oakland,
where they addressed an audience of 4000 to
5000 in the afternoon, and at night they spoke
in Mechanics ' Pavilion at San Francisco. Here
the seating capacity of 12,000 was crowded to
its utmost limit. The next night they were at
Sacramento, where they had the largest audi
ence that had assembled in that city for many
years. General Weaver and his party, which con
sisted of Mrs. Weaver, Mrs. Lease, and three
others, next went to Portland, Oregon, where
two meetings were held, "one in the afternoon
composed of farmers about 3,000 strong, and
another at night, which could only be counted
by acres". From Portland they went to Ta-
coma where they expected simply to meet a few
friends, but instead were greeted by a crowd of
5000 people. At Seattle they were met by "an
innumerable crowd of enthusiastic people.

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 321
which filled the piazza and the streets leading
to it to an extent that made it almost dangerous
to alight from the cars. It was with great diffi
culty that we reached our carriages and were
finally driven to the place of speaking. Two
meetings were held at the same time, one ad
dressed by Mrs. Lease and one by myself
[Weaver] . After each had spoken an hour, we
alternated so as to reach all the people. We
called it exchanging pulpits, and this had to be
done almost every day."
From Seattle they proceeded to Spokane
where they had a very successful meeting.
From there they went to Helena and Butte.
They held three meetings in Butte, one in the
afternoon and two at night. "The meeting in
the opera house was crowded to suffocation,
and the meeting out of doors covered about two
acres, solidly packed with people. We each
spoke an hour and exchanged audiences, and
spoke again for fully an hour. From Butte we
proceeded to Cheyenne, stopping for short
speeches at railroad stations through Idaho and
Wyoming. The Cheyenne meeting was the
largest ever held in Wyoming, and was charac
terized by the usual enthusiasm which had been
met -with all along the line. Everywhere the
people gathered at the depot and cheered us on
our way. They covered us with floral tributes
and crowded our cars with refreshments, and
22

322 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
manifested their approval of our mission in
every possible way. You may set down the
whole group visited, consisting of eight states,
as absolutely certain for the People's party
national ticket."
General Weaver expressed his approval of
the work of Mrs. Lease in the highest terms.
She spoke every day, and as often as he did
himself. He described her as "an orator of
marvellous power and a phenomenal psycho
logical force." Her hold upon the laboring
people was something wonderful. They almost
worshipped her from one end of the country to
the other.
The general plan of campaign was for Gen
eral Weaver to proceed next to Missouri, and
then to Arkansas where he would remain until
September. Mrs. Weaver and Mrs. Lease
would join him, and they would travel through
Texas, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Ten
nessee, the Carolinas, Virginia, and West Vir
ginia, reserving the last twenty-five days of the
campaign for Iowa and the Northwest.2*"'
The Southern tour was marked by some un
pleasant experiences; indeed, a part of it had
to be given up. General Weaver went from
Missouri to Arkansas where he had an enthusi
astic reception. Late in August he had a very
successful meeting at Beebe in the northern
part of the State. The audience which num-

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 323
bered over 5000 persons, consisted almost en
tirely of farmers, many of whom came from
twenty to thirty miles to hear him: they came
in wagons and on horseback, and occupied every
available spot near the town with their camps.
Weaver spoke for two hours, "arraigning the
old parties for their sins of omission and com
mission, and predicted that the pending move
ment would never cease till plutocracy was
overthrown and the shackles stricken from the
limbs of the agricultural class and industries
generally." He was followed by "Cyclone"
Davis of Texas, who aroused the greatest en
thusiasm by his burning words.28i
From Pensacola, Florida, addresses were
issued by Weaver and Field in which they
formally accepted their nominations. They re
ferred to the request made by the national com
mittee "to visit the various states of the
Union." Already one or both of them had
visited fifteen States ; and if health and strength
were spared to them they intended to continue
the work until the campaign ended. General
Weaver had followed a similar plan of cam
paign in 1880; and it was as much because of
his own inclination in the matter as because of
the request of the committee that he made such
a thorough canvass. The campaign of 1892 un
doubtedly suggested the remarkable tour of
Mr. Bryan in 1896, the first of the kind to im-

324 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
press itself upon the country and to set a new
standard for presidential candidates. But such
a method proves almost too strenuous for polit
ical leaders who are not such vigorous and
effective speakers as Weaver and Bryan, and
who have not been trained by years of experi
ence upon the platform.2''2
About a week after the formal acceptance
General Weaver addressed a letter to the chair
man of the State committee of the People's
party of Georgia in which he announced the
abandonment of the campaign in that State.
He described his experiences from the time of
his entrance at the request of the committee.
He found "the spirit of rowdyism, at some of
the points within the State, so great as to ren
der it inadvisable for me to attempt to fill the
engagements at the points not already
reached". He specified the treatment received
at a number of places, culminating at Macon
where rotten eggs were thrown, one of which
struck Mrs. Weaver upon the head. "At At
lanta a similar crowd of rowdies gathered at
the point of meeting, bent on tumult and dis
order. Learning of this Mrs. Lease and myself
refused to appear either in the forenoon or
evening." Convinced that similar treatment
awaited them at the points not yet visited.
Weaver declined to continue the campaign.
The members of the Populist party, although

CANDIDATE POR PRESIDENCY 325
largely in the majority in the State, were un
able to secure for them a peaceful and respect
ful hearing. Weaver called attention to the
fact that the disorder was almost exclusively
confined to the young roughs who infest the
towns and who were incited to violence by per
sons who kept in the background. The country
people were uniformly respectful and anxious
to hear. It was especially worthy of note that
the disorderly conduct did not proceed from
the ex-confederate soldiers, who were "manly,
almost without exception, in their conduct, and
generally in sympathy". The police force
seemed to make no effort to preserve order, and
in some instances gave open countenance to the
tumult. He added in conclusion that it was
"but fair to say that many good people who are
not in sympathy with the People's party openly
denounce these outrages, but they seem power
less to assert themselves. "2^3
Undoubtedly the trouble was due to the polit
ical situation in the South, which was very
different from that in the West. The lines were
closely drawn between the Democrats in the
cities and the Populists in the rural regions.
The fight between the two groups was .exceed
ingly bitter, and back of the tense political situ
ation was the race prdblem that has kept the
South from breaking up politically to the pres
ent day. Weaver had visited the South for

326 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
many years, and had never experienced any
difficulty before; but in 1892 he represented a
new movement which threatened to break up
the Solid South. Hence the bitterness which
led to rowdyism and disorder.2^*
Except for the unpleasant experiences in
Georgia, it seems that General Weaver and his
party had a satisfactory and successful South
ern campaign. He travelled through the entire
section with the exception of West yirginia, and
found the people accepting Populist doctrines
"with avidity and turning from the old parties
almost in armies." His meetings in Missis
sippi were "everyone 5,000 strong", and in
Florida there was the greatest enthusiasm. In
North and South Carolina their meetings were
five times as large as those of General Steven
son, the Democratic candidate for Vice Presi
dent : at Raleigh they had at least 10,000 audi
tors and at one other place 12,000. The outlook
in the South he regarded as "magnificent".
The majority of the white people were -with the
Populists, and with a fair count he was pretty
sure of success in every Southern State. He
added that he was determined to have a fair
count.2*^ The Southern tour closed at Pulaski, Ten
nessee, early in October. A determined effort
was made to induce Weaver to cancel his visit
there because of charges made against him as

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 327
military commander at that point during 1863
and 1864 ; but he refused to be deterred by the
threats of trouble. He left Nashville in the
morning accompanied by Mrs. Weaver, Mrs.
Lease, and two others. When the train stopped
at the station one hundred men on mules and
horses formed an escort around his carriage.
A band led the procession through the town,
and out to the fair grounds a mile away where
the speaking began at noon. The town was full
of horsemen and men on mules, in cotton carts,
and in road wagons. There were no weapons in
sight. The Democratic leaders were working
vigorously from sunrise to prevent trouble.
After discussing party issues General Weaver
said: "I am not and never was afraid of any
thing on earth. They said I would not dare to
come here. Some of the tenderest memories of
my life are here, memories of the good people
with whom I lived here. I was a subordinate
officer, a military M'ayor. I was the guest of the
best families here and for the first time I am
accused of tyranny while here. I did make a
le-^ by orders and gave a receipt for every dol
lar. Men do not give receipts for property they
steal. "I am accused of extortion, of taking money
to release men from prison, of selling passports,
of putting women out of their homes, of abusing
confederate soldiers. I do not care who said

328 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
these things or who swore to them, they are
absolute falsehoods. They are trying to beat
me by fraud with the aid of a campaign liar,
but they cannot do it. I have no apologies to
make for doing my duty as a Union soldier, and
want none from you who wore the gray. ' '
This reply made the Populists cheer and the
Democrats wince. Some one tried to make a
disturbance, but he was suppressed. Mrs.
Lease closed the meeting with a speech. Then
the procession returned to town, and moved
around the court house square where a Demo
cratic meeting was in progress. The speaker
denounced Weaver, and there were moments
when a word or a gesture might have brought
trouble and led to a general battle in the town.
Before the meeting broke up resolutions were
offered describing Weaver "as a military ty
rant, a renegade legislator, and a scoundrel as
a man." When shown these resolutions Weaver said
that "they were adopted by a small crowd of
cowards and defamers, who refused to hear my
answer to their charges. They were discom
fited and whipped on their own ground. They
slunk away conscious of their crimes. ' ' General
Weaver and his party were then escorted to
their train by four armed men mounted on
mules. Mrs. Weaver declared that she had not
passed "so anxious and awful a day since the

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 329
war." This experience, like those in Georgia,
resulted from a strained political situation to
which recollections of Civil War controversies
added local seriousness. General Weaver's
fearlessness conquered the respect of the ma
jority, leaving only a few who tried to stir up
trouble.268 From Pulaski General Weaver went to St.
Louis where the national headquarters of the
Populist party were located. After a short rest
he spent the day in consultation with chairman
H. E. Taubeneck of the national committee upon
the exigencies of the campaign. He filled a few
appointments in Missouri, and then left to meet
engagements in Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Minne
sota, South Dakota, Nebraska, and Kansas. He
expected to conduct an energetic campaign up
to the day of election. Of the West he believed
the Populists were reasonably certain; and
while he made no claims — ¦ not thinking it to be
good politics — he asserted that the new party
was quite strong in the East. The old parties
represented the bitterness and cruelties of the
past and must give way to the new order of
things.2®'' Soon after the close of General Weaver's
campaign in the South, Murat Halstead came
out in an article in the Cincinnati Inquirer, com
menting upon the treatment which he, as an old
soldier, had received, saying that he could per-

330 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
form a great service by withdrawing his can
didacy and denouncing the South. Such action
would, of course, result in advantage to the Re
publican party.
About the same time General Weaver also
received a long letter from Albion W. Tourgee,
the novelist, containing a similar request. This
letter suggested that if he remained in the field
as a candidate "the election of Grover Cleve
land, with the 'solid South', as his controlling
force" was "possible, perhaps probable. Every
vote for you increases this probability. That
fact at this time, means the permanent estab
lishment and entrenchment in the most impreg
nable legal forms, of that Southern spirit of
intolerance and determination to rule or ruin,
of which you and I have in our own persons had
more than one exemplification." Mr. Tourgee
then raised the question whether General
Weaver could "not by withdrawing about Nov.
1st, assigning as a reason your deep conviction
of the need of concentrating the active senti
ment of the country on this subject, do a service
to the country greater than you have ever done
before or -will ever have an opportunity to do
again?" Furthermore, he asked if his "per
sonal and political interests" would not be "en
hanced thereby?" He pointed out that General
Weaver had "always been credited by Repub
licans with a very strong sense of patriotism.

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 331
Even when farthest estranged, they have con
ceded that. Your honesty of motive and high
impulse have been admitted under circum
stances that are rather surprising.
' ' Should you take this course, the whole Re
publican party, nearly the whole of the Populist
party at the North and a good many at the
South, with a considerable portion of the Demo
crats, will admit the sincerity, propriety and
patriotism of your action. You will compel
attention to this subject that no other act of
any other person could, and no one could charge
that it was for any personal advantage. At the
same time, it could not inure to your detri
ment. ' '
At one of General Weaver's meetings in the
South, at which Mrs. Weaver was present, two
men appeared and sought to interest him finan
cially in the withdrawal of his candidacy. Of
course these men were dismissed very promptly.
Nor is there any indication or reason to sup
pose that General Weaver gave serious consid
eration to Tourgee 's proposal. All three
incidents make it clear that his candidacy in
1892 was regarded as of serious importance,
and that it was thought likely to have an impor
tant influence upon the results of the election.28^
One of the methods used for raising funds to
carry on the campaign was the sale of a book by
General Weaver entitled A Call to Action. This

332 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
book was published in 1891 and embodied in
systematic form the principles and policies for
which he had been contending since 1877. It
was sold for $1.50 per copy. The preface states
that the author's object in "publishing the book
was "to call attention to some of the more seri
ous evils which now disturb the repose of Amer
ican society and threaten the overthrow of free
institutions. "We are nearing a serious crisis", reads the
preface. "If the present strained relations be
tween wealth owners and wealth producers con
tinue much longer they will ripen into frightful
disaster. This universal discontent must be
quickly interpreted and its causes removed. It
is the country's imperative Call to Action, and
can not be longer disregarded with impunity.
"The sovereign right to regulate commerce
among our magnificent union of States, and to
control the instruments of commerce, the right
to issue the currency and to determine the
money supply for sixty-three million people and
their posterity, have been leased to associated
speculators. The brightest lights of the legal
profession have been lured from their honor
able relation to the people in the administration
of justice, and through evolution in crime the
corporation has taken the place of the pirate;
and finally a bold and aggressive plutocracy has
usurped the Government and is using it as a

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 333
policeman to enforce its insolent decrees . .
. . The public domain has been squandered,
our coal fields bartered away, our forests de
nuded, our people impoverished, and we are
attempting to build a prosperous common
wealth among people who are being robbed of
their homes .... The corporation has
been placed above the individual and an armed
body of cruel mercenaries permitted, in times
of public peril, to discharge police duties which
clearly belong to the State. Wall Street has
become the Western extension of Threadneedle
and Lombard streets, and the wealthy classes
of England and America have been brought into
touch. . . .
' ' But the present stupendous uprising among
the industrial people of the new world con
founds them. It is the second revolt of the
colonies. It required seven years for our
fathers to overthrow the outward manifesta
tions of tyranny in colonial days. But our
weapons now are not carnal, but mighty to the
pulling down of strongholds. Their children
can vanquish the American and British plutoc
racy combined in a single day — at the ballot-
box. They have resolved to do it. . . .
"We have made no attack upon individuals,
but have confined our criticisms to evil systems
and baleful legislation. We have endeavored
to be accurate, but claim no literary merit for
our effort. "2 «9

334 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
This book was of course no patiently wrought
out study of existing conditions: it comprised
rather the substance of the matter which Gen
eral Weaver had been presenting upon the plat
form and in Congress for many years. While
many of his opinions about currency and finance
which were impracticable and visionary have
been wisely ignored, a careful and thoughtful
examination of his book shows an astonishing
amount of anticipation of real evils and abuses
long before they became apparent to the coun
try at large. To mention only a few instances
the criticism of the Senate as influenced by cor
porations and made up of the very rich men,
the autocratic power of the Speaker of the
House of Representatives, the conservation
movement, and the need of a more adequate and
elastic currency and banking system provided
for by the Federal Reserve Act of 1913 are all
anticipated by this pioneer in social politics.
The platform of 1880, the Weaver speeches in
Congress, especially from 1885 to 1889, the
platform of 1892, and A Call to Action, are the
documents that paved the way for Bryan in
1896, for Roosevelt from 1901 to 1909, and
which culminated in the Progressive platform
of 1912 : they are the real foundations for much
of the accomplishment of the first administra
tion of President Wilson and an important
element in his reelection in 1916. Demands of

CANDIDATE POR PRESIDENCY 335
the progressives of both parties since 1900 have
been based largely upon the demands of Weaver
in his campaigns from 1880 to 1900. The elec
tion of 1916 resulted in the union of the West
and South — the union that Weaver hoped for
and worked for in 1892.2"'o
At the general election in November, 1892,
General Weaver received 1,027,329 votes out of
a total of 12,000,000 — eight and five-tenths per
cent compared with forty-six and two-tenths
per cent for the Democratic candidates and
forty-five and one-tenth per cent for the Repub
lican. Of the four hundred and forty-four elec
toral votes he received twenty-two. For the
first and only time since 1860 a third party can
didate had won a place in the electoral college.
The States that voted for him were Colorado
four votes, Idaho three, Kansas ten, Nevada
three. North Dakota one, and Oregon one. The
Democrats nominated no electors in Colorado,
Idaho, Kansas, North Dakota, and Wyoming,
but voted for the Populist candidates. In Ne
vada they named a ticket, but voted generally
for the Populist electors. In North Dakota and
Minnesota there was partial fusion; and in
Oregon the Democrats accepted one of the Pop
ulist electors. In Louisiana the Republicans
and Populists fused. Negotiations for fusion
between Democrats and Populists in Iowa
failed, because the Populists insisted that the

336 JAMBS BAIRD WEAVER
Democrats must indorse their electoral ticket
in full. The vote for Weaver in his home State
was 20,595 out of a total of 443,159, or about
four and one-half per cent.2''^
The only section of the country that came up
to Weaver's hopes and anticipations was the
Far West, especially the mining States of Colo
rado, Idaho, and Nevada, where the production
of silver was the chief industry. His enthusi
astic campaign produced concrete results in the
electoral votes cast for him by the States of
that section — ten out of the twenty-two.
Kansas was, of course, the banner State of
Populism and gave him the largest support of
any single State. The economic conditions of
the farmers in Kansas in the early nineties
explain the strength of Populism there. '
Weaver's expectation of a large Populist
vote in the South proved altogether too opti
mistic, although Texas, Alabama, North Caro
lina, and Georgia contributed over 270,000 to
the popular vote. The situation in the South
was described in a letter written to Weaver by
A. M. West from Holly Springs, Mississippi, in
September, 1892. He said that "we [the Popu
lists] have the country vote. The democrats
have the town vote and the Count and, I am per
suaded, will use the same regardless of right or
justice to perpetuate democratic rule in this
state. The cunningly devised provisions of our

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 337
state constitution and statutory laws establishes
an absolute Party despotism, in this state, as
intolerant and tyrannical as human ingenuity
can make it, under the supremacy of the consti
tution of the United States. It is truly fearful
to contemplate the decay of patriotism and
political honesty and the all pervading corrup
tion of party leaders. They do not hesitate to
adopt and execute any methods to accomplish
their unholy purposes. They are oblivious to
the sublime teachings and examples of the
founders of the republic. They are unscru
pulous in their defamation of human character.
In their mad pursuit of power they ignore
social and religious ties and make the supreme
rule of their party the God of their worship.
For these reasons we work, in this state, with
no expectation that the vote, however cast, will
be counted otherwise than for the democratic
party. I admii^e and honor you for your heroic
struggle in the great work of reformation and
trust that your efforts will ultimately be
crowned with a glorious success. "2"' 2
The States that gave the largest popular
votes for General Weaver were the following:

Ka-ntsas

163,111 votes

West

Texas

99,418 VOTES

South

Alabama

85,181 VOTES

South

Nebraska

83,134 VOTES

West

Colorado

53,584 VOTES

Far West

23

338

JAMES BAIRD WEAVER

North Carolina

44,732 VOTES

South

Georgia

42,937 VOTES

South

Missouri

41,213 VOTES

South

Minnesota

29,313 VOTES

West

Oregon

26,965 VOTES

Far West

South Dakota

26,544 VOTES

West

California

25,311 VOTES

Far West

Of these States five were Southern, four
Western, and three Far Western, indicating
that the Populist strength was widely distrib
uted through the West and South. Evidently
there were latent possibilities for the formation
of a strong sectional party. Weaver's vision
foresaw the development of such a party, as he
had seen the Republican party emerge in 1854
and 1856. What actually happened has been
the permeation, first of the Democratic and
then of the Republican party until American
politics have become social. Weaver's intuition
was sound in essentials, although we still await
the establishment of a social democratic party.
The campaign of 1892 was merely the prologue
to that of 1896 and 1912.
General Weaver published an address to the
people which was dated at Des Moines, Novem
ber 16, 1892. He pointed out to "the friends of
reform throughout the Union" that the new
party "unaided by money" had achieved "sur
prising success at the polls. We are but little
behind the Republican party in the number of

CANDIDATE POR PRESIDENCY 339
States carried. As a result of the late election
we will doubtless hold the balance of power, in
the Senate of the United States. We have
doubled the number of our adherents in the
House of Representatives, secured control of a
number of State governments, hold the balance
of power in a majority of the States of the
Union, and have succeeded in arousing a spirit
of political independence among the people of
the Northwest which cannot be disregarded in
the future. . . .
"The accession of the other party [Demo
cratic] to power is the result of violent reaction
and not, I am sure, of the deliberate judgment
of the American people. The battle leaders of
the triumphant party are without any well-
defined policy, except that of contemptuous dis
regard for every element of reform within the
ranks of their own party, and among the people
at large. The new administration will ignore
the great contentions of modern times relating
to land, money and transportation, and will not
attempt to solve either. In fact, the whole force
of the new regime will be exercised to prevent
reform in these important matters. The urgent
demand of the people for the free coinage of
silver is to be disdainfully ignored, and new
obstacles will, doubtless, be interposed to
further restrict the use of the white metal. . . .
"The issues pressing for solution are simply

340 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
tremendous, and the situation portentious.
Our party has not made its advent too soon.
Its mission is to restore to our government its
original and only legitimate function, which has
been well nigh lost by non-use, that of assuring
to all its citizens — the weak as well as the
mighty — the unmolested enjoyment of their
inalienable rights." Referring to the relations
between labor and capital as "now upon a war
footing", he declared that the repressive policy
"will not work well in the nineteenth century
. . . . It denies to labor the right to organ
ize, relies upon the military arm to sustain
corporate pretentions, and when labor organiza
tions defend themselves against armed mercen
aries, it adjudges the members to be guilty of
treason. . . .
"The violent political storm of 1888 and 1892,
which first swept the Democratic candidate,
then the Republican party from power in spite
of the weight of patronage which they carried,
signify a turbulent condition of the political
atmosphere which plainly foreshadows an ap
proaching crisis. It were better that it be not
hastened by the enactment of measures which
savor of usurpation and the extension of class
privileges. "I sincerely trust that the work of organiza
tion and education may now be pushed -with
energy throughout all the States. The field is

CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 341
ours and we must occupy it without delay. "2''3
At another time he described the Populist
party as "the coming factor in national poli
tics, and its advent to national supremacy be
fore the dawn of the twentieth century is
assured. It holds the key to the political situa
tion in America, and will battle again next year
with the strength of a young giant in every state
in the union for the free coinage of silver and
the whole range of economic reforms now cry
ing for solution. The future of free coinage of
.silver is assured and free coinage will follow.
This is the first reform to be accomplished, and
we [will] make short work of it. "2'^*
Again he spoke of the situation in the United
iStates as "parallel to the conditions that led to
the French Revolution. We have our noblesse
the same as France, and, as in the days of
Louis, the United States has its third estate."
In answer to the question whether he thought
the third party was increasing in strength, he
replied that he certainly did. "There is every
¦evidence of prodigious growth. There will un
doubtedly be a rapid consolidation of all indus
trial forces with the great body of business men
throughout the Union. The trades unions are
already on the move for political action, and
the Knights of Labor and the various farmer
organizations are already so. The tendency is
unmistakable everywhere. I consider a great

342 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
political revolution inevitable. It promises to
be both peaceful and conservative. "2''s
Later, while in New England upon a lecture
tour. General Weaver was interviewed in Bos
ton. He looked "the picture of health", and
appeared "not the least affected with the large
ness of his vote in the late election". In reply
to questions upon the political situation, he
answered that in his opinion the Republican
party was "permanently disabled in the West
as was the Whig party in 1852 ' '. It had ' ' fallen
to pieces in the presence of the overshadowing
issues that have been evolved in the last quarter
of a century's growth". The return of the
Democratic party to power was "a mere acci
dent", and "not the result of the deliberate
purpose of a majority of the people of the
United States. . . .
"The Republican party -will rapidly disinte
grate everywhere — in fact it is doing so now
— and the anti-monopoly elements in both of
the old parties will affiliate with the Populists,
just as the Free Soil elements affiliated -with the
Republicans between 1856 and 1860. . . .
"The old parties represent the past. They
are like two hostile armies inspired with bitter
ness and stained with blood. The Populists
have a different mission, thank fortune.
"Their face is turned toward the glorious
future, and they are trying to introduce the

CANDIDATE POR PRESIDENCY 343
golden rule into politics and to lift the people
to the plane of the sermon on the mount. "2''6
General Weaver contributed to a symposium
devoted to a consideration of the election re
sults in The Iowa State Register early in De
cember, 1892 ; Hon. W. W. Witmer represented
the Democrats; and Hon. W. M. McFarland
spoke for the Republicans. The discussion
presented excellently the point of view of the
three parties. General Weaver's contribution
was given first place and was first in impor
tance. It was the only one that undertook a
real analysis of the situation and tried to get at
fundamentals; the others played upon the sur
face of things or repeated political platitudes.
Mr. Witmer did not mention the new political
party represented by General Weaver, and Mr.
McFarland devoted two lines to it.2''''

XVI
From Populist to Democrat
1893-1896
The results of the election of 1892 made General
Weaver a political factor of considerable im
portance, since the rallying of over one million
voters to the standard of the new party in its
first national campaign aroused a good deal of
apprehension among the leaders of the old
parties which had been quite evenly balanced in
the recent presidential elections. For the time
being it seemed possible that the Populist party
was at the stage of development of the Repub
lican party in 1856, and that it might be about
to replace one of the older parties as that party
had replaced the Whig party.
Under the disturbed political conditions the
new party was likely to be earnestly courted by
its older competitors. To gain its support both
Democrats and Republicans would be ready to
make proposals and concessions. Political acci
dent happened to give the Democrats the first
opportunity, and they absorbed most of the
Populist vote in 1896. Weaver's place in the
alliance of Populists and Democrats could not
344

PROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 345
but be an important one after he had turned
over the million votes of 1892 together with the
additions made since that year.
Soon after the election the Clinton Age re
ferred to a prediction by a Des Moines paper
that General Weaver would be the next United
States Senator from Iowa. The opinion was
based upon the supposition that he would work
up fusions in counties where the Populists held
the balance of power, and that these representa
tives would be the deciding factor in the next
General Assembly. If the Democrats continued
to vote for Populist candidates, his election
would be very likely to result.2''« The union of
Democrats and Populists, by the former sup
porting the candidates of the latter, was sug
gested in this statement instead of what did
actually happen — the absorption of the Popu
lists by the Democrats. Weaver was always
ready to cooperate with other parties provided
they were willing to support the principles in
which he believed. Immediately after the suc
cess of 1892 it was easy to anticipate the growth
of the Populists by accessions from the Demo
cratic party. Actual developments from 1892
to 1896 turned the movement in the opposite
direction — in any event the more probable
course in view of party history in this country.
Weaver's attitude towards fusion at this
time is shown by his opinion of the election of

346 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
a free-silver Democrat as Senator from Kansas
by a combination of Democrats and Populists.
He thought "that the very best possible result
was accomplished .... Judge Martin is
a man of splendid character and first-class abil
ity. He has for years been openly in accord
with the doctrines of the People's party and
hence incurred the bitter opposition of the
machine Democrats in his own state ....
The judge is a free silver man, opposed to the
National banks and in favor of an increase of
the circulating medium until the volume is suf
ficient to place the business of the country on a
cash basis. I trust, however, he is the last so-
called Democrat to be elected by Populists'
votes. "2''® His judgment in a concrete case,
when he was in a most optimistic frame of mind
as to the future of the new party, makes it plain
that he had not changed his settled conviction
as to the value of fusion between parties work
ing for the same purposes. Throughout his
career as an independent he was ready to co
operate if thereby the principles in which he
believed would be advanced.
During 1893 he continued the campaign of
education in which he had been engaged for
many years, and which had simply been en
larged and accentuated in 1892. Late in Janu
ary and early in February he made a tour of
Arizona, speaking at a number of points and

PROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 347
receiving the most courteous and hospitable
treatment. He found the people unanimous for
free silver and coming into the Populist party
in large numbers. "Since the November elec
tion the Republican party is a thing of the past,
while anti-monopoly free silver Democrats have
more sense than to look to a Wall street admin
istration for their cherished reforms. "2**'
A letter written just after his return from
Arizona described his position and plans at that
time. He was going East for a series of meet
ings, which were to begin at Cooper Union in
New York City and from there extend through
Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Hampshire,
Maine, and New Jersey. It was his "purpose
to represent the silver interests in all these
meetings and start the current of public opinion
in the right direction in those localities. The
Silver Club is the proper form of organization
as it is comparatively easy to secure pledges
from the voters as .... in Colorado, not
to vote for any candidate for an important office
who is not in favor of the free coinage of silver.
This is the line upon which the battle should be
fought. It is the line of the least resistance and
we should hurl our forces against it at every
point. I shall reach home about the first of
March and shall then take up the work of club
organizations which will mean time be in prog
ress of formation throughout the State." He

348 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
referred to the work in behalf of free silver
throughout the country and expressed his will
ingness to cooperate with it at all times.2*^
During July free silver meetings were held
in Des Moines, and among the speakers were
General Weaver and Congressman William J.
Bryan of Nebraska. These meetings were a
part of the silver propaganda which had its
chief source in the silver-mining States of the
Far West. There was a national organization
l^own as the American Bi-metallic League
which was closely associated with the Populist
party. During 1893 meetings were held at
Washington in February, at Chicago in August,
and at St. Louis in October. The session at
Chicago reported forty-two States and Terri
tories represented and eight hundred and ten
delegates in attendance. Bryan was associated
with this agitation, and in connection with it he
gained the experience that enabled him in 1896
to carry the Democratic convention by storm
with his "Cross of Gold" speech. There was
widespread dissatisfaction among the people of
the West and South, due to the economic condi
tions of the period, and the free silver orators
were eagerly listened to when they presented
their panacea.2*2
While in Detroit in August it appears that
General Weaver was interviewed by a repre
sentative of the Detroit Free Press in the

PROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 349
course of which he indicated his position in
regard to the political situation as it had devel
oped since the election. Incidentally he also
gave an account of his recent activities. He
described himself as "engaged in visiting vari
ous states, talking to the people. I have put in
thirty days in Kansas, Missouri, North Caro
lina, and New York. The meetings have been
large, something like 2,500 to 10,000 every day.
A great political revolution is pending among
the people — the greatest I have ever seen.
The financial situation has increased the public
interest in political matters. I find that the
Republican party has been largely destroyed as
a factor in national politics and the Democratic
party is badly crippled .... At present
the free silver and anti-monopolist elements
and all who believe that America should have
an independent system of finance are coming
together without regard io party. There is no
necessity for the two gold parties in this coun
try .... The Republicans and Demo
crats will join hands during the present session
to repeal the Sherman act, to destroy silver and
to establish the single gold basis. The financial
situation is deplorable. The country is losing
twice as much money per day by the enforced
idleness of our people as it was at any time
during the late war. Autumn is almost here
and winter is approaching and millions of our

350 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
industrious people are without food or employ
ment. "The administration and its advisers are as
oblivious to the situation as was Louis XVI. at
the beginning of the French Revolution. The
most fearful consideration of the whole affair
is that even with best intentions it would be
difficult to provide relief before winter sets in.
But no relief -will be provided by the present
administration. The most that is looked for is
the repeal of the Sherman act and a few more
privileges granted to the national banks. In
order to secure the repeal of the Sherman law
the bank interests may conclude to let the south
have a few state banks of issue and may permit
the repeal of the ten per cent, tax on issue of
state banks. Rely upon it, everything will be
done to enable the banks to control the volume
of money of the country. ' '
When General Weaver was asked about the
future of the Populist party in the same inter
view he replied: "It is the only party that
polled votes in every state. It is growing
prodigiously, and is the only party fighting for
an American system of finance and the increase
of our volume of money. It is the only party
making an honest effort to shake the trusts,
corporations, syndicates and combines from the
throats of the people. It is impossible that an
industrial nation should disregard such an

PROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 351
organization. They must give it their sup
port." He described the old parties in Iowa as "dis
organized — the Democratic party on the silver
question and the Republican party also on that
question, with the additional affliction of dis
agreement on the prohibition matter. "2S3
The Populist State Convention met in Des
Moines in September. It was a noisy and ir
regular acting body, according to The Iowa
State Register, which also declared that Gen
eral Weaver controlled it, drew up the platform
and presented it.^^* Undoubtedly the platform
represented his views put in concrete form for
campaign purposes in 1893. It was devoted to
the nioney question very largely as "the one
overshadowing, all-absorbing issue". The only
party that voted "as a unit against the tricks
of the millionaires is the People's party. There
are only two parties to-day — the People's
party and the gold party. ' '
Other resolutions favored the election of
President, Vice President, and United States
Senators by direct vote of the people ; demand
ed the abolition of all trusts and unlawful com
binations in trade ; denounced the attacks made
upon pensions "as a part and parcel of the
monied conspiracy which demands that no
money shall pass from the government to the
people without first passing through the toll

352 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
gates of the banks ' ' ; and referred to ' ' the utter
demoralization of the Democratic and Repub
lican parties .... in their attitude toward
the liquor question. They are engaged in an
attempt to outbid one another for the support
of the saloon element in the state, and are seek
ing to drown by their cry for the saloon every
other important consideration relating to the
public welfare. We demand that the present
law shall remain until such time as it can be re
placed by what is known as State and National
control with all profits eliminated — which we
believe to be the true method of dealing with
the question. ' ' A final resolution urged ' ' equal
political rights for all adult citizens without
regard to sex. "2*^
This platform includes the chief items in
which Weaver was interested in those years,
and it roughly indicates the order of their im
portance in his opinion. The crisis of 1893 and
the struggle then going on over the repeal of
the silver purchase clause of the Sherman Act
concentrated popular attention upon the money
question and drew the lines more and more
closely between the advocates of free coinage
of silver and those who saw safety only in the
single gold standard.
The year 1894 was one of industrial and so
cial unrest in the United States, due largely to
the prevailing business depression that fol-

PROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 353
lowed the crisis of the preceding year. Bodies
of men known as "Coxey" or "industrial"
armies crossed the country from the Pacific
Coast to Washington during the months from
March to June. They were described by one
writer as "but the byplay of the social move
ment. ' ' Much more serious were the labor con
troversies of the year, reaching a climax in the
great railroad strike of July. Some slight dis
turbances occurred in Iowa as a result, but the
State was not seriously involved. One of the
industrial armies, the so-called "Kelly's
Ariny ", passed through during April and May;
it was in Des Moines from Sunday, April 29th,
to Wednesday, May 9th.
General Weaver devoted almost his entire
time to the army while it was in Des Moines
and vicinity. He drove out to the temporary
camp near the city on Sunday morning and
spoke to the men, who gave him a cordial greet
ing. He told them that as long as they did not
violate any law their "marching petition" was
invincible. He was in full sympathy with the
objects of the movement and so were the great
majority of the people in his opinion. He ad-
-vised them to "keep on and get work. When
you get work that is all you want. ' '
Monday night General Weaver addressed a
meeting in the interests of the army at the
Trades Assembly Hall at which "General
24

jr

354 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Kelly, its leader, also spoke. The hall was so
crowded that the meeting was forced to adjourn
to the court house square. Among other things
Weaver urged appropriations to open the arid
lands of the West so that homeless people could
make homes for themselves. The next after
noon a meeting at the Opera House was ad
dressed by Weaver, Kelly, and Sovereign. On
Thursday morning about three hundred labor
ing men marched to the Capitol to ask the
Governor for transportation from the State.
General Weaver was described by the Clinton
Age as "master of ceremonies". Governor
Jackson read letters from the railroads refus
ing to carry the men for less than regular fare,
but he promised to lay the matter before the
Executive Council, and he thought that funds
might be obtained to take the army by boats to
the Mississippi River. This plan was finally
adopted and the army started do-wn the Des
Moines River. The citizens of Des Moines paid
the cost of the boats and furnished one day's
provisions.2®^ The Midland Monthly for. June, 1894, con
tained a short article by General Weaver under
the title of The Commonweal Crusade, in which
he gave his opinion of the significance of the
invasion of Iowa. While General Weaver pre
sented a sympathetic view of the "crusade",
another article in the same number of the maga-

FROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 355
zine disclosed a radically different attitude.
General Weaver regarded the industrial armies
as representative of millions of hungry, pov
erty-stricken people working at starvation
wages without hope of any improvement in
their condition. They were "a forecast of the
great conflicts and reforms" which were to
make "the closing years of the nineteenth and
the early years of the twentieth centuries the
most important epoch which has ever dawned
upon Christian civilization."
The lasting achievements of the American
and French revolutions were the declarations
of human rights but these rights had been made
merchandise of in the United States, wrote Gen
eral Weaver. This was "the prime cause and
origin of the whole difficulty in a nutshell. ' ' The
appeal of these armies was not selfish. They
protested against wrongs which had become
universal and intolerable, and the safety of
society at large depended upon speedy and
proper adjustment. The armies declared for
the commonweal: they represented the vast
excluded multitude. "They can not till the
earth in their own right, for they have been
fenced out by land monopoly. They can not
pass rapidly to and from the seat of govern
ment to present their grievances, for they are
excluded from the great highways by their pov
erty .... They are denied the right to labor.

356 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Employment cannot be found .... Their
written petitions are spurned with derision,
and when they attempt to march in person to
present their grievances they are pursued by
the wolf of hunger and beset with armed militia
and the policeman's club. . . .
"Every student of our times knows what they
want. They want labor, independence, homes,
and the ready money which these indispensable
factors will bring. Society, through state and
national government, is abundantly able to
quickly solve the whole vexed problem. If we
hesitate, we will pay the penalty at a very early
day".2«T In 1894, as in the preceding year. General
Weaver took an active part in the proceedings
of the Populist State convention — which met
at Des Moines early in September. After the
organization of the convention and the appoint
ment of committees. General Weaver was called
for and made a speech in which he expressed
his satisfaction at the presence of so many per
sons devoted to the interests of "our glorious
young party." He criticised the Republican
party and pointed out that more persons were
killed and wounded each year, upon the rail
roads under the interstate commerce law passed
by that party than in the battle of Shiloh. He
said that was the way the Republicans pro
tected the workingmen. He urged breadth and

FROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 357
liberality "to build up a great party. You
can't have all honest men in any party — it
would live forever, and no party ought to live
more than three terms of power. 'I am a mid
dle-of-the-road man, but I don't propose to lie
down across it so no one can get over me.
Nothing grows in the middle of the road'. "2*8
He concluded by declaring that it was possible
for the Populists to elect seven members to
Congress with the aid of the Democrats.
A resolution was proposed for "the adoption
of a comprehensive amendment to the federal
constitution, which shall reenact all valuable
portions of the constitution of 1789 as subse
quently amended and incorporate therein those
necessary reforms which are now constitution
ally impracticable, including elective United
States senators, a single term of the presidency,
determined by popular vote, an elective su
preme court holding office for a definite term,
with similar subordinate courts, direct legisla
tion by the people through the initiative and
referendum, and such broad extensions of pop
ular rights as shall set the people absolutely
free to govern themselves in their own way and
to conduct in their national or local capacity
such industries as may be withdrawn by monop
oly from individual competition, and such other
enterprises as may meet the public approval as
properly subject to popular conduct." The

358 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
resolution closed with a call for "a mass con
vention of the American people to assemble in
.... Des Moines on the first Monday in
December, 1894, to consider the necessary
amendment of the fundamental law of the
land." The reasons for the proposed amendment are
given in the preamble in these words: "We
share the admiration which moved a great mod
ern statesman to declare our present federal
constitution the most perfect work ever thrown
off by the human mind at one time ; but we hold
that it is now essentially a product of a by-gone
age, too inflexible for the varied conditions of
modern life, warped, blurred and burdened by
judicial construction, and practically not open
to amendment except as the result of war or
supreme, universal and protracted effort."
When this "sweeping constitution-repealing
resolution" was brought up General Weaver
characterized it as "conservative", and he fa
vored its adoption. One of the delegates de
scribed it "as a very singular thing", and
moved to lay it on the table. "The viva voce
was close, and a standing vote was called for
which laid the resolution on the table by a large
majority. "2*^
The opinion entertained by General Weaver
that the Populists might elect seven members of
Congress in 1894 is emphasized by the fact that

PROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 359
he had already been nominated for Congress in
the ninth district, although he had been a resi
dent of Des Moines since 1890. The selection
of a non-resident is noteworthy, since it exposed
him to criticism during the campaign and may
have weakened him as a candidate. If elected
he planned to remove from Des Moines and take
up his permanent residence in Council Bluffs
but his defeat put an end to such a change.2®''
His nomination for Congress was probably
the result of the growth of sentiment for the
free coinage of silver in the West. The na
tional administration by its course was arous
ing the antagonism of many western Democrats.
The friends of the administration, aided by
Federal office-holders, maintained control of the
State conventions until 1896 ; but in many Con
gressional districts the majority pronounced in
favor of free coinage, nominating free silver
Democrats, or fused with the Populists and
endorsed their candidates. There was no
serious effort to bring about fusion upon the
State ticket, but fusion candidates were agreed
upon in five districts — the third, seventh,
eighth, ninth, and tenth. The movement that
was to lead to national fusion in 1896 thus
began in Iowa two years earlier.2*'^
The Congressional convention met at Council
Bluffs on August 8th and endorsed Weaver's
candidacy by a vote of seventy to twenty. He

360 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
was described as the choice of none of the
Democrats individually, but of three-fourths of
them collectively. The majority of the com
mittee on resolutions reported in favor of the
free coinage of silver, while a minority report
was made by the anti-silver men who withdrew
immediately thereafter, claiming that the ma
jority report was a packed affair and demand
ing another deal. There were many threats of
the nomination of an anti-silver candidate, but
nothing of the kind materialized. Weaver un
doubtedly represented the majority in the dis
trict. The chief strength of the anti-silver
forces was probably among the Democratic
office-holders.2*2 General Weaver had a tremendous fight on
his hands. The Republicans put forth especial
efforts to save their candidate and to defeat
Weaver, and in addition he could not count
upon the support of the anti-silver Democrats.
Senator Allison and Congressman DoUiyer
were sent into the district ; and leading Repub
licans, like McKinley of Ohio and Reed of
Maine, were regarded as necessary to save the
day for the Republicans. Charges were also
made that considerable money was used to
secure Weaver's defeat. He devoted much of
his campaign to a discussion of the free coinage
of silver, which he maintained would remedy
the need for more money, and would not pro-

PROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 361
duce the evils that its opponents prophesied.
He also urged the reduction of the tariff, gov
ernment control of railroads, an income tax,
and the election of United States Senators by
the direct vote of the people.2«3
The election resulted in Weaver 's defeat by a
vote of 18,817 to 21,874 ; but he received a larger
vote than any of the other fusion candidates for
Congress. In every county but one in the dis
trict he polled more votes than were cast for
both the Democratic and Populist party tickets,
using for comparative purposes the number of
votes received by the candidates of those
parties for Secretary of State. Weaver's hope
for seven fusion Congressmen proved wide of
the mark as the Republicans returned a solid
delegation of eleven. The contest attracted
national attention. The Review of Reviews
referred to his defeat as a "notable incident".
Mr. Samuel Gompers wrote, expressing grati
fication at his nomination because of his "stur-
diness in advocating reforms in the interest of
labor and the masses generally". Eugene V.
Debs regretted his inability to help him in his
campaign, and declared himself "in hearty
accord vsdth the People 's Party and wish it and
you, as the veteran champion of all labor's
hosts, the greatest measure of success. ' '2^*
After the election General Weaver was inter
viewed and expressed himself freely concerning

362 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
the political situation and the results of the
contest. He remarked that he felt no regrets
about his own defeat, as his vote was greater
than the combined vote of the two organizations
which supported him. Many Republicans also
voted for him as was shown by the official count.
He lost the election by only about two thousand
votes; whereas if the landslide had struck his
district as hard as it did other parts of the
State, he would have been defeated by ten thou
sand votes. ' ' He was simply caught under the
outer rim of a tremendous landslide which was
general throughout the country, but which was
much heavier in other parts of the republic than
it was in the Ninth district. It was not a per
sonal defeat and hence was easy to be borne."
He described the general defeat of the Demo
crats as "simply a tremendous cyclone of dis
content" — the result of "idle labor, low prices,
a tight money market and corporate arro
gance." The Republicans had "not triumphed
because of any affirmative policy which they ex
pected to inaugurate, but because of a universal
discontent for which they have not even a pre
tended remedy .... This party in its
leadership and machinery, in every state in the
nation, is a unit against every reform now
pressing for solution. It is emphatically the
party of the corporations and the gold power.
Its only purpose is to hold its position and in

FROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 363
the late election it drew to its support the single
gold standard advocates from all quarters and
they will remain with it permanently. This is a
wonderful fact of the widest possible signifi
cance when we come to forecast the future.
"Everybody can see now that the failure of
the democratic party is due to the fact that it
is hopelessly divided upon all the great ques
tions of the day, while its enemy is a unit . .
. . and all can now see clearly that there is
neither call nor room for two corporation and
gold standard parties in this country ....
The advent of the corporate power and that of
the money kings took place under republican
rule and all their vast growth is due to repub
lican legislation, and the two can never be sepa
rated .... Under great leadership the
democratic party should have comprehended
these things and taken the field as the champion
of the plain people. ' '
With his usual optimism General Weaver
regarded the future of the Populist party as
"hopeful and fuU of promise. We have
emerged from the storm with our vote largely
increased in every state .... It is now
clear that the populist party has come to stay
and henceforth must be reckoned as a formid
able factor in American politics. It is not to be
judged by the ill-considered utterances of some
of its over-zealous, radical and unbalanced men.

364 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
The republican party, in its early days, flour
ished in spite of the extreme utterances of the
ultra men of that time, and it still retains a
measure of power in spite of a host of con-
cededly bad men who occupy very high position
in its councils. All reform movements attract
to their ranks men of radical and extreme
views. "The new party will be judged by what it
promises to do. The measures which it advo
cates are all eminently rational and conserva
tive. Its cardinal doctrines are : Free bimetal-
ism at the ratio of 16 to 1; the overthrow of
trusts, monopolies and excessive taxation; the
issuance of all money by the government instead
of through banking corporations ; the election of
senators by the people ; the control of transpor
tation facilities by whatever lawful means shall
prove necessary to that end; and a graduated
income tax. The American people are in favor
of all these reforms and will so express them
selves when given a fair opportunity to do so
. . . . Before another congress is chosen,
the people who favor the above reforms will
unite, and they will choose a congress which
represents their wishes and then, and not until
then, -will we get relief.
' ' The great duty of the hour is a close union
of all classes of men who substantially believe
alike, and we can now all see clearly the neces-

PROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 365
sity for such a union of forces. The times call
aloud for it and now let all good men and wom
en work for it with zeal. "2''5
The elections of 1894 represent the high-
water mark in the electoral strength of the
Populists. Compared with the results in 1892
there was a gain of forty-two per cent — from
1,027,329 to 1,471,590 votes. So great a success
made more inevitable its absorption by one of
the older parties — the usual result in the
United States.29«
The year 1895 was occupied with preparation
for the presidential contest of 1896. Free
coinage of silver was the one great issue. The
control of the Democratic party machinery in
Iowa by the Federal administration through
Federal office-holders led the free silver Demo
crats to attempt by a preconvention union of
forces to assert themselves more effectively
than in the preceding year. Accordingly, in
June silver conferences were held at Des
Moines in which General Weaver took an active
part. These conferences were intended to bring
together all the advocates of the free coinage of
silver regardless of their party affiliations. By
such accessions of strength the free silver
Democrats hoped to gain control of the State
convention. The silver conferences were also a
part of the national propaganda of the silver
forces which had as its object the fusion of all

366 JAiMES BAIRD WEAVER
the supporters of free coinage into a compact
party. General Weaver was understood to be
one of the leaders in the effort to secure such a
union, and to have the cooperation of such men
as General A. J. Warner of Ohio and Congress
man Bland of Missouri. The plan would bring
together the Populist party, the free silver
Democrats, and the silver organizations of the
country — a result accomplished in 1896.2^''
Apparently General Weaver was inclining
more and more to emphasize the single issue of
free coinage of silver, and to undertake to unite
those favoring such a policy regardless of their
party relations. It was fusion in a different
form, and it aroused the opposition of the more
extreme Populists who wished to build up a
separate party organization.
Rumors were also current of a secret plan of
the Populist leaders to fuse with the Democrats
to control the next General Assembly in the
interest of General Weaver as a candidate for
the United States Senate to succeed Senator
Allison, whose term would expire in 1897.
Senator Gear had also been seriously ill, and
there was a possibility of the election of two
Senators in the near future. Such an oppor
tunity would give an excellent chance for a well
arranged fusion. In August the plan was said
to have been under consideration for four
months and had been carried into the silver

PROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 367
conferences and into the Populist State Conven
tion. The middle-of-the-road Populists opposed
it, as they did the proposal to make silver the
only issue and mainly for the same reasons —
because it would endanger the continued exist
ence of their party. General Weaver was at
the State convention and assisted in straighten
ing out the party finances.
Soon after he wrote the candidate for Gov
ernor assuring him of his support and stating
that reports printed in Chicago papers to the
contrary were "absolutely false. There is but
one difference of opinion within our party in
this state or elsewhere .... and that re
lates to the method of securing a union of the
reform elements for 1896, and there is ample
time in which to review our present attitude
and for calm reflection between now and the
convention of next year".*^^
Early in August the Democratic State Con
vention met at Marshalltown, the State com
mittee and the temporary organization being in
control of the gold men. The first test of
strength of the two factions came over the elec
tion of the permanent chairman, and the nom
inee of the State committee was chosen by a
vote of six hundred and sixty to four hundred
and seventeen. A free coinage amendment to
platform was voted down by practically the
same vote. The gold Democrats proceeded to

368 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
complete the business of the , convention by the
nomination of a gold man for Governor and a
silver man for Lieutenant Governor. There
was much dissatisfaction with the conduct of
the convention because of the presence and
prominence of Federal office-holders. This dis
satisfaction added to the growing strength of
the silver faction in the State : it helped to give
the control of the convention of 1896 to the free
silver Democrats. The union of the- silver
forces behind Bryan in 1896 was brought one
step nearer.2^^
As the campaign of 1896 approached Weaver
became more and more earnest in his advocacy
of a union of reform forces. He felt sure that
neither the Republican nor the Democratic
party could hope to poll a united vote for their
tickets in 1896. Millions of free silver Repub
licans would bolt a gold standard ticket, while
about one-half of the Democrats favored free
silver at sixteen to one, the abolition of national
banks, and the issue of legal tender paper cur
rency by the government. The other half were
devoted to "the gold standard and the British
system of finance". These parties were hope
lessly divided and would eventually disappear,
making possible the formation of new parties.
"Just how the union of the reform element is
to be effected is a little difficult to forecast. I
think, however, that the ticket will be the point

PROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 369
of union. The populists will of course hold
their national convention and the country may
fairly hope for broad and liberal action on their
part. . . . This will lead them to nominate
men like Mr. Sibley of Pennsylvania and Judge
Caldwell of the United States circuit court.
The first is of democratic antecedents; the lat
ter a republican. These men are of the Lincoln
and Jackson type. . . . Such a ticket would
likely unite all reform elements. The great
question of the hour is how to get together. We
are past the platform period and are confronted
with great tactical questions which always pre
cede great conflicts like that which awaits us in
1896. "300
Again, at another time Weaver elaborated his
reasons for urging a union of reform forces.
In a private letter to a friend he declared that
they must secure at least 5,500,000 votes in addi
tion to the Populist vote of 1892 "in order to
stand any reasonable show of success." Such
a result could only be accomplished by a policy
of "mutual concessions". He thought that
"the money plank in all its fullness, and Sibley
at the head of the ticket, afford a reasonable
basis of union. ' ' He took a cheerful view of the
political situation and was confident that ' ' good
sense and patriotism" would "finally triumph
in all the reform parties and elements that sin-
25

370 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
cerely long for the speedy overthrow of the
British Gold Power. "301
The union of reform forces in 1896 was re
garded by General Weaver as "an alliance, not
fusion .... made up of Populists, Demo
crats and Republicans. It will first agree upon
a platform, then declare its union perpetual
until the objects in view are secured. If this is
done, they will, of course, agree upon a ticket
. . . . The formation of this alliance is not
likely to be contingent upon the action of the
Republican and Democratic parties ....
the Republican slogan for 1896 is quite certain
to be gold and national bank paper, sugar-
coated with the hope and promise of possible
international bimetallism. Most of the western
and middle States Democratic leaders will en
deavor to commit the remnant of their party to
the same policy. Failing, they will flock with
meagre following to the Republicans. They
nearly all carry cards of admission now ....
The American bimetallic movement, recently
inaugurated at Washington .... suggests
the four-pronged money question as a basis for
l,.ifnion, unrestricted gold and silver coinage at
tjie present ratio, without waiting for the action
of any other nation; legal-tender Government
t -|i)'aper, no banks of issue and no bonds. This
I furnishes a platform wide enough for the great
est civic struggle we have ever known.

PROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 371
' ' If the kindred but now divided factions shall
have the good judgment to accept and act upon
the timely suggestion — stripping themselves
for the time being of everything else, no matter
how important — they will close the century
with the grandest battle ever fought and crown
it with the greatest victory ever won for com
mercial supremacy and industrial freedom. If
they do not unite, the gold power will march its
forces over the field and settle the whole ques
tion in its own way without firing a gun ....
A Democratic or Republican uniform no longer
has any meaning. There may be a silver man
or a gold man, a bank man or an anti-bank man,
or a bond man underneath it ... . This is
very confusing, and a change is necessary. At
present the reform line is good enough for
scouting purposes, but too lengthy for battle
. . . . We must now huddle and fight and
see to it that the other fellows do the run
ning. ' '302
A letter published in the Farmers' Tribune,
Weaver's own paper and the State organ of the
Populist party, was evidently a reply to Popu
list criticism of his insistence upon a union of
reform forces in 1896. He began by the state
ment that he would not "quarrel with any per
son within the party, use hard names or hurl
epithets at others who may differ with me. Nor
shall I reply to those who may assail me with

372 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
such weapons. If we cannot treat each other
with respect we certainly may not hope to draw
to us those who are not within our ranks. We
are not making platforms now, but there will
have to be some expression of opinion if we are
to have a consensus of judgment when we meet
in convention. This requires time. By all
sensible men expressions of opinion are given
in the nature of advice and are intended simply
to be persuasive instead of authoritative. What
are all the letters you are publishing, and the
thousands of editorials of the Reform Press,
but expressions of opinion intended to act per
suasively upon the minds of those who read
them? Has any member of the party lost his
right to express an opinion? In my judgment
[the great work of our next national convention
will be tactical, and relate to marshalling our
forces rather than to the formulation of doc
trinal matters. We know now what we want.
The question will be how best can it be secured?!
I have nothing to conceal in this matter. View
ing the public situation as it exists to-day,
unless some material changes shall occur, while
[considering f-ally and unreservedly the great
importance of our other planks, I shall favor
going before the people in 1896 with the money
question alone, unincumbered with any other
contentions whatsoever. Not on the silver issue
alone, but distinctly favoring unrestricted coin-

PROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 373
age at the ratio of 16 to 1, and legal tender
government paper, with neither bonds nor banks
of issjiej .... Meantime let us keep our
guns trained upon the common enemy and let
each other alone. Concerning our proper atti
tude toward other forces that may be forming
to grapple with the money power, I commend
the reading of Luke 9: 49, 50."303
The great event of 1896 politically was the
adoption of free coinage of silver as an issue by
the Democrats and their nomination of Bryan
as a candidate. To the country at large these
events came as surprises; but as a matter of
fact they had been in preparation for several
years. The large vote of the Populists in 1892
gave them encouragement, while it alarmed
the older parties; but the more experienced
leaders like Weaver realized that to add by
gradual gro-wth enough votes to obtain a ma
jority was a difficult task.
Furthermore, the committal of the Demo
cratic party in 1893 to the fight against silver
left the free silver Democrats of the West and
South in an awkward position, for there was no
place for two gold parties, and the most of their
¦constituents were hostile to such a course. The
Democrats by adopting free coinage, and nomi
nating a candidate favorable to it, might hope
to concentrate all the elements opposed to gold.
The wide-spread demand for silver in the West

374 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
and South made 'such a course seem really likely
to result successfully. The large vote for
Bryan proved that the judgment of those who
urged it was by no means entirely unwarranted
and mistaken.
General Weaver's part in this development
was important. As the standard bearer in 1892
he was the recognized leader of his party and
exercised a large influence. He had for some
time been urging a union of the reform forces.
The endorsement of the Democratic nominees
would accomplish his purpose. To such a con
clusion, therefore, he gave his support in the
months preceding the conventions. Bryan's
nomination was by no means entirely sponta
neous and due to his dramatic speech: it had
been worked for and anticipated by some of the
members of both conventions. Among these
workers General Weaver occupied an influential
position. The Populist State Convention met in Des
Moines in April to nominate delegates to the
national convention to be held in St. Louis.
General Weaver was temporary chairman and
made one of the principal addresses. He de
clared that he had come two thousand miles
from Oregon, where he had been campaigning,
to attend the State convention and to get it to
unite with all the silver parties. They must get
four and a half million votes by November to

PROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 375
win, and if they did not win this year, the party
would fail. Evidently there was considerable
opposition, for when L. H. WeUer moved to
make the temporary organization permanent,
some one objected, although General Weaver
had just stated that he would not accept the
chairmanship unless the action was unanimous.
He was also a member of the committee on reso
lutions which by a vote of seven to three recom
mended that the delegates to the national
convention "do all in their power to secure a
union of all reform forces on a common ticket
or a platform embodying the fundamental prin
ciples of the Omaha platform and in addition
recommend the adoption of the initiative and
referendum. ' ' The minority report omitted all
reference to the union of reform forces. A
motion was made and carried by acclamation
that General Weaver should be one of the dele
gates at large to the national convention.^o*
In the national convention Senator William
V. Allen of Nebraska and General Weaver were
the "foremost advocates" of the nomination of
Bryan by the Populists. Their opponents were
largely Southern delegates who were hostile to
the Democracy as the dominant party in their
section. There were also some northern Popu
lists who feared that the endorsement of Bryan
would mean the disappearance of their party
as a distinct organization: the Iowa delegation

376 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
was divided upon this point. General Weaver
was chosen chairman of the delegates favoring
Bryan, and of the "steering committee" to
canvass delegates upon their arrival and to do
missionary work among them. The results of
these efforts were shown in the election of Allen
as permanent chairman by a vote of 758 to 564,
and the appointment of Weaver as chairman of
the committee on resolutions.
The next conflict between the two groups
came over the nomination of a candidate for the
Vice Presidency. Arthur Sewall of Maine,
Bryan's running mate upon the national ticket,
was an eastern bank president, and had been
known as a free silver man only about a year.
He was a man of wealth and a director in rail
road and other corporations. His selection was
a matter of political expediency, and was not
favorably regarded by the rank and file of the
Democrats. The Populists rejected him alto
gether, and nominated in his place Thomas E.
Watson of Georgia. After this action Bryan's
candidacy was endorsed by a vote of 1042 out
of about 1300 delegates.^o^ The nomination of
a separate candidate for the Vice Presidency
showed the existence of a strong minority in
the party opposed to Weaver's policy of alli
ance with the Democrats, and it was this
minority that constituted the Populist party
after 1896. The majority were absorbed into

FROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 377
the Democratic party, Allen and Weaver acting
with the Democrats after the campaign of that
year. General Weaver made the chief nominating
speech for Bryan, and in it he gave his reasons
for such action and explained its relation to the
movements in which he had been a leader for so
many years. He described the year 1896 as
"the most critical period" in the history of the
Populist party. He had only "two aspirations
in connection -with that party. The first is in
corporated with my life work. It is to preserve
untarnished and unsullied to the American
people the great principles that we have con
tended for for the last twenty years. My second
purpose is to preserve the organization for
present and future usefulness in every part of
this Union. . . .
"For twenty years we have been pleading
with the people to espouse the sacred cause
which is at stake in this campaign. We have
constantly urged through good and evil report
that our principles were more important than
party associations, were above all considera
tions of private fortune or the petty and fever
ish ambitions of men. We have thus far suited
our action to our words. Through five presi
dential campaigns, stretching from 1876 to
1892, you correctly estimated the purposes of
old party managers, and events have sustained

378 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
every specification in your indictment against
them .... To your devoted efforts is
largely due the revival of economic learning in
this country, which has enabled the Democratic
party to assume its present admirable attitude.
Your work now promises much to mankind, and
is about to break forth in complete victory for
the industrial masses. Though oft repulsed by
the multitude, whom we would have liberated,
though crucified in return for our kindness, yet
through it all- we have steadily confided in the
righteousness of our cause and the final good
sense of the people. We still believe that this
nation has a mission to perform which bad men
will not be permitted to destroy, and recent
events indicate that the nineteenth century is
not, after all, to close with the friends of free
dom despondent in the western hemisphere.
"This country has recently witnessed a new
Pentecost, and received another baptism of fire.
The recent convention at Chicago sounded a
bugle call for union which can neither be mis
understood nor go unheeded. In its patriotic
utterances and action it swept away all middle
ground, and opened the road to a formidable
organic alliance. They not only made union
possible — thank heaven, they have rendered it
inevitable. "From the very beginning our organization
has made party fealty subordinate to principle.

PROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 379
We will not here reverse ourselves and refuse
to accept victory now so easily within our
reach. We will not refuse the proffered assist
ance of at least 3,000,000 free silver Democrats,
and not less than 1,000,000 free silver Repub
licans, simply because they have shown the
good sense to come -with an organized army
fully equipped and manned for battle. Let them
have their own divisions and army corps. The
field of glory is open to all competitors who are
fighting for the same principles. . . .
"If we would be victorious we must make
common cause with the heroic men who dom
inated the Chicago convention. No other course
is either prudent or desirable. We are not
asked to abandon our party, nor would it be
wise to do so. If it is to be preserved we will,
in my judgment, be compelled to take the course
which I am about to indicate. The silver Demo
crats have lined up as an organization. Now
let the Populists, free silver Republicans, and
the American silver party do likewise. . . .
"After due consideration, in which I have
fully canvassed every possible phase of the sub
ject, I have failed to find a single good reason
to justify us in placing a third ticket in the
field. The exigencies of the hour imperatively
demand that there shall be but one. I would
not endorse the distinguished gentleman named
at Chicago. I would nominate him outright.

380 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
and make him our own, and then share justly
and rightfully in his election .... Take
this course, and all opposition will practically
disappear in the Southern and Western states,
and we can then turn our attention to other
parts of the field. Take any other, and you en
danger the entire situation and strengthen the
arm of our common adversary.
"If you allow the present happy juncture to
pass, all the heroic work of twenty years will be
thrown to the winds. Our guiding hand will
disappear in the momentous conflict just when
it should be stretched forth to steady the ark of
our covenant. We would prove to the world
that we are devoid of capacity to grasp great
opportunities, and lacking in strength to grap
ple -with prodigious emergencies. The people
have a gallant champion in the field, who is
leading a revolt against the plutocracy of
Christendom. Every oppressor, every pluto
crat, in two hemispheres has turned his guns
upon him. The subsidized organs have openly
proclaimed that he must be crushed by any
means and at whatever cost. The confederated
monopolies have laid aside their parties and
their politics and are marching in hot haste
against him. Let us signal to him to hold the
fort — that we are coming — and then hasten
to his relief. "306
The active part taken by General Weaver in

PROM POPULIST TO DEMOCRAT 381
the nomination of Bryan by the Populists made
him the recipient of many attentions by the
Democrats. At the State convention of that
party held air Ottumwa in August, he was named
as elector-at-large with ex-Governor Boies upon
the fusion ticket of Democrats and Populists.
After the completion of the nominations he was
called for and made a speech. He said that
"there was a political miracle being performed
. . . . The Chicago convention was a polit
ical miracle and it still continued. ' ' He rubbed
it into the Democrats just a little. He told
them that the Populists had been "fighting for
years for the principles you incorporate in
your Chicago platform, but there is no jealousy;
God bless you, we welcome you. Take the lead,
and if you can plant the flag one foot nearer the
citadel of plutocracy than we did, do it, and we
will help you." He said there was no distinc
tion or difference between Democrats, Popu
lists, and free-silver Republicans, and the
convention cheered him. He prophesied the
greatest victory since the foundation of the
country, which would be a victory of the people,
guided by a divine hand". Then he called for
three cheers and after they were given the con
vention adjourned. He was described as the
hero and dictator of the convention, and as
dividing the honors with ex-Governor Boies.
Mr. Bryan stopped over in Des Moines on his

382 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
way to New York to open the campaign. Here
he referred to General Weaver in most eulo
gistic terms, describing him in connection with
Boies as "that other gallant man, who for
twenty years has fought and, whether we have
agreed with him or not on all the things, there
is not an honest man here but must concede
that where Weaver fought he fought with the
strength of a giant. "30'^
During the same month of August in which
he was honored by the State convention and the
national standard bearer of the Democratic
party, he was also tendered a place upon the
national Democratic campaign committee. He
also accompanied Mr. Bryan upon parts of his
spectacular campaign of the country, which was
really only an extension of his own campaigns
of 1880 and 1892, made possible by better facili
ties for travel and more ample finances.3o«

XVII
The Later Years
1896-1912
The result of the election of 1896, though dis
appointing to General Weaver and those who
worked with him, was still near enough to vic
tory to give encouragement for another cam
paign along the same lines. A contest lost by
only about half a million votes out of a total of
over thirteen million was a very close approach
to success when all the circumstances are taken
into consideration. It is not surprising, there
fore, that a man of Weaver's optimistic temper
ament should anticipate a victory in 1900.
Repeatedly between 1896 and 1900, he indulged
in such prophecies and he worked continually
for such an outcome during the intervening
years. His description of the political situation pre
ceding the Congressional campaign of 1898 ex
plained his position and gave reasons for it.
He believed that the people were misled in 1896
by the promises of the Republicans, and that
they had begun to understand the real state of
affairs "before the smoke of battle had fairly 383

384 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
cleared away. ' ' In his opinion the victory was
won by ' ' lavish promises, reinforced at the crit
ical juncture by the corrupt use of money,
fraud, and intimidation." He declared that
"the overwhelming popular revolt" against
Cleveland "was not against the person, but the
policy of the administration. It was his gold
bonds and bank schemes, his attempt to retire
the greenbacks, the revenue deficits under the
Wilson tariff law, and his pro-Spanish-Cuban
policy." In all essential respects, McKinley 's
administration was "an exact duplicate of
Cleveland's minus the latter 's backbone." He
pointed out that the "same evil counsellors"
were "all powerful", and if there was any dif
ference between the administrations, "the trust
magnates" were "more potential" than they
had been under Cleveland.
Weaver was confident that "the triple alli
ance between the Bryan Democrats, Populists,
and Silver Republicans" would soon result in
' ' complete triumph ' ', and he urged the strength
ening of this alliance in every part of the
country with the object of gaining control of
the House of Representatives in 1898. The
contest in 1898 would mean "the initial mobili
zation" for 1900. He hoped every member of
the alliance would support "our great leader,
Bryan .... He is at war with the classes
and the common people love him. His heart is

LATER YEARS 385
as true as that of Old Hickory, and his head as
clear as that of the immortal Jefferson. "309
In 1898 General Weaver was again a candi
date for Congress from the sixth district
against Lacey who had defeated him in 1888.
He was nominated on the first ballot by a vote
of fifty to forty-seven in a convention made up
of Democrats, Populists, and free silver Repub
licans. The Populists were satisfied -with the
nomination, but at least half the Democrats
were said to be " sore ' '. The Populists believed
that he could defeat Lacey, but the Democrats
were less sanguine. It was generally conceded
that he would make the strongest possible cam
paign against the Republican candidate. The
contest ended with Weaver's defeat by a vote of
18,267 to 19,738, a plurality of 1,471 for
Lacey .3 10
The references made by General Weaver to
the "pro-Spanish-Cuban policy" of Cleveland,
as one of the causes of the popular revolt
against his administration, indicated his atti
tude upon the War -with Spain in 1898. He was
among the first to offer his services to the gov
ernment ; and there is a letter in his correspond
ence from Governor L. M. Shaw, acknowledging
the tender of his services to the State and
nation in the event of a war -with Spain.
Weaver's letter was written on March 17th.
There is also a letter from the War Department
26

386 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
acknowledging a similar tender made in a letter
dated March 25th.3ii These letters are note
worthy because of his later position upon
imperialism. The freeing of the Cubans from
Spanish rule appealed to his democracy, while
the later extension of American government
over the Philippines was contrary to his ideals.
While the insurrection under Aguinaldo was
in progress General Weaver discussed "Impe
rialism" before a Des Moines audience. He
undertook to maintain two propositions: (1)
that the position of the national administration
in regard to the Philippine Islands was con
trary to the law of nations; and (2) that its
position was also contrary to the spirit and the
letter of the Declaration of Independence. He
closed his address by stating what he regarded
as the duty of the United States towards the
Filipinos. He would ' ' invite Aguinaldo to meet
¦under a palm tree somewhere" to talk things
over, and he would then "tell him to go back
and organize his congress and take charge of
the administration of the affairs of his coun
try. ' ' Incidentally in the course of his remarks,
he referred to President McKinley as "worse
than a Spaniard ".3^2
In December, 1899, he wrote to The Des
Moines Leader in regard to an article which
had appeared in that paper under the title of
Militant Clergymen. He declared that it re-

LATER YEARS 387
called to his mind the conversation between
Christ and Pilate just before the crucifixion.
' ' It was an apostacized church and a prostituted
imperial government that united to blot out the
hope of mankind at the crucifixion. And it is
the Caesars and Pilates of to-day, backed by a
widely subservient pulpit, who are crucifying
the devoted Boers in the Transvaal and the
bleeding Christian Filipinos in the Orient. And
for what reason? Simply because they dared to
exercise, in their own country, the love of lib
erty and self-government which our common
Father has implanted in the breast of every
human being .... If there is a man in
this world who deserves the scorn of mankind
it is the so-called minister of the gospel or the
so-called Christian who is in sympathy with the
bloody and merciless slaughter now raging in
the Philippines and the horrible English butch
ery now being committed in the Transvaal . .
. . Our bishops and ministers who support the
wars of conquest now flagrant in Africa and the
Philippines have reached a point where the
di-vine methods of conquering the world by jus
tice and love are too slow for them. Such
methods keep out of view commercial advan
tages. For the present these gentlemen seem
to prefer the policies of Caesar and Pilate.
They could have given the Galilean valuable
pointers if they had been present at his
trial. "313

388 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Again in May, 1902, he protested against
some resolutions adopted at the G. A. R. en
campment "endorsing the policy of the admin
istration in the Philippines and covertly com
mitting us to an indorsement of the atrocities
which have been perpetrated upon the Filipino
people. It is an attempt to commit the old
soldiers of Iowa to an endorsement of these
atrocities and the introduction of politics into
the encampment which is wholly unjustifiable.
There are thousands of democrats belonging to
the Grand Army of the Republic in Iowa who
do not endorse the policy of the administration
in the Philippines and thousands of Republican
veterans who feel the same way. The resolu
tion was passed without discussion. I was not
present or they would undoubtedly have heard
from me. "3"
After 1896 Weaver de'scribed the relation of
the Populists to the Bryan Democrats and free
silver Republicans as a continuance of "the
triple alliance ' ' of that year. In reality it meant
practically the absorption by the Bryan Democ
racy of the other elements. The Populists, who
opposed the nomination of Bryan and insisted
upon the naming of Watson instead of Sewall
in 1896, came to be known as Middle-of-the-
Road Populists, and they were naturally op
posed to the continuance of the alliance. By
1900 the two wings or factions had been devel-

LATER YEilRS 389
oped and organized as fusionists and anti-
fusionists — the latter having its chief strength
in the South. Weaver acted with the regular
or fusionist faction in 1900.
Associated with him in this wing of the party
were Senator AUen of Nebraska, Senator
Marion Butler of North Carolina, "Cyclone"
Davis of Texas, and Thomas M. Patterson of
Colorado. His intimate connection with party
'management is shown in his correspondence
during 1900. A letter from J. H. Edmisten,
chairman of the State committee of the People 's
Independent party of Nebraska, urged a meet
ing of the national committee at Lincoln in
February, and asked Weaver's support for it
as the best place "to secure a large attendance,
and also have the moral support of those sup
porting the union of forces at the point where
a meeting could be held. In the event of the
meeting being located at Lincoln, I shall call
our state executive committee together and will
send out invitations to 200 or 300 of our leading
men to be present on that occasion, which I am
sure they will do. This will give us a strong
influence at the time of the meeting. Of course
should the meeting be located at some other
point, we would be unable to tell what influences
we could surround it with. I think it would be
well for you to write Mr. Butler urging him to
lend such influence as he can for Lincoln as the

390 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
place to hold the meeting, if you have not al
ready written him. ' ' The Lincoln meeting was
held on February 19th and resulted in the com
plete separation of the factions. In spite of the
predictions of the Nebraska chairman, the
fusionists were in a minority at Lincoln — the
fusionists had forty-two, while the anti-fusion
ists had fifty-seven delegates.^^^
S. B. Crane, chairman of the State committee
of the People 's party of Iowa, wrote Weaver in
March in regard to "a speaker of national
reputation for an evening meeting after the
convention", and suggested Allen, Weaver "or
some one that could create some inthusiasm
. . . . I would like to go to Sioux Falls with
a strong delegation of inthusiastic men." In
April Senator Butler wrote that the Associated
Press had asked him to furnish them an outline
of the remarks that he would make in calling
the convention to order, and also to have the
temporary and permanent chairmen do the same
as soon as possible, as telegraphic communica
tion with Sioux Falls was limited to two wires,
and they could give more space if they could
have the matter in hand in advance than if they
were forced to get the speeches from the con
vention. ' ' Of course I cannot control who will be per
manent Chairman of the Convention," wrote
Butler, "but permit me to say that there is a

LATER YEARS 391
general consensus of opinion among those of
us who are here that you [Weaver] ought to be
permanent Chairman, therefore permit me to
suggest that you at once prepare a synopsis of
the speech that you will make as permanent
Chairman, if you are elected. Or at least pre
pare what you are -willing for them to publish as
a report of your speech. ' '
A letter from George H. Shibley, dated May
2nd, reminded Weaver that he was a member of
a committee of five on platform appointed at
Lincoln in February, presumably to prepare a
preliminary draft for the Sioux Falls conven-
tion.31*' In connection with this appointment, it
is interesting to note that the Sioux Falls plat
form contained four planks vigorously con
demning the new imperialistic tendencies of the
United States, and expressing sympathy for the
Boers, while no references to these matters
appeared in the platform of the other faction.
We may safely infer that Weaver had a hand in
the drafting of these resolutions.
The two wings of the Populist party held
national conventions at the same time in May
— the regulars at Sioux Falls, South Dakota,
and the Middle-of-the-Roaders at Cincinnati,
Ohio. Weaver, of course, went to Sioux Falls
where the nomination of Bryan was a foregone
conclusion ; but the question of naming a candi
date for Vice President gave rise to a serious

392 JAMBS BAIRD WEAVER
contest, the friends of Bryan opposing such a
nomination in advance of the meeting of the
Democratic national convention. After a warm
struggle Charles A. Towne of Minnesota
was nominated; but later in August he with
drew, and the national committee substituted
the nominee of the Democrats, Adlai E. Steven
son. It hardly needs to be added that General
Weaver was opposed to the nomination of any
candidate for Vice President, since a complete
alliance could not be brought about without the
acceptance of the same candidates by the allies.
There was not the same reason as existed in
1896 for such action, for the other wing of the
party nominated a separate ticket made up of
Wharton Barker of Pennsylvania and Ignatius
Donnelly of Minnesota.3"
The Weaver correspondence after the con
vention at Sioux Falls again reflected his posi
tion and relation to party affairs. On May 16,
1900, George S. Canfield of St. Paul wrote him
that he was "very sorry that matters went
against your judgment at Sioux Falls, and feel
certain that you appreciated our position as to
Minnesota. It was apparent from the start that
some nomination must be made. Knowing that
you reflected the sentiments of our leaders, we
appreciated your position, and the fact that
your great personal strength with all members
of your party was unable to stem the tide, is all

LATER YEARS 393
the more proof that nothing could have brought
about any different action.
"Myself and others outside of the delegation
bore from Mr. Towne his most urgent advice
that a conference was a better plan. When a
nomination was unavoidable, of course, the
nomination of an outside man was the best pos
sible thing to do. You will be glad to be re
assured, as we are, from Mr. Towne since the
convention, of the receptive attitude which he
maintains and his lofty purpose to take such
final action as may be deemed best in the final
consideration. "31*
A few days later a letter to Weaver from
T. M. Patterson of Colorado, permanent chair
man of the Sioux Falls convention, declared
that their views as to the nomination of Towne
were the same, and yet he would like very much
"to see them proved wrong. Towne would
make a strong second to Mr. Bryan in all of the
middle, mountain and far western states, and I
think, from what Mr. Bryan said, whom I saw
on my way back from Sioux Falls, he would be
more than pleased to have Mr. Towne on the
ticket with him. I have no means of judging
what the democratic sentiment generally will
be about Towne, except as it is developed here
in Denver. Most of the Democrats are Mr.
Towne 's warm admirers, but they almost uni
formly say that they believe it will be unwise to

394 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
nominate him at Kansas City under the circum
stances. They do not believe that a great party
should be in the position before the entire peo
ple of the country — of accepting their full
presidential ticket ready made at the hands of
another political organization. And then you
know Populism is very unpopular in the South
and the East. The single fact that he comes to
delegates from those sections of the country as
a Populist nominee I fear is enough to destroy
his chances. Towne 's nomination was the out
come, in my opinion, of a combination between
Mr. Bryan's friends and enemies; a large num
ber of those who supported him are sincerely
Mr. Bryan's friends, but I think there were
some marplots there with their pockets full of
proxies — who would really rejoice to see Mr.
McKinley re-elected." 3 ^^
E. H. Gillette, who had been elected to Con
gress with Weaver in 1878, representing the
Des Moines district, and who had been associ
ated with him politically ever since, asked his
advice in June in regard to the need for his
attendance at Kansas City to urge the nomina
tion of Mr. Towne by the Democrats. Gillette
wrote that he had not intended to go and had
"felt highly elated for two months to think"
that he would not have to test his "physical
endurance" and "hold on life by thrusting"
himself "into that seething July cauldron.

LATER YEARS 395
That is a place where you'd grow young, but
where I'd grow old. However if it should hap
pen that there was any Dem. there whom I
could persuade to do the right thing, which I
very much doubt, I might be tempted as a mat
ter of duty .... to make a sardine of
myself for a week. "320
The Kansas 'City convention nominated
Bryan unanimously upon the first ballot, and
completed the ticket -with only a slight contest
by the selection of Adlai E. Stevenson of Illi
nois as its candidate for Vice President. Towne
received only eighty-nine and one-half votes
compared with five hundred and fifty-nine and
one-half for Stevenson and two hundred for
David B. HiU of New York.321
The friction between Democrats and Popu
lists and between the two Populist factions
made the alliance less complete in 1900 than it
had been four years earlier. The entrance of
the issues arising from the Spanish War con
fused the situation, while the return of business
prosperity reduced the urgency of the monetary
questions. The result was an increased vote
for the Republicans and a falling off of the
Democratic vote. The hopes for the success
of "the triple alliance" in a second campaign
were doomed to disappointment. Changed con
ditions were chiefly responsible for the failure,
and a new program was necessary.

396 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
General Weaver's position after the election
of 1900 was stated in a letter to the Omaha
World-Herald, answering an address recently
issued regarding the future of the Democratic
party. He believed that "under the leadership
of Mr. Bryan and in the hands of its absolutely
loyal committee, the democratic party is a re
form party — a new and mighty reform force
— and its leadership cannot revert to objec
tionable hands unless the 7,000,000 reform
voters commit the stupendous blunder of dis
banding in face of the enemy for the vain pur
pose of attempting a re-organization.
"The way to insure a complete union of the
reform forces is for the elements which rallied
to the support of Mr. Bryan to stay together.
The work of the unification is already accom
plished, and our leader is the best known and
best beloved man on earth to-day. A new
organization could not muster one-half of the
mighty host who gave us their support in 1900,
and plutocracy would hail the advent of a new
party with peans of joy. It would insure their
supremacy for a quarter of a century. If the
various reform elements that supported our
leader in the memorable conflict of the present
year desire to exert salutary influence in polit
ical circles in the future let them resolutely
stand by their guns and await events. "322
Evidently General Weaver was satisfied to

LATER YEARS 397
remain a member of this "union of reform
forces", as he regarded it, and apparently he
continued to act with the Democrats during the
rest of his life. Probably the close friendship
with Mr. Bryan had a great deal to do with his
permanent association with the Democratic
party. During all these years Bryan was the
unquestioned leader of the Democracy, and
Weaver's opinions and sympathies coincided
with his own. He recognized, too, the pioneer
services of Weaver in preparing the way for
his own leadership from 1896 to 1912. Bryan
and La FoUette and Roosevelt were all long
preceded by Weaver. Bryan fully and freely
acknowledged his indebtedness to the "Grand
Old Commoner of Iowa ".323
In July, 1904, General Weaver was one of
the delegates at large from lo-vya to the Demo
cratic national convention at St. Louis. The
delegation were instructed by the convention to
vote for William R. Hearst of New York and
were bound by the unit rule to support him.
The State convention also voted down the re
affirmation of the Kansas City platform of
1900. The domination of the Hearst supporters
was very distasteful to the older leaders who
opposed the instruction of the delegates. Gen
eral Weaver advocated the instructions; and
one of the district delegates, W. W. Baldwin of
Burlington, a sound money Democrat, wrote

398 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
him immediately afterwards, expressing his
"unqualified admiration" of his ability as a
political debater. "I thought that your speech
for instructions at Des Moines was a model of
adroit and skillful appeal." In the convention
the votes for the four delegates-at-large who
were elected were as follows: J. M. Parsons
611; E. M. Carr 596; S. B. Wadsworth 562; and
Weaver 521.32*
Although Hearst failed to receive the Demo
cratic nomination at St. Louis — his chances of
success were never good — General Weaver
seems to have turned to the support of Parker
with remarkable willingness. Probably -with
Bryan he was ready to give the conservative
Democrats a chance to show their weakness
with the hope that in 1908 the party would turn
again to progressive leadership. At any rate
he took an active part in the campaign.
His opinion of the situation was given in an
interview one week after the St. Louis conven
tion. He described the Chicago convention of
1896 as "the vernal equinox", and that of 1904
as "the autumnal of the great struggle for
democratic reform"; but he believed that
"balmy spring" would come again. "Bryan,
the loftiest democratic leader that ever lived,
still survives, towering like the Alps, and is
to-day the greatest positive individual force of
the New Century.

LATER YEARS 399
"Everybody was accorded a fair hearing at
St. Louis. Not only the opportunity to be heard
was granted, but each side was actually and
completely heard and hence there is not left the
shadow of an excuse to bolt. We did not get all
we wanted either as to candidate or platform
. . . . But we secured much that is good,
and our platform of promises, when compared
with the republican platform of silence on the
one hand and vicious performance on the other,
amounting together to a denial of hope, is suf
ficient to give us a united democracy in every
state of the Union.
"The platform is anti-imperial, anti-trust, is
opposed to militarism, calls for tariff reform,
election of United States Senators by the peo
ple, strikes at military despotism in Colorado,
calls for trial by jury and a return to the safe
guards of the constitution. Judge Parker's
plutocratic entourage is not pleasing to me.
But it is, to say the least, equally as good as the
surroundings of President Roosevelt. We can
accomplish nothing by flying apart into frag
ments at this juncture of affairs; neither can
we best serve our country and age by fleeing to
the camp and standard of the adversary. Good
judgment and patriotism alike call for the
united support of Parker and Davis. The
promise of reform and the great body of re
formers who are tactful in their methods will

400 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
be found under this banner in spite of the
plutocratic influences which forced the nomi
nation. "325
General Weaver also seriously considered
running for Congress from the sixth district
again in 1904. His correspondence contains a
number of letters, either urging him to be a can
didate, or expressing pleasure at the prospect
and promising support if he were nominated.
Nothing came of this proposal and he occupied
himself -with the campaign for Parker. Late in
the campaign he gave as a reason for his failure
to run the short time allowed for the contest.
He liked to open a campaign January 1st and
keep it up to December 31st. Some of his
friends believed that many Republicans would
vote for him as they had "done in the past, others
advised him to "have nothing to do with the
deal at all" because many Democrats -were
"very sore", and some made "no bones of say
ing right out that they will vote for Roosevelt
straight so that the vote will be over-whehning
for him as against the re-organizers and the
Wall-street gang. "32«
When the Democrats nominated Bryan for a
third time in 1908 there could be no question
as to Weaver's position. His friendship for
Bryan and his belief in the coming success of
the reform forces made him optimistic again.
As in 1896 and 1900 he looked forward to the

LATER YEARS 401
long-deferred victory for which he had been
laboring in season and out since 1877. There
seemed to be good grounds for such hopes, for
the Democratic party was more completely
united behind Mr. Bryan than it had been in the
two previous campaigns when he was the stand
ard bearer. Weaver was active in the cam
paign, being especially associated with John W.
Kern, the candidate for Vice President. After
wards Kern wrote to him expressing his appre
ciation of his "splendid efforts during the
campaign. I look back upon that part of it, in
which I traveled and communed with you, as by
far the most pleasant of it all. I don't want to
be a flatterer, but I feel that I would like you
to know that I admire you immensely and want
you to register me on the list of your best
friends. If I gave you my reasons for liking
you so well, you would blush. "32'^
General Weaver was also talked of as a can
didate at the primaries for the Democratic
nomination for Governor. Apparently the
perennial talk about his nomination for Con
gress occurred, since his old colleague, E. H.
Gillette, wrote him in June and asked him, if
he did not know that "the man who silenced
the Speaker (Sam Randall) and sent him to the
cloak room for a drink; the man who opened
Oklahoma; the man who exposed the National
Bankers to the contempt of mankind, and made
27

402 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
the fakirs and Trusts tremble is a marked man,
and when he shows his head it gets hit? Did
you imagine they'd ever let you into a legisla
tive assembly again ? Did you imagine they had
forgotten? Not much! Don't be a target for
'em but hit 'em again. "328 General Weaver's
age made it rather unlikely that he would ever
be a candidate again.
But his interest in politics remained keen to
the very end. In the summer of 1911, while on
a visit to one of his daughters in Seattle,
Washington, he expressed the opinion that the
progressive movement was becoming "formid
able". He pointed out that the progressives
had cut loose from corporate and trust control.
They were making war upon the "interests",
and in effect were "forming a new party by
trying to transform the old one, [and] they will
succeed. The old regime had better stand from
under." Referring to the popular election of
Senators, which he had urged during his three
terms in Congress, he said the progressives
were doing "the next best thing" by nomi
nating them in the primaries.32« Evidently he
saw that they were doing for the Republicans
what Bryan had done for the Democrats. He
recognized that both movements were working
along the same lines along which he had cam
paigned for so many years.
On his way home a month later he discussed

LATER YEARS 403
the political situation in an interview at Salt
Lake. He believed that if La FoUette was nomi
nated for President he would sweep the coun
try, and that if President Taft should be
renominated he would certainly be defeated.
He described "the Democratic presidential out
look" as "somewhat chaotic. The Harmon
people are keeping their forces well in hand.
Woodrow Wilson has ingratiated himself with
the Democrats of the country. Champ Clark,
however, would seem to be the popular choice."
He planned to take the stump for the Demo
cratic presidential nominee in 1912.330
During the last months of his life he was
much interested in the campaign of the candi
dates for the Democratic nomination for Presi
dent in 1912. Early in November, 1911, Judge
A. Van Wagenen of Sioux City wrote him that,
after diligent study for four or five months, he
had reached the conclusion that Woodrow
Wilson was "the most fundamentally rooted of
any progressive in the country. ' ' He expressed
a desire to know how Weaver's thoughts were
running "on the important question of who
will make the right kind as well as the strongest
leader. ' ' A few days later Judge Van Wagenen
replied to a letter from Weaver, which he had
"read and studied carefully. I like Champ
Clark splendidly but I am just like you I am
afraid of his poise. They tell me in this respect

404 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
he has been better for some time but poise is a
thing that comes with a life long habit ....
Still we must give Clark credit for having done
a wonderful lot of good. I haven't said to any
one or to myself just what I am going to do, but
I am like you the more I think the more strongly
I am about settling upon Wilson. "33i
Late in December, 1911, and in January, 1912,
letters to Weaver indicate a leaning towards
Champ Clark. W. D. Jamieson, a former Dem
ocratic congressman from Iowa, wrote him that
"it did my heart good to find that you are so
emphatically with us in the effort to get an
Iowa delegation for Mr. Clark, and with the
kind of a fighting spirit that you have for the
things that you believe to be right, I am sure
you will be glad to write a few letters." He
mentioned a number of persons to whom he
would like to have Weaver write. About three
weeks later he wrote again and urged him to
make a statement of his views for publication.
"As the man who had more than a million votes
as a presidential candidate, and one of those to
whom Wilson undoubtedly referred as the
' alien ' element which was to be eliminated from
the democratic party, I think it would be well
for you to try the case out very exhaustively,
setting forth clearly and at length your reasons
and arguments for your present position. You
are recognized everywhere as being one of the

LATER YEARS 405
very earnest and substantial leaders of the rad
ical fight of the country, and as being one of the
very earnest and honest and reliable demo
crats. "332
His last expression of opinion upon public
affairs was an endorsement of Champ Clark as
a candidate for the Democratic nomination for
President, 'written upon a scrap of heavy ma-
nilla wrapping paper. The letter was written
to W. D. Jamieson on January 26th. He had
taken time to think over the political situation
in Iowa and had reached the conclusion that the
State ought to support Champ Clark. ' ' This is
¦emphatically Clark territory. His versatility
:and wide experience as a legislator, his long
acquaintance -with the public men of the country
and his thorough understanding of the motives
of those who represent the almost omnipotent
^interests' — motives which are never willingly
disclosed or admitted — preeminently qualify
him for the high position. Mr. Clark should
have every vote of our delegation without divi
sion. I say that not with any resentment to
ward other candidates. They are all eminent
men and small things should not be introduced
and considered. The path of duty is plain.
Let us f oUow it. With charity for all I am reso
lutely and unalterably for Mr. Clark, and trust
sincerely that Iowa will so align herself at
Baltimore. "333

406 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
General Weaver's death occurred in Febru
ary, 1912, before the contest between Wilson
and Clark had assumed definite form. Without
doubt he would have followed Bryan in his sup
port of Wilson when events developed as they
did in the Baltimore convention. One can not
but regret that he could not have lived another
year to witness the election and inauguration
of a Democratic President, who would have
seemed to him to represent the triumph of that
union of reform forces for which he had toiled
and waited for more than thirty years.

