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ALFRED E. PERKINS FUND

THE LAND OF ZINJ

DOORWAY" OF OLD PERSIAN MONASTERY AT LAXIU.

[Frontispi

THE LAND OF ZINJ
BEING AN ACCOUNT OF BRITISH EAST AFRICA,
ITS ANCIENT HISTORY AND PRESENT
INHABITANTS BY A
CAPTAIN Cl ~ H. STIGAND
AUTHOR OF
" THE GAME OF BRITISH EAST AFRICA," " TO ABYSSINIA THROUGH AN UNKNOWN LAND,"
ETC., ETC.

LONDON
CONSTABLE & COMPANY LTD
io ORANGE STREET LEICESTER SQUARE WC
1913

PREFACE
During several years spent in trekking about British EaBt
Africa, I have endeavoured to keep careful notes of all that
struck me as interesting concerning the country, the natives,
their languages, ways and customs.
My data being then almost entirely compiled from personal
observation and native information, I have tried to draw my
pictures of the country and its inhabitants as much as possible
from the native point of view rather than from that of the white
man. That is to say, I have tried to see the native as much as
possible as he is before contact with the European has changed
his habits.
The absorbing topics of the " future of the country " and local
politics I have left to those more fitted to discuss them.
The notes from which this book was prepared were completed
at the, beginning of 1909, but from one cause and another their
arrangement in book form has been delayed till now.
I am indebted to M. Guillain's work, " Documents sur l'histoire,
la geographic et le commerce de l'Afrique orientale," for much
of the matter contained in Chapter L, and to the War Office for
permission to make use of the General Staff Map of British
East Africa.
My thanks are due to my aunt, Mrs. Edgar Clark, who has
developed my photographs for this and other books.
They are also due to all those natives who have, either
consciously or unconsciously, supplied the material for the text.
C. H. STIGAND.
Rejaf, Sudan.
1912.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE
PEONTJNCIATION OF NATIVE WOEDS  ix
I. ANCIENT HISTOET (FEOM AEAB, POETUGUESE AND OTHEE
SOTJEOES)  1
II. „ „ (FEOM SWAHILI SOTJEOES) .... 29
m. „ ,, i> i, »•••¦ 55
iv. „ „ ,, „ „ . . . . 78
V. MOMBASA — AEABS AND ISLAM  103
VT. THE SWAHILI  115
VII. NATIVE SHIPPING  132
VIII. THE LAMU AECHIPELAGO  147
IX. THE COAST BELT  173
X. THE UGANDA EATLWAY  185
XI. THE SAFAEI ^  194
XII. THE MASAI  204
XIII. MASAILAND  223
XIV. KIKUYU-LAND  233
XV. MOUNT KENYA AND THE UPPEE TANA  253
XVI. FOEESTS AND ESCARPMENTS  264
XVII. THE VALLEY OF WONDEES  278
XVHI. THE LAXE  289
XIX. THE AFEICAN  299
XX. THE AFEIOAN'S FUTUEE  309
GLOSSARY  325
INDEX  335

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

DOORWAY OF OLD PERSIAN MONASTEEY AT LAMU .
RUINS OF TAKA
MINARA OF SHELA .
SITE OF OLD BURIED LAMU
NGALAWA CROSSING A CREEK
NATIVE SHIPPING IN HARBOUR
" SWAHILI " WOMEN
KADHI OF SHELA
ZANZIBAR BAGHALAH
BEDENI FROM PERSIAN GULF
LAMU FORESHORE
SHELA ....
RUINS OF OLD MONASTERY AT LAMU
ANKOLE CATTLE
MENENGAI CRATER FROM ABOVE
KIKUYU TYPES .
THE PARASITIC FIGTREE
BEEHIVES SALT LICK, SCLATER ROAD
DOROBO WEARING A CAP OF GOAT'S STOMACH
LAVA ISLANDS NEAR MAIDAHAD
HERD OF RENDILE CAMELS RETURNING FROM GRAZING .
OLBOLLOSSAT SWAMP
KIJABE GASHOLE
KISII VILLAGE (INSIDE THE WALL) .
FORTIFICATION OF KISII VILLAGE (SHOWING ENTRANCE
GATE) 
KAVIEONDO WARRIORS IN WAE PAINT .
KAVIRONDO FISHERMAN. — -BOOMING OUT
,, ENCIRCLING THE FISH
KISII BEAU 
GROUP OF KAVIRONDO GIRLS .
KAVIRONDO LADY . .
KISII. — A SWAHDGI BEHIND IS SEEN HOLDING THE LONG
SPEAR OF THE KISII ... . .
MAP OF BRITISH EAST AFRICA

Frontispiece

Facing paye 42

76

i* >

76

, 109

,, ,

109

, 122

>t >

122

, 139

, 139
,, ,
, 151
,, ,
151
,, ,
163
,, ,
186
M 5
L>08
„ ,
233
,, ,
251
,, ,
251
J
265
!> J
265
,, ,
278
tl )
278
>> »
285
,, ,
285
J > 1
289
289
M J
292
,, ,
296
»> >
296
,, ,
302
,, ,
310
>» >)
310
„ 318
At end o
/ 50078
PRONUNCIATION OF NATIVE
WORDS

With Bantu words the recognised spelling has been used, as adopted by-
Bishop Steere and others. The values of letters are : —
Vowels. a as a in father.
easa in fate.
i as i in fin.
o as o in lo.
u as oo in fool.
6 as aw in \aiv.
Diphthongs. A curved line joining two vowels denotes a diphthong.
ai as ai in aisle.
ol as oi in soil.
but ai as ai in pa til.
oi as oi in so til.
Consonants. ng' as ng in sinking.
ng as ng in single.
sh as sh in shawl.
s-h as s h in is Aeard.
ch as ch in church.
Q j do not occur.
n ) before another consonant are nasals, in other cases pronounced as
m j in English.
w ) have always the value of consonants as in win and yacht, and never
y j as in law and any.
th generally as in the, but sometimes as in thin .
landr are often interchangeable.
Remaining consonants, much as in English.
With Masai and cognate languages Hollis' spelling is used, which is much
the same as above except that fig is used for ng' and n and m do not occur
as nasals.
The diphthongs above are not often distinguished1 in writing Swahili, but
are of importance in Masai.

xii PRONUNCIATION OF NATIVE WORDS
With Arabic words the actual transliteration of the Arabic letters is given.
Values as in Forbes' Arabic Grammar. I have not attempted to distinguish
the more subtle sounds such as the various t's in pure Swahili. To do so
would entail long explanations as to the exact pronunciation.
The accent in Bantu words generally falls on the penultimate syllable.
Where this is not the case and it is very marked I have marked it ', as it
may make all the difference in making the word understood. I was vainly
asking natives which were the Lorogi Mountains and could not make myself
understood till I found that they were really called the Lorogai.

THE LAND OF ZINJ
CHAPTER I
ANCIENT HISTORY FROM ARAB, PORTUGUESE AND OTHER SOURCES *
The following pages consist of brief extracts and notes from
the writings of old Roman and Arab geographers, Portuguese
travellers and other historical sources.
Historical events as appearing in old Swahili records, make
but little mention of the day of the Portuguese and other foreign
powers on the coast, so are rather one-sided in character.
However, they are most interesting in that they are practically
unknown to the outside world, so I have kept them separate from'
the better known histories as related chiefly in European records,
and since there appear to be no books of reference on the sub
ject except the old documents of the coast, I have gone into them
with fuller detail in the subsequent chapters.
There is no doubt that there was a very ancient and very
advanced civilisation in the N.E. corner of Africa, dating from
about 1000 b.c, and perhaps even much farther back.
There was an old empire embracing both sides of the Red Sea
and Gulf of Aden, the Hamyaritic empire, in which there was
free intercourse between Abyssinia and S. Arabia.
This was followed by the Axumite dynasty in Abyssinia, the
capital of which was the city of Axum whose ruins still exist
in Northern Abyssinia.
Civilisation advanced from ancient Egypt, S. and S.E., and
gradually spread amongst the black and savage peoples in the
interior. 1 Most of the information contained in this chapter is culled from Guillain's
" Documents sur l'histoire, la geographie et le commerce de l'Afrique Orientale."
See acknowledgment in the Preface.
L.Z. B

2 THE LAND OF ZINJ
After this period of civilisation there was a decadence, and
Abyssinia was cut off by Muhammadan invasion from the outside
world. The old civilisations of S. Arabia, Egypt and Persia pushed
out trading routes in all directions and gradually spread down
the east coast of Africa as far as Sofala.
Not only was trade an inducement to found settlements and
towns on the coast, but also the intrigues and internal strife
which always accompanied Oriental aggrandisement, induced
many of the chiefs and great men, defeated and put out of power
by changes of government, to seek refuge with their followers
in distant towns on the coast where they founded new kingdoms.
As this thin line of civilisation was unable to cope with' the
hordes of savages of the interior, the settlements consisted of
fortified towns on the sea shore, or, where possible, islands just
off the mainland where the inhabitants were free from attack.
Such places are the islands of Pate, Manda, Lamu, Mombasa,
Pemba, Zanzibar, Kilwa and Mozambique, peculiarly suited to
the requirements of the ancient colonists whose weapons gave
them little, if any, superiority over the savage inhabitant.
About the date of origin of these settlements, there is no definite
information, and the ancient geographers gave this part of the
world but scant attention. The earliest mention of these trading
routes and settlements are brief notices implying that the towns
on the coast were already well known and had long been extant.
About the earliest definite hint we have of trade routes down
the coast of Africa is the passage in the Bible referring to the
ships of Solomon and Hiram of Tyre trading with Ophir.
The name of Ophir cannot be traced in modern geography,
so we are in ignorance of its locality. Some think that it only
meant Abyssinia, but the burden of evidence seems to point to
Sofala being the old Ophir, and that it was the mines of that
place which produced the gold brought back by Solomon's ships.
The only two places in Africa that produced any gold in the
old days were Abyssinia and Sofala.
It was unlikely that trade with any country so near as

ANCIENT HISTORY 8
Abyssinia should be described as such a novel incident, for
intercourse between, Arabia and Abyssinia must have been quite
ordinary in those days for the Queen of Sheba to pay a personal
visit to Solomon. The old kingdom of Sheba is supposed to have
extended to both sides of the Gulf of Aden.
Of the other things brought from Ophir to Solomon, we have
ivory, apes, and peacocks. The first two might have been brought
from either Abyssinia or Sofala.
It is thought that the word " peacock " is a mistake in transla
tion as this is the only mention made of this bird in the Bible.
The two chief reasons for thinking that no peacocks were ever
brought to Palestine are: (1) that this bird breeds readily in
captivity, and we hear no further mention of it ; (2) that neither
did Solomon nor any other of the Hebrew poets dilate on the
beauty and splendour of this bird, a fact that would hardly escape
mention, had these birds existed in Palestine.
It is supposed that " parrot " is intended to be conveyed by
the Hebrew word. A parrot does not breed in captivity, and is,
unlike the peacock, a product of Africa, and might well have been
brought from Sofala. Solomon gave the Phoenicians a port on
the Red Sea so that they might open up a trade with the East.
It is supposed that these mariners visited Mozambique and Sofala
about this date. However, the Arabs probably long before this
date carried on a trade down the east etfast, and it was in all
probability Arab mariners and pilots who showed the Phoenicians
the way down the coast.
We hear no more of the east coast till 455 b.c. when Herodotus
describes a journey circumnavigating Africa made by Egyptians.
Some are inclined to think that such a journey was never made,
but there is one significant fact narrated by Herodotus, that as
they doubled what must have been the Cape of Good Hope the
sun was on their right. That is to say, that the northern
mariners who had always been accustomed to have the sun south
of them noticed that the sun was to their north. Not enough
was known of the movement of the sun and the shape of the globe
in those days for them to be able to guess that such a state of
b2

4 THE LAND OF ZINJ
things would exist in a very southern latitude, so it is almost cer
tain that the fact must have been noted from practical observation.
That such a journey was made also seems probable because
from this date it was known to the ancients that it was possible
to circumnavigate Africa. A number of expeditions started with
the idea of carrying out the same journey as made by tbe.
Egyptians, but, as far as we are able to discover, without success.
Xerxes sent Sataspes to make this journey, and executed him
because he failed to accomplish it.
Amongst other unproved journeys round Africa were those of
Heraclides and of Hannon the Carthaginian.
Alexander the Great was also anxious to circumnavigate
Africa, but never had the opportunity to make a start.
Although the limited accounts of the African coast left to us
from this date are chiefly from European sources, it is probable
that the coast was well known to the Arabs of South Arabia,
and had already at this date been for a long time visited by
them, and probably also Arab settlements had sprung up already
on some of the islands.
But from Arab sources we have no records of this date.
To return to the northern geographers, Aristotle conceived
the idea that the earth was round, an idea which was derided by
many of his contemporaries. At about 200 B.C., during the reign
of the Ptolemys, the bonds uniting Egypt and Abyssinia must
have been very close, and it is possibly about this epoch that some
Egyptian blood made its way southwards, and thus accounts for
some of the non-Bantu elements in North African races, such as
those north of Rudolf in parts of Southern Abyssinia.
In 47 a.d. Hippale visited the east coast of Africa, but nothing
of real interest concerning the coast occurs until the publication
of the"Periplus."
The " Periplus of the Erythean Sea " is a manuscript in Greek
of uncertain date, but which was supposed to have been written
between 77 and 210 a.d. Some attribute this work to Arrien in
the r.eign of Trajan. It is a pilot's guide to the Indian Ocean,
and although most of the places described are difficult to

ANCIENT HISTORY 5
recognise, it is considerably more accurate in its descriptions
than many contemporary works, such as those of Ptolemy and
Marin of Tyre. It was written in Greek, probably by an
Alexandrian Egyptian.
The southermost place on the coast described with any degree
of accuracy by the " Periplus," is the town of Rhapta on the
river of this name.
From the distances of sailings given and other details, it is
generally supposed that a town on the banks of what is at pre
sent called the Rufiji River in German East Africa is the site
of the old " Rhapta." The canal described as " the new canal "
is without doubt the " Mkanda " 1 between the island of Manda
and the mainland, a mangrove -lined narrow channel. The word
" new " is probably used to denote that at that date it was but
recently navigated by ships ; prior to this date probably they
used to pass round the seaward side of Manda.
The " Isles of Pyralaon " are without doubt the islands of the
Lamu Archipelago, while the " Isle of Menouthesias " is
probably Zanzibar. About 150 a.d. lived that enlightened
geographer Ptolemy, whose maps were extraordinarily good and
accurate for that date.
The beginning of the Christian Era marked a retrograde move
ment in geography, and the enlightened views of such men as
Aristotle and Ptolemy were knocked on the head.
Cosmas in the sixth century refuted the idea of the ancients
that the world was round. This writer made a journey as far
as the mouth of the Gulf of Aden, but on arrival near Guadaf ui
he met a bad monsoon outside the gulf, so hurriedly retreated
and reported that the end of the world was close by that cape.
The stagnation into which geographical knowledge and dis
coveries had fallen during the beginning of the Christian Era
at last gave place to a new epoch. The dawn ,of the Muhammadan
Era reopens East Africa to our view.
After the withdrawal of the Romans from Arabia, the Abys
sinians conquered and ruled the Yemen. In 601 a.d. Sef bin
» See p. 159.

6 THE LAND OF ZINJ
(thu) Yezin, the Hamyaritic Sultan, asked help from the Persian
King Chosroes II. to deliver Yemen from the Abyssinians, and
the latter were expelled after having occupied the country for
seventy-two years.
Once free of the Abyssinian yoke, the Arabs set themselves
again to trade with Socotra and the East African ports.
The coming of the Prophet stopped to a great extent internal
strife and laid the foundations of the expansion and aggrandise
ment of Arabia. After the Prophet's death internal dissensions
followed, especially in the Oman and Yemen. These internal
strifes were largely responsible for the springing up of the East
African coast kingdoms, for the defeated parties, in many cases
deposed Sultans, or chiefs with their followers, emigrated to the
already well-known ports of the coast, and there founded little
kingdoms. Abdul Malik, fifth Khalif of Ommyades, reigned 65 to 86 of
the Hejra. His son Hamza x is reported to have carried Muham-
madan law to East Africa.
In 39 a.d. (122 Hejra), after Zeid bin Ali, a relation of the
Prophet, had been killed, his partisans the Emozeids emigrated
to East Africa and settled on the Banadir coast.
A few notes from Bagdad history of about this date are here
interesting in that they show that a large force of black troops
drawn from East Africa was in the service of the Khalifs,
proving the connection existing between this country and the
east coast.
It is related that at the beginning of the reign of the Khalif
Abu el Abbas 2 about 749 a.d. (132 Hejra) his brother Yahia
massacred 11,000 men, women and children. Amongst the army
who executed this massacre were 400 Zinjs or blacks.
In 870 or 871 a.d. (256 or 257 Hejra) the Zinjs, who formed a
considerable part of the Khalifan army of Bagdad, invaded Mesopo
tamia, and at another time took and sacked the town of Bassorah.
This word " Zinj," meaning " a black," was generally used to
1 Compare note on Jafari bin Mangi Mangi, p. 30 ; also see p. 167.
2 The Abassides dynasty followed that of the Ommyades.

ANCIENT HISTORY 7
refer to the blacks of the East African coast. Our wor'd
" Zanzibar " is derived from the Arabic " Zangibar," meaning
" the country of the blacks." It was originally used to refer to
the greater part of the coast which was called the country of
Zinj or Zenj, but is now restricted to the island of Zanzibar.
Zinj or Zenj, the Zingium of Cosmas and Zingis of Ptolemy,
was originally the country south of the " Berbera " country as
far as Sofala, roughly Juba River to Zambezi River, though
different writers assigned it different limits.
The country of "Berbera "i was situated between Abyssinia
and Zenj, and so consisted of the whole of Somaliland.
Masudi, perhaps one of the first Muhammadan writers to
describe these countries, writes, about 304 Hejra, " From the
country of Zenj come tusks of 150 mann (?) 2 each. These are
sent to India and China," 3 thus showing trade with those
countries at that date.
He himself visited the island of Kambalu, possibly the Comoros,
and talks about the coast as if it was well known down to Sofala.
Masudi also says that the natives of Zenj ride cattle both in
peace and war, they are as fast as horses and are ridden with
bridles. (Some of the present-day natives of the interior do
occasionally ride on cattle.)
Joan de Barros, a Portuguese writer, narrating the history of
the origin of Mogadishu, says that seven brothers fled from
El Hasa (?) in the Persian Gulf, and came to the Banadir coast,
founding the towns of Mogadishu and Barawa (Brava), the
former of which became a powerful State.
Later he says that the country was governed by a body of
twelve elders, the issue of these seven brothers. There are seven
tribes at Brava perhaps descended from these brothers.
The Emozeids, referred to above, who had already taken up a
position on this coast, would not submit to this new power, and
1 Berbera to-day is used to denote but a single town on the north coast of
Somaliland. 2 The Indian maund = about 80 lbs., whilst the Madras maund is 25 lbs., both of
which would make the tusks impossible weights.
8 The Chinese are supposed to have visited the East African coast some time prior
to this, and Chinese coins have been found at Magadishu and Kilwa.

8 THE LAND OF ZINJ
80, about 330 Hejra, they retired to the interior, with the natives
of which they intermarried.
Another story says that in 400 Hejra there were seven
brothers, sons of Sultan Hassan. Of these one Ali was the son
" of an Abyssinian slave, while his brothers were sons of a Persian
princess. He fell out with his step-brothers, and so left Hormuz
in the Persian Gulf and set out for the African coast. He
passed Mogadishu and Brava, at which places he found Arabs of
different sects, and continued his journey till he arrived at Kilwa.
Here he bought land and fortified the place, gave it the name
of Kilwa, and subsequently enlarged it by annexations, and then
called himself Sultan.
Whether this story has any connection with the last is not
known, but according to Kilwa records the first Sultan was called
Ali, and his successors are known.
He augmented his kingdom till it reached from Pemba to
Sofala, and took the Sofala gold trade out of the hands of
Mogadishu, who then had the monopoly.
Successors of Ali held, the throne of Kilwa till 1500 (906
Hejra) when the Portuguese Cabral arrived at that place.
Another version gives 295 Hejra as the date of the founda
tion of Mogadishu, and 365 as that of Kilwa. However, long
before the former date it is probable that there were settlements
on the Banadir coast, but they had not assumed the proportions
of a powerful State.
From now onwards we get frequent mention of East Africa in
the writings of Arab geographers, but where names differ it is
often difficult to follow exactly what localities they refer to owing
to their rather curious ideas of geography.
Most of them were convinced that there was a magnetic
mountain on the coast which attracted ships to destruction, and
their efforts to make this mountain fit in with the actual line
of coast as reported by pilots leads to confusion.
Another misleading idea they clung to was that the Nile split
up, and one branch of it debouched on the east coast.
Abu Zeid Hassan reports that Alexander the Great sent Greeks

ANCIENT HISTORY 9
to occupy Socotra. These Greeks, who settled there subse
quently, became Christians.
Idrisi, who wrote about the twelfth century, mentions the
Christian inhabitants. Socotra was then a dependency of Yemen
and produced, he states, aloes unequalled elsewhere.
This geographer also mentions many other places on the coast.
He talks of the country of Berbera, to which belonged, he says,
three dependencies. The inhabitants lived on turtle which they
call " lebeh." i
He also mentions Marka, Malindi and Mombasa, and a river
which from the description must be the Webbe, stating that it
passed two marches from the coast, and its banks were sown
withdhura. Berbera was at this time under the Abyssinians. The depen
dencies he mentions are perhaps Hafun, the Banadir, and
perhaps the Juba.
Idrisi says that Malindi is a big town of Zinj at the mouth of a
river (the Sabaki). The inhabitants fish and hunt leopards and other
ferocious beasts. Iron mines also existed in the neighbourhood.
The King of Zinjibar lived at Manisa (perhaps error for Mom
basa) and that there also were iron mines. Mogadishu, Marka
and Brava were then Muhammadan towns, while the remaining
towns consisted of infidels.
At the beginning of the thirteenth century Yakut wrote a dic
tionary of places in which occurs " El-Jub, a town of Zenj
exporting giraffe skins."
Ibn Sa'id wrote about the middle of the thirteenth century.
He describes the Comoros and Madagascar as one island. All
these old Arab geographers thought that the coast of Africa
trended round towards the east. As they did not allow also for the
convexity of the earth, they made the south of the continent on
their maps come round towards China, while the Comoros and
Madagascar were made to extend south of Ceylon, and near the
Malay Archipelago.
1 Libah baded 1 The Somali for " shark," the flesh of which is much prized by
Arabs and Somals.