XVIII
Recognition
In March, 1901, General Weaver was elected
mayor of Colfax, the town in which his later
years were spent. Under the circumstances his
choice for the position was an indication of the
regard in which he was held by his friends and
neighbors. Political lines were not drawn to
any great extent, and he received the support
largely of those desiring a cleaner administra
tion of local affairs. This election as mayor
was the first of a series of events during the
last years of his life which showed very plainly
that he had won the recognition and esteem of
the people of the State. There was nothing
partisan in this tardy appreciation of his ser
vices. A letter from his son-in-law, H. C.
Evans, in February, 1903, informed him that he
would be renominated for mayor, unless he
"immediately" wrote "some one at home" to
stop it. General Weaver was still actively
interested in State politics, and the same letter
refers to his "boom for governor" as <'big".33*
The golden wedding anniversary of General
and Mrs. Weaver was celebrated in July, 1908. 407

408 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
No formal invitations were issued and only a
simple notice inserted in the press a few days
before the event. The guests were received
upon the lawn of the unpretentious home at
Colfax, and the afternoon and evening wit
nessed a continuous procession of persons who
called to pay their respects. General and Mrs.
Weaver were assisted by all of their children,
except Mrs. Laura Ketchum of Seattle, Wash
ington, who found it impossible to be present.
The six children present were Mrs. Maude Rob
inson of Colfax, Mrs. Susan Evans, Mrs. Ruth
Denny, and Mr. James B. Weaver, Jr., of Des
Moines, Mrs. Esther Cohrt of Traer, and Mr.
Abram C. Weaver of Aberdeen, South Dakota.
A delegation from Des Moines, where General
Weaver had lived from 1890 to the time of his
removal to Colfax, presented a beautiful library
chair as a gift from the Polk County Democ
racy. During the evening the people of Colfax
turned out in large numbers. An informal pro
gram also was given during the course of the
evening. A present of $50 in gold — one gold
dollar for each year of wedded life — came
from the citizens of Colfax. General Weaver
responded "in a speech replete with humor,
pathos and the expression of the thanks of him
self and wife for the many kind words and
deeds of the day.

RECOGNITION 409
In the course of his remarks he paid a fine
tribute to Mrs. Weaver, who throughout their
married life had been in perfect sympathy with
his understanding of the issues involved in his
public career. She had been a leader in the
temperance and suffrage movements in the
State, and an active associate and helper in all
of his reform work. General Weaver related
the story of how when he asked Mrs. Weaver if
she had heard the news of Lincoln's call for
troops in 1861, she answered, "Yes, James, and
I want you to go ' '. They were financially very
poor at that time. Their first child had been
born in 1859, and another was expected in
August, 1861.
Mr. W. S. Moore of General Weaver's old
regiment, the Second Iowa Volunteer Infantry,
was called out and responded in a witty and
effective speech. There were many presents
from friends and relatives. . . . Singing
closed the evening that will be a delightful
recollection to all concerned. "335
The custom of hanging the portraits of the
famous men of the past upon the walls of public
buildings is an old and widely accepted one.
When the Iowa Capitol was completed in 1882
Charles Aldrich began to urge the collection of
the portraits of noted Iowa men to be hung
upon the walls of the offices and corridors. The
portraits of a score of governors, judges, and

410 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
other officials had been hung on the walls in the
Capitol before the gallery of the Memorial His
torical and Art Building was opened. The popu
larity and value of the plan, originated by Mr.
Aldrich for the Capitol, led him to emphasize
this feature after the erection of the Memorial
Historical and Art Building. He felt very
strongly that oil paintings of the prominent
men of Iowa ought to be preserved, and he made
the securing of such portraits one of the chief
objects of the Historical Department of which
he was Curator. Without funds for this specific
purpose, the only method of acquisition was by
gift. Many of the pioneers and distinguished
men to whom Mr. Aldrich issued his invitations
could not afford or were too modest to present
their portraits. Among those who received
such an invitation from Mr. Aldrich was Gen
eral James B, Weaver; but neither response
nor refusal came while Mr. Aldrich lived.
Soon after Mr. Aldrich 's death in March,
1908, Mrs. Charles Dupree Smith noticed the
absence of a portrait of General Weaver in the
gallery of the Historical Memorial and Art
Building. She at once conceived a plan for pro
viding and presenting such a portrait, and
immediately communicated her ideas to General
G. M. Dodge, Hon. Fred E. White, General
James S. Clarkson and a number of other emi
nent men, all of whom cordially approved the

MB. AND MBS. .7AMES BAIED WEAVER
From a Kodak Film 1911

MR. AXD MRS. JAMES BAIRD WEAVER

RECOGNITION 411
plan. Thereupon Mrs. Smith began a campaign
to collect the necessary funds. The friends and
admirers of General Weaver, in and out of
Iowa, responded readily and generously. Mr.
Charles A. Camming of Des Moines was com
missioned to paint the portrait, which was
ready for presentation in February, 1909.
A committee of subscribers was appointed,
consisting of Hon. Jerry Sullivan, Hon. Carroll
Wright, Hon. H. W. Byers, Rev. J. F. Nugent,
Mrs. Charles Dupree Smith, with Mr. Edgar R.
Harlan as chairman, to arrange a program be
fitting the occasion. The board of trustees of
the Historical Department asked that the exer
cises be given under their auspices, and the
House of Representatives by resolution offered
the use of their hall for the purpose. The
Speaker of the House appointed a committee of
three to act with the general committee. The
afternoon of February 15, 1909, was selected as
the time for the public unveiling and presen
tation. On the evening of the same day a
memorial banquet in honor of General Weaver
was given at the Savery House, Des Moines,
under the auspices of the Democratic members
of the legislature. Both occasions were in
tended to be of a non-partisan character, and
were participated in by men of all parties.
Together they constituted a unique testimonial
to the career and a sincere recognition of the

412 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
worth of a man who had only occasionally held
office and whose public activity had usually
been with the minority.
The afternoon program, over which Governor
B. F. Carroll presided as chairman of the board
of trustees of the Historical Department, con
sisted of an address by Rev. J. F. Nugent pre
senting the portrait on behalf of the friends of
General Weaver. Immediately following came
the unveiling of the picture by two of his grand
daughters. After this ceremony Major John F.
Lacey, a long time friend and political opponent
in the sixth district, paid special tribute to the
military record and character of his former
antagonist. Mr. William Jennings Bryan was
then introduced, and his address was "a sermon
on goodness and nobility of character, and an
application of these traits to the life of the
speaker's friend." In a few well chosen re
marks Judge H. E. Deemer accepted the por
trait on behalf of the trustees of the Historical
Department. An audience of twelve hundred
persons was present at these impressive exer
cises. Just before the close of the proceedings,
Mrs. Smith presented to General Weaver a
"beautiful, hand-tooled, Morocco bound vol
ume" containing the many letters which had
been received in the course of the preparation
of the portrait. General Weaver rose and with

RECOGNITION 413
deep emotion received the book with a few
words of thanks. He declared that the one fea
ture that he appreciated more highly than any
thing else was the fact that it was "strictly
non-partisan" and came from "loving friends
of all political faiths". After the conclusion of
the exercises in the hall of the House of Repre
sentatives General Weaver held a reception in
the rooms of the Speaker.33'5
The memorial banquet in the evening was
attended by about four hundred persons. State
Senator and Congressman-elect W. D. Jamieson
was the toastmaster, and Hon. Jerry Sullivan,
Governor B. F. Carroll, Ex-Governor Warren
Garst, Colonel Lafayette Young, Attorney Gen
eral H. W. Byers, Senator J. A. De Armand,
Representative W. L. Harding, Judge M. J.
Wade, and Hon. G. F. Rinehart responded to
toasts. Following this list of speakers. General
Weaver and Mr. Bryan closed the program with
addresses upon Brotherhood and Retrospect
and Prospect, America being sung between the
two speeches. The banquet was a fitting climax
to a really wonderful occasion which will go
down in Iowa history as "Weaver Day".
"General Weaver's speech was fuU of the
feeling of gratitude that had been evident
throughout the day. As he expressed his
thanks to his friends for the tributes of the day,
his voice trembled with the emotion he could not

414 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
conceal, and as he pledged his life long grati
tude and that of his children, the heart of every
hearer was touched by his earnestness and the
realization of what this homage means to him
after a life long struggle in which, as he said,
he was not merely usually in the minority but
in the 'minor minority'."
The honors of the day were shared with Mr.
Bryan. "When he was introduced ....
at the banquet the applause was as long as that
which had greeted General Weaver. Mr. Bryan
first gave his attention to Col. Lafe Young, who
had preceded him on the programme and had
turned some pointed stories his way. He re
ferred to Mr. Young's declaration that he had
been a greenbacker at twelve years of age, but
had changed soon afterward to a republican:
'We are told in the Bible', said Mr. Bryan, 'that
truth is revealed to babes. ' Shouts of laughter
greeted the sally, and Mr. Young joined in the
storm of applause. ' ' Though it was after mid
night when Mr. Bryan concluded his address
very few had left the hall at that time, the
interest having been remarkably well sustained
throughout the long evening. 33''
At the reunion of the Pioneer Lawmakers'
Association held in Des Moines a few weeks
after thfe unveiling of General Weaver's por
trait, Mr. Isaac Brandt, the Secretary of the
Association, declared that he had attended "all

RECOGNITION 415
the presentations of these notable pictures . .
. . and I want to say that I believe there
never was such a day in the State of Iowa as
was the day that Gen. Weaver's picture ....
was presented to the State of Iowa ....
Those grand tributes that were paid to him by
Father Nugent — it was magnificent. His man
uscript was grand, but when he laid down his
manuscript and spoke from his heart ....
the audience arose almost en masse and cheered
it. And then, the tribute that Mr. Bryan paid
to him was grand, and I must say that of all the
functions I ever attended there was none that
pleased me so fully and completely as the trib
ute that was given to Gen. J. B. Weaver. "338
The bound volume of correspondence pre
sented to General Weaver by Mrs. Smith con
tains a wealth of eulogy and praise of his
character and career. One of the most sugges
tive contributions was an original poem with
the title of The Shirmisher, sent by the author,
Herbert Quick, then of Sioux City. It was dedi
cated to General Weaver and aptly described
his role in politics.
The battle thunders all along the line;
The mustered myriads drink its draught like wine !
We charge in lusty squadrons unafraid
Cheered by the bellow of our cannonade
Still stands th' embattled host of Vested Wrong,
Unshaken, unabashed, unconquered, strong;

416 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
But Right has now her fields of clustered spears.
And shakes the air -with trampling and with cheers !
The fight seems dubious ; yet one thing we know :
The fight shall not be lost without a blow !
The soldier dies; but as his senses swim
He sees the line sweep on, with eyes grown dim.
The wounded lie and bleed — their faces shine
As billowing cheers come swelling down the line !
All now is glory, conquest, conflict, thrill;
The great war dims the sky and shakes the hill ;
The very mass of battle bears us high
In generous resolve to do or die —
And we forget in the tense urge to win
The skirmishers that drove their pickets in !
They fought in the gray dawn, cold and alone,
A hardy few, darting from tree to stone.
No fife and drum, no touch of elbow cheered —
They saw no following host with flags upreared ;
And that which wrung their valiant spirits most
Was the dread doubt, ' ' There is no following host ! ' '
Yet through the fearsome jungle forth they went,
Felt for the foe, and drove him to his tent ;
And in the splendid faith that one good blow
Is each man's legal debt to every foe,
They struck. The sparse fire crackled through the
dawn,
Grew, greatened, roared — and the great war was
on!
So let us honor, 'mid the battle's din
The skirmishers that drove their pickets in !
Harvey Ingham, editor of The Register and

RECOGNITION 417
Leader, wrote that Mr. Quick "fitly designates
the General 'The Skirmisher'. It is a happy
suggestion. He has been on the skirmish line
of every reform for a lifetime, and he has
driven in many of the pickets of entrenched
wrong. ' '
Another very noteworthy expression of re
gard and esteem came from General James S.
Clarkson, Weaver's old journalistic opponent
of the days of his prime when battles royal
were waged by the two men — one the cham
pion of the party in power, the other the ap
parent leader of a forlorn hope. Clarkson was
in complete sympathy with the plan "to pay
fitting honor to one of the worthiest and most
distinguished of Iowa men. There is very much
in the brilliant career of General Weaver to
stir the pride of every Iowa citizen, as well as
to win popular admiration and affection. After
the differences of the time shall have passed
away and a full perspective of his life and work
shall have been gained, he will be ranked and
go into history among the dozen stronger Iowa
men in several fields : in that of the law, his own
profession ; in the lists of oratory, where he has
been among the foremost in public life in times
of peace, where he has always made a superior
record; most of all, in the war to preserve the
Union, where his great record is a peculiar
source of Iowa pride ; and in later years in the
28

418 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
highest fields in politics, where he has borne a
very prominent national part, as well as a lead
ing part in local, or Iowa, affairs. General
Weaver had by nature many of the elements of
actual greatness, and these natural qualities he
improved by application and experience. It
may be said that he achieved eminence in all the
larger fields except that of commercial success
and money-making. His failure in that is to be
credited to his generous nature and his lifelong
desire to help others rather than himself.
Indeed, the finest thing to me in his whole
career of many achievements is that he has
always been the willing and valorous and effec
tual friend of the weak, the oppressed and the
needy. Great as he could have been by apply
ing himself as a lawyer, he could have achieved
great fortune and made money in many other
ways. It is to his credit that he preferred to be
-useful to his fellow men rather than to achieve
money and fortune for himself."
An interesting combination of circumstances
made it possible for three Republican Gov
ernors of the State to write letters of approval
of the plan for the presentation of General
Weaver's portrait, each writing while actually
in office, and all within about three months of
each other: Governor A. B. Cummins wrote
October 3, 1908 ; Governor Warren Garst wrote
December 9, 1908; and Governor B. F. Carroll

RECOGNITION 419
wrote January 25, 1909. The non-partisan
character of these testimonials is emphasized
when we remember that General Weaver was at
the time a Democrat, and had left the Repub
lican party thirty years before.
Another confirmation of the absence of any
thing of a political character from this cor
respondence is to be found in a letter from
W. W. Baldwin of Burlington. He regarded
the placing of General Weaver's portrait in the
gallery of the Historical Department as "cer
tainly appropriate", because he represented
"the patriotic sentiment of the state, for he was
a splendid soldier in the War for the Union ; he
stands for ability in public debate of a high
order, and he has upheld his political convic
tions with courage and fidelity in the face of
many defeats, and much disappointment and
personal loss to himself.
"I have not always agreed with his views and
theories of government and politics, but I have
never failed to admire the charm and vigor with
which he defended them, and have always been
glad to call him my personal friend.
' ' Some of the earliest recollections of my boy
hood are connected with General Weaver . .
. . I shall never forget the lofty sentiment
with which he inspired me as a youth when, in
an important law-suit, he denounced a notorious
social miscreant in words that fairly flamed

420 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
with eloquent indignation and won a substan
tial verdict. Forty years later, I could not
conceal my admiration for the masterly skill
with which he argued through a State conven
tion a proposition to which I could not agree at
all. The same old fire of speech was there, de
livered in the same old captivating way. ' '
W. D. Jamieson, Congressman-elect from the
eighth district and a political friend and asso
ciate, wrote that he admired General Weaver
"for the temptations he has withstood. At one
time he was taken up into the high mountain
and offered a seat in the United States Senate
from Iowa if he would — not swerve actually —
but by his silence appear to swerve from the
course ahead of him that his conscience had
mapped out .... On every occasion his
character has stood out clear and true — four
square to every wind that blew. I first saw
General Weaver when I was a little fellow ten
years old. My impression of him then was that
he was a mighty smart man, and I thought he
was honest. An added acquaintance of a quar
ter of a century, more or less intimate, has
deepened my child's estimate in both regards.
"His preacher told me one time that he went
to prayer meetings on Thursday evenings, and
that he worked at his Christianity. I believe
this is true, for I have never yet seen a single
act of his that I thought was otherwise than in

RECOGNITION 421
conformity with his conception of the right. I
was called upon, not long ago, to introduce him
at a political meeting, and almost without think
ing of what I was saying I told the audience
that he was the one man who was a factor in
our political life, whom I had introduced up to
that time, of whom I could say that he believed
in the sermon on the mount, and that he took
that sermon into his every day political life".
Mr. N. E. Kendall, Republican Congressman-
elect from Weaver's old district, the sixth, de
scribed him as "one of the most remarkable
men Iowa has ever produced. His career has
been unquiet, because his nature has been un
compromising. He is not inclined to perceive
an abuse without attacking it with all his vigor,
and he is not disposed to observe a reform with
out espousing it with all his ability ....
Upon all problems public or private, upon all
issues social or religious, upon all questions
moral or political, his yea is yea, and his nay is
nay. Throughout all the decades which have
intervened since that memorable day nearly
half a century ago when he enlisted as a soldier
for the Union in the Second Iowa Infantry, he
has been constantly engaged in battle with some
system, or some principle, or some opinion.
He has not always triumphed, and yet he has
been victorious, for this is true: that never
once in all his long and laborious life has his

422 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
sterling integrity been assailed, his stalwart
rectitude questioned, his steadfast fidelity im
peached. In the bitterness of repeated political
campaigns men have challenged the correctness
of his conclusions, but they have never im
pugned the sincerity of his convictions. When
the impartial history of his generation is com
piled he will be awarded adequate cr,edit as a
powerful, aggressive and incorruptible influ
ence for patriotism, for temperance, for re
ligion. He has been
Patient of toil, serene amid alarms.
Inflexible in faith, indomitable in arms.
And he comes to twilight and evening star with
honor, love, obedience, troops of friends, to
accompany his old age."
Brief quotations from other letters in the
same collection simply add emphasis to the
testimony already presented. Henry Wallace
of Wallace's Farmer wrote that he knew "of
no man in the state more deserving of a place
in the hall of fame of the State of Iowa. How
ever honest men may have differed from him in
their conviction or their views of public policy,
all will concede to him honesty of conviction,
sincerity of purpose and a supreme desire to
benefit his fellow men".
Lafayette Young of The Des Moines Capital
expressed his pleasure that General Weaver
was to be given "proper recognition in Iowa's

RECOGNITION 423
Hall of Fame", and referred to him as "the old
hero. . . . We all love him because he is a
patriot and because he is a fine specimen of
western citizenship, virile and active."
State Librarian, Johnson Brigham, declared
that he had never heard General Weaver's
"patriotism and courage questioned, and his
honor impugned. I have read with keen appre
ciation the story of his bravery in battle and
his endurance in camp and on the march, and
have listened to his oratory with admiration,
even when his eloquence was directed against
my party. There is nothing more helpful to
the party in power than the honest criticism of
its opponents. "339

XIX
Final Tributes
General Weaver died at the home of his
daughter, Mrs. H. C. Evans, in Des Moines, on
Tuesday, February 6, 1912, at 1 : 15 in the
afternoon. His death came unexpectedly after
an illness of only a couple days. He had suf
fered an attack of indigestion on the Sunday
morning preceding, which affected the heart
acutely. He seemed to be recovering, when he
experienced a fainting spell about noon on
Tuesday from which he never rallied. From
that time his life ebbed away calmly and peace
fully. He retained consciousness to the last.
His wife and all his children, except one daugh
ter, were with him when he passed away.3**'
The funeral was held on Thursday, February
8th at 2 : 30 P. M. at the First Methodist Church
in Des Moines. From noon until the time fixed
for the services the body lay in state. Behind
the family reservation the pews were filled by
more than one hundred and fifty citizens of
Colfax. At the right members of the Woman's
Christian Temperance Union were seated and
behind them the Yeomen. The nave of the
church was occupied by the friends and ad-
424

FINAL TRIBUTES 425
mirers of the dead statesman. On the left sat a
hundred veterans of the Civil War, including
survivors of General Weaver's own regiment.
The pallbearers were: J. B. Weaver, Jr. and
A. C. Weaver, the two sons; H. C. Evans,
Edward Cohrt, and Charles SuUenberger, the
three sons-in-law; and D. H. Payne, a nephew.
Two songs were sung during the services —
Lead, Kindly Light by a quartette before the
prayer at the beginning, and Does Jesus Care
by Mr. F. V. Evans before the benediction.
Rev. Edward Pruitt of Colfax, pastor of
General Weaver's home church, spoke of the
life of the deceased and of his influence in the
town where he had lived for nearly sixteen
years. He had often thought "how desirable it
would be to be wholly at peace with God", and
had "wondered if it could be true in any life".
The example of "this godly man" had con
vinced him that his ' ' religion was a part of his
life", and that he regarded religion as "a ne
cessity and not a convenience. ' ' He discovered
that he had "a pronounced sense of the needs
of the common people from the religious side",
and constantly "was reading before them the
word of God. No matter what kind of a meet
ing he was in, he found place and time to say a
word for his Master .... and often when
he was speaking to the old soldiers he would
open the book and preach to them .... He

426 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
never asked would the task be difficult? Is it
possible for us to succeed? But he always
asked, is it right? and the price was not too big
to pay if it was right."
The next speaker was the Rev. Orien W.
Fifer of the Grace Methodist Church, Des
Moines. He described General Weaver as
"essentially democratic, at home with the com
mon people, reading their minds and feeling
their heart beats as if gifted with superhuman
skill, and above all one with them in aspiration,
purpose and affection. He was the great com
moner, like product with Abraham Lincoln of
these western prairies .... Illinois gave
Lincoln, the man of incomparable compassion.
Nebraska has given Bryan, the man of un
swerving honesty and consistency. Iowa is no
less proud of Weaver, the dauntless crusader of
unflinching courage ....
' ' He was the tribune of the people. For them
he was voice and heart. From some lofty
height of vision or inspiration he came down to
plead for the men who toiled, the true home-
makers of America. The causes he advocated
were in the interest of that class which has no
great lobbyists, no strong organizations, no
skillful friends at court. If any of the causes
he advocated were not perfect in plan there can
be no doubt that the purpose of every cause was
the uplift of the man who had no influential

FINAL TRIBUTES 427
friends. Reared on soil of Iowa, widened by
the greatness of the times in which he lived,
perfected in compassion by the scenes of the
Civil War, he was drawn near to the heart of
humanity. The greatest tribute one can bring
is this — that out of all his public career, he
made no fortune, gained no store of riches, but
multiplied his friends by the thousands and
died beloved by friend and respected by foe.
* ' But it was as a Christian man that his qual
ity appeared in highest worth. Generous to a
fault, faithful to a degree involving risk of
health in attendance upon the church he loved,
fervent in the devotional habits of a Christian,
stalwart and unfailing in aiding every good
work, naming and honoring his Lord in private
and in public without ostentation or intrusion,
making himself a winner of souls, a teacher for
years of the things of Christ, the fairest flower
of his character was the red rose of spiritual
devotion. For nearly sixty years he was a
member of the church."
Father James Nugent, pastor of the Church
of the Visitation of Des Moines, made the final
address. Speaking extemporaneously as a close
friend of General Weaver for more than thirty
years, he devoted himself to an eulogy of the
man. He had learned to look upon him "as a
man of sterling character", and in "following

428 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
his life work on the platform and the hustings ' ',
he had come "to recognize in him the ring of
the true man. He was an orator of unusual ex
cellence, and one of the best proofs of an orator
is that he says what he means and he means
what is right .... There is, I think, no
man in the country who has ever heard General
Weaver's speeches, could say when he finished,
'I wonder if the General believes that'. We all
knew that he did. . . .
"If any man ever thought that God and one
made a majority, he was that man, and he
fought with that idea in his head. His life is
now a part of his country's records, but it is
useless to dwell here on this solemn occasion
upon his history. He wrote it large himself in
the annals of his country. He was honorable in
the highest degree. He lived a clean life as a
citizen. An intelligent man, always religious
— intensely religious. . . .
"We have learned to respect the man on ac
count of his integrity; and if I were going to
say one thing in special honor and praise of
James B. Weaver, I would say that he was a
conscientious man .... Had it not been
so, he might have been a rich man. He had the
talent and he had the ability, and he had the
world opening before him. Avenues of wealth,
honor and fame spread out around him, but,
like the high priest of the temple, he clung to

PINAL TRIBUTES 429
his ideals and offered a sacrifice no less than
the sacrifice of a noble life. To-day his country
reveres his name, and the highest gift that is
left to his family is the clean, unspotted reputa
tion of a noble soldier and a noble citizen." 3* i
Many telegrams of sympathy were received
by the family from men prominent in public life
who knew General Weaver and were shocked to
hear of his death. Among those who sent mes
sages were Speaker Champ Clark and Charles
W. Bryan, brother of William J. Bryan, who
was in Texas en route to Arizona, and who
could not be reached in time for him to attend
the funeral. Many marks of respect were
shown to General Weaver in Colfax and Des
Moines at the time of the funeral.3^2
Under the caption A Giant Fallen, Bryan's
Commoner declared that the death of General
Weaver removed "one of the giants of the
political forest. He represented all that is
highest in citizenship and noblest in manhood.
For three score years almost he was a warrior,
fighting the battles of the common people. His
strong body, his active mind and his great heart
— all were at the service of his fellows. He
was a pioneer in the reforms which are now
marching on to victory and his last days were
gladdened by the consciousness that he had not
labored in vain. Happy man to have lived to
see the harvest ripening in the field in which he

430 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
toiled so faithfully. He was more than an ex
emplary citizen; he was a man of the purest
and most exalted type. In every relation of life
he played his part with fidelity. He did not
amass wealth, but he left his family what money
cannot buy — a spotless name and a secure
place in the hearts of his countrymen. "3*3
In an editorial upon the death of General
Weaver, The Register and Leader referred to
the Civil War as "the determining factor in his
life. On the battlefield his nature was set. He
became a fighter for the right, and a fighter for
the right he was to his last breath, perhaps not
always seeing the right with unerring vision,
but pursuing it with unabating zeal and sacri
fice. "Coining from the war -with military honors
fairly won, the slave freed, he stepped into civil
life at a time when faith in humanity was
strong, and human rights were uppermost. The
first hint that the money the boys at the front
had taken at a discount was not good enough
for the bondholders stirred him to the core.
His whole subsequent political career was
marked out as he took leadership in the green
back movement. He saw the logic of the situ
ation, and he never wavered. In fifty years he
was never at outs with himself.
"It is probably true that Iowa has produced
no man who was his equal in debate; certainly

FINAL TRIBUTES 43I
in his prime there was not in the United States
his superior. No man ever crossed swords with
him on the stump or in congress and got away
to boast of the encounter. On the contrary, he
often won a signal victory when public senti
ment was plainly against the cause he advo
cated. He owed more than one election to his
powers of presentation and persuasion. He
was witty, bold, and eloquent, always on his
feet. He lost no battles through lack of gen
eralship. . . .
"He lost a republican nomination for gov
ernor because of his too early alignment against
the saloon. The convention was for him, and
his nomination was conceded. But the political
managers, exerting the power of the old days,
decided that it would be unwise to commit the
party to so advanced a position. Had he been
named and elected, Iowa might have been lead
ing an insurgent movement twenty years
earlier. That is one of the 'ifs of history' of
engaging interest.
"Take him all in all, as pioneer, as soldier,
as fighter for the right, as worker in the church,
as enemy of the saloon, as father and friend of
his family, as orator, as leader of movements,
dying without an unclean dollar sticking to his
palm, without an unclean record to suppress,
how shall we estimate his seventy years in
Iowa? His failure to be with the majority, to