10 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Ibn Sa'id states that the " Berbers " of Berbera had then
become Islam, as had also the inhabitants of Marka near Hafun.
The King of Zinj lived at Mombasa, while N.E. of Mombasa
was a mountain extending 100 miles into the sea, half iron mines
and half magnetic. West of Mombasa was a gulf 300 miles long.
Remembering that the Arabs made the east coast of Africa
run east and west, the mountain referred to might possibly be
Kilmanjaro. Natives even to-day tell wonderful stories concern
ing it, but in the old days before the mountain had been dis
covered native rumour concerning it must have been very mis
leading. What the gulf can be I do not know, unless it is the
creek running inland from the coast.
Ibn Sa'id goes on to say that between Mombasa and Sofala
is a great desert (perhaps the Taru Desert). He also talks of
the mountains of Kamr in terms so vague that it is impossible
to locate them.
As Kamr in Arabic means " moon," it is possible that he
refers to the Highlands of the Wanyamwezi country, mwezi also
meaning " moon." " The Zenj," says Ibn Sa'id, " have idols
of stone and wood covered with fish oil. They have gold 1 and
iron utensils, and wear leopard skins. They have no horses."
Pemba was called by the Arabs Jezirah el Khodora. In the
time of Idrisi and Ibn Sa'id the Malays had already come to
Madagascar. In the beginning of the fourteenth century or end of the
thirteenth, the inhabitants of Zanzibar are reported to have
already embraced Islam.
All the descriptions of the Arab geographers have so far been
based on hearsay evidence, reports of captains and pilots, etc.
In 1330 a.d. (731 Hejra), Ibn Bathutha himself made a trip
down the coast and has left us a description of his journey.
He reached Zeila, and from there, after fifteen days' sail,
arrived at Mogadishu. " At this place," he says, " are manufac
tured stuffs exported to Egypt and elsewhere." The Sultan was
a " Berber " called Sheikh Abu Bakr bin Omar.
1 See the Wavaa Ng'andu, p. 43.

ANCIENT HISTORY 11
This Sultan treated him' very well, and presented him' with'
robes of honour. In the houses were carpets and stuffs of
Egyptian and Jerusalem make.
The people, whom he says were very fat, spoke in Arabic and
a local tongue. They also wore sandals. A silk canopy sur
mounted by a gold bird, was carried over the Sheikh when he
walked abroad.
On the mosque at Mogadishu was an inscription showing that
the minaret was commenced in 636 Hejra (1238 a.d.) in the
month of Maharam.
The last Sultan of the Mogadishu kingdom was Fikar el Din.
In his reign there was an invasion of the Abgal tribe, at the
end of the thirteenth century, from which time this town dated
its decadence.
Of Mombasa Ibn Bathutha says, " No grain is cultivated on
the island, but comes across from the mainland. The food df
the inhabitants consists chiefly of bananas and fish. The
mosques are of wood (wattle and daub) with wells at the door
at which the feet are washed. The inhabitants are all barefooted,
they are of the Shafi'a1 sect, chaste and virtuous."
Of Kilwa he says that the town was well built and fine, made
almost entirely of wood.
The Zinj of this place were very black.
The inhabitants were of the Shafi'a sect and were engaged
in a Jahad (religious war) against the surrounding infidels. The
Sultan Abu el Mozhaffer Hassan, nicknamed Mewahib (the
generous), had performed the Haj (pilgrimage). At his court
were Arabs from Irak and Hedjaz. On the death of this Sultan
his brother Daud reigned about 743 Hejra. He was as stingy
as his brother was generous.
One hundred and thirty years before Ibn Bathutha, who visited
Kilwa 731 Hejra, there was a stone fortress built by Suleiman
Hassan as well as other stone buildings not mentioned by this
writer. Abu el Mahassan tells of an individual he met when making
1 The Somalis and the inhabitants of Mombasa are to-day of this sect, whilst
those of Zanzibar are chiefly of the Bayadhi sect.

12 THE LAND OF ZINJ
the Haj in 1441 a.d. (839 Hejra) called the Kadhi (judge) of
Lamu. The Kadhi, who was born in 780 (1383 a.d.), told him
that since the year 800 (1402 a.d.) baboons had taken possession
of the city of Mogadishu, and used to rob the inhabitants of their
food. Once he said, when the officers were prostrating themselves
according to custom before the Sultan who was standing at his
window, they looked up and found that the Sultan had been
ousted by a baboon, who had taken his place.
Of other things told by the Kadhi he mentions that amber
gris thrown on the coast always became the property of the
Sultan, and that once a piece weighing 1,200 ratels was found.
Bananas of many sorts were found and one of immense length
(perhaps the big banana now referred to by the Swahilis as
mkono wa ndovu-=the elephant's trunk). He also speaks of
the town buried under the sand.1
The writer seemed impressed with the fact that Lamu could
produce a man like the Kadhi, so well advanced and learned in
religion and jurisprudence.
We will now turn to Portuguese records for the next stage in
the history of the east coast.
In 1484 Diego Cam discovered the Zaire or Congo River.
Three years later Bartholomew Dias, after having been driven
before a tempest, made land and found that he had rounded the
Cape of Good Hope. Payva and Covilham in the same year
travelled across country to Arabia, and then reached Aden.
Payva went to Abyssinia, in which country he was murdered.
Covilham visited Calicut and Goa and then went to Sofala to
examine the gold mines.
He then set out to return to Europe. On reaching Cairo he
heard of the death of his comrade, and so went back and entered
Abyssinia. There he was well received by the King, and finding diffi
culties in the way of his return, decided to remain in Abyssinia.
Rodrigo de Lima, sent in 1525 as an ambassador to Abyssinia,
found the old explorer still living in that country.
1 See p. 151.

ANCIENT HISTORY 13
Covilham wrote many letters to the King of Portugal, arid
informed him that there was a route to India by sea round the
Cape which was well known to Arab and Indian mariners.
In 1497 Vasco da Gama commenced his first voyage to the
African coast. In 1498 he cast anchor before Mozambique, then
a dependency of Kilwa.
The inhabitants of Kilwa at first mistook the Portuguese for
Muhammadans from the north of Africa, and gave them two
pilots to take them to Calicut.
When they found that they were Christians, they "became
hostile, so da Gama set sail, taking the two pilots who were on
board. He put in at Malindi where he was well received. Here
he got new pilots in place of the old ones, and with them reached
Calicut. On his return journey he put into Malindi again and received
an ambassador from the Sheikh who was to visit Portugal. He
touched at Zanzibar, and finally reached Portugal again at the
end of 1499.
In 1500 Pedro Alvares Cabral visited Mozambique and Kilwa,
with a well-armed fleet. He found that there were many in
habited islands in the neighbourhood subject to the Sultan of
Kilwa, and an Arab chief called Ibrahim who also governed
Sofala. He was at first received well by the Kilwa Sultan, but sub
sequently the under chiefs intrigued against him. He then
set sail and reached Maljndi, bringing with him the ambassador
who had been to Portugal and now returned with rich presents
from King Emmanuel. The old Sheikh of Malindi received
Cabral well and tried to keep him to help him against his power
ful neighbour the Sheikh of Mombasa.
The latter, owing to the friendly relations established between
Malindi and the Portuguese, had, since the passage of da Gama,
fought the Sheikh and killed many of his men. Cabral sent
some men from Malindi to go to Abyssinia and find out about
the country. He himself did not stop, but went on to India and
then returned to Portugal.

14 THE LAND OF ZINJ
In 1502 Vasco da Gama with ten ships made his second
voyage. He touched at Sofala and Mozambique ; at the latter
place he was well received, as the former chief was dead. He
was joined by his brother Estevam da Gama with nine ships,
and they went to Kilwa where they made the Sultan Ibrahim a
prisoner. He was subsequently released on his promise of pay
ment of a sum of gold, and a hostage was left in his place. On
his release he refused to pay, but the hostage left in his place
finally paid the ransom.
Vasco da Gama then proceeded to Malindi. On his way he
met an Egyptian vessel loaded with spices, captured her and
killed all on board save children. At this time numerous fleets
had left Portugal, among others those of the Albuquerques.
The Portuguese blocked the Gulf of Aden, whilst others looted
Arab vessels near Zanzibar.
The Sheikh of Zanzibar made an attack on one of these fleets
under Ravasco, but was defeated and had to agree to pay an
annual tribute to the King of Portugal.
Ravasco then went to Mombasa, captured more ships, and
made a treaty receiving tribute from this town. Mombasa then
made peace with Malindi.
In 1505 Dom Francisco d' Almeida marched into Kilwa with
500 men, deposed Ibrahim and put a new Sultan in his
place as a vassal of the Portuguese. He built the fortress of
de Santiago.
After this he took and burnt Mombasa, and was made the
viceroy of the east coast.
Another Portuguese, Nhaya, seized Sofala, occupied the fort,
and put in a new Sultan subject to Portugal. Owing to the
change of Sultans in Kilwa, internal disorders took place, and
many of the inhabitants emigrated to Mombasa and Malindi.
In 1507 Kilwa fort was abandoned by the Portuguese, who
erected another on the island of Mozambique.
Kitao 1 is mentioned about this date as having been formerly
a great city, but now in ruins. 1 See p. 42.

ANCIENT HISTORY 15
Tristam da Cunha about this time obtained the submission
of Lamu, and caused a tribute of gold to be paid. He then took
and pillaged Barawa.
In 1511 Albuquerque took ahd sacked Maskat, but was re
pulsed from Aden.
Albuquerque also tried to make a scheme for the Abyssinians
to turn the Nile into the Red Sea, and so obtain the subjugation
of Egypt.
The east coast of Africa was now somewhat neglected by the
Portuguese who were engaged in conquering India, the Malay
and China.
In 1522 Dom Pedro de Castro took and burnt Kir^imba which
was then a dependency of Mombasa, the most independent of
East African ports.
In 1528 Mombasa, always irrepressible, sprang into pro
minence again, and made trouble with Malindi, the Portuguese
dependency. It was attacked by Nuno da Cunha, helped by 150 Malindi
men. The Mombasa Sheikh brought 6,000 black bowmen from
the mainland into Mombasa, but in spite of this help da Cunha
took the town. The inhabitants took to the bush and kept up a
guerilla warfare, so Nuno sent to Malindi for aid, and the Sheikh
of that place sent him his nephew with 500 men.
Pemba, Zanzibar and other towns sent presents to Nuno to
show their appreciation of being delivered from the formidable
oppression of Mombasa.
The Malindi reinforcements drove the inhabitants from the
island of Mombasa on to the mainland, but small parties still
returned at intervals and made trouble.
Nuno then declared his intention of burning the town and
cutting down all the cocoanut palms, one of the chief sources
of wealth, if this did not cease. The Sheikh of Mombasa then
agreed to become a Portuguese vassal, to pay a big ransom and
a yearly tribute.
When they came into the town, however, to ratify the treaty,
they heard that most of the Portuguese were sick or dead, and

16 THE LAND OF ZINJ
so temporised till at last Nuno, urged on by his men who had
been prostrated by the climate, burnt the city and left.
On his return to Goa. he passed Malindi, at which place he
left twenty-four men to help the Sheikh against any reprisals
on the part of Mombasa.
Portugal had now complete control of the coast from Cape
Corrientes to Brava (Barawa). They had also established
friendly relations with Abyssinia, and during the next forty
years there was peace on the coast and religion was introduced.
Before this, in 1517, the Turks had taken Egypt.
In 1560 the King of Monomotapa, which is the countity;
now known as Portuguese East Africa, was converted to
Christianity. A great part of this country was rich in mines, the possession
of which the Portuguese coveted. The Portuguese now pene
trated into the Jao (Yao ?) country. In 1569 Francisco Barreto
with a thousand men arrived off Mozambique for the purpose
of making an expedition into the interior. On his way from
Goa he had punished the Sultan of Pate who had revolted against
Portugal. He left his lieutenant at Mozambique and sailed up the
Zambezi River, and then started overland for the mines. His
lieutenant intrigued against him, on hearing which Barreto
returned, and on his second trip up the river he only got as far
as Senna, and there died. Vasco Homen now commanded the
expedition and he returned to Mozambique without having
reached the mines.
Vasco then made a second expedition and penetrated as far
as Zimbaze, and then on to Chikanga. He found some mines,
but could not work them, and so retired leaving 200 men
there. These men were, after his departure, ambuscaded
and all killed.
In 1586 a Turk called Ali Bey started from Mokka with two
ships. These were so rotten that one was lost on the way, but
with the other he reached Mogadishu. Here he pretended that
he was the forerunner of a large Turkish fleet, and so imposed

ANCIENT HISTORY 17
on the inhabitants that they declared themselves allies of the
Sultan of Turkey. Intrigue against the Portuguese quickly
spread down the East African coast, and by the treason of a
chief a Portuguese vessel fell into Ali's hands. The crew fled
to Lamu, but the Sheikh of this place delivered them up to Ali,
and they were taken to Constantinople where they died in slavery.
A similar thing happened at Pate, till Ali Bey obtained a small
fleet of captured Portuguese ships. He persuaded Faza, Lamu,
Mombasa, Kilifl and Brava to submit to the Sultan of Turkey;
only Malindi, the old ally of Portugal, remained faithful.
This clever scoundrel, Ali Bey, who had only had twenty-four
men to start with, now returned to Arabia, while a Portuguese
fleet sailed from Goa, visited the east coast, punished the rebel
towns, and burnt Mombasa.
The Zimba, a powerful tribe of barbarians who lived N.E. of
Tete on the Zambezi, are now first heard of in' these parts.1
In 1588 they invaded Kilwa, and the next year passed up the
coast and invaded Mombasa.
In this year, 1589, Ali Bey set sail again from Mokka with a
fleet of five ships and attacked loyal Malindi, but without result.
Coutinho, the Portuguese governor of India, sent his brother
with twenty vessels to drive away Ali Bey. He visited the coast
ports till he came to Mombasa, and there he found a large horde
of Zimba on the mainland opposite Mombasa.
These people had devastated the Kilwa mainland and then
invaded Kilwa Island conducted by a traitorous Arab. They had
ruined the town and killed and eaten 3,000 Arabs.
The Mombasa people with Coutinho on one side and the Zimba
on the other, accepted the latter 's offer of help, and admitted
them to the town. The Zimba, far from rendering them any
help, turned on their allies and slaughtered a great number,
while other of the Mombasa people fled into the sea only to be
killed by the Portuguese.
The Portuguese here captured Ali Bey whom they took to
1 The Zimba are reputed to have defeated and eaten the Portuguese captain of
Senna in 1542. After this there was a big unsuccessful expedition against themi
L.Z. C

18 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Lisbon and converted to Christianity. Coutinho then punished
rebel Lamu and beheaded its Sheikh.
Pate, Siu and Faza were made to pay an indemnity, while
Manda was sacked and its palm trees cut down.
The Zimba then made their way to Malindi, but were driven
off by the Portuguese together with the Malindi people and their
native allies the Wasegeju. The island of Pemba now revolted
against the Portuguese. The Sheikh remained faithful, and the
insurrection was quelled but then sprang up again; the Sheikh1
was deposed and went to Mombasa where he married a Portu
guese woman and became a Christian.
\ Some Portuguese with Malindi and their native allies took
Kilifi, after which the Mombasa people marched against Malindi,
but on the way met the Malindi allies, the Wasegeju, who
defeated them and took Mombasa.
Mombasa fort was built in 1594 by order of the Viceroy
Mathias d' Albuquerque.
In 1597 two Dutch vessels made their first arrival on the
east coast.
In 1607 Van Caerdan with eight vessels arrived at Mozam
bique, and effected a landing. The Portuguese, however, held out
in the citadel and the Dutch admiral retired.
In 1608 they again attacked Mozambique, but were defeated
and retired.
In the same year the English Captain Sharpey visited Pemba,
and the next year another Englishman, Captain Bowles, visited
Zanzibar. The inhabitants of Pemba and Zanzibar, instigated
by the Portuguese, treacherously attacked the English on shore.
After the Wasegeju had taken Mombasa the Malindi Sheikh
was installed at that place.
In 1614 Mombasa was given to Melo Pereira to govern, and
he treated the Malindi Sheikh so offensively that the latter took
refuge at Rabai, which was then inhabited by his slaves.
The Portuguese governor is said to have had him murdered
there, and he sent his head to Goa.
The Portuguese,, who had formerly established friendly rela-

ANCIENT HISTORY 19
tions with the natives, at this epoch treated them with such
brutality that rebellion was rife in all their East African pos
sessions. It is to this cause that the loss of their possessions
is largely attributable.
In 1614 they lost the mines of Monomotapa owing to their ill-
treatment of the natives, and also to intrigue amongst themselves.
About 1620 the Shah of Persia, backed by the British, took
away Hormuz in the Persian Gulf from Portugal, one of their
richest possessions.
Ahmad, the first Malindi Sultan of Mombasa, left a son called
Yusuf. After the death of his father Yusuf was sent to Goa to
be educated. He was there baptised under the name of Dom
Geronimo Chingulia.
In 1630 (1040 Hejra) he was made Sultan of Mombasa where
he was subject to the usual indignities at the hands of the Portu
guese captain. Although he had been made a Christian, he
secretly paid Muhammadan rites at the grave of his murdered
father. He was seen by a Portuguese one day and reported to
the Portuguese governor as having reverted to Muhammadism.
The latter threatened to have him deported to Goa, which threat
came to Yusuf 's ears.
He took 300 faithful followers, and on pretence of paying
a visit to the governor Pedro Leytam de Gamboa, entered
the fort and killed the governor with his own hand while
his followers massacred the other Portuguese. A few escaped
and took refuge in St. Augustine's convent, where they held out
for seven days.
Yusuf promised to spare their lives if they surrendered, but
when they opened the gates and came out, he had the refugees,
men, women, and children, shot down.
Yusuf then publicly renounced the Christian religion. On
hearing of these occurrences the Indian Viceroy, Dom Miguel de
Noronha, sent a flotilla with 500 m,en under his eldest son and
Francisco de Moura.
In 1632 they touched at Faza, where they heard a fuller account
of the events which had occurred, and then sailed for Mombasa.
c2

20 THE LAND OF ZINJ
At this place they were joined by three ships and a hundred
men sent by Ruy Freire Andrade, governor of Maskat, as well
as about 200 men from other places, making a total of
800. After three months of fruitless effort they abandoned the siege
and returned to Goa, leaving two ships to blockade the mouth of
the harbour. The crew left these ships during the monsoon, and
during their absence the Mombasa people captured them.
Yusuf, knowing that the Portuguese would not long suffer
him to remain unmolested at Mombasa, put his cannons and
goods on board these ships, and after having cut down all the
fruit trees and destroyed the town, set sail for Arabia.
The Portuguese captain of one of these ships who had gone to
Zanzibar, on receiving news of these events returned and occu
pied Mombasa which he found deserted.
Yusuf, after resting in the Yemen, in 1636 took refuge in an
Arab colony on the coast of Madagascar ; this town had been
originally founded by people from Pate.
Roque Borges took an expedition from Mozambique agamst
the renegade Yusuf, but could not break into his stronghold,
although he managed to capture some guns and stores and so
regained the Portuguese amour propre.
After Mombasa's rebellion, the surrounding towns threw off
the Portuguese yoke.
Francisco de Sexas e Cabra is said to have rebuilt the fortress
at Mombasa and punished the cities of Malindi, Manda, Pate,
Pemba and a few other places.
From this time, however, Portuguese influence rapidly de
clined on the coast, while that of the Maskat Arabs sprang
into prominence.
Let us turn from East Africa for a moment and take a retro
spective glance at the Oman.
At the beginning of the fourteenth century Oman of the
interior was governed by Abu Muhammad, living at a place called
Nazua, while the sea coast of Maskat was subject to the Sultan
of Hormuz.

ANCIENT HISTORY 21
In 1500 (906 Hejra) during the reign of Muhammad bin
Ismail, the seat of the Imam (hereditary ruler and religious
head) was transferred from Nazua to Bihla.
In 964 Hejra Sultan bin el Mohassen bin Suleiman to,ok
Nazua. His son succeeded him and extended his authority to all parts
of the Oman.
In 1507 Albuquerque had taken the ports of the Oman, and
Portuguese governors were put into the towns.
Eight years later Hormuz was taken by Portugal, and the
Sultan became a vassal of Dom Emmanuel, King of Portugal.
About 1043 Hejra, the Imam Nasur rose against Portugal and
successfully drove them out of all ports except Maskat itself, in
which they held out.
In 1649 (1059 Hejra) this Imam died.
He left no heir, and so was succeeded by Sultan Sef bin Malik,
the second Yorubi Imam.
Sultan conquered the town of Maskat in person and expelled
the Portuguese.
Sultan then created a fleet, and took the offensive against
Portugal on the east coast, and also carried war against them
to Bombay.
Mombasa asked him to help them, and about 1660 (1071
Hejra) he undertook the siege of their fort at that place. After
five years of siege he finally took the fort, and put in as governor
Muhammad bin Mbaruk.
Subsequently the Portuguese retook the fort and treated the
inhabitants with great brutality.
Sultan died in 1668 (1079 Hejra) leaving two sons, Belarub
and Sef. The former first reigned, and then came a period of
civil wars in the Oman till finally Sef became Imam on his
brother's death. Sef carried on the war against the Portuguese
and was asked by the people of Mombasa for help the second
time. Sef captured Mombasa 1698 (1110 Hejra) and subsequently
exercised suzerainty over Zanzibar and Kilwa.