432 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
win the honors of place and power, may be the
measure of his failure to properly judge the
needs of his time. And, again, it may mean
merely that he was somewhat ahead of his
time, a skirmisher 'who drove the pickets
Major John F. Lacey, Weaver's political op
ponent in the sixth district in 1888 and 1898,
emphasized the fact that he was criticized "for
his radicalism but lived to see the wildest of his
political principles competed for by opposing
political parties each claiming to have 'seen it
first'. Gen. Weaver had a fine sense of humor
and in the last few years greatly enjoyed the
spectacle of his old political opponents mas
querading in his old clothes .... He had
seen many victories and many defeats, but I
think the victory of his life was when his two
little granddaughters pulled the cords that ex
posed his portrait to the view of the assembled
multitude. "3*s
The Sioux City Tribune described General
Weaver as a man of ' ' prophetic vision. Social,
political and industrial evils which he pointed
out years ago are today acknowledged to exist
by every person familiar with current national
affairs, and to their extermination is being de
voted the best thought and the highest states
manship of the United States.
"When General Weaver began his crusade

FINAL TRIBUTES 433
as 'the first insurgent', he met the usual scorn
and contumely heaped upon men who are in
advance of their time. Interests which his agi
tation threatened, combined with a public as
yet unawakened to the evils which Weaver so
clearly perceived, joined in making him the
most unpopular man in Iowa, and for years he
was the target for ridicule, abuse, contempt and
hatred. "Times have changed and so has the public
attitude toward General Weaver. Men have
come almost universally to recognize that the
evils and dangers which he emphasized and
condemned were and are real It is unneces
sary to agree with all his political views to con
cede that in him were elements of a high order
of greatness, nor need it be admitted that the
remedies he suggested were infallibly wise and
practical. But the fact remains that he fought
his fight according to the best light given him;
that he kept the faith, and lived to see most of
the ideas which were once ridiculed as the
dreams of a crank become the accepted political
doctrines of the people of Iowa and of the coun
try at large .... In his closing years
there must have been consolation for him in the
fact that the old bitterness with which he was
once regarded had passed away, and that he
had come to enjoy the esteem, confidence and
admiration of his fellow citizens of the Hawk-
eye state. "3*<'
29

434 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Congressman N. E. Kendall, who represented
the sixth district from 1909 to 1913, announced
General Weaver's death to the House of Repre
sentatives on February 8th in the customary
way. He spoke of his career as "in many
notable respects .... without parallel in
the political history of the American Republic.
From the day of his youth, when he volunteered
as a private soldier in the Second Iowa Infan
try, to the day of his death at three score and
nine years, he was constantly on the firing line,
advancing some policy which he enthusiastic
ally favored or combating some principle which
he earnestly condemned. He was a natural
polemic, whether in official position or in hon
orable retirement, always amply armed for any
controversy, and challenging conflict with any
adversary he might encounter. He never hesi
tated to espouse a cause unfamiliar or unpop
ular, and he would struggle to the uttermost to
vindicate the beliefs he entertained. While he
did not always achieve victory, he never con
fessed defeat .... many men differed
from the opinions he defended, but all men rec
ognized his sincerity of conviction and his
integrity of purpose. His life is an inspiriiig
illustration of extraordinary ability, of unex
ampled energy, of unblemished character — all
devoted with unfaltering fidelity to the welfare
of his fellow men."3*''

FINAL TRIBUTES 435
Another recognition of Weaver's life and
work came three years after his death when his
old home in Bloomfield was dedicated for public
use by the Davis County Chautauqua Associa
tion as Weaver Park. The purchase of the old
homestead was the completion of a plan con
ceived four or five years earlier to provide
suitable grounds for the association which had
been established in 1905 and had had remark
able success under rather adverse financial con
ditions. The old Weaver homestead had from
the start been looked upon with a great deal of
favor as a site for the purpose, and a year be
fore a few enterprising men of the county had
started a subscription list to raise funds. The
ground was purchased for $4500, and an option
was held by the association upon some adjoin
ing land which would cost about $1400. It was
estimated that to improve the grounds, beautify
them, and build a coliseum, would cost nearly
$9000. The plan was to preserve the house built by
General Weaver, and occupied by him for a
number of years as his home. Part of it would
probably be used by the caretaker, and the rest
would form a kind of community home. The
plan was not confined to the Chautauqua alone,
although it had taken the initiative, but it was
"a movement on behalf of the people of the
county to buy and convert into a park the home

436 JAMBS BAIRD WEAVER
of its most distinguished citizen as a perpetual
memorial to that great statesman, brave sol
dier and true reformer, a man whose relation
to his wife, to his family and neighbors was
pure and in every way ideal". The people of
the county were asked to help in two ways —
by patronizing the Chautauqua liberally, and by
subscribing for the stock of the association
which was sold at $10 a share. About one hun
dred and fifty residents of the county had
already subscribed for from one to twenty-five
shares. The dedication of the Weaver Park occurred
on August 18, 1915, and the program consisted
of introductory and explanatory remarks by
Congressman-elect C. W. Ramseyer, a state
ment concerning the history of the grounds by
James B. Weaver, Jr., and the dedicatory ad
dress by William J. Bryan. Governors Carroll
and Clarke were prevented from coming by
previous engagements. Of the Congressmen
living in the district, all of whom had been in
vited, ex-Congressman F. E. White and N. E.
Kendall sent their regrets, while ex-Congress
man D. W. Hamilton and Congressman Sant
Kirkpatrick were present. The members of the
Weaver family who attended, in addition to
J. B. Weaver, Jr., were Mrs. Susan Evans, Mr.
Evans, and two daughters, Mrs. Ruth Denny
and daughter, Mrs. Esther Cohrt and Mr. Cohrt.

FINAL TRIBUTES 437
Mr. Bryan began his address by commenting
upon the undertaking embodied in Weaver Park
"as a splendid thought and a credit to the one
into whose mind it first came". He felt sure
that, if General Weaver could speak from the
grave, he would be especially gratified with the
plan ' ' to make of his home a civic center ' '. He
then referred to the pleasure with which he had
participated in the presentation of General
Weaver's portrait a few years ago. He also
volunteered to help in the financing of the enter
prise and subscribed for five shares.
"You who loved General Weaver while he
was among you as a citizen may have had more
intimate acquaintance with him, so far as it
pertains to the details of his life, and you have
had more opportunity than I have had to talk
with him and to profit by his conversation, but
none of you were ever nearer to him than I felt
that I was, and I feel sure that none of you ever
felt more benefit from what he said and did
•than I did, and it is a pleasure to me to asso
ciate myself and my family with this movement
that is to commemorate his name and perpetu
ate his memory. His son, who has the distinc
tion to bear his full name has told you some of
the secrets. I will let you into one.
"If I had been elected in 1896 he would have
had a new honor added to those already upon
him. I had not much time to think or plan, but

438 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
I had time enough to decide that, if I became
President, General Weaver would be a member
of my cabinet. In that campaign none was more
devoted to my interests politically than he, and
since then none has been more loyal in his per
sonal relationship or more congenial in his
companionship than he was, up to the day of
his death. I had the honor as well as the pleas
ure of meeting him on many occasions both in
public and private ; at banquets and at his home
table, and the memory — the sweet memory of
that man whose life was large enough to em
brace all the interests of humanity — that sweet
memory will always remain with me. . . .
"I am glad that I am able to be here and to
participate with you to-day in doing honor to
the memory of a really great man, a man who
had a conviction — a man who was in advance
of most of the people of his time in regard to
the things that stood in the way of the people 's
good, the things that must be removed before
the people might walk forward as rapidly as
they ought. I have long regarded General
Weaver as one of the great pioneers of the
later days. I have been given a great deal
more credit than I deserve for work that I have
done. Some of the things that I have been pio
neering, and most of the things that I have been
following, have been things that others have
suggested before I did.'

))

FINAL TRIBUTES 439
Mr. Bryan then gave "a Ust of some of the
things that were advocated by General Weaver
when he ran for President in 1880", and re
marked that he himself was only twenty years
old at the time, and took "a very minor part"
in the campaign. The Ust of measures in
cluded a graduated income tax, postal savings
banks, the initiative and referendum, the pop
ular election of United States Senators, an
eight hour labor law, sanitary conditions in
industrial establishments, the prohibition of
child labor, the establishment of departments of
Agriculture and Labor, the reduction of the
powers of the Speaker and more democratic
rules for the House of Representatives, prohi
bition of speculation in government lands, a
sufficient volume of currency, and the expan
sion of the powers of government. He believed
in making "the government an instrument for
the accomplishment of the peoples ' will and the
peoples' good. . . .
"Now those are some of the things he advo
cated thirty-five years ago, and then as he went
along he kept advocating other things as he
came in view of them. Among the things that
he advocated in that time were woman suffrage
and the submission to a vote of the people of
the questions of the manufacture and sale of
liquor. You will find he had confidence in the
people ; that he trusted them ; that he was will-

440 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
ing to let them decide the questions affecting
them, and, my friends, that is the test of
democracy .... The real test of a demo
crat is his willingness to trust the people. The
more democratic a man is the more completely
does he trust the people, and General Weaver,
no matter by what party name he called himself
. . . . trusted the people. He believed, as
every true democrat must believe, that the peo
ple have the right to have what they want in
government, that the people have the right to
make their o-vvn mistakes, for unless you con
cede to them the right to make their own mis
takes, the more apt they are to make mistakes.
. . . . General Weaver understood this and
therefore he appealed to the people as the
source of power and wanted them to decide the
questions, knowing that when the people decide
the questions they will be determined largely
upon the principles of morality. When a ques
tion is settled on the basis of moral character,
it is settled for good, but not until then. "3*8
The presentation of the portrait in 1909 and
the dedication of Weaver Park in 1915 consti
tute a very remarkable recognition of the life
and work of a man who, as he expressed it, was
usually in the "minor minority". He was for
tunate in that he lived to see the two great
parties adopt a large number of his own meas
ures and enact them into law. He was fortu-

FINAL TRIBUTES 441
nate, too, in the time of his death which
happened to occur when the so-called "progres
sive movement" seemed to be reaching a climax,
and when a majority of the people of the coun
try seemed to have arrived at the position
towards which he had been working for thirty
years. The campaign of 1912, on the eve of
which he died, was the logical result of his own
campaigns of 1880 and 1892, and also of that
of 1896, in which he really shared with Bryan
the honors of leadership through his contribu
tion of his support of 1892 and his part in the
nomination of Bryan by the Populists. The
near approach to success of the "alliance" of
1896 undoubtedly stimulated the progressive
movement in the Republican party, led by La
FoUette and later in the national sphere by
Roosevelt. The pioneer of 1880 lived to see the
300,000 voters of that year conceded to have
been the skirmish line in an advance which had
developed into the great army of progressive
voters of 1912. He himself had driven in
many of the pickets of conservatism, and many
more had been driven in by the fresh forces
which he had rallied and stimulated in his cam
paigns of education, waged throughout the
country almost continuously from 1880 down to
his death in 1912.
His last important public address at a me
morial service in honor of the late Carroll

442 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Wright, shortly after his death in October,
1911, brings out very clearly his fundamental
beliefs and the principles which controlled his
personal and public life. In this address
General Weaver declared that "the most won
derful and fascinating phenomenon in the
whole sphere of human association is person
ality. The thing we cherish most in history is
not so much the record of events as the revela
tion of men and women.
"A country is great, not through its mag
nificent scenery, delightful climate and varied
resources, but because of the men and women
who give it its national character. More than
our traditions, memories, poetry, literature and
art are our personal heroes. In our own pri
vate life, what we value most is not our homes,
lands, commerce, wealth, culture and progress,
but our friends — our loved ones.
"It is the crowning charm of revelation that
God has revealed himself to man in the person
ality of Jesus — a being of real flesh and blood,
a hero of heroes, who could be seen and who
walked, talked, worked, ate, slept and wept. It
is a constant source of thankfulness that he is
not mere cold abstraction or principle, but a
real person whom we can touch with our con
sciousness and embrace with our arms of faith
and love.
"Association reveals personality and ac-

FINAL TRIBUTES 443
quaints us with character, discloses the ideals
which guide our lives and which intensify and
in fact transfigure us and those with whom we
associate. "34'>
General Weaver requested of his children
that if an epitaph should ever be used in his
memory it should consist simply of the words
"He was a friend of the poor". The night
before he died, as his son sat at his bedside
reading to him extracts from famous writers,
he asked that one passage in particular be read
over three times. The passage was as follows :
"I am the man who prays for whoso fares
lonely in the world, the folk that go lost for a
friend's hand or a woman's breast on aching
journeys, and for all who know no lights at
evening, put I up my prayers." Indeed "this
sentiment was really an expression of the domi
nating passion" of his life — "that he might be
of service to the bereft of the world. "35"

NOTES AND REFERENCES

445

NOTES AND REFERENCES
CHAPTEK I
1 The New York World, July 10, 1892, in the Weaver Scrap
Book, p. 21.
2 This account of James Baird Weaver 's early life is taken
largely from an unpublished manuscript entitled Memoranda
with Bespect to the Life of James Baird Weaver which was
prepared by Mr. Weaver himself. It covers the period from
1833 to 1859.
3 The New York World, July 10, 1892, in the Weaver Scrap
Book, p. 21.
^Memoranda with Bespect to the Life of James Baird
Weaver. 5 The Mexican War closed with the conclusion of peace in
February, 1848. Mexico City was occupied in September, 1847.
It is probable that Mr. Weaver refers to the practical end
rather than to the time when peace was actually concluded.
Otherwise his dates are incorrect.
8 The account of the California journey is taken from three
articles by General Weaver, published in The World Beview,
January 18th and 25th and February 1, 1902.
7 The New York World, July 10, 1892, in the Weaver Scrap
Book, p. 21.
8 Memorandum in regard to the Graduation of General
Weaver at Cincinnati College; The New York World, July 10,
1892, in the Weaver Scrap Book, p. 21.
CHAPTER II
9 Memorandum, in regard to the Graduation of General
Weaver at Cincinnati College. 447

448 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
10 Rhodes 's History of the United States, Vol. II, p. 58. See
In Memoriam, published by the Loyal Legion of the United
States, 1912, p. 3.
11 Rhodes 's History of the United States, Vol. II, p. 59;
Salter's The Life of James W. Grimes, pp. 33, 54.
12 Memoranda with Bespect to the Life of James Baird
Weaver. 13 Comment by J. B. Weaver, Jr., upon Memoranda with
Bespect to the Life of James Baird Weaver; the Weaver Scrap
Book, p. 153.
14 Memoranda with Bespect to the Life of James Baird
Weaver. 15 Herriott's The Bepublican State Convention in the Annals
of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. IX, pp. 409, 410, 411.
10 Herriott's Iowa and The First Nomination of Abraham
Lincoln in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. VIII, p. 93.
17 Herriott 's Iowa and The First Nomination of Abraham
Lincoln in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. VIII, p. 217.
18 The New York World, July 10, 1892, in the Weaver Scrap
Book, p. 21.
19 Clipping from a Des Moines paper dated July 13, 1908, in
the Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 152, 153.
In The Cyclopedia of American Government, Vol. I, p. 136,
it is stated that the expression was "used first by Oliver P.
Morton indicating the calling up of the issue of the Civil War
for partisan purposes."
20 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 152.
CHAPTER III
21 Memorandum of James B. Weaver, Jr. ; the Weaver Scrap
Book, p. 31 ; Kirkwood Military Letter Book, No. 1, p. 8.
22 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 31.
23 Boster and Becord of Iowa Soldiers in the War of the
Bebellion, Vol. I, p. 91; IngersoU's Iowa and the Beiellion,
p. 33; Byers 's Iowa in War Times, p. 60.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 449
24 Boster and Becord of Iowa Soldiers in the War of the
Bebellion, Vol. I, p. 92; Byers 's Iowa in War Times, p. 109.
25 IngersoU's Iowa and the Bebellion, p. 35; Byers's Iowa in
War Times, p. 482.
26 IngersoU's Iowa and the Bebellion, p. 36; Byers's Iowa in
War Times, pp. 95, 96.
27Hosmer's The Appeal to Arms, pp. 88-92; Rhodes 's His
tory of the United States, Vol. Ill, pp. 581-593.
28 Boster and Becord of Iowa Soldiers in the War of the
Bebellion, Vol. I, pp. 92-94; IngersoU's Iowa and the Bebel
lion, pp. 38-45; Twombly 's The Second Iowa Infantry at Fort
Donelson (pamphlet) ; statement of James B. Weaver, Jr. ;
Byers's Iowa in War Times, pp. 96-104; Kirkwood Military
Letter Book, No. 4, pp. 105, 106; Clark's Samuel Jordan
Kirkwood, pp. 227-229.
29 In Memoriam, published by the Loyal Legion of the
United States, 1912, p. 2.
30 Letter of James B. Weaver to his wife addressed from
Fort Donelson, February 19, 1862.
31 Twombly 's The Second Iowa Infantry at Fort Donelson,.
pp. 16, 17.
32 Twombly 's The Second Iowa Infantry at Fort Donelson,
p. 10.
33 IngersoU's Iowa and the Bebellion, pp. 45, 46; The War
of the Bebellion: a Compilation of the Official Becords of the
Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Vol. VII, p. 168.
84 Hosmer 's The Appeal to Arms, pp. 96-98 ; Rhodes 'a His
tory of the United States, Vol. Ill, pp. 617-620.
36 IngersoU 's Iowa and the Bebellion, p. 46.
38 Rhodes 's History of the United States, Vol. Ill, pp. 620—
625; Hosmer 's The Appeal to Arms, pp. 99-107.
37 Boster and Becord of Iowa Soldiers in the War of the
Bebellion, Vol. I, pp. 94, 95; IngersoU's Iowa and the Eebel-
30

450 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
lion, p. 46; Byers's Iowa in War Times, pp. 122-145; Rich's
The Battle of Shiloh.
38 Letter of James B. Weaver to his wife addressed from
Pittsburg, Tennessee, April 9, 1862. The account in this letter
does not agree with statements made by Rhodes and Hosmer.
The size of Confederate forces estimated is double the actual
numbers. The report of the victory at Corinth was also un
founded. The city was not occupied by Union troops until
late in May.
39 Hosmer 's The Appeal to Arms, pp. 109, 218-229; Rhodes 's
History of the United States, Vol. IV, pp. 97, 173-180;
Byers's Iowa in War Times, p. 149.
40 Boster and Becord of Iowa Soldiers in the War of the
Bebellion, Vol. I, p. 95; IngersoU's Iowa and the Bebellion, p.
47; Twombly 's The Second Iowa Infantry at Fort Donelson,
p. 19.
41 Statement of James B. Weaver, Jr. ; Boster and Becord of
Iowa Soldiers in the War of the Bebellion, Vol. I, p. 222.
42 Statement of Captain John M. Duffield in the Weaver
Tapers; Kirkwood Military Letter Book, No. 4, pp. 130, 245.
43 Boster and Becord of Iowa Soldiers in the War of the
Jlebellion, Vol. I, pp. 95, 96.
44 Letters of James B. Weaver to his wife from Corinth,
October 6, 1862, and from Rienzi, Mississippi, October 12,
1862. 45 Boster and Becord of Iowa Soldiers in the War of the
Bebellion, Vol. I, p. 96; IngersoU's Iowa and the Bebellion,
^p. 48, 49.
48 IngersoU 's Iowa and the Bebellion, p. 49; Twombly 's
The Second Iowa Infantry at Fort Donelson, p. 19; Byers's
Iowa in War Times, pp. 482, 483.
47 IngersoU's Iowa and the Bebellion, pp. 50, 51; Boster and
Becord of Iowa Soldiers in the War of the Bebellion, Vol. I,
jP. 96; Twombly 's The Second Iowa Infantry, p. 20; Byers's
Iowa in War Times, p. 483.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 451
CHAPTER IV
48 In Memoriam, published by the Loyal Legion of the
United States, 1912, pp. 2, 3; the Weaver Scrap Book, p. 27;
Byers's Iowa in War Times, p. 483.
49 Stuart 's Iowa Colonels and Begiments, p. 76. Praise of
Weaver's bravery by this author is the more noteworthy be
cause he also refers to his "vanity" and "affectation in
delivery". 50 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 44, 113.
51 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 36 (cartoon entitled candi
date Weaver's war record), 43, 76, 99, 113.
52 Letter of General G. M. Dodge to Weaver, dated New
York City, October 14, 1892, in the Weaver Papers; the
Weaver Scrap Book, p. 85.
53 Letter from Theo. Harris, Sr., dated ' ' near FayetteviUe,
Tennessee", July 20, 1892, in the Weaver Scrap Book, p. 50.
54 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 113.
CHAPTER V
55 Moore's Davis County Disturbances in Beport of the Ad
jutant General of the State of Iowa, 1864-1865, pp. 1419-
1428; Byers's Iowa in War Times, pp. 474, 475; Gue's History
of Iowa, Vol. II, pp. 58, 82-94, 112-114.
CHAPTER VI
66 Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, September 2, 1865, January
20, 1866.
ST Charles City Intelligencer, June 22, 1865; The Keosauqua
Weekly Bepublican, June 22, 1865.
68 Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, October 14, 1865.
ss Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, June 30, 1866; The Fair
field Ledger, July 12, 1866; The Keosauqua Weekly Bepub
lican, July 5, 1866.
eolowa Official Begister, 1915-1916, p. 845; Weekly Gate

452 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
City (Keokuk), October 24, 1866; Bloomfield Democrat, March
12, 1874.
»i Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, October 13, 1866; Weekly
Gate City (Keokuk), October 17, 1866.
62 Gue's History of Iowa, Vol. IV, p. 280; Beport of the
Commissioner of Internal Bevenue, 1867, p. xiii; Annual Beport
on the State of the Finances, 1873, pp. 62-64.
63 Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, September 28, 1871.
«* Bloomfield Democrat, November 25, 1875; Burlington
Weekly Hawk-Eye, August 29, 1872.
85 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines) , July 24,
1874. e« The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), July 24,
1874. 67 Bloomfield Democrat, July 23, August 6 and 13, 1874.
88 Clarkson 's The Stampede from General Weaver in the Be
publican Convention of 187S in the Annals of Iowa (Third
Series), Vol. X, No. 8, pp. 564, 565; Letter of John Mahin to
Weaver, October 31, 1911, in the Weaver Papers, refers to
boasts made by his opponents that they had "defeated that
d  d Methodist".
^^ The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), July 2,
1875; Gue's History of Iowa, Vol. Ill, pp. 72, 73; Clark's
The History of Liquor Legislation in Iowa in The Iowa Journal
of History and Politics, Vol. VI, p. 361.
70 Clarkson 's The Stampede from General Weaver in the Be
publican Convention of 187S in the Annals of Iowa (Third
Series), Vol. X, No. 8, pp. 564-568. See Weaver's letter in The
Begister and Leader (Des Moines), October 30, 1911.
71 T^ie Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), July 2,
1875. T^ Bloomfield Democrat, July 15, 1875.
73 Bloomfield Democrat, September 2, 1875.
li Bloomfield Democrat, September 23; 1875.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 453
75 Bloomfield Democrat, October 7, 1875.
76 Bloomfield Democrat, October 14, 1875.
77 Bloomfield Democrat, October 21, 1875. Weaver received
1459 votes to 1596 for Wonn. His vote in his own township
compared with that for Kirkwood was as follows: Kirkwood
364, Weaver 353. His vote in the county compared with Kirk-
wood's was as follows: Kirkwood 1485, Weaver 1459.
78 Bloomfield Democrat, November 4, 1875.
79 Bloomfield Democrat, October 28, 1875.
80 Quoted in the Bloomfield Democrat, November 25, 1875.
81 Bloomfield Democrat, January 13, 1876.
^2 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), July 21,
1876.83 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 112. A reprint in 1898 of a
correspondence originaUy printed in the Bloomfield Bepublican
in 1876.
84 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), September
8, 1876.
85 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 112.
86 The Weekly Iowa State Begister, February 23 and June 29,
1877. 87 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines) , July 20,
1877. 88 A copy of General Weaver 's letter and the reply of Mr.
Gear are preserved among the Weaver papers. A printed copy
of General Weaver's letter is to be found in the Weaver Scrap
Book, p. 135; Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress,
p. 6147; The Begister and Leader (Des Moines), October 30,
191L 89 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), September
28, October 5, 12, 19, 1877; Stiles 's Becollections and Sketches
of Notable Lawyers and Public Men of Early Iowa, pp. 148, 149.
According to The Begister, Weaver ' ' was to have been Senator

454 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
if the Greenbackers had carried the Legislature. The political
trouble with the General now is that he has always been one of
the Was to Have Beens. "
90 Statement of James B. Weaver, Jr.; Stiles 's Becollections
and Sketches of Notable Lawyers and Public Men of Early
Iowa, p. 148.
91 The quotations are from a letter from Judge Robert
Sloan, dated at Keosauqua, June 19, 1918, and addressed to
Benj. F. Shambaugh. Judge Sloan first knew Weaver in 1855
and, in referring to their relations, he describes them as "per
sonal friends for many years, although differing politieaUy in
later years of his life. I valued his friendship very highly.
He had many exceUent and lovable qualities."
CHAPTER VII
92 Daily Press (Iowa City), March 1 and July 2, 1878.
93 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), October 4,
1878. Bi Daily Press (Iowa City), November 12, 1878; The Weekly
Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), October 4 and November
15, 1878.
95 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), August 23
and 30, 1878.
98 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), August 23,
1878, contains Trimble's letter reprinted from the Ottumwa
Democrat. It is dated at Bloomfield, July 15, 1878.
97 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), October 11
and 18, 1878. See the writer's Third Party Movements Since
the Civil War, pp. 165, 166.
98 T^e Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), December
20, 1878, January 10 and 17, 1879.
^» Appleton's Annual Cyclopaedia, 1879, pp. 838, 839. A
letter signed by Weaver for the executive committee of the
national Greenback Labor party was sent to Democratic and
Republican members of the House, giving the names of mem-

NOTES AND REFERENCES 455
bers for whom the independent members of the House of
Representatives were willing to vote for Speaker just before
the opening of the session.
100 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 46th Congress, pp. 3, 5,
397; McLaughlin and Hart's Cyclopedia of American Govern
ment, Vol. I, p. 391.
101 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 46th Congress, pp. 225-
227. Incidentally Weaver referred favorably to a constitutional
amendment giving the President power "to approve a part of
a bill and veto the rest of it. It is a very nice constitutional
question, however, whether he has not that power already. ' '
He also opposed "the concentration of so much power in the
hands of the Committee on Appropriations", and favored its
distribution to various committees.
102 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 25.
103 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 46th Congress, pp. 363,
364. 104 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 46th Congress, p. 1164.
105 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 46th Congress, pp.
1197-1202. i<i8 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 26. This account probably
appeared in the Chicago Sentinel as "special correspondence"
from Washington, dated May 11, 1879. This speech was re
printed during the 1894 campaign of General Weaver for Con
gress in the ninth district. — See the Weaver Scrap Book, p. 93.
Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 46th Congress, Index to
Vol. IX, pp. 6, 8.
107 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 46th Congress, p. 1370.
108 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 46th Congress, p. 1500.
109 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 46th Congress, p. 1530,
110 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 46th Congress, p. 2169.
Ill Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 46th Congress, pp. 638,
1088, 2047.

456 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
CHAPTER VIII
112 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 46th Congress, pp. 22,
59, 170, 171, 473, Appendix, pp. 279-283, Index, p. 945.
113 Weaver's A Call to Action, pp. 57-59; the Weaver Scrap
Book, p. 29.
114 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 46th Congress, p. 1198.
115 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 46th Congress, pp.
1234^1236; the Weaver Scrap Book, p. 29.
116 Weaver's A Call to Action, pp. 60, 61.
117 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 46th Congress, pp.
2139-2142. For another reference to these resolutions see the
Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 46th Congress, p. 1432, and
for speeches on the same resolutions see Appendix, pp. 109-
114 and pp. 117-121 — speeches by E. H. Gillette of Iowa and
Gilbert De La Matyr of Indiana.
118 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 46th Congress, pp. 22,
112, 186, 285, 924, 1392, 1563, 1570, 1673, 2526, Index, p. 818.
119 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 46th Congress, pp.
475, 476.
Weaver was given ten minutes by Buckner of Missouri who
was in charge of the bill for the committee on banking and
currency, and at the expiration of that period four minutes
were added by another member after a motion to give fifteen
minutes had been refused by Buckner who wanted to dispose
of the bill that day.
120 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 46th Congress, Ap
pendix, pp. 185-189.
121 Congressional Becord, 2ud Session, 46th Congress, pp. 724,
725. Weaver favored increasing the limit from $500 to $2000
for allowing transfers from State to Federal courts. — See pp.
¦ 846 and 847 of the Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 46th
Congress. 122 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 46th Congress, pp.
767, 768, 925, 1641, 1686, 2326, 3248, Index, pp. 6-9.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 457
123 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 46th Congress, pp.
3405, 3406. CHAPTER IX
124 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 46th Congress, p. 4227.
126 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines) , March 21,
1879. 126 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), August 1,
September 19, October 10, 1879. See the writer's Third Party
Movements Since the Civil War, pp. 171-174.
127 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), January
16, 1880.
128 T;^e Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), May 21,
1880. 129 Weaver 's A Call to Action, pp. 83-85.
ISO The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines) , May 28,
1880. 131 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), June 18,
1880; The Daily Inter Ocean (Chicago), June 9-11, 1880; the
Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 1-3, 128.
132 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines) , August 6,
1880. 133 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 116; McPherson's A Hand-
Book of Politics for 1880, pp. 196-198 ; The Weekly Iowa State
Begister (Des Moines), July 9, 1880.
134 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 6-8 ; The Weekly Iowa State
Begister (Des Moines), September 3 and 24 and October 22,
1880. 135 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 4, 5 ; The Weekly Iowa State
Begister (Des Moines), October 29, 1880.
136 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 5; The Weekly Iowa State
Begister (Des Moines), October 15, 1880; Iowa State Press
(Iowa City), October 13, 1880.
137 McPherson's A Hand-Book of Politics for 188S, p. 186.

458 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
138 Congressional Becord, 3rd Session, 46th Congress, pp.
308, 309.
139 TTie Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), Novem
ber 19, 1880.
lio The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), Novem
ber 26, 1880. CHAPTER X
141 Congressional Becord, 3rd Session, 46th Congress, p. 2433.
142 Congressional Becord, 3rd Session, 46th Congress, pp. 297-
311. 143 Congressional Becord, 3rd Session, 46th Congress, pp. 328-
335. 144 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines) , December
31, 1880.
145 Congressional Becord, 3rd Session, 46th Congress, pp. 386-
388, 564, 565, 615, 616, 618, 661, 733, 742, 766, 773, 2308,
2324, 2325. Weaver took part in the debate on January 6, 12,
13, 15, 18, 19, and March 1, 1881.
146 Congressional Becord, 3rd Session, 46th Congress, Index,
p. 456. See Bryce's American Commonwealth, Vol. I, p. 97.
147 Congressional Becord, 3rd Session, 46th Congress, Index,
pp. 456, 457.
148 Congressional Becord, 3rd Session, 46th Congress, p. 280.
149 Congressional Becord, 3rd Session, 46th Congress, p. 2181.
160 Congressional Becord, 3rd Session, 46th Congress, p. 2090.
151 Congressional Becord, 3rd Session, 46th Congress, p. 2035.
162 The influence of third parties in an election is always
difficult to estimate. General Hancock always beUeved that
General Weaver's participation in the election cost him the
presidency in 1880. A few years later General Hancock meet
ing him said: "But for you I should just about this time be
vacating the White House". — The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 118.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 459
CHAPTER XI
153 Sioux City Daily Times, September 30, 1881 ; the Weaver
Scrap Book, p. 116.
164 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 8-11, 34, 116.
156 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 128.
166 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), March 31
and October 20, 1882; Iowa State Press (Iowa City), March
29 and August 16, 1882. For comparisons as to votes cast in
1878 and 1882, see The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des
Moines), December 15, 1882, and Iowa State Press (Iowa
City), November 12, 1878.
157 The Begister and Leader (Des Moines), October 30, 1911.
168 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 22, 147.
169 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), May 12,
1882. 160 Fairall's Manual of Iowa Politics, Vol. I, Part IV, p. 79;
The Begister and Leader (Des Moines), September 5, 1915.
161 Fairall's Manual of Iowa Politics, Vol. I, Part IV, pp.
79-90. 162 Jowa Official Begister, 1915-1916, p. 542.
163 Ruggles 's The Greenback Movement in Iowa; Gue 's His
tory of Iowa, Vol. Ill, p. 132; Iowa Official Begister, 1915-
1916, p. 541.
164 McPherson's A Hand-Book of Politics for 1884, pp. 215-
218; Ruggles 's The Greenback Movement in Iowa.
165 Ruggles 's The Greenback Movement in Iowa; Iowa State
Press (Iowa City), July 15, 1885.
186 Iowa Official Begister, 1915-1916, p. 542.
187 Quotation from The Des Moines Leader in the Iowa State
Press (Iowa City), November 11, 1885.
CHAPTER Xli
168 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, pp. 105-

460 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
107, 538; McLaughlin and Hart's Cyclopedia of American
Government, Vol. I, p. 392.
189 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, pp.
4138-4147. 170 Congressional Becord, Ist Session, 49th Congress, pp.
5115, 5116.
171 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, p. 2417.
172 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, pp.
1225-1229. 173 Weaver had offered such an amendment on the preceding
day. — Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, p.
6877. 174 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, pp.
6926, 6927.
175 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, pp.
7986, 7987.
176 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, p. 384.
177 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, p. 584.
178 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, p. 5986.
179 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, pp.
5981-5986, 6090-6092.
180 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, p. 584.
For petitions see Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Con
gress, pp. 1862, 2080, 2573, 3136, 3756, 3860.
181 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, p. 384.
182 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, p. 762.
183 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, pp. 2752,
3514, 4063-4071, 5214-5220.
184 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, pp.
2304^-2318. 185 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, pp. 2510,
2511, 3197, 3198, 4550-4558, 8038.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 461
186 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, p. 5378.
187 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, pp.
6250, 6251, 6290, 6291. General Weaver and B. W. Perkins of
Kansas each accused the other of being the paid attorney of
the interests they defended. Perkins declared in reply to the
charge of Weaver that he had never ' ' taxed ' ' the poor settlers
while "loafing about the Departments at Washington"
Weaver retorted: "I will tell the gentleman what he is: His
voice is the voice of Jacob, but his hand is the hand of Esau. ' '
For another reference to the ' ' Oklahoma boomers ' ' see Con
gressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, p. 2308.
188 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, p. 7172.
189 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, p. 384;
Commons and Andrews's Principles of Labor Legislation, p.
137. 190 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, pp. 2959,
3761; Dewey's National Problems, 188S-1897, pp. 42-44.
191 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, pp. 2965,
2966. 192 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, p. 384.
193 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, Index,
pp. 629, 630. See Weaver's remarks in the debate over relief
for Francis W. Haldeman, pp. 4261, 4262.
194 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, pp. 384,
4490-4492, 4973, 5321-5325.
195 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, Index,
pp. 629, 630.
196 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 49th Congress, pp.
818-822. 197 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 49th Congress, p. 116.
198 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 49th Congress, pp.
192, 225.
199 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 49th Congress, pp.
672, 673.

462 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
200 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 49th Congress, p. 1737.
201 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 49th Congress, pp.
2700, 2701. CHAPTER XIII
202 Iowa Official Begister, 1888, pp. 72-74.
203 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, pp. 6,
280; McLaughlin and Hart's Cyclopedia of American Govern
ment, Vol. I, p. 392.
204 Dewey's National Problems, 1885-1897, pp. 64-73.
205 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, pp.
4258-4261. His list of "trusts" was taken from "standard
authorities". He referred "to an article by Henry D. Lloyd
in the North American Review for June, 1884, and to a recent
work on ' Trusts ' by William W. Cook, of the New York bar. ' '
See also Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, pp.
7358, 7359.
206 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, pp. 4773,
4774, 4783, 5005, 5006.
207 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, pp.
4823, 4824.
208 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, pp.
4972, 4973. Weaver also took part in the debate upon the
Mills Bill, July 11th and 19th. — See Congressional Becord, 1st
Session, 50th Congress, pp. 6144^6147, 6536.
209 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, pp.
5429, 5440, 5932.
210 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, p. 5555.
In March it appears that Weaver interested himself espeeiaUy
in the great coal fields of Pennsylvania, declaring that the
* ' large cities, and in fact the whole country, is at the mercy of
a few coal barons". The words seem almost prophetic in the
year 1917. — See Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Con
gress, pp. 2457, 2458.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 463
211 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, pp.
5591-5594. 212 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, pp.
8508, 8509.
213 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, pp.
8116, 8117, Index, House BiUs, p. 442.
214 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, pp.
6740, 8906.
215 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, Index,
House Bills, p. 384.
210 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, pp.
2323-2325. In May, 1888, Weaver made an illuminating re
mark in regard to political contributions by Federal office
holders. — See Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress,
p. 4678.
217 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, Index,
p. 782.
218 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, pp.
1597-1600. September 17, 1888, he introduced a biU "to pro-
liibit the deposit of public moneys in national banks or other
banks except in certain cases". — See Congressional Becord,
1st Session, 50th Congress, p. 8657.
219 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 50th Congress, pp.
606, 629-632, 650, 651, 676-686, 708, 744-751. A concise
account of the filibuster is given upon pp. 747, 748. There are
several articles about the filibuster in the Weaver Scrap Book,
pp. 22, 25, 140.
220 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 50th Congress, pp.
1338-1358, 1363, 1378-1388, 1400-1402, 1501, 2010, 2287;
McLaughlin and Hart's Cyclopedia of American Government,
Vol. II, p. 577.
^21 Appleton's Annual Cyclopaedia, 1889, pp. 675, 676; Con
gressional Becord, 2nd Session, 50th Congress, Vol. XX, pp.
2367-2369, 2399, 2400, 2414, 2724; United States Statutes at
Large, Vol. XXV, p. 1005; The Begister and Leader (Des
Moines), October 30, 1911.

464 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
Congressman Weaver described the action taken in a "dis
patch" from Washington, dated March 4, 1889, as follows:
' ' The Creek and Seminole cessions are ratified and authority
given to open them to settlement by proclamation of the Presi
dent. We accomplished this on an Indian appropriation bUl.
It was a flank movement on our part and proved successful in
spite of the cattle men who have control of the Senate". —
See Iowa Tribune (Des Moines), March 6, 1889.
222 H. C. Evans in The Yeoman Shield in the Weaver Papers;
McLaughlin and Hart's Cyclopedia of American Government,
Vol. II, p. 577.
223 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 50th Congress, p. 85.
224 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 50th Congress, Ap
pendix, p. 40.
225 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 50th Congress, p. 2084.
226 Dewey's National Problems, 1885-1897, pp. 81, 82.
227 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 50th Congress, pp. 194,
195; Dewey's National Problems, 1885-1897, p. 82.
228 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 50th Congress, p. 2218.
229 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 22.
230 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 115, 140.
CHAPTER XrV
231 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 25; Pammel's Major John F.
Lacey, p. 5.
232 Pammel's Major John F. Lacey, pp. 6, 25, 48, 49.
233 Iowa Official Begister, 1889, p. 195.
234 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 49th Congress, p. 2966.
235 Congressional Becord, 1st Session, 50th Congress, p. 6147.
238 Iowa State Press (Iowa City), June 8 and 15, 1887.
237 See the writer's Third Party Movements Since the Civil
War, pp. 195, 196.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 465
238 Ruggles 's The Greenback Movement in Iowa; see the
writer's Third Party Movements Since the Civil War, pp. 196,
197. 239 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 26; Clark's History of Sena
torial Elections in Iowa, p. 212.
240 Ruggles 's The Greenback Movement in Iowa; Appleton's
Annual Cyclopaedia, 1889, p. 450.
241 Ruggles 's The Greenback Movement in Iowa; Iowa Of
ficial Begister, 1891, pp. 84-87.
242 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 23.
243 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 22.
244 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), March 27,
May 1, 1891.
245 Clinton Weekly Age, May 12, 1891 ; The Weekly Iowa
State Begister (Des Moines), June 5, 1891; Iowa Official Beg
ister, 1892, p. 171.
246 Clinton Weekly Age, May 22, 1891 ; The Weekly Iowa
State Begister (Des Moines), May 29, 1891; letter from L. L.
Polk, May 2, 1891, in the Weaver Papers.
247 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), Novem
ber 20, 1891; Clinton Weekly Age, January 29, 1892; the
Weaver Scrap Book, p. 39.
248 Clinton Weekly Age, February 26, 1892 ; The Weekly
Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), October 15, 1880, March 4,
1892; the Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 32, 38, 100, 101; letter from
L. L. Polk, May 2, 1891, in the Weaver Papers.
CHAPTER XV
240 The Weaver Scrap Book,i p. 39.
250 The Weller Papers in the library of the State Historical
Society of Wisconsin.
251 The Beview of Beviews, Vol. V, pp. 391, 392 ; The Arena,
Vol. V, pp. 427-435.
3]

466 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
262 2';je Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), June 10,
1892. 263 T^e Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), June 17,
1892. ^'^^The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), July 8,
1892 ; the St. Paul Globe, July 2 and 5, 1892, in Personal Scrap
Book in the Donnelly Collection in the library of the Minnesota
Historical Society, Vol. XIII.
256 The New York Times, July 6, 1892, in the Weaver Scrap
Book, p. 89.
256 Clinton Weekly Age, July 8, 1892 ; Brooklyn Eagle, July
5, 1892, in the Weaver Scrap Book, p. 111.
267 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 49.
268 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 88 ; Clinton Weekly Age,
July 12, 1892; The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines),
July 29, 1892.
269 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 50.
260 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 41, 44, 52, 53, 58-70, 84,
87. There is a statement about Mrs. Lease in Weaver's own
handwriting in the Weaver Papers.
261 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 44, 80. James Harvey Davis
was member-at-large from Texas in the Sixty-fourth Congress,
and was defeated for renomination in July, 1916, because the
name ' ' Cyclone ' ' was not allowed on the ballot. — See The
Nation, Vol. CII, p. 435, and The Chicago Tribune, August 13,
1916. ^02 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), Septem
ber 30, 1892.
263 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 19, 43, 59, 95, 97; The
Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), September 30, 1892.
264 Quoted from the Chicago Inter Ocean, September 25,
1892, in The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), Sep
tember 30, 1892.
266 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 14.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 467
266 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 11, 14, 36, 44, 50, 76, 85,
99, 113, 165. See Chapter IV of this volume for a discussion
of this episode in Weaver's mUitary record.
267 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 14.
268 Statement by J. B. Weaver, Jr. ; letter from Albion W.
Tourgee, October 19, 1892, in the Weaver Papers.
269 Weaver 'a A Call to Action, pp. 5-7 ; the Weaver Scrap
Book, p. 65; Iowa Tribune (Des Moines), April 1, 1891.
270 Dodd 's The Social and Economic Background of Woodrow
Wilson in The Journal of Political Economy, Vol. XXV, pp.
261-285. ^Ti Appleton's Annual Cyclopaedia, 1892, pp. 755, 756; Mc
Pherson's A Hand-Book of Polities for 1894, p. 272; McLaugh
lin and Hart's Cyclopedia of American Government, Vol. Ill,
pp. 38, 39; The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines),
August 19, 1892.
272 Letter from A. M. West, September 11, 1892, in the
Weaver Papers.
273 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 41, 103 ; The Weekly Iowa
State Begister (Des Moines), November 18, 1892.
274 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 19 ; Clinton Weekly Age,
November 18, 1892.
275 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 72.
276 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 39.
^TT The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), Decem
ber 2, 1892. CHAPTER XVI
278 Clinton Weekly Age, December 16, 1892.
279 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines) , February
3, 1893.
280 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 73.
281 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 76, 103.

468 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
^2 The Weekly loioa State Begister (Des Moines), March 3,
July 14, and August 4, 1893; Clinton Weekly Age, October 6,
1893. 283 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 111.
284 TTie Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), Septem
ber 8, 1893.
286 Iowa Official Begister, 1894, pp. 106, 107.
286 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), May 4,
11, 1894; Clinton Weekly Age, May 4, 1894.
287 Weaver's The Commonweal Crusade in The Midland
Monthly, Vol. I, pp. 590-594.
288 The phrase "middle-of-the-road" was used to describe
those Populists "who voted for Watson and were in favor of
maintaining their own organization without alliance or fusion
with any other party" McKee in his National Conventions
and Platforms of All Political Parties 1789 to 1900 states that
it is "taken from the adjuration of Milton Park, of Texas,
who led the bolt, to 'Keep in the middle of the road' " at the
Populist convention in St. Louis in 1896. It was used at least
as early as 1892 as is shown by the foUowing campaign verses
printed in the Bocky Mountain News of Denver :
Side tracks are rough, and they're hard to walk.
Keep in the middle of the road;
Though we haven't got time to stop and talk
We keep in the middle of the road.
Turn your backs on the goldbug men.
And yell for silver now and then;
If you want to beat Grover, also Ben,
Just stick to the middle of the road.
Don't answer the call of goldbug tools.
But keep in the middle of the road;
Prove that the West wasn't settled by fools,
And keep in the middle of the road.
They've woven their plots, and woven them ill.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 469
We want a Weaver who's got more skill.
And mostly we want a Silver Bill,
So we'll stay in the middle of the road.
— See McLaughlin and Hart 's Cyclopedia of American Gov
ernment, Vol. II, p. 757; McKee 's The National Conventions
and Platforms of All Political Parties 1789 to 1900, pp. 353,
354; the Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 52, 86 — clippings from
Bocky Mountain News, July 17, 1892.
289 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines) , Septem
ber 7, 1894.
290 In July, 1894, Weaver resigned as editor of The Iowa
Farmers' Tribune, published at Des Moines (with which he
had been connected since its establishment in 1878) because of
his nomination for Congress and his "purpose" to remove to
Council Bluffs. — See The Iowa Farmers' Tribune (Des Moines),
July 25, 1894.
291 Iowa Official Begister, 1895, pp. 186-190.
202 The Daily Iowa State Begister (Des Moines) , August 9,
1894. 293 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 16, 17, 37, 76, 79, 85, 91, 117.
204 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 33, 36 ; Iowa Official Begis
ter, 1895, p. 190; The Beview of Beviews, Vol. X, p. 624;
letters from Samuel Gompers, September 28, 1894, and Eugene
V. Debs, October 23, 1894, in the Weaver Papers.
295 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 36.
296McVey's The Populist Movement in Economic Studies,
Vol. I, p. 197.
207 rfte Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), May 17,
June 7, 14, 1895; Clinton Weekly Age, March 1, 1895.
zssThe Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), June 14
and August 2, 1895.
^ss Clinton Weekly Age, August 9, 1895; The Weekly Iowa
State Begister (Des Moines), August 9, 1895.
300 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 34.

470 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER.
301 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 102, 143.
302 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 27, 30.
303 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 37.
soi The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), April 24,
1896. SOS The Beview of Beviews, Vol. XIV, p. 265; The Weekly
Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), July 24 and 31, 1896;
Clinton Weekly Age, July 21 and 24, 1896.
306 Bryan's The First Battle, pp. 276-279; Bryan's A Story
of the Campaign of 1896 was dedicated to "the Three Pio
neers", R. P. Bland, J. B. Weaver, and H. M. TeUer. In the
Weaver Papers there are letters from Bryan, dated December
5 and 10, 1896, asking for a copy of the nominating speech
and for permission to use Weaver's name in the dedication.
When he returned the speech of which he had made a copy he
added: "For directness, logic, strength & diction it can
hardly be surpassed. I am glad to have it in my book."
SOT The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), August
14, 1896.
308 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 18 ; The Weekly Iowa State
Begister (Des Moines), August 21, 1896.
CHAPTER XVII
309 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 18, 27, 34, 35.
310 The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines) , August
5, 1898 ; the Weaver Scrap Book, p. 31 ; Iowa Official Begister,
1899, p. 232.
311 The Weaver Papers.
312 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 110.
313 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 85.
314 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 112.
315 Letter from J. H. Edmisten, dated January 10, 1900, in
the Weaver Papers. The Weller Papers, in the library of the

NOTES AND REFERENCES 471
state Historical Society of Wisconsin, contain a printed ad
dress to the People's party and independent voters of the
United States, giving an account of the controversies between
the two factions and chiefly devoted to the meeting at Lincoln.
316 Letters from S. B. Crane, dated March 12, 1900, from
Marion Butler, dated April 30, 1900, and from Geo. H. Shibley,
dated May 2, 1900, in the Weaver Papers.
317 McKee 's The National Conventions and Platforms of AU
Political Parties 1789 to 1900, pp. 347-355; McLaughUn and
Hart's Cyclopedia of American Government, Vol. II, pp. 757,
758. 318 Letter from Geo. S. Canfield, May 16, 1900, in the Weaver
Papers. 319 Letter from T. M. Patterson, May 22, 1900, in the Weaver
Papers. 320 Letter from E. H. Gillette, June 28, 1900, in the Weaver
Papers. 321 McKee 's The National Conventions and Platforms of AU
Political Parties 1789 to 1900, pp. 330, 331.
322 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 112.
323 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 104.
S2i The Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), May 6,
1904; letter from W. W. Baldwin, May 6, 1904, in the Weaver
Papers; the Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 38, 139.
326 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 46, 70, 114; letter from
Daniel McComille, chairman of the speakers' bureau of Demo
cratic national committee, October 21, 1904, and letter from
John W. Kern, November 14, 1904, in the Weaver Papers.
326 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 96 ; letters from M. J. Wade,
John B. Clark, Leonard Brown, and A. Q. Wooster in the
Weaver Papers.
327 Letter from John W. Kern, February 20, 1909, in the
Weaver Papers.

472 JAMES BAIRD WEAVER
328 Letter from E. H. Gillette, June 8, 1908, in the Weaver
Papers. 329 The Sioux City Tribune, August 23, 1911.
330 The Salt Lake Tribune, September 10, 1911.
331 Letters from A. Van Wagenen, dated November 2, 6, and
8, 1911, in the Weaver Papers.
332 Letters from W. D. Jamieson, dated December 29, 1911,
January 15 and 19, 1912, in the Weaver Papers.
333 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 154.
CHAPTER XVIII
334 Letter from H. C. Evans, February 23, 1903, in the
Weaver Papers; the Weaver Scrap Book, p. 112.
335 The Weaver Scrap Book, pp. 152, 153.
336 Harlan 's Honors for General Weaver in The Midwestern,
Vol. Ill, pp. 60-62 (March, 1909) ; Journal of the House of
Mepresentatives, 1909, p. 190; The Begister and Leader (Des
Moines), February 14 and 16, 1909; a typewritten report of
the Ceremony of the Historical Department of Iowa on Install
ing a Portrait by Charles A. Gumming, of General James B.
Weaver in the chamber of the House of Representatives,
Capitol, February 15, 1909.
337 The Begister and Leader (Des Moines), February 14 and
16, 1909; the Weaver Scrap Book, p. 154.
338 Pioneer Lawmakers' Association, 1909, pp. 72, 73.
330 Letters of Friends of General James B. Weaver Express
ing Views on his Life and Character and on the Placing of his
Portrait in the Gallery of The Historical Department of Iowa,
February, 1909. CHAPTER XIX
340 The Begister and Leader (Des Moines), February 7, 1912.
841 The Begister and Leader (Des Moines), February 9, 1912;
a typewritten report of the Funeral Services of General James

NOTES AND REFERENCES 473
B. Weaver in the Weaver Papers; Des Moines News, February
7, 1912; Pioneer Lawmakers' Association, 1913, pp. 90-93.
342 The Begister and Leader (Des Moines), February 8, 1912;
Des Moines News, February 7, 1912.
343 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 161.
344 The Begister and Leader (Des Moines), February 8, 1912.
345 The Weaver Scrap Book, p. 161.
346 The Sioux City Tribune, February 7, 1912 ; other news
paper estimates reprinted in the Pioneer Lawmakers' Associ
ation, 1913, pp. 87-90.
347 Congressional Becord, 2nd Session, 62nd Congress, p. 1840.
348 A typewritten report of the Dedication of Weaver Park,
at Bloomfield, Iowa, August 18, 1915, in the Weaver Papers;
The Begister and Leader (Des Moines), July 26 and August 18
and 20, 1915.
349 The Des Moines Capital, February 16, 1912.
350 Statement from James B. Weaver, Jr. The quotation, he
says, is from the Persian poet Hafiz.

INDEX

475

INDEX

Adjournment, Weaver's speech
against, 151-153
Agency City, waving of the "bloody
shirt" at, 24, 25
Agriculture, demand for a depart
ment of, 197, 248, 439
Alabama, Weaver's campaign in,
167; fusion in, favored by
Weaver, 172 ; vote for Weaver
in, 336, 337
Alaska, gold supply from, 154
Albia, 208, 209
Aldrich, Charles, portrait collec
tion begun by, 409, 410
Allen, William V., Bryan support
ed by, 375, 377; mention of,
389
Allis, Edward P., nomination of,
for President, suggested, 160;
vote for, in convention, 161
Allison, William B., Weaver op
posed by, 360; expiration of
term of, 366
American Bi-metallic League,
work of, 348
Anderson, Albert R.. debate over
endorsement of, 297
Apache Indians, reservation of,
234
Appanoose County, 68 ; Weaver's
reply to citizens of, 89
Appropriations, Committee on,
Weaver opposed to power of^
455
Aguinaldo, Emilio, insurrection
under, 386
Arapaho Indians, reservation of,
234
Arena, article by Weaver in, 312
Arizona, speeches of Weaver in,
346, 347
Arkansas, campaign of Weaver in,
167, 322. 323
Arkansas City (Arkansas), 277
Arthur, Chester A., information
received from, 169
Assessor of internal revenue, ap
pointment of Weaver as, 68
Atlanta (Georgia), campaign
against, 49, 50 ; rowdyism at,
324
Baker, James, troops commanded

by, 26, 32, 34, 39; escape of,
37; commission of, as colonel,
45; death of, 48
Baldwin, Caleb, position of, as
postmaster, 9
Baldwin, W. W., letter to Weaver
from, 397, 398; tribute of, to
Weaver, 419, 420
Ballard, S. M., Kirkwood nomi
nated by, 75, 76, 77; telegram
signed by, 91
Ballentine, Mrs., Weaver at home
of, 54, 58
Ballentine, A. X, defense of
Weaver by, 57, 58
Banks, opposition to control of fi
nance by, 133, 141, 142, 154;
Weaver's views upon, 166 (see
also National banks)
Barbed wire, debate over duties
on, 265
Barker, Wharton, nomination of,
for President, 392
Barnett, James H., nomination of,
302, 303
Bayard, Thomas P., leadership of,
176 ; reference to, 187
Bears, hunting of, 12
Beauregard, P. G. T., troops com
manded by, 38 ; retreat of, 43
Beck, James B., 187
Beebe (Arkansas ) , Weaver at,
322, 323
Belknap, 3
Belmont, August, 187
Bentonville (South Carolina), bat
tle at, 50
Big Cedar Creek, crossing of, 9
Bird's Point (Missouri), 28
Blaine^ James G., majority of, in
Iowa, 215
Black Hawk Purchase, boundary
of, 2
Bland, Richard P., discussion by,
183 ; reply of Weaver to insin
uations of, 190; use of silver
urged by, 230; free silver party
favored by, 366; volume dedi
cated to, 470
Bland Act. 223, 224
"Bloody shirt", origin of term, 24,
25. 448
Bloomfield, 3, 5, 162 ; mail route
477

478

INDEX

to, 8 ; law practice of Weaver
at. 16; debate at, 21; trip from,
25 ; company organized at, 26 ;
return of Weaver to, 50 ; fear
of raid at, 60; speech of Weav
er at, 91; Weaver Park eatab-
lislied at, 435, 436, 437, 438,
439, 440
Bloomfield Democrat, nomination
of Sampson denounced by, 72,
73 ; opposition of, to prohibi
tion, 82; Republican convention
criticised by, 84, 85 ; comment
bv, on defeat of Weaver for
State Senator, 85, 86
Boers, 387; sympathy expressed
for, 391
Boies, Horace, election of, 300;
nomination of, as presidential
elector, 381; reference to, 382
Bonaparte, Weaver as clerk at, 13,
14; debate at, 18; mention of,
25
Bonds, proposed issue of, 114,
115; permanence of, 121; inter
est on, 124 ; proposal to cancel,
146 ; discussion over payment
of, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183,
184, 185, 186, 196, 260; me
dium of payment of, 205; bill
relative to purchase of, 272
"Boomers" (see "Oklahoma boom
ers")
Boston (Massachusetts), 201, 202
Bounties, delay in payment of,
153
Bowman, S. Z., inquiry by, 193
Brandt, Isaac, tribute to Weaver
described by, 414, 415
Brigham, Johnson, tribute of, to
Weaver, 423
Brotherhood, Weaver's address on,
413, 414
Browne, Thomas M., inquiry re
quested by, 193
Bryan, Charles W., message of
sympathv from, 429
Bryan, William J., 102, 406;
work of, 211; speech b- 348,
381, 382; nomination of, by
Democrats, 373, 374, 395, 400,
401 ; nomination of, by Popu
lists, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379,
380, 381, 892, 400, 401; sup
port of, urged by Weaver, 384,
385; Towne's nomination ap
proved by, 393, 394; Weaver
accepts leadership of, 396 ;
speech of, at presentation of
Weaver portrait, 412, 413, 414;
tribute to Weaver by, 415, 429,
430; address by, at dedication

of Weaver Park, 436, 437, 438,
439, 440
Buchanan, James, assistance of,
in Iowa, 156
Buckner, A. H., time given to
Weaver by, 456
Buckner, Simon B., 30
Buell, D. C, aid brought to Union
forces by, 38, 39, 41; troops
commanded by, 43
Burlington, 26
Burlington WeeMy Hawk-Eye,
comment in, 66, 67, 68 ; ac
count in, of speech by Weaver,
69 ; defense of Weaver by, 87
Butler, Benjamin F.. nomination
of, for President, suggested,
153, 160 ; vote for, in conven
tion, 161; eulogy of, 198, 199;
nomination of, for President,
215, 216
Butler, Marion, 389, 390, 391
Butte (Montana), Weaver at, 321
Byers, H. W., 411; toast by, 413
Caine, M. J., nomination of, for
Governor, 296 ; presence of, at
National Union Labor conven
tion, 297
Caldwell, Judge, 369
Claldwell, H. Clay, approval of
Weaver's speech by, 19, 20
California, journey of Weaver to,
11, 12, 13, 447; free speech
prohibited in, 147; Weaver's
campaign in, 319, 320- vote
for Weaver in, 338
Call to Action, A, extracts from,
331, 332, 333; comment on, 334
Campbell, Alexander, vote for, in
convention, 161
Campbell, Daniel, choice of, as
delegate to national convention,
159
Campbell, Frank T., Weaver nom
inated for Governor bv, 75 ;
election contested bv, 218
Canfield, George S., letter to
Weaver from, 392, 393
Cannon, Joseph G., 249
Cannon, bill to donate, 272
Capitol, collection of portraits in,
410
Carlisle, John 6., election of, as
Sneaker, 218, 258; reference to,
274
Carpenter, Cyrus C, supplies paid
for bv, 53, 54
Carr, E. M., election of, as dele
gate. 398
Carroll, B. P., 412, 436; toast bv,
413; tribute of, to Weaver, 418
Cases, transfer of, 456