22

THE LAND OF ZINJ

After this reverse the Portuguese were driven from most parts
of the East African coast by the inhabitants of the various towns.
Mogadishu, which had up to now remained independent,
became a dependency of the Oman.
Sef restored the citadel at Mombasa and put in a garrison.
This was the only place on the coast which he occupied, other
towns having voluntarily placed themselves under his protection.
Oman continued to expand, and at this period her fleet num
bered two dozen ships with eighty cannon.
Sef died 1711 (1123 Hejra) in the month of Ramadhan. His
son Sultan, the fifth Yorubi Imam, reigned, and fought with the
Persians, who had tried to regain their foothold in the Oman.
He drove them from Hormuz and several other places.
Sultan died in 1719 (1131 Hejra) leaving a son Sef. As Sef
was too young to reign, a regent was made, and various dis
turbances occurred while the different regents tried to get con
trol of the kingdom.
Sef defeated the regent, but various other claimants to the
throne caused trouble till in 1728 (1140 Hejra) Sef was pub
licly proclaimed Imam.
Civil wars, however, continued till 1738 (1151 Hejra), during
which period the Arabs of the Oman were unable to cope with
affairs in East Africa. The consequence of this was that the
Portuguese once more obtained temporary ascendency on the
East African coast, while the fort at Mombasa came into posses
sion of Arabs who rebelled against the Imam.
In 1728 the fleet of Louis Mello de Sampayo recaptured the
coast from Pate to Kilwa and also, for the last time in East
African history, the Portuguese captured the fort of Mombasa
which they had originally built.
They availed themselves of the bad feeling existing between
the Arab garrison of the fort and the inhabitants of Mombasa
to gain a footing in the town.
On a fete day, when all the Portuguese garrison were in the
town,, the inhabitants brutally massacred them, and so the fort
passed out of the hands of Portugual for the laat time. The

ANCIENT HISTORY 23
inhabitants then made over the fort to the Imam, who sent ships
to Mombasa and a new garrison for the fort.
The Imam had helped Bwana Tamu to the throne of Pate, and
so Pate was at this time favourably disposed towards him. Bwana
Tamu's son, Fumo Bakari, now reigned, and Pate reckoned
among its dependencies Lamu, Manda, Pemba, and the coast of
the mainland from the Juba to Kilifi.
In 1739 (1152 Hejra) the Mazaru'i were put in as custodians
of the Mombasa fort.
In 1742 (1154 Hejra) the Imam was deposed, and another
Imam placed on the throne.
The Persians again invaded the Oman, this time as partisans
of the deposed Sef. Sef still held the forts of Maskat, and the
Persians wanted him to hand them over to them. This Sef
refused to do, so the Persians made him drunk, and then took
his signet ring from his finger with which they signed a document
transferring the forts of Maskat to themselves.
The last Yorubi Imam, Sultan bin Marshid, was killed in battle
against the Persians, and then Ahmed bin Sa'id was made Imam.
Ahmed drove the Persians out of the Oman and himself became
master. Some of the Arabs then raised a man called Belarub Imam
in opposition to Ahmed. Belarub suddenly marched against
Ahmed, and taking him by surprise, besieged him in a small fort
near Maskat. Ahmed escaped in disguise, collected men and
then marched against Belarub, defeating him and killing him in
battle. Ahmed, to strengthen his position, allied himself by
marriage to the family of the old Yorubi Imams.
During these internal disorders there had been no time to
attend to the East African coast, and rebellion had been started
there. Muhammad bin Osman, governor of the fort of Mombasa,
declared himself independent of the Imam. Ahmed sent a man
called Sef bin Khalif with six accomplices to Mombasa. They
pretended to be friendly to the governor, and one day murdered
him and kidnapped his brother, Ali bin Osman, and then took the
fort.

24 THE LAND OF ZINJ
, Ali escaped, and with the aid of the Wanyika, recaptured the
fort, and in 1746 made himself governor.
At this time Pate shook off their allegiance to Oman, but
Zanzibar alone amongst the coast towns acknowledged Ahmed's
rule and received a garrison from Oman.
A difference then sprang up between Pate and the Mazaru'i of
Mombasa over the division of taxes from Pemba. Pate took
iSindini and besieged the fort, but subsequently came to an
understanding with.the Mazaru'i and withdrew.
The Mazaru'i then made an expedition against Zanzibar and
had practically taken the island when intrigue started amongst
themselves, and Ali, the Mazaru'i governor of Mombasa, was
murdered by his nephew. This disorganised the expedition and
it withdrew. Pate at this time made an expedition to Barawa to claim cer
tain rights on the Juba river. Internal troubles once more broke
out in Pate, profiting by which the Mazaru'i sent an expedition
to the island and forced Pate to receive a Mazaru'i governor,
who, however, was afterwards ejected.
In 1783 (1198 Hejra) Imam Ahmed died and his eldest eon
Sa'id reigned. His youngest son Sef obtained some ships and
started for the east coast. In 1784 he landed at Zanzibar and
tried to make them shake their allegiance to his brother Sa'id
and declare in favour of himself. Sultan, another brother of
Sa'id and Sef, arrived with a fleet and persuaded him to abandon
this project. Sef retired to Lamu where he died.
Sultan, accompanied by his nephew Ahmed, a son of Imam
Sa'id, after quieting down things in Zanzibar, set out to visit
the other ports to consolidate the Imam's power. Ahmed visited
Mombasa incognito and went up to the fort where he was recog
nised and treated with respect.
He asked to whom the town belonged, and the governor, out of
politeness, said, " To the Imam of Maskat." Ahmed asked for a
written statement to this effect which he received. Pate in 1776
(1190 Hejra) agreed to recognise the Imam's rule.
In 1791 (1205 Hejra) after the death of Ahmed, Sa'id's son

ANCIENT HISTORY 25
rebelled against his brother. He put himself at the head of an
army of Bedawin, amongst whom he had always been popular,
and took Maskat from Sa'id. He, however, allowed his brother to
remain Imam in name, while he himself virtually controlled
affairs. In 1802 (1215 Hejra) Sa'id died, and Sultan was asked to
become Imam in name.
Sultan was killed in battle in 1804 (1219 Hejra) leaving two
sons, Seyid x Salem and Seyid Sa'id, the latter born in 1790
(1204 Hejra). Sa'id, who was of a pushing disposition, took
precedence over his brother. Sa'id was only fifteen at the date
of his father's death, and with his approval his uncle Badr was
made regent.
In 1806 (1221 Hejra) Badr was assassinated and Sa'id was
proclaimed Imam.
In the year of the death of Sultan Fumomadi of Pate, 1807
(1221 Hejra), trouble arose . between Pate and Mombasa, land
then between Pate and the Oman.
The Mazaru'i governor brought troops to Pate and helped
Sultan Ahmed to the throne of Pate, and then put in a Mazaru'i
governor named Ali bin Abdallah.
The Sultan favoured by a party in Lamu was Fumoluti, but
he was taken off to Mombasa by the Mazaru'i when they put
Ahmed on the throne, and Fumoluti's partisans then emigrated
to Lamu.
The Mazaru'i then attacked Lamu, but were repulsed. Lamu,
however, fearing another attack, asked Sa'id to help them. So
in 1811 (1226 Hejra) Sa'id sent a governor to Lamu, and built
the fort at that place.
The Mazaru'i, fearing this alliance, sent a deputation to
Bombay to endeavour to secure the goodwill of the British.
In 1822 (1238 Hejra) Sa'id ordered the Mazaru'i to leave Pate,
and on their refusal sent a fleet under his general, Hamad,
who took Pate, Siu and Faza.
1 "Seyid," a title used by Imams of Maskat and their descendants, meaning
" Lord " or " Ruler." Generally pronounced " Sayid " or " Sayidi " on the coast.

26 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Sa'id's governor at Zanzibar, availing himself of the absence
of the Mazaru'i governor, managed to capture Pemba Island
about the same time.
The Mazaru'i sent an expedition to retake Pemba, but after
they had landed, a second expedition left Zanzibar and captured
all their ships, so, left on land without means of getting back to
Mombasa, they capitulated. They were allowed to return to
Mombasa on agreeing to give up claim to the island of Pemba.
A second Mazaru'i expedition attempted to retake Pemba, but
effected nothing. On their return in 1823 (1238 Hejra)
Abdallah, the Mazaru'i governor of Mombasa, died, the cause
of his death being attributed chiefly to his sorrow at losing his
possessions. On his death civil war broke out amongst the tribe.
In 1823 an English officer, Captain Vidal, of Captain Owen's
coast hydrographic survey, anchored off Mombasa. The
Mazaru'i, fearing a blockade of their port by Sa'id's navy, ap
proached this officer with a view to becoming a British depen
dency. Vidal said that he must refer the matter to the authorities
at the Cape and Bombay, and that he himself could give no
definite answer.
After his departure Maskat vessels arrived and blockaded the
port of Mombasa. During this state of things Captain Owen
arrived and found Arab ships blockading the port, while over
Mombasa the British flag was flying. He then made a treaty
with Mombasa to the effect that the Mazaru'i should be installed
again in their ancient possessions, in return for which slavery
was to be abolished, the customs were to be divided with the
British, and the latter were to have the right to enter the interior.
Owen also managed to establish friendly relations with the
Maskat squadron. In 1826 (1242 Hejra) the British flag ceased
to float over Mombasa as the treaty had not been ratified, so
Mombasa was once more open to Sa'id's machinations.
A fleet left Maskat commanded by Sa'id in person on board the
" Liverpool " with a force of 1,200 men, and arrived at Mombasa
in 1828 (1243 Hejra).
Partly by a display of force and partly by bribes and intrigue,

ANCIENT HISTORY 27
Sa'id obtained possession of the fort and put in a garrison.
He then visited Zanzibar, but had to return hurriedly to Maskat
owing to internal strife arising in that place.
His fleet followed him back and on the way took possession of
Mogadishu. The Mazaru'i, helped by the inhabitants of Mombasa, then
besieged the fort. Sa'id, who was occupied by the troubles in
Arabia, could not send reinforcements at once, and when they
arrived, they found the fort once again in the hands of the
Mazaru'i. In 1829 (1245 Hejra) Sa'id with another Maskat fleet and
1,400 men, came to Mombasa. He had stopped an expedition in
which he was engaged in Arabia so as to attend to East African
affairs. After seven or eight days of fruitless fighting Sa'id
made peace with Mombasa, and went to Zanzibar. The renewal
of disorders in Arabia, however, forced him to return again
hurriedly to Maskat.
When peace was restored in that quarter in 1833 (1248 Hejra),
Sa'id returned to Mombasa with another expedition and landed.
The Mazaru'i attacked him, both in front and rear, but owing
to a lack of combination in the two attacks, they were defeated
in detail and driven off. However, Sa'id was able to effect
nothing, so again retreated from Mombasa.
Siu then rebelled agamst his authority, and asked the Mazaru'i
to help them. Sa'id made an expedition against Siu, but was
unable to take it.
Later Sa'id, after having intrigued with the people of Kilindini,
and profiting by dissensions amongst the Mazaru'i, landed at
Kilindini. He then intrigued with factions of the Mazaru'i so
successfully that in 1837 (1252 Hejra) he induced them to give
up the fort, and himself put in a garrison of 500 Arabs and
Beluchis. Sa'id then went to Zanzibar and asked Rashid, the Mazaru'i
governor, to visit him there.
He then brought pressure on him to induce him to give up
Mafia Island or pay a yearly tribute to him.

28 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Rashid refused, and returned to Mombasa.
He and about twenty of the leading Mazaru'i were there
treacherously captured by Sa'id's agents and brought to
Zanzibar, from which place they were deported to Bandar Abbas
and put in chains.
The deportation of these Mazaru'i removed the last seeds of
rebellion from the coast. Mombasa then submitted to Sa'id's
rule, and without further difficulty he extended his kingdom, till
it embraced the whole coast as far as Cape Delgrado.
With the exception of a few minor troubles he held these
possessions peacefully to the end of his reign, and so consolidated
the Zanzibar empire, which was only broken up by the partition
of Africa by the European nations.

CHAPTER II
ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES
The following histories are culled from old Pate records. They
were communicated to me by Bwana Kitini who is a direct
descendant of the Pate Sultans, and looked on locally as the
authority on historical matters. For some reason or other I
was not allowed access to the original documents, except one
relating to recent Zanzibar history and evidently not much
prized.1 My informant, who, like most Orientals, had a prodigious
memory for learning by rote,2 made notes and visited me daily
for some months. I wrote the text down from his dictation and
subsequently translated it as literally as possible.
The-reader must please pardon the peculiar phrasing some
times adopted so as to keep as near as possible to the Swahili.
The beginning of these coast towns,'3 he who first made them Hejra
was a ruler called Abdul Malik bin Muriani. The date was the
seventy-seventh year of the Hejra. He heard of this country,
and his soul longed to found a new kingdom. So he brought
Syrians, and they built the cities of Pate, Malindi, Zanzibar,
Mombasa, Lamu and Kilwa.4
1 The Rev. W. E. Taylor, the greatest living authority on Swahili, told me that
he also heard of these documents, but was unable to obtain access to them.
2 Although learning is at a low ebb on the east coast, the retentive memory
which enables a literate Arab to become a Hafiz is evident. A Hafiz is one who
can repeat the Koran by heart from cover to cover.
s Ancient history only deals with the coast, as the interior was unknown.
* The following towns are said to have been built or commenced by Abdul Malik.
In each town or group of towns he had a Luwali (Governor).
Mukadisho (mui wa mwisho = the end city), Marika, Barawa, Tula, Twavae,
Koyama, Vumbi, Kismayu, Omwi, Ndao, Kiwayu, Pate, Paza, Shanga, Bmezi (now
Wangi), Magagoni (Tukutu), Amu (Lamu), Manda, Taka, Kitao, Komana, Uziwa,
Shaka (said to be named from Persian Shah), Mea, Ozi, Malindi, Watamu, Mvita,
Wasini, Kilwa, Tungi, Ngazija (the Comoro Islands).

77.

30 THE LAND OF ZINJ
After that Abdul Malik died, and his sons who reigned did not
care for the work of founding towns, and so they left them.i
Now Abdul Malik's tribe was the Bani Omaiyarand of these
fourteen kings reigned. After this the Bani Omaiya dynasty
went out, and there ruled the Bani al Abbas. The third of this
dynasty was Harun al Rashid,2 who reigned in the year
Hejra 170
170. u#This Sultan heard that Abdul Malik had built in Africa, and
he was pleased to call people and give thenl much wealth where
with he sent them to build houses on the coast. The people he
sent were Persians.
Hejra In the year 601 came the Nabahans to the coast coming
forth from the Oman (Maskat). Now the origin of the
Nabahans leaving the Oman is this. In the beginning at
Maskat four tribes ruled. First reigned the tribe called the
Kharusi. After that they were robbed of their kingdom by the
Nabahans. A Nabahan Sultan called Imam 3 Muthafar took
the kingdom and ruled over the whole of Oman. After him
came his son Suleiman bin Muthafar, and then the latter's son
Suleiman bin Suleiman.
Then occurred a quarrel between the Arabs and the Nabahans
amongst the two tribes of the Henawi and Ghafir. Then the
Yorubi fought the Nabahans and they gained strength and
defeated the ruling Nabahan. So he went forth and fled away
and came to the Sawaheli 4 coast with some of his tribe, whilst
others went to Jebel Riami ; they are there at Riami until now.
He who went to the Sawaheli coast was he who had been Sultan
of Maskat.
He landed at Pate and the inhabitants of Pate were those
people who had been sent by Khalif Abdul Malik bin Muriani.
So he remained in Pate with his people for he had arrived
with many men and ships and much wealth. Presently the|y
sent gifts to the chief of Pate and to every big man in Pate,
1 A legend on the coast says that his son Jafari ruled and died at Kiwayu (see p. 6).
a This was the Haroon al Rashid of the " Arabian Nights," who ruled at Bagdad,
8 " Imam, the hereditary title of the Maskat rulers."
i Swahili from Ar. Sawahil =. coast.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 31
they made a present, and even to the small men of the town
they gave goods. Then the people, both great and small, per
ceived the goodness of the Sultan who had come from Maskat.
After this he went to Is-hak, the chief of Pate, and asked for
his daughter in marriage, and Is-hak gave him his daughter
and he married her, and he rested with her the seven days of
the honeymoon.1
On the seventh day he came forth and went to see his father-
in-law. When he came Is-hak said to him, " Your marriage portion
is the kingdom of Pate."
So Suleiman ruled, and he had a son by that woman and he
called him Muhammad.
Till in the year 625 Suleiman bin Suleiman died, and Hejra
his son Muhammad bin Suleiman ruled and took possession
of all his people, his wealth and his soldiers. It was he
who first took the name of Sultan of Pate, and this by right,
for his father came forth from their country bearing the title
of Sultan.
The people of Pate loved him much for his own goodness,
and because he was a child of the town, for his mother was of
their kin.
Now Sultan Muhammad remained with them twenty-five Hejra
years, and then he died leaving three sons, Ahmad, Suleiman,
and Ali.
It was Ahmad who took his father's place. The townspeople,
those people of Pate, wished to make trouble, and so they, said
to his brothers Suleiman and Ali, " Why does this one take the
kingdom ? Do not consent to it."
So rebellion was stirred up in the country and the towns
people then went to Sultan Ahmad and said, " These brothers of
yours are makers of mischief."
So discord arose between them, Suleiman and Ali on, one side,
and Sultan Ahmad on the other, but Sultan Ahmad was together
1 On marriage the bridal couple remain indoors for a period of seven days, called
" Fungate."

32 THE LAND OF ZINJ
with those people whom his grandfather had brought from'
Arabia. Now these people of Pate purposely egged them on one
against the other, so that they should waste their strength and
then they might get back their country, for they regretted the
arrangement made by their elders giving the kingdom to the
Nabahans. . Sultan Ahniad's mother was a Pate woman, and she said to
her son, " Understand that you must go and agree with your
brothers. This is for your good, for my relations, the people of
Pate, design to urge you on one against the other, until such
time as you may expend your strength. Then they will turn
you out and retake their country that its greatness may be
restored to them. ^
" So you, my son, take my advice, and come to an agreement
with your brothers here to-day."
Sultan Ahmad called Ali bin Othman bin Sef bin Muthafar,
an old man who had been with his father, and sent him to his
brothers according to the advice his mother had given him.
So Ali bin Othman went to Suleiman and Ali, they took
his advice, and he brought them secretly by night to their
brother, and the Pate people had no knowledge of this.
Till in the morning when day broke they perceived that there
was no longer war in the town.
They knew then that their plan had failed, and so they went
to Sultan Ahmad and said to him, " We rejoice exceedingly
that you are acting as a guardian to your younger brothers— it
is indeed good news."
Then they went to those brothers and said, " And for you
to own allegiance to your elder brother is indeed proper."
In those days lived a man who strung some verses symbolical
of the wiles of the Pate people which began,
" The Pate people weave discord, then it is unravelled and
they ask, ' Who is it that began the quarrel ? ' "
So Sultan Ahmad lived in accord with his brothers, and placed
many soldiers in the country, and enriched his subjects. The
Pate people seeing this, gave allegiance to him, and peace came.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 33
to the country and he made it prosper. He benefited that country
much, making plantations, digging wells, building stone houses,
and sending expeditions by land and sea, till that country
flourished exceedingly.
In the year 690 Sultan Ahmad died, leaving two sons>, Omar He]ra
and Muhammad, and two daughters, Mwana Khadija, and
Mwana Mimi.1
Muhammad bin Ahmad reigned, the third of the Nabahans,2
and this Sultan was the first who was called by the name of
Bwana Fumomadi,3 and he was given the name of " The Great."
This Sultan was a very fine man, both in appearance and
disposition; he was moreover very generous. He still further
established the country and conquered the whole island of Pate,
and fought with the people of Shanga, a country near Pate on
the side of the rising sun. This country,4 which is even nearer
to Siu, he conquered in war, plundering it and killing the
males. The youths and the old women and maidens they made
prisoners. There was a maiden sitting on the ground grinding frankin
cense, and a soldier entered and seized her, intending to rob
her of her goods and clothes and make her a captive.
This maiden said to the earth, "Open, that I may enter,"
and the earth opened and swallowed her up, leaving only the
border of her upper robe above ground. Now this is the truth,
which has been obtained correctly from the people of those days
who beheld the miracle, for this maiden was a God-fearing person.
That soldier, when he saw that, gave up the profession of arms,
for he perceived that this calling did not lead to great things,
saying, "I am a soldier and I am unable to say to the ground
—'Open, that I may be swallowed up.' Even my Sultan is
1 " Mwana," meaning " child " in present day Swahili, also meant " Queen " in old
Swahili. When this child was born, it is said that the grandmother clasped it,
saying, rather ungrammatically, " Mwana mimi " = my child.
2 The first was Muhammad bin Suleimani. Suleimani bin Suleimani, who came
from Maskat, is not counted in the dynasty.
s Bwana = master. Fumo = a chief (derived from old Swahili word meaning "a
spear ") ; madi = abbreviation of " Muhammadi " (Swahili for " Muhammad ").
i The Swahili called every little town with a chief a " country."
L.Z. D

34 THE LAND OF ZINJ
unable to do this thing. This maiden is able to do this because
she obeys her Master who created her. I also will obey him
truly." So this soldier led a devout life until he died.
Sultan Muhammad when he heard the news about this damsel
went to the place and there saw the border of her garment. He
tried to dig her up but was unable, so he built a shrine over
the spot to honour her as a sign to posterity.
That soldier he put in the shrine to live there performing the
services, and to light the lamps at night, and pluck up the grass
growing in the doorway.
When their father died, his sons tended the mausoleum, and
their tribe was the Watui, but now there are no more of that
tribe. After Sultan Muhammad had conquered the country of
Shanga, trouble arose between him and the people of the country
originally called Rasini, but which is now called Faza.
So he made war against them and they fought together for
many days. And it came to pass that the people of Pate were
unable to go outside the town to draw water after the sun had
risen for fear of those people of Rasini.1
For it was the custom of those people to arrive daily as the
sun commenced to mount in the heavens.2 Till the women in
their houses used to tell their slaves, " Go quickly and draw
water before the sun mounts and those of the mounting sun
have come."
So the people of Faza (or Paza) were called "those of the
mounting sun." This is the origin of the word "Wapaza," for
after a while the word " sun " was dropped out, and they were
called "those of the mounting" (= " Wapatha " in Pate
Swahili). After many days had passed the name of Wapaza
stuck to them.
Later on when the country of Rasini had been taken by the
Sultan of Pate, it remained uninhabited till the Watikuu came
1 " Rasini," meaning " cape " or " promontory." Arabic " Ras."
2 Their town being four hours distant from'Pate.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 35
asking for a place in which to settle. The Sultan of that date
told them that they could have the place of the Wapatha. That
is wh^ they are now called Paza (or Faza).
Now after the Sultan of Pate and the Sultan of Faza had
warred together many days they made peace with each other
and agreed each one to remain in his own country.
Then Bwana Shakwa, the Faza Sultan, married his daughter
to Omar, the son of the Sultan of Pate, and they lived together
at Faza for many days.
After that Omar took his wife and brought her to Pate secretly.
When the girl's father heard in the morning he was very angry,
and his son followed after his sister with a big expedition and
came to Pate.
Omar said to his brother-in-law, " There is no need for you
and me to quarrel, for your sister herself wished to accompany
me her husband. So you go your way and she will rest here
seven days and then I shall send her home."
The Sultan of Faza's son returned home to await the agree
ment made with Omar, but after seven days his sister had not
come back, and he was very angry and swore to conquer the
country of Pate.
So he warred again against Pate going and returning daily
for many days, and every day as the sun mounted the heavens
at nine o'clock, the people of Faza had come, and the people of
Pate were no longer able to leave the city to draw water.
So they fought for many days, the people of Faza coming to
Pate, and at other times the people of Pate going to Rasini.
Then the Sultan of Faza's son registered a vow not to shave
his head 1 till he had entered the town of Pate. So he went
many times to fight at Pate till one day fortune favoured him,
and he entered the city of Pate, seizing a whole quarter of the
town. Then he had a chair placed outside the mosque and there
his head was shaved, and so he consummated his vow.
Meanwhile they were still fighting and the people of Pate
1 Arabs and Swahilis do not cut their hair, but shave their heads when the hair
is too long.
d2

36 THE LAND OF ZINJ
held out in one side of the town, and they took counsel of a
sage who said to them, " Do not go now into the fight, but wait
till two o'clock has passed. If you fight then you will drive
them out of your country, but you must follow them and kill of
their number in the way, and retake your property which they
have looted till they reach their home, when you will take their
town also."
Now the Rasini people when they had captured part of the
town were content to rest and loot, thinking that they would
take the rest of the city when the sun had declined.
When two o'clock was past the people of Pate fought them
and turned them out of the town, for they were carrying much
loot and were unable to fight. So the Pate people followed
them-.till they reached the town of Paza. The Rasini people
entered the city and barricaded the gates while the Pate people
besieged them closely, so that a man might not come out or
enter in.
They besieged them for seven days, and each day they were
losing strength by reason of lacking water to drink.1 Now in
the town of Faza was one of th,e captains of the troops called
Haji Mwetha, and he said to the others, "My fellow captains,
if I tell you my plan will you follow it ? " They answered,
"We will follow it."
Then Haji Mwetha said, " The reason that the Pate people
drove us out of their town was that w.e found ourselves amongst
their wealth, and they fell upon us when we were unable to
fight because of the loot that we had taken.
" Now my plan is to make a small breach in the wall and
leave one part of the town for them to loot. When they see
our property there together with the things we have taken from
them, they will leave off fighting and remain there.
" We shall remain with our women and children in the other
part of the town, and when they withdraw with their loot we
will fall upon them. The way out will be narrow so we shall
kill and capture them and retake our property."
1 The principal wells of these towns are generally outside the city.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 37
So the people of the town took his advice and they broke part
of the wall.
When the Pate people saw this the chiefs and ameers said
to the captains and soldiers, "Do you perceive this matter?
It is a ruse, so now everyone who enters the town must seize
neither thing nor person. Everyone he meets he must smite
whether it be man, woman, or child, and when we have finished
conquering the town we will obtain all their property. Any
people who are then left we will make our slaves."
So they acted on this advice and entered the town smiting
all they met with.
When the people of Faza looked on the faces of those who
had been killed, they ran away and wished to open the gates
and fly, but the Pate men had surrounded the whole town so
there was no way out.
They then desired quarter, but the people of Pate refused
to give quarter except to those of them who had friends amongst
the people of Faza; each man seized his friend and the re
mainder they killed or made slaves. The town and the houses
they broke up leaving neither thing nor person.
For this reason the Swahilis say to anyone who gives advice
which is not good, " Your advice is like the advice of Haji
Mwetha." From the day that the town of Faza was destroyed no man
lived there till the coming of the Watikuu,1 and the only inhabi
tants left alive were those who were made captive and men who
were not present at the fight such as fishermen and those on a
journey. Even to-day there are descendants of these at Siu, Amu, the
Mrima, Zanzibar and other places and they call their tribe the
Mafazii. Later on the Sultan Muhammad of Pate pardoned the captives
and they were scattered abroad, every man living where he pleased.
Sultan Muhammad conquered the island of Pate from Yaya
1 When the Watikuu came to Faza they still found some of the houses inhabit
able.