INDEX

479

Cass, Lewis, vote of Iowa for, 17
Cass County (Michigan), Weaver
family in, 2
Cassopolis (Michigan), 2
Cattle men, opposition of, to open
ing of Oklahoma, 279 ; defeat
of, 464
Cattle syndicates, use of public
land by, 236, 237, 238, 241
Cedar Rapids, convention at, 258
"Center, Party of the", 151
Chambers, B. J., nomination of,
for Vice President, 161
Charleston (Missouri), expedition
to, 33
Chase, Solon, assistance of, in
Iowa, 156; vote for, in conven
tion, 161
Chattanooga (Tennessee), 37
Chequest Creek, 3
Cherokee Indians, 234; lands
leased by, 236; lands ceded by,
275
Cheyenne (Wyoming), Weaver at,
321, 322
Cheyenne Indians, reservation of,
234
Chicago (Illinois), meeting of na
tional Greenback convention at,
158, 215; proposal to establish
military site near, 254, 256,
257; reform conference at, 307;
silver meeting at, 348
Chicago Tribune, interview with
Weaver published in, 175, 176
Child labor. Weaver opposed, 439
Chinese, importation of, prohib
ited, 164
Chittenden, Simeon B ., Soldier
Bill opposed by, 142
Cincinnati (Ohio), fort at, 1, 2;
conference at, 306, 307 ; con
vention of Populists at, 391, 392
Cincinnati Inquirer, article in,
329, 330
Cincinnati Law School, attend
ance of Weaver at, 14, 15
Civil War, activities of Weaver
in, 26-65
Clark, Champ, Weaver in favor
of nomination of, 403, 404,
405 ; defeat of, 406 ; message
of sympathy from, 429
Clarke, George W., 436
Clarke, Sidney, settlers represent
ed by, 238
Clarkson, James S., comment by,
on defeat of Weaver in 1875,
77, 78, 79; reference to, 410;
tribute to Weaver by, 417, 418
Cleveland, Grover, election of,
211 ; reference to, 237 : mes
sage of, concerning strike on

railways, 245 ; annual message
of, 259; Oklahoma bill signed
by, 276; settlers removed by
order of, 278; bill to refund
direct tax vetoed by, 285 ; tariff
policy of, 287; Weaver consult
ed by, 289; reelection of, 307;
fear of. election of, 330; oppo
sition to, 384
Clinton Age, comment by, on
Weaver's nomination, 315, 316;
Weaver's election as Senator
predicted by, 345
Coal lands, disposition of, 267;
reservation of, 287
Cohrt, Edward, 425, 436
Cohrt, Mrs. Esther, 408, 436
Cole, C. C, speech of, in honor of
Weaver, 317
Colfax, Weaver elected mayor of,
407; reception to Weaver at,
407, 408, 409
Colorado, Weaver's campaign in,
319; vote of, for Weaver, 335,
336, 337
Columbia (South Carolina), bat
tle at, 50
Comanche Indians, reservation of,
234
Commoner, tribute to Weaver in,
429, 430
Commonwealth Crusade, The, 354,
355
Communists, fear of, 256
Conger, O. D., suggestion by, 193,
195
Congress, election of Weaver to,
101-103, 258; activities of
Weaver in, 107-129, 218-289;
Weaver's leave of absence from,
155 (see also House of Repre
sentatives)
Connecticut, area of, 234; speech
es of Weaver in, 347
Conservation, demand for, 334
Conspiracy and the Be-aetion, The,
221
Constitution of the United States,
resolution to amend, 358
Convict labor, hostility of Weaver
to, 288
Cook, William W., book by, 462
Cooper, Peter, vote for, in 1876,
173
Cooper Institute. Weaver invited
to speak at, 114
Cooper Union, speech of Weaver
at, 167, 347
Copperheads, opposition of, to Civ
il War, 59
Corinth (Mississippi) , 37 ; Con
federates at, 38 ; advance to
ward, 43 ; battle at, 46, 286

480

INDEX

Corporations, opposition of, to
Weaver, 74 ; attitude of Weaver
toward, 148, 149, 150, 15
donations of land to, 164; pub'
lie lands occupied by, 255
claims of, to public lands, 266,
267; protest against, 317
Couch, W. L., raids organized by,
278; speech by, 279; election
of, as mayor, 280
Council Bluffs, railway to, pro
posed, 196, 197 ; Congressional
convention at, 359, 360
Courts, removal of cases from
State to United States, 128
Coxey army, 353
Crandall, Lee, presence of, at a
conference, 168
Crane, S. B., letter to Weaver
from, 390
Crane, Susan Ross, marriage of,
to Henry Weaver, 1
Creek Indians, land ceded bv. 234,
275, 464
Crisp, Charles F., 249
"Cross of Gold", 348
Cullom Bill, 249
Cumming, Charles A., portrait of
Weaver painted by, 411
Cummins, A. B., tribute of, to
Weaver, 418
Currency, opinions of Weaver on,
110-129, 133, 135, 139, 140
141, 143, 144, 162, 163, 166
205, 229, 246, 247, 272, 273,
287; speech of Weaver in re
gard to, 221-227; bill relative
to, 271; need of elastic, 334,
need of sufficient, urged by
Weaver, 439 (see also Finance)
Currier, Amos N., attendance of.
at Chicago convention, 23
Curtis, Samuel R., military opera
tions of, 27, 28; promotion of,
28
Cutts, Marcellus B., debate of,
with Weaver, 95, 96, 97, 98:
election of, to Congress, 207;
death of, 207
Daniels, Edward, presence of, at a
conference, 168
Danvers (Massachusetts), 201
Davenport, reception for Second
Iowa at, 51
Davis, David, attendance of, at
conference, 158, 159
Davis, James Harvey, speech bv.
323; reference to, 389; nick
name of, 466
Davis, Jefferson, 187
Davis County, boundarv of, 3 :
Free Sellers in, 19 ; selection of

Weaver as delegate from, 23 ;
raid in, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63; in
fluence of Weaver in, .66; Re
publican majority in, 67, 68 ;
defeat of Weaver in, for State
Senator, 85, 86, 87
Davis County Chautauqua Asso
ciation, park dedicated by, 435
Dayton (Ohio), 2
De Armand, J. A., toast by, 413
Debs, Eugene V., Weaver sup
ported by, 361
Debt, demand for limitation of,
112, 113; owners of, 120, 121;
desire to make permanent, 121 ;
opposition to refunding of, 133,
273 ; Greenback party opposed
to repudiation of, 138, 139;
interest on, 140 ; bill to refund,
144, 145, 146 ; Weaver's plan
for payment of, 146 ; payment
of, advocated, 163 ; injustice of,
204; payment of, favored by
Weaver, 287
Deemer, H. E., portrait accepted
by, 412
De La Matyr, Gilbert, bill intro
duced by, 116, 117; assistance
of, in Iowa, 156 ; Butler sup
ported by, 158 ; speeches bv, 456
Delaware, area of, 234
Democratic national convention,
394, 395, 397, 398
Democratic party, withdrawal of
Weaver from, 19 ; weakness of,
66; hope for success of, 101;
fusion of, with Greenbackers,
102, 103, 104, 107; strength
of, in Congress, 107, 108, 218,
258; hopes of, 156; charges
that Weaver discriminated
against, 168 ; statement con
cerning, 171; estimate of 175,
176. 186, 187; platform of, in
1880, 188; attitude of, toward
Greenbackers, 199, 200 ; fusion
of, with Greenbackers, 207,
210, 211, 215, 216, 258, 312,
344, 345, 346, 359, 360, 366,
370, 381, 388, 389; debate by
candidate of, 212; increase in
vote of, 214; affiliation of Weav
er with, 295 ; Weaver declines
nomination by, 301, 302; vote
of, in 1892, 335; refusal of, to
fuse with Populists, 335, 336
influence of, in South, 336
337; explanation of defeat of
in 1894, 362, 363; State con
vention of, 367; Weaver be
comes member of, 396, 397
platform of, in 1904, 399
Denny, Mrs. Euth, 408, 436

INDEX

481

Deserters, outrages committed by,
59
Des Moines, convention at, 23, 75,
299, 300, 301, 351, 356, 374;
debate at, 97; Greenback con
ference at, 107; reception to
Weaver at, 316, 317; Kelly's
army in, 353, 354 ; conference
of free silver advocates at, 365
Des Afoines Leader, The, tribute
of, to Weaver, 217 ; letter of
Weaver to, 386, 387
Des Moines River, crossing of, 9,
25
Detroit ( Michigan ) , interview
with Weaver at, 348-351
Detroit Free Press, interview with
Weaver published by, 348-351
Dillaye, Stephen D., vote for, in
convention, 161
Dillon, John P., attendance of, at
Chicago convention, 23
Dingley, Nelson, 249
Direct tax, proposal to refund,
283, 284, 285
Disloyalty, outbreaks of, in Iowa,
59-65
District attorney, election of
Weaver as, 68
Dodd, William, farm of. 3
Dodge, Augustus Caesar, cam
paign of, for Governor, 20, 21
Dodge, Grenville M., troops com
manded by, 49 ; order for sup
plies issued bv, 53, 54, 55, 56;
defense of Weaver by, 55, 56;
refusal of, to run for Governor,
74; reference to, 410
Does Jesus Care, singing of, at
Weaver's funeral, 425
Dogs, fear of, 6
Dolliver, Jonathan P., Weaver op
posed by. 360
Dominion Cattle Company of Can
ada, lands leased bv, 236
Donnell, John A., defeat of, for
Congress. 258
Donnelly, Ignatius, 307; nomina
tion of, for Vice President, 392
Douglas, Stephen A., 187
Dred Scott decision, debate over,
21
Duckworth, John A., capture of
Port Donelson described by, 36,
37
Dii^*ipld. John M., account by, of
Weaver's promotion, 45, 46, 47,
48
Edmisten. J. H,, letter to Weaver
from, 389
Eieht hour labor law. Weaver in
favor of, 439

Elections, debate on use of troops
at, 108, 109; minority report
on, 139, 140, 197
Elections, Committee on. Weaver
appointed member of, 108 ; mi
nority report from, 139, 140,
197
Elizabethtown (New Jersey), 1
Ely's Ford. 2
England, demonetization of silver
in, 120
English, participation of, in elec
tion, 291
English sparrows, incident con
cerning, 292
Entailed estates, prohibition of,
148
Equal suffrage, demand for, 352
(see also Woman suffrage)
Evans, F. V.. song by, 425
Evans, H. C, letter to Weaver
from, 407; death of Weaver at
home of, 424; reference to, 425,
436
Evans, Mrs. Susan, 408. 436
Ewing, Thomas, 137, 187, 188
Expenditures in the Treasure De
partment, Committee on. Weav
er appointed to, 108
Fairfield. W. B,, 74; nomination
of. for Governor, 75, 76
Fairfield, mail route to, 8; post
master at. 9
Faneuil Hall, speech of Weaver
in, 167
Farmers' Alliance, delegates from,
300: candidate of, 305 (see also
Southern Alliance and South
ern Farmers' Alliance)
Farmers* Tribune, letter in. 371
Farming, nnnrofitableness of. 305
Farms, increase in size of, 243,
244
Federal Reserve Act, currencv con
trolled bv. 154; need of. 334
Field. James G.. nomination of,
for Vice 'President, 314; refer
ence to, 323
Fifer. Orien W., tribute to Weaver
bv. 426. 427
Fiftieth Congress, activities of
Weaver in. 258-289
Fiftv-second Tndinna Infantry, as
sault by, 31, 35
Filibuster, nart of Weaver in, 273,
274. 275. 463
Finance, opinions of Weaver on,
110-139. 133. 135. 138, 164.
165. 166 '>*^9. 246. 247. "87:
interest of Weaver in nnestions
of. 140. 14^. 144: ¦W'envp^'s
speech on. 221-227; bills reln-

32

482

INDEX

tive to, 271 (see also Currency
and Debt)
Fisher, H. G., debate by, 116, 117
Florida, Weaver's campaign in,
326
Floyd, John B., 30
Port Donelson (Tennessee), cap
ture of, 29-37; mention of, 61,
142
Fort Henry (Tennessee), capture
of, 29
Fort Jefferson (Kentucky), 28
Fort Worth (Texas), attack on
abolitionist at, 24
Forty-sixth Congress, Weaver's
record in, 107-154, 179-200
Forty-ninth Congress, activities of
Weaver in, 218-257
Fourteenth Iowa Infantry, assault
by, 31, 35; reference to, 39, 40,
42
Fractional paper currency, pro
posal to redeem, 114, 115, 146;
bill to provide for issuing of,
128; demand for, 229
France, per capita money of, 143
Frederick, B. T., nomination of,
suggested, 296
Free Soil party. Weaver's affilia
tion with, 18, 19
Free trade, 291
Fremont, John C., vote of Iowa
for, 17
Fremont County, outrages in, 59
French Revolution, comparison of
the United States with France
at the time of, 341
Fresno (California), Weaver at,
320
Fugitive Slave Law, debate of
Kirkwood and Dodge over, 21,
22
Funding Act, history of, 176, 179,
180, 181, 182, 184, 185, 196,
197
Funding Bill, opposition of Weav
er to, 152
Funston, E. H., debate of Weaver
with, 265
Fusion, 102, 103, 104, 107, 172,
207, 210, 211, 215, 216, 217,
258, 312, 335, 336, 344, 345,
346, 359, 360, 366, 370, 381,
384, 385, 388, 389
Game, abundance of, 4
Garfield, James A., vote for, as
Speaker, 108; speech of, 115;
reference to, 124, 136, 137;
comment by, on Weaver's reso
lutions, 137, 188
Garst, Warren, toast by, 413 ;
tribute of, to Weaver, 418

Gear, John H., 74, 88 ; nomina
tion of, for Governor, 75, 91,
92; Weaver defeated by, 88;
Weaver , withdraws support
from, 93 ; second election of, as
Governor, 156
General Assembly, committee sent
to battlefield by, 33
Georgia, campaign of Weaver in,
167; direct tax paid by, 284;
Weaver's campaign in, aban
doned, 324; vote for Weaver
in, 336, 338
Germany, funded debt owned in,
120; reference to, 164; possi
bility of canal construction bv,
282
Gettysburg (Pennsylvania), battle
of, 142
Giant Fallen, A, 429
Giles County (Tennessee), 55
Gillette, E. H., election of, to Con
gress, 103, 106 ; criticism of,
106 ; attendance of, at confer
ence, 158, 159 ; choice of, as
delegate to national convention,
159; Weaver nominated by,
160; letter to, 170, 171; defeat
of, for Congress, 206 ; attend
ance of, at convention, 215 ;
fusion with Democrats favored
by, 296; third party led by,
297; advice of Weaver asked
by, 394, 395; Weaver advised
by, 401, 402; speeches bv 456
Gillette, Mrs. E. H., statement by,
171
Gold, effect of silver urton circu
lation of, 116; deficiency of,
118, 119, 154; relative value
of silver and, 128
Golden wedding, celebration of,
407, 408, 409
Goldsboro (North Carolina), Sec
ond Iowa at, 51
Gompers, Samuel, Weaver sup
ported by, 361
Good Hope, Cape of, 281
Governor, Weaver's candidacy for
office of, 74
Grand Army of the Republic, res
olutions on Philippine policy
adopted bv, 388
Granges, delegates from, 300
Grant, Ulysses S., capture of Fort
Donelson by, 29-37; opinion of,
37; troops commanded bv, 38,
43 ; campaign of, against Vicks
burg, 49
Gray, Captain, 60
Greeley, Horace, 132
Green River, fear of Indians neai;,
11, 12

INDEX

483

Greenback Labor party, message
of committee from, 161, 162 ;
land resolution adopted by, 164;
vote of, 173, 174; address to,
177, 178 ; attitude of, toward
Democrats, 210; Weaver a rep
resentative of, 454
Greenback party, nomination of,
refused by Weaver, 91; Weaver
becomes member of, 95 ; fusion
of, with Democrats, 102, 103,
104, 107, 210, 211, 215, 216,
258 ; strength of, in Congress,
107, 108; importance of, 112;
opposition to, in Congress. 121,
122, 127; political conditions
favorable to, 155, 156 ; national
convention of, 155, 159, 160,
215; State convention of, 157;
conference of members of, 157,
158, 159, 174, 175, 176, 177;
nomination of Weaver by, for
President, 160, 161, 162;
charges against, 167, 168 ; esti
mate of, 175, 176, 177, 178,
185; principles of, 188, 202,
203, 204, 205; loss of power
of, 199, 214; Weaver leader of,
248, 249; disappearance of,
293, 294; vote of, in 1887,
296; delegates from, 300
Greenbacks, demand for substitu
tion of, for national bank notes,
112, 146, 205; circulation of,
115, 116, 121; basis of, 126,
127, 230, 231; discrimination
against, 140, 141, 222, 223;
hoarding of, 143, 144 ; Weav
er's endorsement of, 166 ; bonds
to be paid in, 186 ; retirement
of, prohibited, 252 ; recommen
dation of, 308
Greene County (Illinois), petition
from soldiers in, 132
Gresham, Walter Q., 311, 312;
suggestion of, for President,
313; tribute to, 319
Grimes, James W., election of, 17;
effect of election of, 20; speech
by, 24, 25
Guatemala, minister to, 68
Gue, Benjamin P., nomination of,
as Lieutenant Governor, 67
Guthrie (Oklahoma), land office
at, 276; settlement of, 277
Hafiz, quotation from, 473
Haldeman, Francis W., 461
Halleck, H. W., tribute to Second
Iowa by, 32; delay of, 37;
army commanded by, 43 ; pro
motion of, 43
Halstead, Murat, suggestion of.

that Weaver withdraw, 329,
330
Hamilton, Mr., 73
Hamilton, D. W., 436
Hancock, W. S., defeat of, 458
Hannibal (Missouri), troops in
charge of railroads at, 27, 28
Harding, William L., toast by,
413
Harlan, Edgar R., 411
Harlan, James, 73 ; support of,
by Weaver, 88
Harmon, Judson, 403
Harper, Jesse, assistance of, in
Iowa, 156
Harper's Weehly, caricature of
Weaver in, 134
Harrison, Benjamin, election of,
259; reference to, 290, 293
Hayes, Mr., Gresham supported
by, 313
Hayes, Rutherford B., 14; dis
satisfaction with administration
of, 101, 156; refunding bill ve
toed by, 179, 196; vote of
Weaver for, 187; proclamation
of, relative to Oklahoma settle
ments, 278
Hearst, William R., Iowa delega
tion instructed to vote for, 397
Hedrick, Mr., 73
Helena (Montana), Weaver at,
321
Hendershott, H. B., oath admin
istered by, 16
Henderson, David B., 81
Hendricks, Thomas A., 187, 188
Henry County Free Press, defense
of Weaver by, 87, 88
Hepburn, W. P., refusal of Weav
er to debate with, 213, 214;
reference to, 298
Hewitt, Abram S., 249
Hill, David B., vote for, in con
vention, 395
Hoggatt, L. Q., fusion with Dem
ocrats favored by, 296
Homestead (Pennsylvania), strike
at, 319
Hotchkiss, L. D., Weaver's prin
ciples opposed by, 84
House of Representatives (United
States), Weaver's leave of ab
sence from, 155 ; activities of
Weaver in, 101-154, 179-200;
apologies to, 194, 195
Howard, Noel B., response by, 51
Howell, -Tames B., attendance of,
at Chicago convention, 23
Hughes, Prank, letter of Weaver
to, 172, 173
Hull, John A. T., motion by, 76;
Weaver opposed by, 84

484

INDEX

Human Life versus Gold, speech
entitled, 133
Humboldt Mountains, hunting in,
12
Idaho, vote of, for Weaver, 335,
336
Illinois, Greenback vote in, 173,
175; mortgaged farms in, 271
Imlay, Joseph, army service of, 2
Imlay, Susan, marriage of, 2
Immigration, Weaver in favor of,
164
Imperialism, opposition of Weav
er to, 386, 391
Income tax, levy of, proposed,
146; debate upon, 253, 254;
Weaver in favor of, 287, 439;
demand for, 361
Independents, hope of, for suc
cess, 101; number of, in Fif
tieth Congress, 258
Indian Territory, 232 ; settlers
ordered to leave, 238
Indiana, campaign of Weaver in,
167; Greenback vote in, .173,
175 ; area of, 235 ; mortgaged
farms in, 271
Indianapolis (Indiana), meeting
at, 307
Indians, description of, 4, 5 ;
suggestion as to treaiiment of,
226; policy toward, 232-240;
reservations for, 226, 235, 236:
allotment of lands to, 253, 287
Industrial classes, demand of, for
justice. 111
Industry, The Threefold Conten
tion of, 312
Ingham, Harvey, tribute to Weav
er by, 416, 417
Initiative, demand for, 357;
Weaver in favor of, 439
Interstate commerce, regulation
of, recommended, 163; petition
concerning, 197; need of regu
lation of, 246, 247
Interstate Commerce Act, passage
of, 249, 250, 251, 252
Iowa, disorder in, during Civil
War, 59-65; Greenback vote in,
173; area of, 234; mortgaged
farms in, 271; failure of fu
sion in, 335, 336
Iowa Farmers' Tribune, The, res
ignation of Weaver as editor
of, 469
Iowa State Press, criticism of
Weaver by, 172
Iowa State Register, The, com
ment by, on Sampson's nomina
tion, 71, 72 ; letter from Weav
er to, 92 ; comment of, on

Weaver's election to Congress,
105, 106 ; editorial comment on
Weaver by, 156; comment of,
on Weaver's land policy, 164;
defense of Weaver by, 173;
comment by, on Weaver's ad
dress, 177, 178; comment by,
on Weaver's altercation in Con
gress, 195, 196; Weaver sug
gested by, for Senator, 297,
298; symposium published in,
343 ; convention described by,
351
Ironton (Missouri), 28
Irrepressible Conflict, The. — The
People vs. Privileged Classes,
144
Irrigation, provision for, favored
by Weaver, 268, 287
luka (Alabama), fight at, 44
Jackson, Prank 0., attitude of,
toward Kelly's army, 354
Jackson (Missouri), 28
Jamieson, W. D., correspondence
of, with Weaver, 404, 405;
meeting presided over by, 413 ;
tribute to Weaver from, 420,
421
Jefferson, Thomas, 184
Johnson, Colonel, 46
Johnson, Andrew, 68
Johnston, Albert S., troops com
manded by, 38
Jones, George O., presence of,
at conference, 168; charges
against, 168, 169, 170
Jones, James K., 276
Jones, John P., 168
Kansas, Greenback vote in, 173;
speaking tour of. Weaver in,
204, 205; attitude of people
of, toward protection, 265;
mortgaged farms in, 271: emi
gration to Indian Territory
from, 278; vote of, for Weav
er, 335, 336, 337; Weaver's
educational campaign in, 349
Kansas City (Missouri), Demo
cratic convention at, 394, 395
Kansas-Nebraska Act, eiiect of,
16, 17
Kansas-Nebraska Bill, vote of
Iowa delegation on, 17; debate
on, 18
Kasson, John A., election of, to
Congress, 206
Kelly's armv, march of, through
Iowa, 353, 354
Kendall, N. E., tribute of, to
Weaver. 421, 422, 434; refer
ence to, 436

INDEX

485

Kentucky, Greenback vote in,
173; debate upon income tax
paid by warden of penitentiary
of, 253, 254; direct tax paid
by, 284
Kenworthy, W. S., attendance of,
at convention, 215
Keokuk, rendezvous of troops at,
27
Keokuk County, violence in, 59
Keosauqua, arrival of Weaver
family at, 2 ; speech of Weaver
at, 19, 20 ; mention of, 25 ;
company transported to, 27
Kern, John W., Weaver associ
ated with, 401
Ketchum, Mrs. Laura, 408
Kinne, L. G., 213
Kiowa Indians, reservation of,
234
Kirkpatrick, Sant, 436
Kirkwood, Samuel J., campaign
of, for Governor, 20, 21; elec
tion of, as Governor, 22, 75 ;
attendance of, at Chicago con
vention, 23 ; company offered
to, 26; license favored by, 82;
Weaver defeated by, 88 ; vote
for, 453
Knights of Labor, delegates from,
300; political activities of, 341
Knights of the Golden Circle, out
rages committed by, 59
Kyle, James H., nomination of,
313, 314
Labor, demand for justice to. 111
Labor, Department of, bill to es
tablish, 244 ; proposed changes
in, 270, 271; establishment of,
favored by Weaver, 288, 439
Labor organizations, fear of, 256
Labor representatives, number of,
in Fiftieth Congress, 258
Lacey, John P., Weaver defeated
by, 290, 291, 292, 293, 385;
tribute of, to Weaver, 412, 432
La FoUette, Robert M„ 249, 397,
403
La Grange (Tennessee), Second
Iowa at, 49
Land, opposition of Weaver to
proposed donation of, 254, 255;
debate over disposition of, 266,
267, 268
Land Claims, Committee on Pri
vate, Weaver on, 259
Larrabee, William, election of, as
Governor, 216
Lauman, J. G., brigade command
ed by, 31
Law, study of, 10, 14, 15
Lawrence (Massachusetts), 201

Lawyer, Weaver's ability as, 99,
100
Lead, Kindly Light, singing of, at
Weaver's funeral, 425
Lease, Mrs. Mary E., nomination
of Weaver seconded by, 313;
campaign speeches of, 319, 320,
321, 322, 324, 327, 328
Legal-tender, greenbacks as, 141,
144
Legal-tender notes, inquiry as to
issue of, 252
Lieutenant Governor, Weaver a
candidate for, 67
Lincoln, Abraham, nomination of,
24; issue of greenbacks ap
proved by, 141; reference to,
426
Lincoln (Nebraska), call for meet
ing at, 389, 390
Liquor, opposition of Weaver to,
52 ; introduction of, into In
dian Territory, prohibited, 377
Liquor party, opposition of, to
Weaver, 74 (see also Saloon)
Liverpool, 281
Lloyd, Henry D., article by, 462
Lodge Bill, 302
Logan, John A., Weaver Soldier
Bill opposed by, 142
Los Angeles (California), Weaver
at, 319, 320
Loughridge, Mr., 88
Louis XVI, 350
Louisiana, fusion in, 335
Louisville ( Kentucky) , Second
Iowa mustered out at, 51
Love, James M., oath adminis
tered by, 16
Lucas, John A., store of, 5
Lum, Dyer D,, charges made by,
168, 169, 170
Lumber, free trade in, favored by
Weaver, 263, 264, 265; bill to
repeal duty on, 272
Lynch's Creek (South Carolina),
battle at, 50
Lynn (Massachusetts), 201
McAchran, S. G., law office of, 10
McClernand, John A., defeat of
troops under, 31
McCrary, George W., debate of
Weaver with, 18 ; campaign of,
19 ; vote for, 67; mention of,
70, 88
McDowell College, robbery of, 29
McFarland, W. M., election dis
cussed by, 343
McKinley, William, 249, 394; de
bate by, 272; Weaver opposed
by, 360; Weaver's opinion of,
384: criticism of, 386

486

INDEX

McKinley Bill, passage of, 302
McKinney, Mr., attack on, 24
McLane, E. M., penalty proposed
by, 193, 195
McMahon, John A., speech of, 115
Macon (Georgia), rowdyism at,
324
Mahaska County, illegal voting in,
218, 219
Mahin, John, 452
Mail, carrying of, by Weaver, 8-10
Maine, election of Greenbackers
in, 106; campaign of Weaver
in, 157, 167; fusion in, 172,
210; area of, 234; speeches of
Weaver in, 347
Manning, Edward, Weaver em
ployed by, 13, 14; reference to,
18
Mansur, C. H., defense of "boom
ers" by, 279
Marblehead (Massachusetts), 201
Marshalltown, Union Labor con
vention at, 295, 296; third
party convention at, 297; Dem
ocratic convention at, 367
Martin, John, election of, as Sen
ator, 346
Massachusetts, Weaver's speaking
tour in, 201-204, 347; area of,
234
Memorial Historical and Art
Building, portrait gallery in,
410
Memphis (Tennessee), 37; Con
federate forces at, 44
Methodist Church, Weaver a mem
ber of, 52 ; opposition to candi
dates belonging to, 73, 452; fu
neral of Weaver in, 424
Mexican War, close of, 447
Michigan, Greenback vote in, 173,
175
Middle-of-the-Road Populists, 367,
388, 389, 390, 391; convention
of, 391, 392; origin of name
of, 468, 469
Midland Monthly, The, article bv
Weaver published in, 354, 355
Militant Clergymen, paper by, 386
Military site, land for, 254, 255,
256, 257
Miller, Miltiades, 25
Miller, Robert, school taught by, 5
Mills, Noah W. wounding of, 46,
48; death of, 48
Mills, Roger Q., activities of, on
funding bill, 181, 182; refer
ence to, 249, 272, 274
Mills Bill, history of, 259, 260,
261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 291,
297, 462
Milton, raiders at, 62

Mineral lands, disposition of, 267
Minge, Captain, 60
Minnesota, fusion in, 335; vote
for Weaver in, 338
Mississippi, Weaver's campaign in,
326
Missouri, Greenback vote in, 173 ;
mortgaged farms in, 271; emi
gration to Indian Territory
from, 278; direct tax paid by,
284; Weaver's campaign in,
322, 349; vote for Weaver in,
338
Missouri Compromise, effect of re
peal of, 16
Missouri River, arrival of Phelps
party at, 11
Mitchel, O. M., report of capture
of Corinth by, 42
Mitchell, A. F., organization un
der supervision of, 290, 291
Money, kinds of, 110-129, 133,
205 ; amount of, in circulation,
143
Monopolies, 163, 164, 223, 226
(see also Trusts)
Monroe County, 68
Montana, Weaver's campaign in,
321
Moon, facetious bill for railway
to, 116, 117
Moore, Mr., 91
Moore, M. H., choice of, as dele
gate to national convention, 159
Moore, Samuel A., wounds of, 42,
52 ; militia under command of,
60
Moore, W. S., speech by, 409
Moore's Opera House, convention
in, 75
Morrison, William R., 249
Mortgages, number of, on farms,
271
Morton, Oliver P., 448
Municipal suffrage, recommenda
tion of, for women, 308
Murch, Thomas H., 106; assist
ance of, in Iowa, 156 ; election
of, as chairman of conference,
158 ; presence of, at conference,
168 ; dissatisfaction of, with
Weaver's attitude toward Dem
ocrats, 172
Nast, Thomas, cartoon by, 134,
135, 136
National bank notes, greenbacks
to be substituted for, 112, 146,
205; resolution to retire, 229
National banks, opposition of
Weaver to, 121, 222, 272, 273,
463 ; reserves of, 140 ; opposi-