38 THE LAND OF ZINJ
and Shanga as far as Mtangawanda — that is the length' and
breadth of the island. After that he sent expeditions to Kiwayu
and Ndao, and the people of Kiwayu, when they saw the strength
of Pate, did not fight with them but declared allegiance to them
and paid tribute to them. Each chief man of his tribe had to
give a slave and twenty dollars to every Sultan of Pate, and if
there was any matter or case they sent written petitions to the
Sultan who ordered their affairs for them.
When the people of Kiwayu made allegiance to Pate they
became soldiers of the Sultan, and the Sultan fought and con
quered all the countries beyond Kiwayu, viz.: Kiunga, Tula,
Koyama, Kismayu, Barawa, Marika and Mukadisho. He in
stalled a governor at Mukadisho x for in those days this was an
important place.
After conquering all these places Sultan Muhammad died in
Hejra the year 740, and his son Sultan Omar (Fumomari) 2 reigned.
It was he who fought the towns of the coast, Manda, (Jthiwa,
Komwana, Malindi and the Mrima and Kilwa till he came to
Kirimba.3 Now the Sultan of Manda,4 when he saw that the kingdom of
Pate had become great, wished to place a governor over them, for
before the coming of the Nabahans Pate used to be under his rule.
The people of Pate did not agree to this and so trouble arose
between them.
Till during the north-east monsoon if a man was building a
vessel in Pate harbour, when he hammered a nail to drive it into
a plank, an order used to come from Manda, " The master is
sleeping; do not make a noise."5 It came about that a person
was unable to work at boat-building save morning and evening.
1 All these places are to the north of Pate in order.
2 " Mari " abbreviation for Swahili Omari = Omar in the same way as
(Fumo) madi is an abbreviation for Muhammadi.
8 These are all to the south of Pate in succession.
* Manda was a much older city than Pate.
6 Manda is S.W. of Pate, but too far to hear any sound. The order was given
presumably to impress the people with his importance. A very rare tense is used
here in the original. " Ulele " meaning " he is in the act of sleeping " as opposed
to " analala " or " yualala " = " he is sleeping."

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 39
To this the Pate people did not agree, so war arose between
them and they fought together many days.
Till after a space of time had elapsed one day the elders
of Manda were sitting in council, all the big men of the town,
every tribe with its representative. However, one of their head
men, Bakiumbe, was not present, for he had gone to sea fishing
and they had not told him that there was to be a meeting.
So all the elders assembled except Bakiumbe and someone
said, " Let us wait," but others said, " There is no necessity to
wait for him ; these words are not for fisher folk but for elders."
So they transacted their business, and when Bakiumbe re
turned from the sea he was told of this matter by his relations,
for he was the chief of the fisher-clan. Then he spoke and said
to his clan, " These men have treated us fishermen as lowly folk
like unto slaves, and we are all as well bred as they, save that
every one follows his calling. This one hoes, another is a smith,
and another a palm-tapper. This is our "town and every one
has his house, his property and his dependants. I will make a
plan that I may pay back this insult that has been offered us till
even those who come after us will not be able to scorn a man
again." Even to-day if there is an assembly people will speak together,
and if one man is left out they say, "Do not leave out one
man from amongst our people for he is our brother even though
he is a lowly person. Did not Bakiumbe break up Manda for
this reason, choosing to leave his property and his children
without leaving even his name to the end of the world." 1
Now this is the story of Bakiumbe and what he did. After
having heard about the council he took his canoe and went over
to Pate and demanded private audience of the Sultan. Then he
said to him, " I want to give you the country of Manda without
trouble or war and with but little expense. Will you follow my
advice ? " The Sultan said to him, " I will follow it ; tell me
what it is."
Bakiumbe said, " Whenever I ask for ambergris I want you
1 Meaning that he did not leave his name through his descendants.

40 THE LAND OF ZINJ
to give me the amount I ask for. About the third or fourth time
I will give you the town of Manda."
The Sultan of Pate said to him, " I have agreed, but you, for
what reason do you desire to break up your country, in which
are your children and your property ? Tell me your reason that
I may recognise for myself whether it be true or false."
Bakiumbe related to the Sultan the whole story of how he had
been treated by the elders of Manda. At that time the Sultan
knew truly that he would do as he said, for he was seized with
anger, and if a man is seized with anger he loses all wisdom.
So he consented and gave him the ambergris that he required.
Bakiumbe set out and when he arrived at Manda it was late at
night. He knocked at the gate, but the officer would not open
it ; because of the war with Pate all the gates of the city were
closed at night. So he slept there outside, and the ambergris
he put in his fish basket and poured wafer over it. In the
morning he was permitted to enter and he went to the Sultan,
of Manda and gave him the ambergris.
The Sultan said, " Why did you leave the ambergris to get
wet and why did you put it in your fish basket ? "
Bakiumbe said, " I came; last night and when I knocked at the
gate your officer would not open it for me. This is my reason,
for I slept on the shore and did not get a receptacle to put it
in, so I poured out my fish and put this ambergris in my fi'sh
basket." So the Sultan said to him, " If you get any more bring it
to me and I will treat you very well."
Bakiumbe said, " I want permission to enter the gates at
whatsoever time I shall come and you must tell your door-keeper
to open to me. So if I get any at any time I will bring it to
you, for you are my master and my Sultan, and at whatever you
give me I will rejoice exceedingly." *•
So the Sultan agreed, and Bakiumbe was glad in his heart,
saying, " I have already attained my, desires."
Then he remained for the space of one month and again he
1 Ambergris has always been royal property wherever found.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 41
brought him ambergris bigger than the .first. After that he
remained more than a month and brought him some again.
Then he waited more than three months and again he brought
him a piece.
After this he went to the Sultan of Pate and said to him,
"Make ready — the work is finished. To-morrow night at two
o'clock I will come to fetch you. Have soldiers ready, a few I
shall take myself and many must follow behind me."
They arranged after this manner till, when night had come
and two o'clock was passed, Bakiumbe went to the Sultan of Pate
and found soldiers ready as he had desired.
He took them and came with them to Manda, and coming to
the gate he knocked. The officer of the watch thought that this
was Bakiumbe coming according to his custom with ambergris
for the Sultan.
He unfastened the gate, and Bakiumbe entering with the
soldiers seized the guard and killed them and straightway went
to the Sultan's palace while other soldiers seized the gates of
the city.
The Sultan, when he heard Bakiumbe's voice, descended from
upstairs and said to the door-keeper, " Open quickly, for this is
Bakiumbe," and his heart was exceeding glad.
When the door was opened Bakiumbe entered together with
the Pate soldiers with naked swords held ready. When the
Sultan saw the swords he wanted to run away, but there was no
way in which he might run.
The soldiers struck him and killed him together with those
of his people who were there in the house. The people of the
town heard shouts so they came to the house of the ruler of the
city. When they came, they met the people of Pate who had
already seized the house.
Other people went to the gates, but the Pate men had already
seized them.
So when dawn came, the townspeople had made no plan for
assembling together or fighting because wherever they went
.they found Pate men already in possession. Thus it was that

42 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Pate conquered the country of Manda in one day, and when it
dawned they seized as prisoners both the men and women, and
all their property, silver and gold.
Now the Manda people had many gold ornaments, for which
reason they were called "Wavaa ng'andu "1 (the wearers of
gold). So Pate obtained much wealth, and they took both property
and prisoners back with them to their city.2 Half of the Pate
troops went on to Taka and broke into the city.
The people of Kitao, when they heard that iioth Manda and
Taka had fallen, sent their elders to Pate to sue for peace.
The ruler of Kitao was a woman called Mwana Inali. When
she heard that her elders, fearing war, had gone off to sue for
peace with Pate, she said, " It will not do for me to live any
longer. There is no cause that I should await the arrival of the
Pate people, for they will kill me or make me captive, and treat
me with every kind of abasement. Therefore it is better to die
first." So she arose and put on her gold ornaments, pearl buttons
and ancient jewellery, and went out behind Cape Kitao, and
threw herself into the sea.
When her people heard that their Queen was going down to
the shore, they followed after her, but did not see her again;
even a sign of her clothes or body they saw not.
This is the story of Kitao, Taka, and Manda, and the people
of Pate took prisoners of the two countries Manda and Taka, but
the people of Kitao got peace because they made allegiance to
Pate before the war reached their country.3
1 Old Swahili.
2 Another story relates that Bakiumbe, the fisherman, came to the Sultan of Pate
for a reward. The Sultan said that he was too clever a man to be allowed to live,
for he might one day betray Pate as he had betrayed Manda, so he was executed.
s Taka may have had its old power broken at this time, but, unlike Manda, it
was still inhabited, and not finally abandoned till a much later date. There were
people living at Taka as late as 1094 Hejra. Kitao was probably abandoned before
this. Another story of the breaking up of Kitao attributed to the same date is
that on a Friday a chicken came rushing into the congregational mosque at Kitao.
A man rushed in after it and tried to seize it, saying that it was his. Another man

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 43
So they were left in their country, but everyone who cultivated
land had to pay three loads of produce for every gang of slaves.
Since that time the Sultan of the Nabahans taxed their sub
jects a kikanda (about 180 lbs.) for every gang of slaves,1 and
who first made this tax was Sultan Omar.
Now the captives of Manda were taken to Pate and put on
the east side of the city, and a wall was built round making it one
with the city of Pate.
This quarter was called " Weng'andu " 2 by reason of those
people, "the wearers of gold," being there.
Now at the time of the building of the wall of this quarter
the captives, both men and women, were made to carry the
stones. There was one woman of the people of Manda who refused
to carry stones, so a soldier beat her and that woman wept.
There was a second Manda woman there and she said to her,
" Friend, do not weep," and then she said the following
couplet : — " Tuli kwetu Manda twali tukitenda
Yeo tukitendwa twakataa kwani 1
Hutupa ukuta wathipetapeta
Kutwa ni kuteta hatuna amani."
(When we were at our home in Manda it was we who were
doing — to-day if we are done to, why should we refuse ? They
rushed up and said it was his. They began fighting about it, and others joined in.
It being a Friday, all the inhabitants of the town were coming to the mosque, so
finally nearly everybody in the town was engaged in the fight.
After this the conflicting parties would not be reconciled, and so they split up ;
some went to Amu, some to Pate, and some to Ngoji (Bukini). Those that went to
Amu and Pate afterwards came to Shela. Mwana Inali, the Queen of Kitao (said
in above story to have drowned herself), went to Pate, and the Sultan of that place
honoured her greatly, and gave her a house to live in. The ruins of this house are
still pointed out at Pate, and called Nyumba ya Kitao (the house of Kitao).
Another legend says that Taka was not broken up by Pate, but that the Pate
troops came to attack it and could not find it, as it had been made invisible by the
Waanachuoni (Seers or Soothsayers).
1 A curious word is used here in the original, " cha," meaning " a group of slaves
more than two in number."
2 The ruins of the Weng'andu quarter are still pointed out in the ruined city of
Pate.

44 THE LAND OF ZINJ
give us the wall to build1 winding hither and thither; all day
it is quarrelling — we get no respite.)
So the people of Manda lived in the quarter of Weng'andu ;
this is the account of them till at last they were sent to Shela
by Sultan Abubakr ; its history will be related further on.
So Sultan Omar reigned on the coast, it was he who was the
Sultan to conquer Manda, Taka, Kitao and Emezi on the main
land and Tukutu. After this he fought Mea, Kiongwe and
Komwana and the seven towns between Komwana and Shaka.1
The Sultan of these latter towns was called Liongo, 2 and he
subdued the country from Mpokomoni to Malindi, and this dis
trict was called Ozi.
Now Sultan Omar fought with these towns for many days, and
when he perceived the difficulty of taking them, he went to
Magogoni, the harbour of Tukutu, and stayed there.
Every hour he sent out an expedition and he remained at
Magogoni fifteen years till he got a son called Ahmad.
It was this son who finally overcame the towns of Ozi, and
then sent the news to his father. So his father returned to Pate
and then he went and fought Malindi.
When he and his troops reached Malindi there was a God
fearing man who invoked Allah against them so that the Pate
soldiers became sick.
So they returned to Pate and Omar said to his son, " Now rest
till we have seen about this sickness."
So they rested, and after that the people of Malindi came to
offer allegiance to the Sultan of Pate, and so they remained seven
years without war.
Afterwards Sultan Omar collected many troops and made many
ameers, and passed over to the mainland to go and fight against
the towns there.
They passed on to Malindi and traversed the country in peace
and then came to Mombasa.
1 This town is supposed to have been founded by Persians, and is called after
Persian " Shah."
2 The famous Liongo, poet and bowman, of whom many tales are told. I have
in my possession copies of some of his poems.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 45
The Mombasa people hid themselves in the interior and that
is the origin of the place being called Mvita,1 from " mfita " (one
who hides) .
Afterwards this place prospered exceedingly and became a very
important place at the time the Portuguese came, for many tribes
lived there.
Then the Pate people passed on overland and fought the whole
of the Mrima coast from Wasini and Pangani to Saadani, Tanga,
Kilwa and Kilwa Island and the Mgao coast. They passed on, and
in every place that they took they put a chief.
That was the origin of the Jumbes of the Mrima coast, so called
because they were slaves of the Yumbe 2 (the Sultan of Pate's
palace) .
So the Pate troops proceeded till they reached Kirimba ; these
were the ends of the Nabahan kingdom, Mukadisho and Kirimba,
so Sultan Omar conquered the whole of the Sawahili coast except
only Zanzibar he did not get because at this time this town had
no fame.
In the vear seven hundred and ninetv-five Sultan Omar died Hejra
795
and his son Muhammad bin Omar (Fumomadi the Great)reigned.
The sons left by Sultan Omar were this Muhammad and that
Ahmad, who had been a soldier, and Abubakr. Sultan
Muhammad lived in the country of Pate and made it prosper,
making plantations and building vessels called Gharahs which are
now called Jahazis.3
Now in those days Arab and Indian vessels used to come to
Pate harbour.
Sultan Omar had a nephew who was very fond of travelling.
On his first journey he set out for India, but was completely
lost, and his ship sank, and he himself, after meeting with great
hardships and difficulties and losing everything, returned home.
He remained at home for a year, but the next year he wished to
1 Mvita is the native name for Mombasa.
2 A small chief is even now called Jumbe on the Mrima coast. The ruins of the
Yumbe are still to be seen in Pate.
8 " Gharab " (from Arabic for " raven ") is a craft which appears in the Persian
gulf. " Jahazi " from the Hindustani for a ship = Jahaz.

46 THE LAND OF ZINJ
travel abroad again. His mother said, " Ah, my son, do not travel
again. You have been greatly afflicted, why do you want to
travel ? Money to spend is here ; if you want anything or any
matter, tell me."
He said to her, " I want neither thing nor matter. My soul
longs to travel, and if I do not get leave from you, my father and
mother, I will travel away as best I can."
As they were unable to stop him they made up a fleet of seven
ships for him, and he voyaged away and wrecked all his ships.
He returned alone, and he had nothing and no one with him.
His father and mother said to him, " Now you will not be able
to travel any more." So that youth stopped at home a year, and
by the second year he had no more desire to travel by reason of
the trials through which he had passed.
Till one day he went to the bathroom at night and saw a cock
roach climbing the wall. When it had climbed a little it slipped
down, then it rose up again, and again it slipped down. But it
rose a third time and climbed up till it reached the top and passed
out of sight.
That youth said, " I have been outdone by that cockroach, for
it fell twice and tried a third time. I was not able to try a third
time. God has sent it to teach me a lesson. I must set forth
again." In the morning he said to his parents, " I must set out again,
and this time I want much wealth with me. If you do not give
me a fleet according to my wishes you will not see me
again." His parents and his relations and friends all besought him
not to travel again, but he did not agree. When his parents
found that they were unable to prevent him, they gave him a
fleet according to his wishes.
So he set out and arrived in India where he traded and made
much profit. During the return they were lost at sea for many
days till from the vessel on board of which he was they saw an
island near: them.
So they disembarked as they were in need of water, and that

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 47
youth wished to rest from the discomforts he had suffered. He
lay under a tree and told his servants to cook his food and bring
it him there.
They sat down to cook, and when the fire blazed up they saw
the sand of that place melt and run away. When it had gone a
little from the fire it cooled in separate little pieces.
The cooks told this to their master and he came to look at
it and recognised what it was. However, he only said, " Cook
food quickly," till after he had finished eating he called the
captain and sailors and said to them, " Do you recognize here
that our home is near ? " They said, " We do not know this place,
we have now come to this island for the first time, nor have we
before even heard tell of it."
He answered, " I have made a plan ; will you follow it ? " They
said to him, " Whatever you desire, that will we do." So he said,
" I want to unload our food and everything we have on board
leaving food and water for fifteen days only. Whatever is over
and above this let us leave behind and let us load up our ship
with this sand till she can carry no more, for this sand is silver
ore, and we cannot help getting from it a return greater than
from these other things we are carrying."
So they took his advice and unloaded all their goods and filled
up with sand for three days till the ship could carry no more.
They sailed away, and on the third day they met a bad storm and
lost all hope of escape. The sailors jettisoned the sand till, when
the boat was half empty, that youth stopped them, saying, " Have
patience first.";
Afterwards they got a safe and favourable wind and arrived
home. When they arrived they found that those other vessels
of his had arrived first, and on shore was a mourning for him.
He said to the captain and sailors, " I want you to hide the
news about this sand till I know truly if it be silver ore, for if
it is not so people will think me a fool, throwing away wheat and
food and loading sand." They said to him, " Very good."
So the youth landed with great joy and his parents were over
joyed to see him.

48 THE LAND OF ZINJ
He rested for three days, and then at dead of night he brought
some of that sand and put it in a store in his house.
Then h'e called skilled workmen and showed them a little, and
when th'ey made an ornament out of it they found that it was
very pure silver.
Now it was at this time that the Portuguese arrived in Pate,
and first they came in friendship.
Afterwards he showed the ore to the Portuguese and they
asked him where he got it. He told them the story from
first to last because of his joy when he knew that it was
real ore.
Those Portuguese wanted him to show them the spot, and they
went together with the captain and searched for six months and
returned again without finding it.
When he arrived back in Pate he found that Sultan Muhammad
had died, and that his father Abubakr was now Sultan. The
name of that youth was Bwana Mkuu.
So Sultan Abubakr reigned in the year 825.
The Portuguese came and they stayed at Pate and Dondo and
they were in friendship with Sultan Abu Bakari (Swahili for
" Abubakr ") . Their influence grew great in the town of Pate,
and they taught people how to excavate wells in the rocks by
means of gunpowder.
The Portuguese built houses on the rock and made an under
ground passage to Pongwa rock.1
For a long time they lived together in friendship and traded
with goods and every kind of thing.
The Portuguese said to Abubakr, " Your kingdom is very great,
but there is no profit. Why do you not make taxes ? "
So they made a customs house at a place in Pate harbouTi
called Fandikani ; in the language of the Portuguese it means
" customs." 2
Afterwards Sultan Abubakr died in the year 855. The Bwana
1 The Pate people believe that this underground way still exists, but they have
been unable to find its entrance.
2 Portuguese Alfandega. In Swahili the " -ni " is only a locative postfix.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 49
Mkuu reigned and he had much wealth, and traded much till the
whole country of Pate became very wealthy.
They made large houses and put in them brass lamps with
chimneys, and they made ladders of silver to climb up into bed
with, and silver neck chains. Into the pillars of the houses they
beat silver studs and nails of gold on top of them.
The Portuguese lived on the coast and they set in order Dondo
and Mombasa. Their governor lived at Mombasa, and there
they built a fort which is there to this day.
So Bwana Mkuu reigned without falling out either with the
Portuguese or with his own subjects.
In the year 903 of the Hejra he died, leaving seven children, Hejra
of whom Muhammad reigned, and he was called Bwana Fumo-
madi the Second.
There came about trouble between the people and his brother,
a Nabahan called Bwana Mtiti, nephew of the Sultan Omar.
They made war and defeated him, and so Sultan Muhammad
reigned at peace with his subjects. He set the country of Siyu
in order; this place was there before that time, but it had no
power. At that time was the beginning of the Wafamao coming to
an agreement with the Portuguese governor ; some accounts say
that the Wafamao are Portuguese, and other that they are the
Arabs originally sent by Abdul Malik.
That was the origin of the Siyu people.
Now they are called Swahilis and their clan is the Banu
Sadi. Afterwards trouble arose between the people of Siyu and Pate
by reason of Portuguese intrigue. They fought together and
Siyu was defeated, and the town broken into. Their chief went
and complained to the Portuguese and they came and made peace
and took the prisoners who had been made and returned them to
Siyu. So they stayed in allegiance to Pate.
In the year 945 Sultan Muhammad died, and Sultan Abubakr, Hejra
son of Bwana Mkuu, reigned.
Now at this time the Portuguese conquered the whole Swahili
l.z. a

50 THE LAND OF ZINJ
coast. They instituted a tax, and afterwards their subjects would
not agree to the tax.
Sultan Abubakr was of one accord with his people, and strife
arose between him and the Portuguese. The Portuguese came
and fought with Pate, and the people of Pate were grievously
afflicted. Now at that time there was a Sherif 1 of Arabia in a country
called Inati. So the Sultan of Pate sent a man to desire his
supplications, for he was a very holy man, saying, " Pray to
Allah on our behalf that he may deliver us from our enemies."
When he went to him, he gave him his two sons, and they were
brought to Pate.
He said, " The Portuguese will not get your country again by
the grace of Allah;." So his sons came and settled at Pate and
married there. It was after these Sherifs that the quarters of
Sarambini, Inati and Shindoni were named, for these were the
names of their houses.
Now at that time the ships of the Portuguese came round the
Cape and they attacked Pate and afterwards there was a truce
for six months.
The Portuguese always came during the season of the greater
rains, and this time, after the six months' truce, they came in
great strength and stationed their ships in the neighbourhood of
Pate. There is a small island near Pate which even to-day bears
the name of Shaka Mzungu (the white man's Shaka) because
of the Portuguese staying there.
They seized also the harbour of Mtangawanda and Shindakasi,
and they blockaded the island of Pate, landing by way, of
Shindakasi. They fired cannons on the town and fought with
the inhabitants.
The shots from their cannons passed overhead without damage
by reasons of the supplications of the holy man Sheikh Maulala
ibubakr bin Salim.
When they saw that the shots did not hit they made channels
in the ground of Shindakasi so that they might pump water into
1 " Sherif," a descendant of the Prophet.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 51
the town. When they had made these and brought water from
the shore it would not rise. When they saw that they were not
able to do this they made peace and came to an agreement with
the Sultan of Pate.
Afterwards Sultan Abu Bakari died and his son Sultan Bwana Hejra
Mkuu reigned in the year 995.
At this time foreigners came into the country of Pate and
they were called Wabarawa.
At one time they used to live at Barawa, but they were Arabs
and their tribe is called Hatimii, a tribe renowned in Arabia,
and their country was formerly" Andalusia.1
They arrived in Pate with much wealth, and they bought
houses and even bought firewood and wells.
So the country of Pate prospered exceedingly till in the year
1010 Sultan Bwana Mkuu died, and Sultan Ahmad, the son of Hejra
his cousin, reigned. He was a very good man and loved hie
subjects much. He reigned seven years without rain falling,
and then he abdicated of his own free will and gave the throne Hejra
to Sultan Muhammad, the son of Sultan Abubakr.
Sultan Muhammad quarrelled with the Portuguese and they
turned him out of the throne and gave it to a son of Bwana Hejra 1018
Mkuu called Abubakr, and he agreed with the Portuguese very
well. The Portuguese then had trouble with the people of Amu, and
they fought and defeated them utterly, making many people
prisoners. Sultan Abubakr, by reason of his friendship for the Portu
guese, desired them to give up these prisoners, and he returned
them to Amu. From that date the people, of Amu made allegiance
to Pate.
Sultan Abubakr loved to travel about and visit every place.
Whilst he was on his travels, there behind him in Pate the
people intrigued, and put Sultan Muhammad, the son of his
brother, on the throne in the year 1040. Hejra 1040.
1 Some of the Arabs of the coast claim descent from Andalusians. See an Arabi
book called " Fatuh al Baladin" (" The Opening up of the Countries "), p. 239.
E 2

52 THE LAND OF ZINJ
When Sultan Abubakr returned he landed at Amu ; he was
not able to get to Pate again. He and the Portuguese went
together to fight Pate, but they were utterly defeated and so
made peace, and Sultan Abubakr remained at Amu. He married
at Amu, and later the people of Pate and Amu combined against
the Portuguese who lived at Dondo, but they were not strong
enough for them.
At Pate Sultan Muhammad married his son to the daughter
of Abubakr. The name of the son was Bwana Mkuu.
Bwana Mkuu had not yet taken her to put her in his house
when the people of Pate and Amu and the Portuguese intrigued
together and brought back Sultan Abubakr, and Sultan Muham
mad they locked up.
Sultan Abubakr then said to Bwana Mkuu, " Enter the house
and take your wife. I am your father, do not be angry with
me for locking up your father — it was the subjects and the
Portuguese who wanted it."
So Bwana Mkuu took his wife and lived in peace with his
father-in-law till Sultan Muhammad died.
The people of the town told Bwana Mkuu that his father had
received poison and that presently he also would be poisoned.
Bwana Mkuu did not listen to these tales, so the people went to
the Sultan Abubakr and said, " Your son-in-law is about to kill
you in revenge for his father's death, and the kingdom, he says,
is his."
Sultan Abubakr believed their words and so made a plan with
the Portuguese, saying, "When your governor comes from
Mombasa I will pretend to be ill and will send my son-in-law
Bwana Mkuu and forty great men in my stead.
Honour them greatly and feast them. Give them food of
quality and strong drink. When they have finished getting
drunk, hoist sail and carry them away that they return no more.
For these are troublesome people ; I am not able to reign while
they are here."
The Portuguese took Sultan Abubakr's advice and did as he
suggested.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 53
When the Pate people came to know that these men had been
taken away at Sultan Abubakr's instigation, they were at first
silent and acted as if the matter had not reached their ears.
Sultan Abu Bakari1 said to his daughter, " Your husband has
gone to Goa — after six months he will return."
So she awaited her husband and meanwhile gave birth to a
son. When her son had reached three years of age she knew
that her father's words were false. Now at that time her father
made a fete for the circumcision of his sons and told her that
he would have her son circumcised at the same time.
She replied, " I do not want that, I will have him circumcised
separately." Sultan Abubakr replied, " You have joined in the intrigues
of the other people ; perish, both of you."
Now it was necessary that at these festivities the royal horn
should be blown and there was but one horn.
So his daughter came to borrow the horn of the Amu people
secretly, but the Amu people would not give it for fear of the
Sultan. When she could not obtain the horn she called to her secretly
a man in Pate called Mwenyi Baenyi, one well versed in skilled
work. She said to him, " I want you to make me a horn secretly that
no man may know, and what you ask that will I give you." He
said. " Very good," and so she put him in her house and gave
him an elephant tusk 2 and everything he required, and he made
a fine horn.
When he had finished she asked him what wages he required,
and he replied, " My wages are the gifts given to the blower."
She said, " Take them," and she gave out the horn and he
sounded it through the town and people showered gifts
on him.3

1 Abu Bakari, Swahili pronunciation of Abu-bakr.
2 This horn is beautifully carved, and is now at Amu. It must have been made
of two tusks.
8 It was the custom of the people on hearing the horn to make presents to the

54 THE LAND OF ZINJ
So she held the ceremony and rivalled her father.
After this the people of Pate made intrigue and rushed in on
Sultan Abubakr, smiting him and his brother Bwana Madi—
killing them both.
blower. The old horn of Pate is said to have been lost at sea, while the old horn
of Amu, which is of brass, and not ivory, is now in the possession of a descendant
of the man whose office used to be to blow it on ceremonial occasions.

CHAPTER III
ANCIENT HISTORV FEOM SWAHILI SOURCES (continued)
After the events described in the last chapter, another Sultan
Abubakr was placed on the throne in the year 1060. His nick
name was Bwana Tamu the Great.
Then there arose strife between the Portuguese on one hand,
and the whole Swahili coast together with the Yorubi Imam of
Muskat on the other.
So they combined and fought the Portuguese on the whole
coast, leaving Mombasa alone.
Afterwards the Imam sent word to the Sultan of Pate to drive
the Portuguese out of the fort of Mombasa, and that he was to
proceed about the matter with care and great guile.
So the people of Pate and Mombasa made plans together and
the Pate men went to Mombasa in small parties of tens and
twenties till many were gathered together at Mombasa. They
waited for a Sunday1 and then rushed in on them suddenly, killing
them and gaining possession of their fort and of their property.
Since that time the Portuguese have not had possession of any
place on the coast.2
Afterwards Sultan Bwana Tamu sent a letter to the Yorubi
Imam saying, " I have finished taking the fort and have turned
out the Portuguese." So the Imam answered, " Give me the
fort and I will send men to put in it, and you and I will combine
that we may follow and drive out the Portuguese wherever we
find them."
So the Imam sent a tribe called the Mazaru'i, and they came
with their soldiers and chief and seized the fort. This was the,
1 Presumably on a Sunday so as to attack them when they were at church.
2 The Portuguese have received but little attention in this history. The Pate
historians appear to have magnified the part that they themselves played in east
coast history, to the belittlement of the doings of others.

56 THE LAND OF ZINJ
beginning of the Mazaru'i coming to this coast. Later the Imam
found himself in difficulties as there were no receipts, only
disbursements. Then the Mazaru'i said to him, " This will not do— leave us to
find our own expenses and the fort shall remain yours in name."
Later the Imam sent other people, seven men of the name of
Sef, who were called the Seven Sefs. They, rebelled against
the Imam, so he came and fought them and the Mazaru'i com
manded his troops. They took the fort, but in the taking many
of the Mazaru'i were killed. After this the Imam gave the fort
to the Mazaru'i that they should govern the fort without
reference to Maskat.
So the Mazaru'i stayed in the fort and conquered the country
of Mombasa and its mainland.
There they stopped till they were ejected by Sa'id bin Sultan,
but the account of this will come further on.
Now it was in the days of Bwana Tamu the Great that the
Watikuu and Wakatwa came wanting a place in which to live,
for formerly on the mainland there was war between the Mkilio
and the Wakatwa.
So the Watikuu were given the country of Faza and they live
there to this day.
Bwana Tamu lived at peace with his subjects and they loved
jj'o™ him well till in the year 1100 he died, and Sultan Bwana Mkuu,
the son of Sultan Abubakr, reigned.
Sultan Bwana Mkuu loved the country of Amu very much,
and he went to Amu and married a wife there, and he also
built a mosque, and made Amu the harbour for the trading
vessels brought in by the north-eastern monsoon. His mother
also was an Amu woman.
He lived at Amu and the Amu people loved him well. He
was much given to trading and doing business. He made friends
with the Mazaru'i and they divided together the taxes from the
island of Pemba, each taking half.
They also made the Sabaki River frontier between them on
the mainland.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 57
Sultan Bwana Mkuu died in the year 1125,1 and Bwana Tamu Hejra
the Younger reigned.
The Bwana Tamu was the son of that Bwanu Mkuu who was
carried away to Goa.
Now it was this Sultan who fought with the Yorubi Imam.
The end of it was that he took the allegiance of the Imam and
Maskat soldiers were put in Pate.2
Now this Sultan fought with the people of Amu twice, and
the reason for war was that the Amu people unearthed some
guns belonging to the Portuguese which had got buried on
Hedabu Hill.3 When the Pate Sultan heard this he wanted to
get them from the Amu people.
The Amu people met together and took counsel together and
they were all of one counsel, and answered him, " We will not
give them to you, and we will no longer acknowledge you as our
chief." When he received this letter he made war on them, coming
by two routes.
He embarked some soldiers in ships and sent them by way
of Shela, and others in dhows and mtepes he sent by way of the
Mkanda.4 When they came forth they fixed the guns on board their
ships, but they were too heavy for the ships and sank them.
When the Amu people saw that their ships were sinking, they
pressed the Pate men hard and overcame them utterly, capturing
some of their vessels.
Others fled away and returned to Pate.
When the Amu people had ensured their own safety they said,
" We must certainly go to Pate and fight them even in like
manner as they came to our town." The elders said, " This is
1 These dates are probably only approximate. They are ali multiples of five,
which looks suspicious. They do not agree with those in Chap. I.
2 Sef bin Sultan, a Yorubi bearing the ambitious title of Kaid al Aradh (lord of
the earth), is said to have been the first man to bring Arabs to Amu.
8 A sand hill between Shela and present-day Lamu. The ruins of old Lamu are
supposed to lie under here.
i A narrow channel between Manda and the mainland.

58 THE LAND OF ZINJ
not a good counsel. What we have accomplished here in holding
our own country is no small matter."
However, the leaders of war would not profit by the advice of
the elders and so they made a big expedition on their own
account. They went to Pate and landed their forces at a harbour called
Ungwi. The Pate people were very angry that the Amu people should
try to capture their country and they came forth with all their
might and fought them. A great battle was fought and the Amu
people were defeated, many of them were killed, and they were
spoiled of many vessels.
They were scattered in the mangrove swamps, while those who
were left got vessels and retired to Amu.
When they arrived the elders said, " Did we not tell you after
this manner ? Now you will have to fight for your country, for
the Pate chief will not leave us alone ; he will come to fight us
again. It were better that we swear allegiance to him as here
tofore." Tho captains of war did not agree to this.
The Pate Sultan waited six months and then made war again.
He made a dhow in the harbour of Magogoni and it was taken
overland till they came with it to Kikoni.
This dhow carried soldiers across from the mainland whilst
others came by way of the Mkanda.
When the Amu people saw these latter arriving on the shore
they went down to fight them and did not leave a single man
in the town, for they had not the tidings of the dhow at
Kikoni. They had no knowledge of this and so as they were fighting
on the beach the Pate people entered the town and seized it.
At that time they were unable to make any dispositions, and
so they were defeated and their country conquered.
The Pate people .took forty of their chief men and brought
them to Pate.
The elders who were left in Amu wrote to the Mazaru'i and

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 59
asked them to intercede for them with the Sultan of Pate, saying
that they were ready to return to his allegiance.
The Mazaru'i went to Pate and received those forty men whom
they returned to Amu, and the Amu elders returned to the Pate
allegiance, saying, " Whilst we are alive there will be no more
trouble between us."
After these events were finished trouble arose between Sultan
Bwana Tamu and the Yorubi Imam. The latter made intrigue
in Pate so that at his instigation the Sultan was stabbed with a
dagger at a levee and was killed.
This was in the year 1135, and Bwana Bakari his son reigned.
Now this time was the beginning of the Abusa'id dynasty of
Maskat. For the Yorubis had reigned many years in Maskat until
there came to the throne one man who was very bad.
Now at this time there was a man of the Abusa'idi Arabs
called Hamed bin Sa'id, who kept a shop in the village of the
Oman called Adam.
The chief of the village one day entered his ship and ate some
Halwa,1 and took things out of the shop, refusing to pay for
them. Hamed bin Sa'id then killed the chief. He then asked his
relations to support him, but they refused as the chief was a
great man in that place, so Hamed fled to the chief of the Yorubi
at Nazua in Maskat.
He told him, " I have quarrelled with a man and killed him."
When the relations of the dead man came to claim Hamed,
the Sultan paid blood money for him and kept him at his court.
Hamed entered the service of the Sultan as a herdsman and
afterwards became a soldier till he rose to be the head of the
soldiers, and then became the Sultan's Wazir.
Afterwards he sent him as governor of a province called
Sahari. Now that Sultan behaved very badly to his subjects, robbing
1 An Arab sweetmeat.

60 THE LAND OF ZINJ
them of their wives and becoming intoxicated with Indian hemp
(Bhang). When the subjects were much oppressed they sent to Hamed
bin Sa'id saying, " We are unable to live with this Sultan any
longer." Hamed replied, " If you are able to kill him, do so." The
people answered, " We will kill him, but you must consent to
govern." He consented, and so they killed the Sultan and Hamed bin
Sa'id ruled and was called Imam of Maskat.
He lived at Nazua and was a very good man, and when he
died he left two sons, Sa'id and Sultan. This was the beginning
of the Busa'idi dynasty.
Of these we will relate their history farther on.
Now when Bwana Bakari came to the throne of Pate the
Mazaru'i had become very powerful, and they had entered Pate
in friendship, but had become more powerful than the Nabahans.
Bwana Bakari stayed at Amu and the Pate people did not
like him and made a plot to dethrone him.
In the middle of this strife Sultan Bwana Bakari died, and his
brother Sultan Ahmad reigned in the year 1150.
Intrigue arrived between the Mazaru'i and the people of Amu
and of Pate, and both these people loved Sultan Ahmad.
Now at this time the Busa'idi Arabs used to come to the coast;
they had got hold of Zanzibar through making friendship with
the people, but had not yet taken it entirely.
The Mazaru'i went to Zanzibar and they fought together.
The Mazaru'i governor was intrigued against by his nephew
till one day that nephew of his struck his uncle with a dagger and
killed him. Those Mazaru'i who were present fell on the youth
and killed him. It thus happened that the Mazaru'i expedition
to Zanzibar failed, and they returned to Pemba and then- to
Mombasa. There they made another chief, but from "that time they did
not get to Zanzibar again.
Then they wanted to seize Pate and Amu and to take the

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 61
kingdom of the Nabahans, but they were unable. So they lived
with them in friendship and in guile, thinking, "If we get
a chance we will take their kingdom."
In the year 1177 Sultan Ahmad died, and a Queen Mwana Hejia
Khadija, sister of Bwana Tamu the Younger, reigned. She
reigned seven years, and after that the Mazaru'i intrigued with
the Pate people and they put Sultan Omari on the throne.
Then there were two rulers in one country and they fought
together for five years inside the city. Afterwards Sultan Omari
was defeated and he fled to the Bajuns at Faza.
Mwana Khadija sent her soldiers and ameers to fight him at
Faza and he fled again and took a dhow and made for Barawa.
He fled secretly, but the soldiers of the Mwana Khadija
followed him and came up with him in the way in their dhows.
When he saw that he would be seized he wrote on a piece of
paper and threw it into the water, and at that place there sprang
up behind his dhow a shoal of sand.
Even to-day it is there, and the Bajuns call it Sultan Omar's
shoal. The reason was that he was a great medicine man, but magic
does not stay the decree of Allah and his luck was small. So he
went to Barawa and stayed there one year till he gained strength
to return to Pate of one accord with the people of Pate and the
Mazaru'i. He entered Pate and seized his house, called Diwani, and half
the town. Then war returned to Pate, and after one year they
broke into his house at Diwani and he was killed.
His brother's son, called Fumoluti, took his place and fought
with Mwana Khadija.
In the year 1187 Mwana Khadija died. Hejra
So Sultan Fumoluti reigned, for the people of Pate saw that 1187,
it was better to leave off strife because of the trials they had
endured for many days. So he reigned over the whole town and
all were of one accord, the people of Pate, the Mazaru'i, the
people of Amu and Siu, and even the Bajuns.
The people of Pate said, " It were better that we leave off

62 THE LAND OF ZINJ
fighting and that he reign over the whole country, for our town
has been laid waste."
For in the time of Sultan Omari and Mwana Khadija every
body cut down the cocoa-nut palms and fruit trees, everybody
destroyed the property of his neighbour. For five years they
were not able to cultivate or to trade or to do any work whatso
ever. So a great famine raged till people ate oats and the skin
seats of chairs. For this reason they were pleased that peace
should reign and that their country might rest.
So they remained two and a half years, and after that time
the great men who were of Mwana Khadija's faction made
intrigues. These people said, " What sort of a Sultan is this ?
We do not want him1, for he is of lowly origin."
For the mother of Sultan Fumoluti bin Sheikh' was of humble
birth, and her father's profession was that of a fisherman.
This fisherman had three daughters, one of whom was called
Mwana Sukari binti Kae.
One night during Ramadhan her father was lying in his plan
tation and his daughter was fanning him, when the star of
destiny x passed over them.
Her father pointed it out to his daughter and said to her, " My
child, Allah will bless you so that you give birth to Sultans."
On the next evening the father of this Sultan Fumoluti passed
the house of the fisherman and saw his daughter and loved her
very much. He demanded her of her father and married her
and took her to his home. She gave birth to this Sultan
Fumoluti and one girl, who became Bwana Fumomadi's mother,
and another boy, so she had three children.
Now from that time no other has reigned at Pate save descen
dants of that woman whose father prayed to Allah on her behalf.
So now by reason of the humble origin of his mother the Pate
people refused to be governed by this Sultan Fumoluti, and the
great men of Pate took counsel and made plans to destroy him.
1 This is a star called " the star of the night of divine decree," or the night on
which the Prophet ascended to heaven, a vision of which is, according to Arabs,
vouchsafed only to very holy persons.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 63
Now the Sultan was a man of great strength and a brave
warrior, so they said, "Who will confront him and smite
him ? "
They were in the midst of saying these words when a man
called Fundi Suleimani, a craftsman, came forth. He drew near
to the counsel of the free born.
They said to him, " What do you want here ? You have no
manners to disturb our privacy." He replied, " The secret thing
you desire I will do it for you." They said to him, " You are a
lowly person, you will not dare do the thing we wish to do." He
replied, " I will do what you want and more."
Now the reason was this: the artisan Suleimani had had a
very beautiful wife. Long ago Sultan Fumoluti when a youth
had taken her from him. Now that he had obtained the status of
a free man he said to himself, "Now I will take my revenge
that I may cure the old sore that is in my heart."
When the elders heard this, they knew that he would do
truly as he said. So they said to him, " If Allah will we will
attend the levee and you must come and stand behind the Sultan.
When the Mazaru'i governor enters the levee the Sultan will
stand up for him, then strike him and we will be ready to seize
his house."
Next day they went to the levee according to their agreement.
When the Mazaru'i governor entered the Sultan rose, placing his
hand on his sword. Suleimani struck him a sword cut, and the
blow severed five fingers, and striking the regal chair cut off
its arm.
Sultan Fumoluti's sword fell on the ground and he stooped
and picked it up with his left hand.1 Now Suleimani's sword
was broken with the blow, and there remained only the stump,
with which he struck the Sultan on the right arm.
When Fumoluti had seized his sword in his left hand he
struck Suleimani, who ran away and fell, outside, split in two
halves. Then the Pate people attacked Sultan Fumoluti, and he drew
1 The sword was wom, of course, on the right Bide, according to Arab custom.