INDEX

487

tion to control of currency by,
162, 163 (see also Banks)
National debt, bill for refunding
of, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183,
184, 185, 186 (see also Debt)
National Greenback convention,
meeting of, 155, 159, 160;
nomination of Weaver by, 160,
161, 162
National Greenback Labor confer
ence, meeting of, 157, 158
National Greenback Labor voters,
address to, 177, 178
National party, 151; reception to
Weaver by, 201, 202
Nationalists, number of, in Con
gress, 218
Nebraska, mortgaged farms in,
271; vote for Weaver in, 337
Nelson, William, troops command
ed by, 40
Nevada, Weaver's campaign in,
319; vote of, for Weaver, 335,
336
New England, Weaver in, 342
New Hampshire, area of, 234;
speeches of Weaver in, 347
New Jersey, area of, 234; speech
es of Weaver in, 347
New Purchase, opening of, to set
tlements, 3
New York, Greenback vote in,
173; railway proposed from, to
Council Bluffs, 196, 197; mort
gaged farms in, 2'i'l; speeches
of Weaver in, 347, 349
New York Cattle Company, lands
leased by, 236
JVew York Tribune, influence of,
18; charges against Weaver in,
132
Newburyport (Massachusetts), 201
Newton, campaign incident at,
291, 292
Nicaragua Canal, support of, by
Weaver, 281, 282, 288
No Man's Land, extension of
United States laws to, 269
Nobility, titles of, prohibited, 148
North Carolina, direct tax paid
by, 284; Weaver's campaign in,
326; vote for Weaver in, 336,
338; Weaver's educational cam
paign in, 349
North Dakota, vote of, for Weav
er, 335
Northern Alliance, 305
Norton, S. F., 161
Nourse, C. C, speech by, 81
Nugent, J. P., 411; portrait of
Weaver presented by, 412 ; trib
ute to Weaver by, 415, 427,
428, 429

Oakland (California), Weaver at,
320
Office-holders, political contribu
tions by, 463
Ogeechee River, crossing of, 50
Ohio, Greenback vote in, 1'75
Oklahoma, demand for opening of,
to settlement, 232 ; debate over
organization of, 232-240; bills
for organization of, 254, 269,
270, 273, 274, 275; opening of,
to settlement, 275, 276, 277,
278, 279, 280, 287, 401; local
government in, 279, 280; or
ganization of 'Territory of, 280,
281
Oklahoma Bill, passage of, in
House, 273, 274, 275
"Oklahoma boomers", defense of,
by Weavei-, 241, 242; activities
of, 278, 279; reference to, 461
Oleomargarine, tax on, 248
Omaha (Nebraska), Populist con
vention at, 313, 314, 315
Omaha W orld-B erald, letter of
Weaver to, 396
Oostanaula River, crossing of, 49
Oregon, campaign of Weaver in,
312, 320, 374; vote of, for
Weaver, 335, 338
Oskaloosa, debate between Cutts
and Weaver at, 95 ; bill for
building at, 271
Ottumwa, convention at, 71; bill
for building at, 271; Democrat
ic State convention at, 381
Oxen, use of, on trip to Califor
nia, 11
Page, employment of additional,
proposed, 140
Palmer, P. W., attendance of, at
Chicago convention, 23
Panama Canal, 282
Panama Railroad, operation of, 13
Paper money, exchange of, for sil
ver, 115, 116; bill to provide
for, 128
Park, Milton, phrase used by, 468
Parker, Alton B., nomination of,
for President, 398, 399; follow
ers of, disliked by Weaver, 399
Parsons, J. M., election of, as del
egate, 398
Patent laws, bill to amend, 272
Patents, Committee on. Weaver
chairman of, 258
Patterson, Thomas M., 389; let
ter to Weaver from, 393, 394
Pay, delay of soldiers', 153
Payne, D. H., 425
Payne, David L., arrest of, 278
Pea Ridge (Arkansas), 61

488

INDEX

Peffer, William, 307, 310
Pennoyer, Sylvester, change of, to
Populist party, 312
Pennsylvania, Greenback vote m,
173; mortgaged farms in, 271;
interest of Weaver in coal fields
of, 462 ^
Pensacola (Florida), Weaver and
Field at, 323 . .
Pension Bureau, appropriations
for, 114 ^„„
Pensions, bills for, 127, 128, 139,
196 248, 271, 272; attacks on,
351, 352
People's Independent party, 389
People's party, letter of Weaver
to, 324; failure of, to secure
order, 325; labor in sympathy
with, 361
People's party of the State of
Iowa, organization of, 306
People's party of the United
States of America, organization
of, 306, 307
Perkins, B. W., dispute of, with
Weaver, 461
Petersburg (Virginia), Second
Iowa at, 51
Petitions, refusal of Congress to
receive, 152; presentation of,
197
Phelps, C. W., trip of, to Cali
fornia, 10, 11, 12; return of,
to Iowa, 13
Philippine Islands, conquest of,
opposed by Weaver, 386, 387,
388
Phillips, Wendell, meeting of
Weaver and, ,203
Pierce, Franklin, vote of Iowa for,
17
Pierson, Captain, boat commanded
by, 13
Pillow, Gideon J., 30; attack by,
31
Pilot Knob (Missouri), 28
Pinkerton agency, 319
Pioneer La-wmakers' Association,
reunion of, 414, 415
Pittsburg, 25
Pittsburg Landing (Tennessee),
attack on Union troops at, 38,
39 ; Union army at, 43, 44
Plaisted, H. M., letter of Weaver
to, 209, 210
Polk, L. L., 310, 311, 312
Polk County Democracy, gift of,
to Weaver, 408
Poor, demand for relief of, 113
Populist party, fusion of, with
Democrats, 102, 344, 345, 346,
359, 360, 366, 370, 381; organ
ization of, 304, 307, 310;

Weaver's change to, 309 ; nomi
nation of Weaver by, 310-343;
inability of, to secure order,
324, 325; strength of, in the
South, 324, 325, 326; popular
vote of, in 1892, 337, 338;
prophecy of success of, 342,
343, 350, 351; State conven
tion of, 351, 352, 356, 357,
358, 374; Weaver's estimate of,
363, 364, 365; vote for, in
1894, 365; nomination of Brv-
an by, 375, 376, 377; split in,
388, 389, 390, 391
Portland (Oregon), . Weaver at,"
320
Portrait, presentation of, 411, 412,
413
Postal savings banks, Weaver in
favor of, 439
Postal telegraphs, bill to establish,
248, 272, 288
Pottawattamie Indians, camp of, 4
Potter, Mr,, opposition of, to pro
hibition plank, 81
Powderly, Terence V., Gresham
supported by, 313
Power, Mr., Weaver endorsed by,
83
Poweshiek County, murders in, 59
Preachers, activities of, on fron
tier, 7, 8
Preemption laws, repeal of, 240,
241, 242
President, first campaign of Weav
er for, 155-178 ; second cam
paign of Weaver for, 310-343;
resolution for direct election of,
351; demand for single term
for, 357
Price, Hiram, attendance of, at
Chicago convention, 23 ; wel
come to Second Iowa by, 51;
Weaver opposed by, 123, 124;
Weaver's criticism of, 125, 126 ;
Weaver's reply to, 143
Price, Sterling, 286
Primogeniture, right of, denied,
148
Progressive movement, 402
Prohibition, attitude of Repub
lican convention toward, in
1875, 80, 81, 82; opposition to
Weaver due to his views on,
87; attitude of Republican par
ty toward, 92, 352; effect of,
on Republican party, 208, 300,
351; debate over, 308; Weaver
an advocate of, 439
Property, relation of money to
price of, 119, 120
Pruitt, Edward, funeral sermon
by, 425, 426

INDEX

489

Public buildings, bills for, 271
Public Land Strip, 232, 234; ex
tension of United States laws to,
269
Public lands, petitions concerning,
197; disposition of, 225, 226,
232-243; debate over disposi
tion of, 266, 267, 269; bills rel
ative to, 271, 272; policy of
Weaver relative to, 287
Pulaski, defense measures at, 62 ;
militia from, 62 ; meeting at, 34
Pulaski (Tennessee), Second Iowa
at, 49 ; Weaver in command at,
53-58 ; opposition to Weaver at,
326-329
Purdam, James, farm of, 2
Quick, Herbert, poem by, 415,
416, 417
Railroads, seizing of, in northern
Missouri, 27, 28; attitude of
Weaver toward, 166 ; strikes on,
244, 245, 353; indebtedness of,
248 ; opposition of, to Nicaragua
Canal, 281, 282; land grants to,
287; proposed government con
trol of, 308, 361; accidents on,
356
Railway, bill authorizing construc
tion of, from New York to Coun
cil Bluffs, 196, 197
Raleigh (North CJarolina), Second
Iowa at, 51; Weaver at, 326
Ramseyer, C. W, speech by, 436
Rand (South Africa), miiies at,
154
Randall, Samuel J., election of, as
Speaker, 108 ; discussion by,
183, 184, 185, 186; reference
to, 249, 274, 401
Reading (Massachusetts), 201
Reagan bill, 249, 250, 251, 252
Recognition, Weaver's struggle for,
133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 139
Reed, Thomas B„ 124, 218, 249;
defeat of, for Speaker, 258; de
bate by, 272; Weaver opposed
by, 360
Referendum, demand for, 357;
Weaver in favor of, 439
Reform conference, 307, 308
Refugees, supplies for, 53, 54, 56
Register and Leader, The, tribute
to Weaver in, 430, 431, 432
Reno (Nevada), Weaver at, 319
Representatives,^ re-apportionment
of, 199
Republican party, beginning of, in
Iowa, 20 ; Weaver's activities as
a member of, 66-100; attitude
of, toward prohibition, 80, 81,

82, 92 ; withdrawal of Weaver
from, 93, 94, 294, 295; charges
against, 101, 167, 168; num
ber of members in Congress,
107, 108, 218, 258; estimate
of, 175, 176, 177, 186, 187,
190, 191, 342; attitude of, to
ward Greenbackers, 199, 200;
Weaver feared by, 207; offer of,
to Weaver, 208, 209; debate by
candidate of, 212; increase in
votes for, 214; vote of, in 1892,
335
Republican State convention, at
tendance of Weaver at, 23
Resaca (Georgia), battle at, 50
Resolutions, struggle over presen
tation of, 133-137, 139; rejec
tion ofrl37
Resumption Act, opposition of
Sampson to repeal of, 89 ; crit
icism of, by Weaver, 89, 90 ; ef
fect of, on greenbacks, 115,
116; effect of, on silver, 121
Retrospect and Prospect, Bryan's
address on, 413, 414
Revenue, use of surplus, 146
Review of Reviews, The, picture
of Weaver in, 312; comment in,
on Weaver's defeat, 361
Revolution, danger of. 111
Rhode Island, area of, 234
Rice, A. v., troops commanded by,
50
Rich, Jacob, attendance of, at Chi
cago convention, 23
Richmond (Virginia), Second
Iowa at, 51
Rinehart, G. P., toast by, 413
Robb, W. H., presence of, at na
tional Union Labor convention,
297
Robinson, Mrs. Maude, 408
Roosevelt, Theodore, 79, 397, 399;
work of, 211
Rosecrans, William S., Army of
the Mississippi commanded bv,
44 ; remarks of Weaver on bill
to retire, 285, 286
Ross, Betsy, relationship of Weav
er family to, 1
Russell, John, 74; nomination of,
for Governor, 75
Sac and Pox Indians, treaty with,
2 ; camp of, 4
Sackville-West, affair of, 291, 292
Sacramento (California), arrival
of Weaver at, 12 ; Weaver at,
320
St. Joseph (Missouri), seizing of
railroads at, 27, 28
St. Louis (Missouri), Second Iowa

490

INDEX

Infantry at, 28, 29; meeting at,
308; Weaver at, 329, 349;
Democratic convention at, 397,
398, 399
St. Mary's (Ohio), 25
Saloon element, opposition of, to
Weaver, 74, 75 ; denunciation
of, 308; opposition of Weaver
to, 431 (see also Liquor and
Prohibition)
Sampson, E. S., nomination of,
for Congressman, 70, 71, 72;
mention of, 88; defeat of, 103
San Francisco (California), visit
of Weaver to, 13, 320
Savannah, defense measures at, 62
Savannah (Georgia), entrance of
Union army into, 50
Savery House, banquet at, 411
School, description of, 4, 5, 6 ; at
tendance of Weaver at, 5, 8, 9,
10
Seattle (Washington), Weaver at,
320, 321
Second Iowa Infantry, Bloomfield
company included in, 26 ; ren
dezvous of, 27; punishment of,
29; part of, in capture of Fort
Donelson, 29-37; tribute to, 32;
flag of, 29, 33; losses of, 37;
arrival of, at Pittsburg Land
ing, 38; part of, in battle of
Shiloh, 39-42^ 52; losses of, 42;
activities of, after battle of Cor
inth, 44; service of, in Tennes
see, Alabama, and Georgia, 49;
march of, to the sea, 50, 51 ;
mustering out of, 51 ; camp of,
at Pulaski, 57
Sectional strife, opposition of
Weaver to, 109, 110, 111, 112
Seminole Indians, land ceded by,
234, 464; sale of land by, 276,
277
Senate, criticism of, 334
Senators, direct election of, 197,
247, 248, 272, 287, 301, 351,
357, 361, 864, 439: nomination
of, in primaries, 402
Seventh Iowa Infantry, assault
by, 31, 35; activities of, 39, 40;
part of, in battle of Shiloh, 52
Sewall, Arthur, nomination of, for
Vice President, 376
Shaw, Leslie M., tender of services
to, by Weaver, in 1898, 385
Sherman, John, leadership of, 176
Sherman, William T., campaign
of, 50; order of, 56
Sherman Act, 349, 350, 352
Shibley, George H., letter to Weav
er from, 391
Shiloh (Mississippi), battle of, 38-

43, 52, 61, 142; casualties at
battle of, 356
Sibley, Mr., 369
Sierra Nevada Mountains, cross
ing of, 12
Silver, demand for free coinage
of, 112, 116, 117, 118, 119,
125, 126, 223, 224, 225, 226,
227, 229, 287, 347, 859, 364,
365, 366, 367, 368, 370, 372,
373, 374; demonetization of,
118-121, 222; bill to prevent
discrimination against, 124, 128 ;
relation of, to gold, 123, 127,
128, 166 ; resolution to provide
for coinage of dollars from, 133,
146 ; bonds to be paid in, 205 ;
defeat of free coinage of, 302,
303; educational campaign on
behalf of, 347, 348, 349
Simpson, Jerry, 307, 310
Singleton, James W., petition pre
sented by, 132 ; motion bv. 195
Sioux City Tribune, tribute to
Weaver in, 432, 433
Sioux Falls (South Dakota), Pop
ulist convention at, 390, 391,
392
Skirmisher, The, 415, 416, 417
Slavery, opposition of Kirkwood
to, 22
Siemens, William P., contest over
election of, 140
Sloan, Robert, estimate of Weav
er's ability as a lawyer by, 99,
100 ; quotations from letter of,
454
Smith, C. P., attack ordered by,
31; troops led by, 32, 33, 34
Smith, Mrs. Charles Dupree, por
trait of Weaver planned by,
410, 411 ; volume presented to
Weaver by, 412, 413
Smythe, Robert, 74, 75, 76
Social politics, attitude of polit
ical parties toward, 114; begin
ning of, 174; emphasis on, 211
Socialist Labor party, delegates
from, to Greenback convention,
160; letter of Weaver to, 164
Soldiers, petition from, 130, 131,
132, 152, 153; demand for jus
tice to, 130, 131, 132, 139,
140, 142, 143; bill to reim
burse, for depreciated currency,
158, 231, 272
"Solid South", opposition to
breaking up of, 326
South, debate on use of troops at
elections in, 108, 109, 112; op
position to Weaver in, 324, 325,
326; Weaver asked to denounce,
830; strength of Populist party

INDEX

491

in, 336, 337; strength of Dem
ocratic party in, 337
South Carolina, direct tax paid
by, 284; Weaver's campaign in,
326
South Dakota, vote for Weaver in,
338
Southern Alliance, meeting of, 307
Southern Farmers' Alliance, es
tablishment of, in Iowa, 305,
306; mention of, 311
Southwestern Railway Strike, 244,
245
Sovereign, J. R., fusion opposed
by, 296 ; third party led by,
297; efforts of, to establish
Farmers' Alliance in Iowa, 306;
speech by, 354
Spanish-American War, Weaver in
favor of, 385, 386
Sparks, William, altercation of,
with Weaver, 189-196
Speaker of the House of Repre
sentatives, refusal of, to recog
nize Weaver, 133, 134, 135,
136, 137; powers of, 334;
Weaver in favor of reduction of
powers of, 439
Spokane (Washington), Weaver
at, 321
Springer, William M., bill intro
duced by, 269; defense of
"boomers" by, 279
Springfield (Massachusetts), 201
Standard Oil Company, lands
leased by, 236
State Historical Society of Iowa,
fiag presented to, 33
State Senator, nomination of
Weaver for, 82
"Stevens, John L." (boat), pas
sage on, 13
Stevenson, Adlai B., 326; nomina
tion of, for Vice President, by
Populists, 392; nomination of,
by Democrats, for Vice Presi
dent, 395
Stewart, William M., address by,
319
Stiles, Edward, speech by, 24, 25
Stone, William M., majority of, 66
Storer, Bellamy, instruction of
Weaver by, 14
Strikes, Weaver's views on, 244,
245, 246, 247
Stuart, A. A., Weaver described
by, 52
Sugar Creek Township (Powe
shiek County), murders in, 59
SuUenberger, Charles, 425
Sullivan, Jerry, 411, 413
Supreme Court, demand for elec
tion of judges of, 357

Surplus, demand for disbursement
of, 227, 228, 229
Sutter's Mill (California), discov
ery of gold at, 10
Tacoma (Washington), Weaver at,
320
Taft, William H., defeat of, proph
esied, 403
Tariff, debate on, 259, 260, 261,
262, 263, 264, 265; reduction
of, advocated by Weaver, 287,
361
Taubeneck, H. B., 329
Tax, direct, proposal to refund,
283, 284, 285
Teller, H. M., volume dedicated
to, 470
Terre Haute (Indiana), speech of
Weaver at, 167
Texas, Greenback vote in, 173 ;
land granted by, 256; emigra
tion to Indian 'Territory from,
278; direct tax paid by, 284;
vote for Weaver in, 336, 337
Thorington, James, attendance of,
at Chicago convention, 23
Thurman, Allen G., 188
Tillman, Benjamin R., 137
Tourgee, Albion W., letter to
Weaver from, 330, 331
Towne, Charles A., nomination of,
for Vice President, by Popu
lists, 392, 393, 394
Trades unions, political action be
gun by, 341
Transportation, Weaver in favor
of regulation of, 166 ; demand
for popular control of, 364
Treasury, Secretary of, proposal
of, to issue bonds, 114, 115;
bills prescribing duties of, 128;
report requested from, 140 ; pro
posal to grant authority to, in
the matter of issuing bonds,
183 ; right of, to alter notes,
229, 230
Treasury Department, surplus in,
114
Treasury notes, need of, as cur-
rencyi 224, 225
Trimble, H. H., comment of, on
Weaver's change in parties,
104, 105; reference to, 187
Troy, militia from, 62
Trumbull, General, nomination of
Kirkwood questioned by,^ 75
Trusts, demand for abolition of,
351, 364: list of, 462
Tuttle, J- M., charge led by, 31,
34; injury to, 32; troops com
manded by, 34; report of, 37;
brigade commanded by, 39 ;

492

INDEX

commission of, as brigadier-
general, 44
Twelfth Iowa Infantry, 39, 40, 42
Twenty-fifth Indiana Infantry, as
sault by, 31, 35
Twombly, Voltaire, flag carried by,
36
Vncle Tom's Cabin, effect of, 18
Union Labor Industrial Party of
Iowa, 300, 301
Union Labor party, organization
of, 294, 295, 296; vote for, in
1888, 297; convention of, 299,
300; delegates from, 300
Union men, murder of, 59
United States, per capita money
of, 143, 154
United States District Court, ad
mission of Weaver to practice
in, 16
United States notes, change in de
nominations of, prohibited, 252,
253
United States Treasury notes,
right of Secretary to alter, 229,
230
Van Buren County, white settlers
prohibited west of, 2, 3 ; cam
paign in, 19 ; raid in, 62, 63 ;
reference to, 68
Van Dorn, Earl, 286
Van Wagenen, A., correspondence
of, with Weaver, 403, 404
Veto, Weaver in favor of partial,
455
'Vice President, resolution for di
rect election of, 351; nomina
tions for, 376, 392, 395
Vicksburg (Mississippi), 37, 61;
Confederates at, 44; campaign
against, 49
Vincennes (Indiana), speech of
Weaver at, 318, 319
Vinson, Clara, marriage of Weav
er and, 25
Virginia, direct tax paid by, 284
Voorhees, Daniel W., 187, 188
Wade, M, J., toast by, 413
Wadsworth, S. B., election of, as
delegate, 398
Wallace, Henry, tribute of, to
Weaver, 422
Wallace, W. H. L., division com
manded by, 39; death of, 40
Wapello County, 68
Warden, Mr., 73
Warner, A. J., free silver favored
by, 366
Warner Silver Bill, vote on, 125
Warren, Fitz Henry, attendance

of, at Chicago convention, 23 ;
defeat of, 68
Washington, George, 1
Washington (D. C), review at,
51; conference at, 158, 159;
silver meeting at, 348
Washington, Weaver's campaign
in, 320, 321
Water courses, reservation of land
along, favored by Weaver, 267,
268
Watson, Thomas E., nomination
of, for Vice President, 376;
vote of Populists for, 468
Wealth, struggle over, 332
Weaver, Abram, sketch of life of,
2 ; settlement of, on New Pur
chase, 3, 4; election of, as
clerk of district court, 8
Weaver, Abram C, 408, 425
Weaver, Henry, sketch of life of,
1, 2
Weaver, James Baird, ancestors
of, 1, 2; birth of, 2; removal
of, to Iowa, 2; early home of,
2, 3, 4; early life of, 3-10, 447;
study of law by, 10, 14, 15;
trip of, to California, 10, 11;
return of, to Iowa, 13 ; position
of, in store, 13, 14; law prac
tice of, 16 : interest of, in sla
very question, 18 ; attendance
of, at Chicago convention, 23 ;
part of, in organization of Re
publican party, 23; marriage
of, 25 ; choice of, as first lieu
tenant, 26; part of, in capture
of Port Donelson, 33-37; battle
of Shiloh described by, 40-42;
promotion of, to major, 45, 46,
47, 48; choice of, as colonel^
47; description of battle of Cor
inth by, 48, 49; part of, in
campaign against Atlanta, 49,
50; end of military service of,
50, 51; made brevet brigadier
general, 51; estimate of mili
tary service of, 52 ; post at
Pulaski commanded by, 53-58;
choice of, as commander of
home guard, 60 ; measures of
defense taken by, 61, 62, 63,
64; activities of, in Republican
party, 66-100 ; candidacy of,
for Lieutenant Governor, 67;
appointment of, as assessor of
internal revenue, 68 ; election
of, as district attorney, 68 ;
estimate of, as public speaker,
69, 70 ; defeat of, for Congres
sional nomination, 70, 71, 72 ;
candidacy of, for Governor, 74 ,
75, 76 ; support of prohibition

INDEX

493

by, 80, 81, 82, 83; nomination
of, for State Senator, 82, 83 ;
defeat of, for State Senator, 85,
86 ; offer of nomination by
Greenback party refused by, 91 ;
withdrawal of, from Republican
party, 93, 94; support of
Greenback party by, 95 ; de
bate of, with Cutts, 95, 96, 97,
98 ; ability of, as lawyer, 99,
100 ; election of, to Congress,
101-103, 258; activities of, in
Congress, 107-154, 179-200,
258-289 : speech of, on army
appropriation bill, 108, 109,
110, 111, 112, 113, 114; opin
ions of, on finance, 110-129;
estimate of speech of, 122, 123;
struggle by, for recognition in
Congress, 133, 134, 135, 136,
137, 139; plan of, for payment
of national debt, 146 ; third
party led by, 151, 152; first
campaign of, for presidency,
155-178 : Butler supported by,
158; choice of, as delegate to
national convention, 159 ; vote
for, in convention, 161; mes
sage of, accepting presidential
nomination, 162 ; presence of,
at conference, 168; replv of, to
Lum's charges, 169, 170; re
pudiation of letter to Gillette bv,
171; vote for, in 1880, 173;
estimate of election of 1880 bv,
175, 176, 177, 178; altercation
of, with William Sparks, 189-
196 : attitude of, toward re
funding national debt, 179,
180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185,
196 : educational campaign of,
201-211; campaign of, for
Governor, 212-214; political ac
tivities of, 215-217; Congres
sional campaign of, in 1882,
205. 206, 207, 208, 209; re
election of, to Congress, 215 ;
attendance of, at convention,
215; second term of, in Con
gress, 218-257: contest over
election of, 218-221; soldiers'
bill introduced bv, 231; atti
tude of, towards interstate com
merce, 249, 250, 251, 252;
support of Mills Bill bv, 259,
260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265;
ideas of. as to public lands.
266, 267, 268; organization of
Oklahoma advocated by. 269,
270; speech bv, against nation
al banks, 272, 273: filibuster
of. for Oklahoma Bill, 273.
274, 275; defense of "boomers"

by, 279, 280; opposition of, to
refunding of direct tax, 283,
284, 285; description of, 288,
289 ; change of, from Green
backer to Populist, 290-309;
defeat of, for Congress, in 1888,
290 ; debate over endorsement
of, 297; part of, in organiza
tion of Peoples' party, 305, 306,
307; efforts of, to establish
Farmers' Alliance in Iowa,
306; part of, in formation of
Populist party, 307, 308, 309;
second campaign of, for presi
dency, 310-343; address of, to
convention in 1890, 314, 315;
charges against, at Pulaski,
326-329; vote for, in 1892,
335; address by, 338-341, 413,
414 ; election discussed by, 342,
343: change of, from Populist
to Democrat, 344-382; Kelly's
army assisted by, 353, 354,
355, 356; campaign of, for
Congress, in 1894, 359, 360,
361, 362, 363; part of, in cam
paign of 1896, 375-382; Bryan
nominated by, 377, 378, 379,
380, 381; nomination of, as
presidential elector, 381; later
years of, 383-406; candidacy of,
for Congress, in 1898, 385; of
fer of services by, in Spanish-
American War, 385, 386; par
ticipation by, in Democratic
convention in 1904, 397, 398,
399; death of, 406, 424; rec
ognition of, 407-443; wedding
anniversary of, 407, 408, 409;
presentation of portrait of, 409,
410, 411, 412, 413; funeral of,
424-429 : campaigns of, 441 ;
last public address of. 441, 442 ;
vote for, in 1875, 453; disnute
of, with B. W. Perkins, 461:
volume dedicated to, 470 ; paner
edited bv, 469
Weaver. Mrs. James B., letter to,
describing capture of Port Don
elson, 33-36; nart of. in cam
paign. 320, 324, 827, 331;
weddinff anniversary of, 407,
408, 409: tribute to, 409
Weaver, James Bellamy, naming
of, 14; reference to. 408, 436
Weaver Park, establishment of,
at Bloomfield, 435, 436 437,
438. 439. 440
Weaver Soldier Bill, introduction
of. 130: netitions concerning,
130, 131, 132, 197: speech con
cerning. 133; reference to, 139,
140, 142 ; endorsement of, by

494

INDEX

Greenbackers, 158; re-introduc
tion of, 231
Welch, Porte C, Congressional
nomination offered to Weaver
by, 91
Weller, L. H., motion of, 159;
election of, to Congress, 206;
attendance of, at convention,
215; fusion opposed by, 296,
300; third party led by, 297;
objections of, to Weaver and
Polk, 311, 312; reference to,
375
West, A. M., letter to Weaver
from, 336, 337
West, dissatisfaction of, with old
parties, 113 ; support of Weav
er in, 336
West Virginia, campaign of Weav
er in, 167
Westfall, A. J., campaign of, for
Congress, 305; appointment of,
on committee, 307
Wheat, M. L., appointment of, on
committee, 307; nomination of
Weaver by, 313
White, Fred E., 410, 436
Wichita Indians, reservation of,
234
Wilderness, battle of, 142
Willard, Prances E., conference
presided over by, 307
Wilson, James P., speech by, 24,
25 ; election of, 68 ; reference
to, 70, 88 ; expiration of term
of, 297, 299

Wilson, Woodrow, work of, 211;
policies of, 334, 403, 404; nom
ination of, 406
Witmer, W. W., election discussed
by, 343
Wolves, fear of, 6
Woman suffrage, attitude of
Greenback party toward, 160
Weaver an advocate of, 439
Woman's Christian Temperance
Union, presence of representa
tives of, at funeral of Weaver,
424
Women, municipal suffrage for,
recommended, 308
Wonn, H. A., votes defended by,
84; attitude of, towards rail
roads, 85 ; vote for, 453
Wood, Fernando, activities of, on
funding bill, 180, 181, 182
Wright, Carroll, 411; address of
Weaver at memorial service for,
441, 442
Wright, Hendrick B., vote for, as
Speaker, 108 ; vote for, in con
vention, 161
Wyoming, Weaver's campaign in,
321, 322; fusion in, 335
Wayne County, 168
Yeomen, presence of, at funeral of
Weaver, 424
Young, Lafayette, toast by, 413 ¦
reference to, 414 ; tribute of, to
Weaver, 422, 423

VALE
^LG-CCMP in
^£R'CAH HISTORY
^jppCRTiO BY NEH

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