64 THE LAND OF ZINJ
nigh to them and smote them with his left hand and killed
twenty-five men. So they fled away, and two of their number
hid themselves under a cow.1 Everybody fled, and his brother
was killed there. When they had fled he went to the door and
fastened it, and his own people and Bwana Sheikh his son were
not present.
When they received tidings they came running and passed in
by the back way, and Bwana Sheikh entered and found his father
exhausted from loss of blood.
He said to his son, " Listen, my son, I give you my dying
exhortation that you may act on it. I am finished and you after
me they will kill you."
" Now if you want my counsel go and take Bwana Fumomadi
and put him here in my place. It is he who is able to avenge
me, for the soldiers here belong to his father and his aunt.
When these soldiers see him as ruler of the town they will come
to their master. If you refuse to follow my advice you will die
before me, for they will come again at once and come up into
this house."
As they were in the midst of saying these words Bwana
Fumomadi and his friends arrived. For when he had received
the news he was not able to wait patiently because Fumoluti
was his younger maternal uncle.
When Sultan Fumoluti and his son saw Bwana Fumomadi
they said, " This is indeed Sultan Bwana Kombo." 2
So Fumoluti spake and said to Bwana Kombo, " I gave this
your brother just now my dying exhortation to obey you. Now
I give you my dying request. Do not follow the counsels of the
Pate people. Stand by yourself and avenge me, and Allah will
give you a great kingdom, and you will defeat your enemies.
" Also follow the counsel of this your brother, Bwana Sheikh',
for he is wise, moreover he is a valiant man and will be of
1 It was usual to keep a few cows outside in the courtyard to give milk to the
household, while the remainder were taken outside the city to graze.
2 From Kombo = scraps, meaning that he was left over from the general slaughter,
Kombo ya Simba = the lion's leavings, is a nickname often bestowed on a man who
has been mauled by a lion.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 65
service to you against your enemies. So you must love him and
help him to a high place in your kingdom, and I will then be
pleased with you, for he has nothing now."
When the Nabahans and the Pate people knew that Bwana
Kombo had been given the kingdom by his uncle, and that the
uncle was still alive, they made an attack on the house.
So Bwana Sheikh and Bwana Kombo and their soldiers and
relations fought well and resisted them.
Then the Pate people took Bwana Fumomadi 's brother and
made him Sultan in their quarter in place of Mwana Khadija his
aunt. They fought three days till on the fourth day, at night, Sultan
Fumoluti died.
Some people said that he put his arm into burning oil, and
others that he said, " There cannot be a Sultan with a stump
for a right arm for how can his hand be kissed ? Moreover, I
will not live to be called Sultan ' stump-arm,' " and so he died.
So in the year 1190 Sultan Bwana Fumomadi reigned.
When Fumoluti was dead Sultan Bwana Fumomadi told a crier
to beat the horn 1 in the town the same night and proclaim that
the Sultan was dead, and that he had taken his place, and that
this was the Sultan's dying bequest. Moreover, that he who
wanted war must make war with the new Sultan, and he who
wanted peace must come early in the morning to the burial.
So when the morning had dawned Bwana Fumomadi and his
clan buried his uncle.
Those people of the other quarter did not come, so Bwana
Fumomadi knew that they were still wanting to make war.
Now of those in that quarter there were two of Bwana Fumo-
madi's brothers ; one was he whom they had set up as Sultan,
and the other followed his brother.
Now this faction was the strongest, but half of the people
1 The criers in the old days used to issue proclamations of the Sultans and parade
the city beating a horn with a stick. The Swahili expression " kupiga pembe " is
ambiguous, as it is sometimes used for " blowing a horn." However, the ceremonial
blowing has a separate word.
L,Z, F

66 THE LAND OF ZINJ
and soldiers, when they saw how Bwana Fumomadi reigned,
came over to him because they loved him most, and they were
in the beginning soldiers of his father.
So Bwana Fumomadi, when he had gained strength, fought
the other faction and took their town, leaving only forty houses
in the whole town. After that he seized all these houses till there
was left only forty people in one house, and these were very
great men.
Then he wrote a letter and sent it to his two brothers who
were there, saying, " I have pardoned you, come out from there
and leave me to fight it out with the remainder. You will order
this kingdom equally with me, but to me will be left the name
of Sultan only." They answered him, " If you want us to come
out you must make peace with us together with these forty
people of ours. We cannot leave them."
When their letters came, Bwana Fumomadi consulted with
his cousin Bwana Sheikh, and the latter said, " If you leave
these people they will make trouble again directly they have
gained strength. It will not do to leave them."
" Now if your brothers have refused to come out it is best
that you treat all these alike and eradicate this evil that our
country may be saved, for it has suffered troubles for many days.
So he asked his brothers again to come out and they refused.
So Bwana Fumomadi did not hesitate, he sent soldiers to
assault the house from back and front, and they killed every
body. Then he took either by stratagem or force every man who
had been a ringleader amongst the rebel soldiers of Pate, Amu,
Siu or Ozi, and killed him.
For this reason he obtained a great kingdom and sat on the
throne for thirty-three years without there being trouble any
where in his kingdom.
The whole outlook became clear, so that even now women
say when the sun comes out and there are no clouds,. " To-day
the heavens are refulgent like the sovereignity of Bwana
Fumomadi." So the country of Pate flourished, and he turned out the

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 67
Mazaru'i and they had no concern with it any more. Since they
had come to Pate no one had been able to govern any more
without their aid, but Sultan Fumomadi put an end to this
state of affairs.
Now he was the last of the great Sultans of the Nabahans ;
after him there came not anyone who obtained a kingdom like
his, for he restored the grandeur of the ancient kingdom with his
own hands.
He loved his subjects and his soldiers and he spent much
money. He was a clever man, powerful and brave, and he did not
consent to have his subjects oppressed.
In his time towards the end of his reign there was a man of
Amu called Abdallah bin Hafithi, a great man, who said, " This
year I will not pay my tax of three loads of produce."
The Amu people said, " What will you do, then ? " He replied,
" This year I will not cultivate, and I will make all my slaves
cut planks."
Bwana Fumomadi heard this and he waited till the time of
the paying of the " kikanda " tax and then he held a levee and
called his ameers and officers and the big men of his kingdom,
and told them about Abdallah bin Hafithi. They asked him what
was his wish, and he said, " I want a man to go at once to
Abdallah bin Hafithi and bring me back one of three things.
Either a thousand dollars as a fine or he himself or his head,
but he must not excite the country of Lamu, and no one must
know of it till one of these three things has been brought."
There was a captain among the Nabahans, a great warrior
and also a friend of Abdallah bin Hafithi. This man said to
the Sultan, " In the morning, if Allah wills and we are all alive,
I will give you here at your levee one of these three things."
So that captain, Ahmad bin Othman was his name, went forth
and took twelve good men from amongst his soldiers.
He then procured a canoe and twelve fishermen with oars
and set out from Pate at sunset till when eleven o'clock had come
he had arrived at Kitopemba in Lamu,
He landed and instructed the fishermen not to allow the canoe
f2

68 THE LAND OF ZINJ
to beach itself with the ebbing tide. Then he entered the town
and went, with his twelve soldiers, straight to the house of
Abdallah bin Hafithi. The door was bolted, so he put four
soldiers on either side and four at the door, telling them to let no
one whatsoever pass in the way.
He knocked at the door and a slave girl opened it, and he
entered in.
Abdallah when he saw his friend said, " Welcome, stranger.
By what vessel have you arrived this time of night and what is
the news ? For this is not your wont, for when you come you
first send me a letter and to-day you have not sent me one."
He said, " To-day I have not come on my own business— I
have come by order of our Sultan, and I am to bring him one of
three things."
He asked him, " What is the first ? " He replied, " For you
to give me a thousand dollars." " The second ? " " That you
go yourself to Pate." " And the third ? " " If you refuse I
must take your head."
Abdallah replied, " Very good, I hear and obey. Draw near,
rest and go to the bathroom. Sleep here till morning and then
I will give you a thousand dollars. There is no cause for me to
quarrel with my Sultan over a thousand dollars."
He replied, " This will not do. You must not even leave
here to go inside. Tell your wife to bring a thousand dollars
to us here outside at once or you take my life or I will take
yours." Abdallah bin Hafithi said to, him, " Gently, do not get angry.
The money is ready. I shall give it you. Take water and drink
first." He replied, " I have no need of water, nor have I leave from
my Sultan to drink water or to delay." Then he said to
Abdallah's wife, "Bring a thousand dollars quickly that you
may save your husband's life and mine. It is indeed best that
we obey the order of our Sultan or I will fight your husband
now." The slave girl who had opened the door told her mistress

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 69
that there were soldiers outside, and when she heard this she
took a bag of a thousand dollars and gave it to the Pate captain.
He took charge of it and said to her, " You have behaved
very wisely to save your husband's life and mine."
So he went forth with his soldiers and returned to Pate,
arriving there before it had dawned.
He slept at his house, and next day he brought the bag of
money to the levee, and many people were there. He gave it
to the Sultan who thanked him and said, " I have no need of the
money, keep it," and he also gave him as much again.
When the people of Lamu and all his subjects heard about
this they were all very frightened and paid up the " kikanda "
tax ; even those who had hidden it gave it this year.
For this reason the women sing a song.
" Bwana Tauthe says to the Palace, ' There are not enough
receptacles for the tax millet at Ndambwe.' "
Near the end of the reign of Bwana Fumomadi there was
trouble with the people of Lamu and an elder called Bwana
Zahidi Mgumi.
When Bwana Fumomadi heard about it he set out for Amu,
and on reaching the Mkanda channel as the tide had ebbed he
slept there the night.
Now Bwana Zahidi had a friend amongst the wazirs of the
Sultan who told him of the approach of Fumomadi. When he
heard that he was in the Mkanda he came to the Sultan and
prostrated himself before him and said, " The Amu people in
their letters have told you that I am the cause of all the trouble,
so now I have come to you ; kill me or pardon me as you think
fit." Bwana Fumomadi said to him, " Since you have come to
my feet alone I pardon you, be those words which have been
said about you true or false."
He then gave him a thousand dollars, and he returned that
same hour, and the Amu people had no knowledge of this.
When Bwana Fumomadi arrived at Lamu in the morning the
elders and great men went to meet him on the shore. He entered

70 THE LAND OF ZINJ
the town, and after he had rested the chief elder of the town
came to him and said, " Here much intrigue has been caused
by Bwana Zahidi. You must kill him or there will be no
peace." He answered, "Bwana Zahidi has already come to me as
far back as in the Mkanda, and I have already pardoned him. I
cannot break my word to him." The elder said, " That man has
deceived you as you will finally perceive. Now I will give you
another piece of advice. Do not go from here until you have
put in here soldiers and a governor or you will lose the land of
Lamu. For the people are resolved that they shall be governed
no longer. I have now become an old man and they do not
hearken to my words ; they look upon me as if I have become
foolish." Now this was the origin of making the fort of Lamu which
still stands.
Bwana Fumomadi began to dig the foundations. After that
he was seized with illness there at Lamu, so he set out and went
to Pate before he had yet built one tier of the fort. On the
ninth day after setting out Bwana Fumomadi died.
After that, in the year 1224, his son-in-law, Sultan Ahmad bin
Sheikh, reigned by the testament of Bwana Fumomadi.1
Now Sultan Ahmad was a man of great strength and bravery,
and he was able to cut through a cocoa-nut with his sword. He
was a nephew of the Sultan Fumoluti who had had his arm
cut off.
Now the youngest of Bwana Fumomadi's sons called Fumoluti
made intrigue against the Sultan his brother-in-law. .Now
Fumomadi had begotten fifty children both male and female,
but some had died before him.
Now Fumoluti said to his brothers, "Our father dies and
we his sons are many grown-up men ; why shall another reign?
" Why does not one of us reign ? Another reigns with our
1 This was to restore the kingdom to the rightful line, viz., the heir of Fumoluti.
It will be remembered that when Fumoluti was wounded he gave the kingdom to
Bwana Kombo.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 71
soldiers under him and dispenses our property. This is a counsel
of fools."
His brothers answered him, " Who did this was our father,
and he told his wish to Bwana Mkuu who on his death took
this Sultan Ahmad and put him on the throne saying, " This is
the counsel of our father." Leave it thus and do not make
trouble, for the Mazaru'i have already cast envious glances on
your country and the allegiance of the people of Lamu is un
steady. If they see you fighting amongst yourselves they will
find an opportunity, and the Mazaru'i will enter in and seize a
quarter of Lamu."
Fumoluti Kipunga said to them, " I do not agree to this
folly. I cannot relinquish the grandeur of my father. I am
a full-grown man in health and strength."
So trouble arose between Sultan Ahmad and Fumoluti, and
it was Sultan Ahmad who had brought up Fumoluti, for he had
married his elder sister, and taken the place of his father.
Fumoluti Kipunga went to him and said, " I make it clear
that I do not consent to you being my Sultan. Give up the title
of Sultan and I consent to have you as my father as it was you
who brought me up. You must arrange in three days, give up
the throne and sit with Bwana Mkuu in the council of elders.
Give the throne to Bwana Sheikh or another of Bwana Fumo-
madi's sons, and if they do not want it I want it myself.
" If after three days you have not made this arrangement I
shall fight you. I am not able to let the kingdom go, for we,
are many children, and when people hear of this thing they will
say that we are impotent and witless persons."
Afterwards Sultan Ahmad called Bwana Mkuu, Bwana
Fumomadi's heir, and all his children and told them about
Fumoluti Kipunga.
They answered him, " This is an irresponsible youth, foolish
and without manners. It were better that you seize him and
imprison him until he learns manners, or else he will make
trouble for us with our enemies."
When Fumoluti heard of their advice to imprison him he

72 THE LAND OF ZINJ
collected his father's officeirs and fought against them, and there
was war in the city for many days.
In the year 1227 there began the trouble which led to the
war called the battle of Shela.
When the position was serious the Mazaru'i came to Pate
thinking that they had clearly obtained their desires.
Then the people of Pate went to Fumoluti Kipunga and told
him to leave off fighting till the Lamu war was over, saying,
" Wait, and presently you will become Sultan, for this Sultan
Ahmad is like your father, he has become old and, moreover, he
has a malady of the heart.
" Soon he will die and all your brothers have agreed to leave
the kingdom to you after Sultan Ahmad, so do not make trouble
till the Lamu war is over. If you do not do this you will
destroy your own Sultanate. You say that you want the
kingdom ; when you have destroyed it how will you get it again? "
Fumoluti Kipunga followed the advice of the townspeople
and went with them and made peace with Sultan Ahmad, and the
plan of campaign against Lamu was left to him.
They made friends with the Mazaru'i governor and planned
with him that the Mazarn'i should go to Lamu and pretend that
they had quarrelled with Pate. Then they were to go on building
the fort at Lamu, and when they had built two or three tiers J
they were to put in their soldiers and send word to Pate. At
that time Pate was to send soldiers to act in concert with the
Mazaru'i and to seize the country of Lamu; having done which
they were to divide the taxes as they did in Pemba, half to Pate
and half to the Mazaru'i.
When the Lamu people heard that the Mazaru'i and the Sultan
of Pate had agreed together they were afraid, thinking that
they were not equal to either of them alone, still less when they
were combined together. Therefore they made a plan to give
their country to the Mazaru'i thinking that then they would
1 By a tier (kiti) is meant the height to which a man can build a wall while
standing on the ground. The second tier is built from scaffolding the height of the
first tier, and so on.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 73
quarrel with Pate, and that when the two fell out they would both
lose strength.
So they went to the Mazaru'i and said, " We want you to
take our country and then we will be able to resist the strength'
of the Pate chief."
The Mazaru'i then thought that they had obtained their
desires, so their governor said," I am not able to keep the country
of Lamu unless I build a fort and put my soldiers in it. Then
shall I know that the country is mine, and I shall quarrel with
the Pate chief to some purpose, for now he is my friend. I cannot
fall out with him if you are to desert me afterwards."
So the Lamu people agreed, and the Mazau'i came to Amu
with their vessels and their soldiers, and the people of Lamu
kept to their agreement and built their fort.
Now the Mazaru'i used to sleep at night on board their ships,
and in the morning they used to land and build the fort in
conjunction with the people of Lamu.
Now at that time there were at Lamu two factions ; one was
the party of Sudi and the other of Zena, and one party liked
the Pate people which the other did not.
When the Mazaru'i landed each day they used to form together
and march up together.
Now when they were marching up, a Lamu man said to them,
" Now you have got a fine country."
There was one man amongst the Mazaru'i who answered,
"What sort of country is this ? a closet in Pate is better than
your country."
When the Lamu people heard this they were silent and they
went and told their elder Bwana Zahidi Mgumi,1 saying, " We
were praising up our country to those strangers of ours so as
to please them and one man amongst them answered, 'Better is
a Pate closet than your town.' "
The elder said, " Be silent, do not get angry with them, but >
continue to please and entertain them till our work is finished."
1 The same man who had made trouble before, but who now was the chief elder
of Lamu.

74 THE LAND OF ZINJ
At that time, however, Bwana Zahidi Mgumi knew that they
had not come in good faith, and that they had some stratagem
with Pate or they would not have said these words.
So he called a fisherman and gave him a letter and told
him to take it to the Mazaru'i governor at night and to pretend
that he had been sent secretly by the Pate chief and that he
was to wait for an answer.
In the letter he wrote, " Since going to Lamu till to-day we
have not received an answer yet to our agreement. Answer me
speedily that we may be ready. Greetings."
When night had come the fisherman took his canoe and went
by way of the Mkanda and made as if he had come from Pate.
He came to the governor's ship and said to the soldiers
quietly, " I want the master, for I have a letter." They said,
" Give it to us."
He replied, " I am not able to give it to anyone else, I must
give it into the master's own hand."
When they told the governor he was called, and the governor
said to him, " What sort of a man are you ? "
He answered, " I am a Pate man- I have been sent secretly
with this letter from the Pate chief, and I want an answer quickly
that I may return without meeting any of the Lamu fishermen."
The governor read the letter and answered it, saying, " Soon
I will send you news. Wait, for there is first a little work to
finish. When I am able to enter the fort I will send you word."
So he gave the fisherman this letter without recognising that
it was a ruse.
When this letter reached Bwana Zahidi, he collected his fellow
elders that night and said to them, "Beat the horn in the
morning so that every male comes to the shore when the
Mazaru'i land. Every man must come with his weapons ready."
In the morning the Mazaru'i governor landed with but a
few soldiers, and went to the fort having no fear because the
Lamu people had wanted to give him their country.
When he had sat down Bwana Zahidi, the Lamu chief, paid
him respect according to custom.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 76
After that he took out the letter and gave it him.
When he saw his letter he knew that a trick had been played
on him and he was not able to control his anger.
Then Bwana Zahidi said to him, " Is that how Arabs behave ? "
The governor arose and went down quickly to the shore to
enter his vessel. Lamu was then in an uproar with shouts and
the blowing of warhorns, whilst many soldiers were on the shore
and he knew that it meant war.
So he went to his boat, and Bwana Zahidi said to the people
of Amu, " Do not fight him, for it would be a disgrace for us to
commence, for did we not ask him to come here ? To-day we have
learnt that he has deceived us — let him go his way. When he
comes to fight us be ready, for then it will be war again."
So they made their dispositions for war and the Maziaru'i
chief went to Pate in great dudgeon.
When he told Sultan Ahmad, the Pate chief said, "What is
it you wish ? "
He replied, " I want war now at once."
Sultan Ahmad said, " The plan of campaign is not with me,
it lies with your friend Fumoluti Kipunga and the elders of the
country. Bwana Mkuu, Bwana Madi and Bwana Tamu, they
have the final decision."
So the Pate people met together, some wanted war and others
did not, but Sultan Ahmad was not able to dissuade the Mombasa1
governor from his desires because of the friendship existing
between him and the elders of Pate since the time of Fumoluti.
So they gave him troops, but Bwana Mkuu and Fumoluti did
not like it because they feared the Mazaru'i who were at that
time very powerful. For they thought that they would take
Lamu for themselves and then turn round on Pate aided by the
Lamu people and so obtain the rulership of the whole Swahili
coast. For at this time the people of Pate had no longer the power
they had formerly because of the devastation of their country
during the time of Mwana Khadija and Sultan Omari.
1 The Mazaru'i were then still holding Mombasa.

76 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Hejra So in the year 1227 the Mazaru'i together with Pate attacked
Lamu. They came to Shela and landed, and seized Shela and came
to the Hedabu Hill.
When the Lamu people saw that war had entered their
country the two factions joined together, and they went forth and
fought fiercely, but the troops of Pate and the Mazaru'i were
pressing them grievously.
But there was a Lamu man called Mwenyi Shehi Ali who was
versed in magic. He made a brass pot and a brass gong and
buried them underground. When he had made this charm the
Pate people and the Mazaru'i were driven back and utterly
overcome. So they ran away and came to the shore there at Shela, and
they there found that their vessels had been stranded by the
ebbing tide, so very many people were killed.1
So they went to Ntayu and made a zeriba there, and of those
who were left some held out there and some in their stranded
ships. So those who remained fought till their vessels floated
and they returned to Pate.
Now those that were killed were very many people. It is
narrated that it came to pass that forty men bearing' one name 2
were killed.3

1 Their bones may still be seen on Shela Hill.
a Meaning that among the dead there were forty Sa'ids or Muhammads or some
other name.
8 An old inhabitant of Shela, aged 104 (Muhammadan years), named Bwana
Bakari, has given me the following details of the Shela war, which occurred when
he was seven years old : — " The Mazaru'i, who were friends with the people of Siu
and Pate and the Watikuu, sent word to Lamu that they were coming to attack them.
They came in dhows, and passing by Lamu went to Siu and Pate to obtain people
to help them. They then returned to attack Lamu, bringing with them witchcraft
in the shape of one dog and one chicken. Directly they arrived some people came
ofi the boats to sacrifice the dog and chicken on the beach, so as to make favourable
medicine for their attack.
"The wise men of Amu made counter witchcraft, and despatched two men,
Bishale Haji and Nyebuyu Faki, to kill the witchdoctors who had brought the dog
and chicken ashore. They shot them with their matchlocks, which nullified their
witchcraft, and also the Amu witchcraft paralysed the enemy so that they could
not fight.

XIIXARA OF SHELA.

SITE OF OLD BURIED LAMU.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 77
So afterwards there was a great mourning at Pate, and the
Mazaru'i returned to Mombasa and there held a mourning.
In the year 1229 Sultan Ahmad died. f*i™
So Sultan Fumoluti Kipunga reigned, and the people of Pate
rejoiced exceedingly to think that it was Bwana Fumomadi's
son who reigned. They thought that he would be as fortunate
as his father, and that their power would return to them as
formerly. So they requested him to take vengence on the Amu
people for the Shela war.
So Sultan Fumoluti made ready on the mainland soldiers from
the Watikuu from Siu and Ozi, and he made every warlike
preparation. Now after the Shela fight, although they were victorious, the
Amu people mistrusted Pate because the island was near them,
and they governed the same mainland, and, moreover, Pate was
an old kingdom.
So because of this fear they sent to Maskat to get help from
the Arabs of the Busa'idi dynasty.1
" All those who were on the shore were killed, and the remainder went off in their
vessels. They were armed with spears, bows, matchlocks, and swords.
" After this they sailed round to the south, entering the creek behind Lamu by
the Mlango wa kiungani, and landed on the west of the island. Here they cut
down a number of cocoa-nut palms and built a zeriba.
" My informant thought this a most heinous crime. They were surrounded in this
zeriba by the islanders of Lamu and'were not able to go outside it.
"After a few days here they re-embarked and returned home without further
fighting. " The Mazaru'i then retaliated on the Amu people by catching any man they could
find on the trading ships passing down the coast and executing him at Mombasa,
each execution being celebrated by the firing of a cannon."
What is supposed to have really happened is that the invading forces landed in a
muddy part of the shore, and that their progress was impeded by deep mud. Then
they charged up the steep sand dunes of Shela, and what with the mud and the
sand they arrived at the top scattered and blown, and were killed in detail, while
the remainder fled and then found that some of their ships had stranded.
1 For origin of the Abusa'id dynasty (generally called Busa'idi on the coast),
see p. 59.

CHAPTER IV
ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES (continued)
Now at that time there was at Maskat, Sa'id, son of Sultan,1
and he was the first of Vie Busa'ids who reigned here on the
Swahili coast.
Before this his father Sultan had already been to Zanzibar
as far back as the time of Bwana Fumomadi. He who first
came was Sa'id, Sultan's elder brother.
Now he had two nicknames ; the first was Wadishah 2 and the
second Hubub al Ghabshah.3
It was he who got a footing in Zanzibar by making friends
with the people. He was the first governor of Zanzibar, and
this was the beginning of the taking of the island after Sultan
put in an officer there called Johar.
Now the people of Lamu, when they went to Maskat, said to
Sa'id, " Come and take our country that you may resist for us
the counsels of Pate and the Mazaru'i."
So he came and they gave him the country, and he put a
governor there and soldiers in the fort.
When Hamed bin Sa'id died his eldest son Sa'id became
Imam. Sa'id died, and the second son of Hamed, called Sultan,
reigned. In the year 1200 (Hejra) Sultan's son Sa'id was born,
and twelve years later Sultan died.
As Sa'id was too young to reign his uncle Badr bin Sef was
put in to act as regent. After two years' time Sa'id thought that
his uncle wanted to get the throne himself. One day the boy
1 This was Sultan, brother of Sa'id, and son of Hamed bin Sa'id, the first Busa'id
Imam, referred to on p. 60.
2 Wadi shah (or walad ishah) = goat's son, because his mother died when he was
a baby, and he was suckled by a goat
8 Hubub al Ghabshah = the tempest of dawn, so called as it was his practice in
war to fall on his enemies before or at dawn.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 79
Sa'id wept, and his uncle Badr seeing him called biim! a woman.
This angered the young Sa'id and he killed his uncle with a
sword. Another story says that he seized Badr's dagger from
his waist and stabbed him with it.
This was the beginning of the Arabs taking Lamu and tbe
reason that the Pate chief lost Lamu for ever.
When Pate and the Mazaru'i saw that Busa'idi had come to
the coast they still further strengthened their union, for they
thought, " This is a new power, and it were better that each of
us take care not to lose his kingdom, and it will not do to make
war again."
Now after this Sa'id said to the Arab of Mombasa, " This
fort belongs to me. Take my soldiers and my flag and place them
in the fort and you yourself remain there as my governor."
The Mazaru'i did not agree to this and Sa'id then said to him,
" I have a document of your father's which he wrote for my.
father Sultan bin al Imam proving that the fort was his."
Now the origin of this document was this: —
Those Mazaru'i, as has been narrated, first came to the fort
by order of the Imam Sef of Maskat, a Yorubi Sultan. They
then held the fort in the name of the Imam.
Then when the Yorubi Imam was billed by his subjects,
because he was a bad man, Hamed, governor of Sahari, became
the first Busa'id ruler of Maskat.
When he became ruler of Maskat he sent a letter to tbe
Mazaru'i desiring them to come to Maskat and appear before him
and give him their allegiance.
The Mazaru'i answered him, saying, " You were sent to govern
the Sahari, and we were sent to govern here at Mombasa. Both
of us were then governors under one ruler. To-day you have
seized Maskat and possessed yourself of its rulership. Leave us
then here on the coast and do not worry us. We are both Arabs
so we will be as friends, but do not ask us to become subject
to you."
When the Imam received the answer of the Mazaru'i he had
no leisure to deal with them, having the whole of the Oman to

80 THE LAND OF ZINJ
conquer, and so they remained having no one in authority over
them. Till in the time of Sultan bin al Imamu 1 when he came to
Zanzibar he passed Mombasa, landed suddenly and walked
straight into the fort.
Arriving there he found the gate open, and the door-keeper
seeing him and his men thought that they were trading Arabs
who had come down with the monsoon.
So Sultan entered the fort without the knowledge of the
governor till he suddenly appeared at his levee and he had but
few soldiers present.
Now the governor, called Ali, recognised Sultan bin al Imam when
he saw him and rose from his seat and showed him great respect.
When Sultan had seated himself he asked the governor,
"Whose is this fort?"
He replied, " It is yours."
Then Sultan said, " Give me a certificate tq that effect."
So he gave him a document written with his own hand to tha
effect that he held the fort for Sultan.
Sultan then arose and took leave of him and returned to the
shore accompanied by the governor. Then he took from his
waist his gold-hilted dagger and presented it to the governor
of Mombasa.
Soon after he had departed the Mazaru'i returned to the fort
and when they heard what had happened, they blamed their
relation, asking him why he had given to Sultan a document
stating that the fort was his.
He replied, " I had no alternative, for he came in here
suddenly with many soldiers and you were far away. I per
ceived that if I did not give him the document he was able to
seize the fort for himself, barricade the door and prevent you
from entering.
" For that reason I gave him a piece of paper so as to avoid
the evil of that hour.
1 Sultan bin al Imamu = Sultan son of the Imam (Imamu = Swahili for Imam).
He was Sultan bin Hamed properly speaking.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 81
If they come again wanting to take the fort, we are grown-up
men and each man has his weapons."
Now when Sa'id bin Sultan claimed the fort from the governor
who was at this time Ali's son, the governor replied, " The fort
is not yours."
Sa'id answered him, " I have a document signed by your
father which he gave to my father saying that the fort was
his." Now Sa'id left Maskat to go to fight with the Mazaru'i, and
he stormed the fort three times and after much trouble took it.
Then the Mazaru'i complained to the white man at Bombay, and
the white man demanded of Sa'id why he had robbed them of
their fort.
Then Sa'id produced the document and showed it to the white
man, so the Mazaru'i did not win their case.
Now this is the story of the fort, and the remainder will be
related each matter in its place.
Now at that time Sa'id first sent a hundred Sudanese and a
governor called Muhammad bin Nasir, and it came about that
he took over the country of Lamu.
In the year 1233 the Lamu people seized one of the Nabahans Hejr:
called Fumoluti wa Bayae and wanted to make him their ruler.
He was a youth of Amu, for his mother was a Lamu woman,
but some of the Lamu people did not want him and the Pate people
did not care to be governed by him because of his Lamu birth.
Subsequently the people of Lamu poisoned him.
When the news of this reached Pate, his aunt conducted the
mourning and made the following little rhyme as a warning to
the Pate people : —
Old Swahili. Modern Swahili.
Mwamu mwofu Mwamu mnyofu
Thongo ni alif u Matata ni alif u
Hoyo mpotofu Mwamu mwovu
Uya kaa iye 1 Ataketije ?
" A good Lamu man has a thousand wiles,
So a bad Lamu man, what will he be like ? "
For this reason people even now say if a man enter into any
L.Z. G

82 THE LAND OF ZINJ
destiny with a Lamu man, " Do not be guided by a Lamu man,
for has it not been said, ' A good Lamu man,' etc." ?
In the year 1230 the Mazaru'i governor had come to Pate
because he had received tidings that Sultan Fumoluti Kipunga
was very ill.
So he came to await an opportunity to seize the country, but
the Pate people suspected his reason for coming.
Fumoluti's brothers came to Lamu to Sa'id's governor to
make friends with him. They agreed with him that they should
keep Pate, but that they must turn the Mazaru'i out of Pate.
After they had made a compact with him they returned to Pate
asking him to follow them.
The people of Lamu sent to tell Sultan Fumoluti that his
brothers Bwana Sheikh and Bwana Ahmad had made an agree
ment with the governor of Lamu.
Then they went to the governor and told him that Bwana
Sheikh and his brother were deceiving him and that each in
reality wanted the throne of Pate for himself. Therefore it
was necessary to seize them by stratagem and to imprison them.
Now at this time had just arrived as Sa'id's governor in Lamu
a certain one Hamad Maftaha. He sent a letter to Pate and
invited Bwana Hamad, one of Fumoluti's brothers, over to Lamu.
When Hamad had arrived the governor without telling him went
over to Pate.
Now at that time the Sultan of Pate was very ill.
When he heard that Hamad Maftaha had arrived, he told his
people to tie his turban for him and to give him his sword and
put him on the throne.
Then he posted his brothers and wazirs and soldiers round him
and said, " Let Hamad Maftaha come into the reception room."
So he came in and Sultan Fumoluti was not able to rise to him.
Hamad Maftaha, when he had looked upon Sultan Fumoluti,
realised that he was very ill and would shortly die.
He did not stop long, but took leave, saying, " I will return to
Lamu and come back again when yqu are better that we may
make plans.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 83
When Hamad Maftaha had gone out Sultan Fumoluti Kipunga
said to his brothers, " Do not accompany him out of the town ;
stop at the gate, for this Arab's face shows the evil which is in
his heart."
Hamad Maftaha, when he reached the gate, said to Bwana
Sheikh, "I want a private word with you and Bwana Mkuu.
Here is the gateway, there is no privacy. Let us go to my boat,
and stop your soldiers fromlollowing."
Now at that time the tide was ebbing and his boat was on the
water far away.
So they left their soldiers in the mangrove swamp, and they
entered the boat.
When they had got in Hamad Maftaha ordered his soldiers
and fishermen to row away quickly, and so he took them both
to Lamu, saying that it was the command of Sa'id.
When he arrived at Lamu he took Bwana Hamad who was
there and these two and imprisoned them all three.
There behind the soldiers of Pate saw their masters being taken
away, and were unable to do anything, for the tide had ebbed.1
They returned to the town and told the tidings to Sultan
Fumoluti, who said, " I told them not to accompany the Arab
to the shore, but they did not follow my advice, so I have now no
further advice to give."
Now at that time there was trouble on the Lamu mainland
between Lamu and Pate, so that people were unable to cultivate
because of fighting.
On account of this trouble the Lamu people went to Hamad
Maftaha and asked him to release the prisoners to save further
trouble, saying, "It were better that you ingratiate yourself
slowly with the people of Pate until, when you have a hold on
them, you will be able to get their country."
He replied, " They must each give me a thousand dollars
ransom." The Lamu people informed Sultan Fumoluti, and
he sent 3,000 dollars as the ransom of the three. When
1 When the tide ebbs it leaves an expanse of mud on which the boats are usually
left stranded.
G2

84 THE LAND OF ZINJ
the money arrived Bwana Hamad had already died in the prison,
so he took the money and released the other two who were alive,
Bwana Sheikh and Bwana Mkuu.
Now during all these events the Mazaru'i governor of Mom
basa had been present at Pate with 500 soldiers.
In the year 1233 Sultan Fumoluti Kipunga died. When he
died all the people of Pate assembled to bury him.
After the burial they went to Bwana Mkuu to take counsel
about the man to reign.
Now at that time the people of Pate had no power ; they were
unable to follow any counsels except those that the Mazaru'i
wished. When they went to Bwana Mkuu for advice, he said to them,
" Go and call the Mazaru'i Liwali Hamed that we may arrange
with him as to who should succeed." When Liwali Hamed
arrived he said to them, "Whom do you yourselves want?"
They said, " We want Bwana Sheikh, son of Bwana Fumomadi."
Liwali Hamed said, " He will not do. Fumoluti bin Sheikh
must reign."
The reason for this was that he was a friend of the Mazaru'i,
and so the Liwali thought that by putting him on the throne he
would be able to take over the country before Busa'id got it.
All the people of Pate who were present, the Nabahans and
the great men, said, "We do not agree to Fumoluti reigning."
The Mazaru'i said, " And I do not want Bwana Sheikh to
reign." Now at that time Bwana Mkuu was the chief elder of Pate,
and there was no man like him in any matter. He said, " Be
silent, do not make a noise in my vestibule before people."
When they were silent he said to them, " Follow the counsel of
the Liwali Hamed, it is that with which I am in favour myself."
They answered him, " If you wish it we will have it so, for
you are our father."
So at that time at nine o'clock they made Fumoluti bin Sheikh
the Sultan.
When Fumoluti and the Liwali had gone Bwana Mkuu said

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 85
to the people of Pate and the Nabahans, " I did not want us to
fight just now here, for there is no use in coming to an agree
ment and commencing it by fighting.
" But now I am at one with you. I do not want Fumoluti ; the
Sultan is Bwana Sheikh. Take him and escort him to the
palace and place over him many soldiers, seize the city gates
and in every big house put soldiers. Munitions of war are
ready here ; take them. I will now write to Liwali Hamed and
tell him that I will give him a respite of six hours from now, but
before the six hours have passed he and Fumoluti must leave
the country. Failing this that we shall fight them."
When he had received the letter Liwali Hamed said to
Fumoluti bin Sheikh, "What shall we do now? "
He said, " My advice is that we go out, for we are not able
to remain here ; I have no munitions nor provisions and your
country is Mombasa which is far away and Sa'id's Liwali is
at Lamu.
These Pate people, when they have defeated us, will call in
the Arabs from Lamu who will seize you at once. It is best
that we go forth to Siu to Bwana Mataka."
Now at that time Bwana Mataka was the Sheikh at Siu, and
he was like a Sultan.
So in the evening they asked for leave to go out and the
Siu gate was opened for them, and they went to Bwana Mataka
at Siu.'
Sheikh Mataka said to them, "What is your plan?"
The Liwali said, " I have come to you together with your
Sultan Fumoluti. We have been turned out of Pate and have
come to ask your advice."
He answered, " I have no advice ; I am not able to keep you
because the people of Pate have made an agreement with Busa'id.
" He will send Arabs from Lamu to-morrow with munitions of
war and they will join forces with the people of Pate and the
Bajuns. " I am by myself and your country is far away.
" Here are no munitions, neither is there food for your soldiers.

86 THE LAND OF ZINJ
How can we fight them ? My advice then is, stay and rest for
three days, and after that I will ship you and Sultan Fumoluti
and land you on the mainland and you must go overland to
Mombasa. When you have arrived at Mombasa, if you get
powerful enough come again that we may fight."
Now at that time at Pate and Siu there was a great famine ;
millet cost a dollar for three kata ! x For this reason the Mom
basa Liwali went away overland and returned to Mombasa. After
that the Pate people put Sultan Bwana Sheikh on the throne,
and he made friends with the Maskat Arabs and Sa'id, who
put 500 soldiers into Pate, Mazindigali and Beluchis. After
that Sa'id went to Pemba and there fought the Mombasa Liwali
Hamed together with Fumoluti bin Sheikh. At that time the
chief Liwali of the Mazaru'i was Abdallah, Hamed's brother.
Hamed was at Pemba with Fumoluti's brother, called Bwana
Madi wa Sheikh.
Sa'id's leader in war, Ameer Hamad, went and fought them
at Pemba and overcame them completely and captured their
food, water and fortifications while they were left in their
strongholds only, and they were unable to get food and water.
Liwali Hamed, when he suffered these privations, asked for
and was granted peace by the Ameer Hamad on condition that
they should be shipped to Mombasa and that he should there
entreat his brother Liwali Abdallah to enter Sa'id's allegiance.
They made an agreement after this manner : —
Bwana Madi wa Sheikh' said to Hamed, " These Arabs, when
they have embarked us on our vessels, will make us captive and
send us to Sa'id at Maskat. Now we are great men and Sultans ;
to bo made captive is a disgrace. It were better that we fight
that we may once and for all die or conquer."
This was Bwana Madi's advice.
Liwali Hamed said, " How shall we fight when we have no
food or water ? We have no strength to hold our weapons ; it
will not do to fight. Wait till we obtain water and food. When
1 "Kata," a measure of i old vibaba. One kibaba equals about li lbs. grain
nowadays. The old kibaba, however, is said to equal 1J modern ones.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 87
they take us on their ships you and I must get on board the
same boat.
" When we have quite recovered our strength we will fight on
board the vessels, and we will get their property and their
vessels and take them to Mombasa."
That was Liwali Hamed's advice and they agreed to do this.
So Ameer Hamad embarked them on his ships, they and 700
men after having given them food and water sufficient for them
and over and above.
When they had embarked Bwana Madi wa Sheikh said to
the Liwali, '' Come on, we have eaten and we have had water.
Now we have strength to fight. Let us carry out our agreement."
Liwali Hamed said, " It will not do ; we are Arabs and we
have given our promise to the ameer, to break it will be a great
disgrace. Even to our children and grandchildren, its disgrace
will reach them."
Bwana Madi wa Sheikh said to him, " There is no disgrace
greater than that 700 able-bodied men with their arms should
be captured. So if your need was first of all food and water
because you lacked strength, now you have got both food and
water. You are afraid, you are not able to die here, you would
rather suffer the disgrace of being captured."
Liwali Hamed answered him, " A grown-up man is he who
looks to to-day and to-morrow.1 If we die here to-day what
good have we done ? We shall but please our enemies and Sa'id
still remains at Maskat. These are his soldiers, and if these
die he will send others. You are a fool. I am not afraid, but
for what reason must we lose our lives ? "
Bwana Madi answered, " You are afraid. For me there is
no disgrace, for my home is not here. I am a stranger. The
great disgrace is yours ; for me it does not matter."
So they went with the ameer, they and their 700 men to
Mombasa. 1 A Swahili proverb : "to-day and to-morrow " are "the present and the future,"
meaning that he looks far ahead and does not let the exigencies of the hour warp
his judgment.

88 THE LAND OF ZINJ
He landed them on the beach with all their property intact,
and he himself remained in his ship to await the answer of the
agreement he had made with Hamed.
Now when Hamed went to see his elder brother he got no
opportunity of persuading him to enter Sa'id's service, for he
received from his brother very bad words because he had con
sented to become a captive.
Afterwards Ameer Hamad, when he heard that Hamed had
got nothing out of his brother, knew that it was not his fault,
and that he had not deceived him.
So he went off to Maskat.
After that Liwali Abdallah died and his brother Hamed made
a friendly peace with Sa'id.
Later, in the year 1236 the Pate people made an agreement
with Sa'id and they removed Bwana Sheikh from the throne.
At the instance of Sa'id they then put Sultan Bwana Wazir,
son of Bwana Tamu, on the throne. He remained three years,
after which the Pate people wanted Bwana Sheikh, and so they
removed Bwana Wazir and Bwana Sheikh returned.
After this Bwana Wazir wanted Sa'id to send him soldiers,
whose wages he was to pay himself, so that he might regain his
kingdom. So in the year 1240 Sa'id sent them, and Bwana Sheikh was
ejected and Bwana Wazir returned.
While Bwana Wazir was reigning Liwali Hamed of Mombasa
gave Sultan Fumoluti soldiers and money and he returned
to Siu.
So he came to fight with Bwana Wazir who had a treaty with
Sa'id while Fumoluti was in agreement with the Mazaru'i and
Bwana Mataka of Siu.
So they fought together, and it was in this campaign that
Ameer Hamad first came to fight on the Swahili coast.
Sultan Fumoluti was defeated, and he and Bwana Mataka
left the town and went to Kang'ee and Deloo on the mainland.
They remained there while Bwana Wazir sent Arabs to Siu
and they seized the town of Siu and broke the city wall.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 89
Afterwards in the year 1242 Bwana Mataka and Fumoluti Hejra
returned to Siu. m2-
Then they fought the Arabs and overcame them and they
built another wall.
Now at that time a great famine arose at Pate, and Sultan
Fumoluti said to Ali Koti, a great poet, " I want to send a load
of millet to Pate and you must compose verses dividing this one
load amongst all the people of Pate not leaving out one."
So Ali Koti composed the verses of "the load"1 and one
load of millet was left secretly by night outside the wall of Pate
bearing these verses.
Sultan Fumoluti stayed at Siu and fought for three years,
after which he died.
Bwana Wazir and Bwana Mataka then combined and sub
mitted to Sa'id, but it was not true allegiance.
Later Bwana Wazir killed Bwana Mkuu. Then Bwana
Mkuu's three heirs, Bwana Simba, his son, Bwana Fumobakari,
son of Bwana Sheikh, and Bwana Kitini, son of Bwana Hamad,
combined and killed Bwana Wazir.
Then Bwana Fumobakari bin Sheikh took the kingdom,
helped by the other two heirs and the elders of Pate.
He became very powerful and turned the Arabs out of Pate,
Siu and Faza, even as far as Tula.
The Arabs, however, remained at Amu.
Now in the year 1245 Sa'id took troops and fought with the
Mazaru'i until he drove them out of Mombasa fort. He put
his soldiers in the fort, while some of the Mazatfu'i went to
found Takaungu, and others with the Liwali lived in the town
of Mombasa.
These Mazaru'i who stayed in Mombasa made a plan in con
junction with the people of Mombasa and regained their fort,
about which a little story is narrated.
There was a Pate man of the Abdisalam, called Muhammad
bin Nasir, who intended to go at this time to see Sa'id bin
Sultan at Zanzibar.
1 I have this poem, which mocks at the starving people of Pate.

90 THE LAND OF ZINJ
He passed by-way of Mombasa and there he went to the levee
of the Mazaru'i Liwali, whom he found sitting in audience, he
and all his kin.
When Muhammad bin Nasir had entered the audience
chamber, the Liwali paid him respect, and then sat down. He
then stood up his sword and rested his head on its hilt as he sat.
Then he raised his head and sighed.
When he sighed all the Mazaru'i who were present drummed
on their swords with their fingers.
Afterwards Muhammad bin Nasir went to Zanzibar and there
saw Sa'id. Sa'id asked him1, " Did you pass Mombasa ? " He
replied, " I passed it."
" What news have you from there ? "
So he said to him, " The Mombasa news is that the Mazaru'i
have retaken their fort."
Sa'id was very angry and said to him', " Why do you speak
falsely, for there are no tidings of such an event ? "
He replied, " When I passed Mombasa the fort was occupied
by your soldiers and the Mazaru'i were in the town." Sa'id
then said, "Why do you say then that they have taken the
fort ? "
Muhammad answered, " I went to their levee and saw the
Liwali put his head on his sword, then he raised it and sighed.
All his kin then drummed on their swords. It was for that
reason that I told you that they had retaken their fort."
Sa'id asked, " What is the meaning of it ? "
Muhammad answered, " The meaning is this. The Liwali
rested his head on his sword and then sighed ; that sigh was
from the bitterness of thinking about the fort and as much as
said to his kin, ' Oh ! our fort has been lost to us.' They answered
him and beat their swords, meaning ' We will retake it with these
swords we have here.' "
" When they all beat together I perceived them as if they were
hammering on the fort and had already entered inside.
" It was then that I said to you that the Mazaru'i had retaken
their fort."

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 91
Sa'id. said to him, " Stay here ; you have not permission to
depart. If your words do not come to pass, I will know you for
a mannerless person and will then teach you manners,
" If they come to pass, I will know that your counsel is that of
a man of great perception."
After three days came the news that the Mazaru'i had retaken
their fort, so Sa'id called Muhammad bin Nasir and gave him
money and great honours.
He then sent him to Pate to Sultan Fumobakari to ask him to
make a treaty with him to which he agreed.
From that time Sa'id blockaded the fort till after many years
he captured it in the year 1252, and he has been in possession Hejra
I U. J! i. • 1 1252-
of the fort ever since.1
Some of the Mazaru'i ran away, but of the great men he seized
twenty-five and sent them to Jaalani.
Now a little before this, trouble had arisen between Sa'id and
the chief of Pate. Sa'id sent his son Khalid with an expedition,
but he was unable to take Pate, so he left.
Next year Sa'id came himself with his Liwali Muhammad bin
Nasir,2 who was the leader of his troops.
He went to Kiwakani in Rasini harbour and he landed troops
there. On the first day they were utterly defeated and Muhammad
bin Nasir was driven away.
At that time the Bajuns strung a song: —
" Muhammad wa Nasir, disembark and fetch your
Mother's dowry in a closed basket. Fumobakari
Is not your brother, he was not born with you."3
After that Muhammad bin Nasir landed and he himself was
killed and his troops utterly defeated.
Then Sa'id made peace with Sultan Fumobakari by the help
of the great men of Lamu.
1 Mombasa and the coast line are leased by us from the Sultan of Zanzibar.
' Not the man of this name in the story above.
8 " Closed basket," meaning that he did not know what fate was in store for him.
The Bajuns were friendly to Fumobakari, Sultan of Pate.

92 THE LAND OF ZINJ
So peace was made, but Sa'id was not allowed to garrison Pate.
After that the Amu people arranged that Sa'id should pay
some money to Fumobakari, and that he should then become
Sa'id's vassal. He then quarrelled with his brother Bwana
Kitini; each one wanted the kingdom by reason of Sa'id's
intrigue and the plans of the Amu people.
Sultan Fumobakari lived at Pate and his brother lived at
Siu, and they fought together.
One year later Sultan Fumobakari seized his brother Bwana
Kitini and killed him.
For this reason the people of Pate hated him, and so the
Amu people said to Fumobakari, " It were better that you go
to Sa'id at Zanzibar, for people here have intrigued against you."
So he went to Zanzibar.
The Amu people then said to Sa'id, " Seize him and then you
will have got possession of the whole Swahili coast." So Sa'id
seized and imprisoned him.
When the Pate people heard this they took Bwana Madi, son
of Sheikh, and put him on the throne in the year 1259.
The Pate people were in agreement with Sheikh Mataka of Siu,
but the Bajuns were on Sa'id's side.
When Sa'id heard that Sultan Ahmad x was on the throne
of Pate and was allied to Sheikh Mataka he released Sultan
Fumobakari and gave him money.
Then Sa'id and Fumobakari, together with the Amu people,
mado war on Siu and Pate. Sa'id was defeated,2 and he came
again and was again defeated.
Again he came, and Sa'id himself disembarked at Rasini, he
and Ameer Hamad with all his wazirs and great men.
He went to a place called Kijangwa cha mpunga, and there he
sat on his shield while he sent his troops to Siu. He instructed
Ameer Hamad to build a zeriba at every hundred paces.
1 Bwana Madi was called Sultan Ahmadi (Ahmad) when he came to the throne.
2 During one of these expeditions, however, he built a fort at Siu, and Bwana
Mataka bin Mbaruk fled to the mainland. Subsequently Mataka returned and
ejected Sa'id's soldiers from the fort.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 98
Ameer Hamad did not follow Sa'id's instructions, for when he
met the Siu people he defeated them and pursued them hotly.
They entered the town and shut the gates, so Ameer Hamad
seized dhows, turned them over and made them into forts, firing
at the town so that they were not able to open the city gates
again. Then the people of Siu thought that their country would be
captured. At that time there was a Sherif at Siu called Mwenyi Sa'id
Mohothar. The people went to him to ask his advice as to
whether they should abandon the country of Siu. He replied,
" Wait, I will ask the advice of my namesake." So he called
a man and told him to go to the sepulchre of his grandfather,
who was also called Sherif Mwenyi Sa'id, and say, " Your name
sake sends greetings, and asks must he go forth ? "
So he asked after this manner, and a voice answered, " He
must not go forth."
So the Sherif told the people of Siu not to leave the country.
When they heard this news they opened the rear-gate and two
captains went out ; their names were Bwana Madi bin Omar and
Bwana Madi, nicknamed Ngoma. Bwana Madi Ngoma inclined
towards the side of the artillerymen, and the other captain went
a different way and met Ameer Hamad in the way with only
seventy men.
When he saw him he recognised him, fell upon him and
killed him and all his soldiers.
The captain, Bwana Madi Ngoma, went and fought the
artillerymen, and killed their chief and took the guns. All the
soldiers who were left fled, and those in the dhows heard that
Ameer Hamad had been killed, and so they ran into the man
groves and died in the mud.
The Siu women when they went for firewood saw them and
struck them with axes.
When Sa'id heard of the death of the Ameer and defeat of
his troops he arose and got into a boat and went off to his ship,
and he spoke to no one till he reached Manda.

94 THE LAND OF ZINJ
The Amu people came to see him, but he did not receive them
until the next day.
Afterwards he returned to Maskat and did not come back
till his last journey, when he died at sea and was landed at
Zanzibar and was buried. He was then seventy-three years old,
and had reigned for fifty-eight years.
His son Sayid Majid reigned on the coast, while at Maskat
his son Sayid Thuen reigned.
Sayid Majid fought with his brother Sayid Barghash for
Zanzibar, and Barghash was defeated and went to Bombay.
Sayid Thuen then prepared an expedition against his brother
Majid, but when he reached Ras al Had the white man .of
Bombay made him return to Maskat.
It was then agreed that Sayid Thuen should rule at Maskat
and Sayid Majid should reign at Zanzibar and pay a yearly
tribute of 60,000 dollars.
About that time Sheikh Mataka died, and his son Bakari
bin Sheikh reigned.
He agreed with Majid who gave him troops with which to
fight Sultan Ahmad of Pate.
The first time he fought was at Wangi, and he was defeated.
The second fight was at Siu, and Bakari was seized and taken
to Pate and killed.
After he had been killed his brother Mwali Muhammad bin
Sheikh seized the throne. He allied himself to Sayid Majid and
Sultan Fumobakari, and fought with Sultan Ahmad.
When he heard that Fumobakari had come to Rasini with
soldiers of Majid and with the Liwali Sefu Muru, Sultan Ahmad
wanted to throw a garrison into Siu. So he set out from Pate
to seize Siu before these soldiers had yet arrived.
He got to a place called Mashimoni where he met Muhammad
bin Sheikh of Siu, and in a fight a bullet hit him in the hip
and a spear in the heel. He was taken back to Pate, and Sultan
Fumobakari came to Siu with Sayid Majid's soldiers. They then
went and seized Pate, but at mid-day they were turned out
again.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 95
After this Sultan Ahmad went to Ozi where he stayed till he
died. The Sayid Majid placed soldiers in Siu and it remained subject
to him.
After that trouble arose between the people of Siu and Pate
and tbey fought together twice.
The people of Siu came with the intention of seizing the
country of Pate and stealing all the women and children captive
and killing the grown-up men.
The first time they came by way of the Siu gate and were
defeated, and their leader Bwana Dumia was shot. They fled
and came again a second time by the Shindakasi gate, and their
leader Maulana, son of Ishakulu, was killed. So they were
defeated and utterly routed, many being killed.
Even to-day their bones and heads are to be seen at Gomeni.
At that time there was no Sultan at Pate ; Fumobakari was at
Lamu. The elders of the country were three in number. Bwana
Simba, Bwana Rehema and Bwana Nasiri. These were those
who conducted the war and Allah helped them.
When Sheikh Muhammad of Siu saw that his expedition was
routed he made peace with Pate.
Then he said to Bwana Simba 1 (his name was Muhammad
bin Bwana Mkuu), " I want you to reign at Pate," for Bwana
Simba was at that time a great man in Pate, like a Sultan.
He answered, " I do not wish to reign."
Then Sheikh Muhammad said, " Give me another Sultan then
from amongst your children."
So he said to him, " Go and take my namesake Sultan Ahmad
Simba." Now at that time Sultan Ahmad had already died at Ozi, near
Kao, and his brother's son had taken his place and was called
Sultan Ahmad Simba.
1 This was his nickname, meaning "lion." My informant says that this man
made a speciality of ancient history, and used to narrate to him (Bwana Kitini) old
stories and traditions for hours at a time.

96 THE LAND OF ZINJ
In the year 1280 Sheikh Muhammad sent for Sultan Simba
and had him brought to Pate.
Now Muhammad, son of Bwana Mataka, broke up Sayid
Ma j id's fort at Siu. So Sayid Majid came in force and fought
Pate and Siu for many days both by sea and land.
He blocked the entrance to Siu harbour so that vessels could
not pass in with food.
Afterwards he made peace, and Sheikh Muhammad sent his
brother Omar to Sayid Majid's ship to present himself before
him. Later Sheikh Muhammad went himself and received
pardon. Sayid Majid said to him in Arabic, " I pardon you for the
great offence, but breaking the fort is before us a disgraceful
thing." Those who were present recognised that Sayid Majid had not
wholly forgiven him or he would not have said " but."
Sultan Ahmad went to Kao and stayed there; afterwards
Sheikh Muhammad sent his son Sheikh Mataka to Zanzibar.
Sayid gave him much wealth and sent a letter to his father,
saying, " Do not you come to Zanzibar. It will suffice if you stay
there at Siu as my vassal."
Sayid's Wazir Bwana Suleiman sent a letter to Sheikh
Muhammad, saying, " Come, for the tree does not fall on him
who is absent." 1
So the next year Sheikh Muhammad went to Sayid at Zanzibar
taking with him many great men.
Sayid wished to pardon him, but Wazir Suleiman did not
agree, saying, " We must seize him and so do away with the evil
on the coast."
So they seized him together with upwards of thirty of his
people and put them on a ship called the Africa, and imprisoned
them at Mombasa in the fort.
There he remained till he died.
1 This, like so many Swahili proverbs, bears a sense quite opposed to that
which it would in English. The idea is that the falling tree rains fruit on those
near.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 97
When his son heard of his capture he fled from Siu and went
to live at Mongoni.
After this Sayid Majid sent an order to his Liwali at Lamu,
Sa'id Sudi, to seize Sheikh Muhammad's brother Omar at Faza.
Sa'id Sudi was unable to seize Sultan Ahmad at Kao, so he
made peace with him and took his cousin Fumobakari and his
Wazir, Muhammad bin Hassan, and went with them to Zanzibar
and they returned together to Lamu. Then Sayid sent an order
to have these two imprisoned, and Sa'id Sudi shut them up.
The Wazir died in prison; some people say that Sa'id Sudi
killed him. Fumobakari was afterwards released and lived with
Sa'id Sudi and then ran off and went to Witu. For at that time
Sultan Ahmad had already founded the town of Witu because
of being harassed by the Arabs.
Sa'id Sudi sent a man called Hamad Usi who made friendship
with Sheikh Muhammad's son and had him murdered while he
slept. Then Sa'id Sudi went to fight Sultan Ahmad, going by way
of Matomo, but he was defeated and returned to Lamu.
Next year he went by way of Kao and brought war against
Sultan Ahmad and defeated him, killing his Wazir Baka Hassan,
brother of Muhammad bin Hassan.
So Sultan Ahmad made peace and lived at Witu in allegiance
to Sayid Majid.
Now by the year 1282 Sayid Majid had conquered the whole Hejra
Swahili coast, islands and mainland. 1282'
Sa'id Sudi became his chief Liwali, and was as a Sultan
ruling: from Kismayu to Amu, doing as he pleased.
Now Sultan Ahmad remained in allegiance to Sayid Majid
until he died, and then he swore allegiance to his successor
Sayid Barghash.1
In the year 1297 trouble arose between the people and some Hejra
bush-dwellers whose village was called Katawa.2 1297'
> Sayid Majid died in the year 1287, and Sayid Barghash reigned. The latter
visited Makka and also Europe.
This was a colony of Watoro, or runaway slaves. Many villages now found
near Witu were founded by Watoro.
L.Z. H

98 THE LAND OF ZINJ
The Amu people went to fight them according to their instruc
tions from Sa'id Sudi, but they were completely defeated and
many were killed including Sheikh Omar Wenyikae and Bwana
Maka Bereki's son.
These two were the principal Sheikhs of Amu.
So they returned to Amu in abasement and bitterness.
Next year Sa'id Sudi was sent by Barghash to fight Sultan
Ahmad at Witu, so as to remove that source of worry.
He was defeated by the Witu people, and he then made peace
with Sultan Ahmad.
He then desired of Sultan Ahmad, his cousin, that he might
take him with him to Zanzibar and so wipe the shame of defeat
from his face.
When they arrived at Zanzibar Sayid Barghash was angry
with him and did him no honour, and at first Sa'id Sudi had
been a great man even as the Sayid himself.
Next year he put Sa'id Sudi out of office and sent Sa'id bin
Hamed to Amu, and Abdallah bin Hamed he put at Malindi.
He behaved very badly to Sa'id Sudi taking away his property
and sending him to Pemba. Afterwards he sent him to Sayid
Turki at Maskat. Later Sayid Barghash was ashamed and
brought him back and restored part of his property.
When Sayid Khalifa came he gave him back all his
property. The next year Sayid Barghash sent his Liwali, Sa'id bin
Hamed, to Witu with a big expedition, saying to him, " Do not
return, but break into Witu or die. I will send you more soldiers
and munitions of war every day even if I have to sell the turban
on my head."
When Sa'id bin Hamed had gone the Germans sent to Sayid
Barghash, saying, " If you fight Witu we will fight Zanzibar.
Recall your troops, do not so much as break the leg of a chicken
at Witu."
So the Sayid sent to his Liwali, saying, " When you have read
this letter return quickly and exercise great caution that you
do not destroy anything of the Witu people's property."

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 99
Afterwards the Germans came in three ships and Sayid
Barghash sent General Mathews and he divided the kingdom.
The mainland from Kiwayu to Mkokoni he gave to Witu, while
the islands and every place surrounded by creeks became Sayid
Barghash's. At last, in the year 1305, Sayid Barghash died and Sayid Hejra
Khalifa reigned.
Now at this time the kingdom of the Nabahans was flourishing
to such an extent that a person might think that it would return
to its former greatness. Great disorders occurred in the towns ;
people were of two factions — one side were subjects of the Sayid
and the other sought protection from Sultan Ahmad.
Till in the year 1306 Sultan Ahmad died, and he left his Hejra
kingdom in the beginning of its aggrandisement. His cousin, 1306-
Sultan Fumobakari, reigned.
In the year 1308 trouble arose between the Germans and the Hejra
people of Witu. 1308-
There was a German called Kiintzell who lived at Witu and
taught the soldiers military exercises. There were about thirty
who knew their drill, and the Sultan intended giving him many
more to teach.
Kiintzell went off to Europe and returned with ten Europeans
and many tools and instruments for the purpose of clearing the
forest and doing other work.
They had agreed with the Sultan to bring these things, but
when he saw ten Europeans and many things he grew afraid and
thought that eventually, when they had settled there, they would
seize his country.
So he refused to let the forest be cut down, and Kiintzell
quarrelled with him and wanted to put his Europeans with their
arms in the town.
Till one day the Sultan robbed them of all their arms by a
stratagem !
•When Kiintzell went and found his comrades with no arms he
was very angry arid went to look for the Sultan without finding
him.
h'2

100 THE LAND OF ZINJ
He said to his comrades, " Let us go out." When they went
to the gate x soldiers stopped them and Kiintzell shot two men.
Then the soldiers, without an order from the Sultan, when
they saw that two of their friends had fallen, fired on the
Europeans. They killed all the Europeans, but not before Kiintzell had
hit nine people.
This was the origin of the Witu expedition. Now at Mkunumbi
and Ongoni there were white men.
These were killed at the instigation of Bwana Heri Makatwa
and Bwana Ali Majesa, the Liwalis of Mkunumbi and Hidiyo.
When the British Government heard the news the consul
and admiral came with fifteen ships, and they sent a letter to
Sultan Fumobakari, saying, " Come to the ships at Shela ; we
will judge fairly between you and the Germans, and we will
make an advocate for your side and you will be dealt with only
according to law and equity."
The Sultan answered, " It is customary with us that if a man
reigns he does not undergo judgment any more."
They answered, " Send us one man from amongst your
brothers, and Bwana Heri and Bwana Ali Majesa that they may
be tried for the white men who died at Witu ; there is no case
as they began the affray. The other two white men, however,
who were killed did not shoot any one first, so it is necessary
to judge those Liwalis. The Germans have left these things in
our hands for judgment, so send them."
He did not send them, and that was the cause of the Witu
expedition. On the third day they stormed Hidiyo and Mkunumbi, on the
tenth day of the sixth month after Ramdhan. On the eleventh
at night the Witu people came to Kipini, so they fought them in
the way at a place called Shaka la Simba at half -past twelve
at night.
1 It is said that there was one entrance to the town through a narrow low gate,
The Europeans came in one by one, and as each got inside he was robbed of his
arms without the others outside being aware of it.

ANCIENT HISTORY FROM SWAHILI SOURCES 101
In the morning they went up to Witu and fought from
two o'clock till five, and the Witu people slept in Witu and
fastened the gates, and the white men slept at a place called
Chakamba. At seven in the morning they came to the town and fought
together, and the Witu people were driven away, and the white
men seized the town and set fire to it and broke the houses and
set fire to the powder and percussion caps for the matchlocks
which were stored there.
So the Witu people ran away and entered the bush and went to
Jongeni and Pumuani and Katawa.
So the white men stopped in Witu, and in the evening returned
to Kipini.
Afterwards they put 200 Sepoys and Sudanese soldiers in
Kipini and two officers, one of whom was Mr. Rogers.
After that Sultan Fumobakari died, and after two months his
brother Bwana Sheikh sat on the throne.
After three days they made him abdicate and his brother
Fumomari sat. He fought with Mr. Rogers twice and made
peace again.
After that he swore allegiance to the British Government.
He obtained powder and rifles on the plea that he lived in the
same country as the Somalis. Afterwards he hid a supply in
the bush, and Bwana Rogers heard of it from some Waboni 1
who took him to it. He then seized Fumobakari and bound him
and sent him to the Consul-General at Zanzibar. He stayed
there till he died suddenly on the day of the bombardment of
Zanzibar. After that, at the advice of Bwana Rogers, the British Govern
ment put Omar Madi on the throne in the year 1312. Hejra
He had at one time been one of their soldiers, and he is Sultan 1312'
of Witu to this day.
At Zanzibar Sayid Khalifa reigned till the year 1307, and he Hejra
died, and his brother Sayid Ali reigned till he died in the year 13°7-
1310. Hejra 1310.
1 These are a hunting tribe.

102 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Sayid Ali was the Sultan of Zanzibar who first came under
British protection.
On his death Hamed bin Thuen reigned ; he was the son of
Sultan Thuen of Maskat.
In the year 1314 he died, and Sayid Khalid, son of Sayid
Barghash, wanted to reign.
The English fought him and he fled to Dar as Salaam1, and
Sayid Hamud bin Muhammad reigned.
In the year 1319 he died, and Sayid Ali reigned, and it is he
who is now Sultan of Zanzibar in the year 1326 of the Hejra
and 1908 of the Europeans.

CHAPTER V,

MOMBASA — ARABS AND ISLAM

Mombasa is a coral island but a mile or two broad, situated
in the mouth of a creek. It is separated from the mainland
by channels on three sides, while its fourth side only js exposed
to the open sea. The channel on the north side of the island
is called Mombasa harbour. On this channel is situated the
town of Mombasa itself.
On the opposite side of the island is Kilindini, a magnificent
harbour, bigger and deeper than Mombasa, and so it is this that
is used by the bigger liners.
Westwards the island is now joined to the mainland by
a fine bridge, one of the show sights of the Uganda railway,
while formerly its connection was dependent on numerous
ferries. The name by which Mombasa is known to the natives is
Mvita. The inhabitants of Mombasa itself say that this name is
derived from the Swahili vita=war. The people of Pate, how
ever, say that the origin of the word is mfita=one who hides,
the origin being as follows : Long ago an army from Pate con
quered the various little towns down the coast till it came to
Malindi. It then passed on to Mombasa which at that time had
but a few inhabitants. These people fled from the Pate forces
and hid in the bush, and were thus named " the hiders."
As my Pate informant said, " A man does not like to remember
anything to his discredit, and so they say that their name comes
from vita=war."
Personally I think that the Pate derivation is more probably
the correct one, although the other is the universally accepted
derivation.

104 THE LAND OF ZINJ
My reasons for thinking this are these : In the pure Swahili
language as spoken in the old days at Mombasa, and at the pre
sent day in many of the coast towns, there are no less than five
different " t's," the differences in the pronunciation of which
are at once apparent to the educated Swahili ear, and which
amongst true Swahilis of Mombasa, Malindi, Amu, Pate, and
several other places, are never confused. One of these is the
Arabic letter " L>." Of the other four, two are dental and two are
cerebral. Of each of these two, one is aspirated and one non-
aspirated. The dental " t's " are Arabic in pronunciation while the
cerebral are African.
Changes in words often cause either a dental or a cerebral
" t " to become aspirated, but do not convert a dental into a
cerebral " t," i.e., an Arabic into an African " t."
Now in these two words " vita " has the cerebral " t," and
" (mvita " has the dental " t." So, from the Swahili point of
view, these two words possess letters as different as if one was
spelt with a " t," and one with some other letter.
" Mfita," on the other hand, possesses a dental " t," while
" f " is a letter which in several words changes to " v " in
dialectic differences.
So a derivation from " vita " means bringing about a change
of letters which does not take place, while a derivation from
" mfita " means exchanging two letters which do occasionally
change. Moreover, the prefix of " m " to " fita " makes a
natural derivation from the verb " fita," but not from the noun
" vita." " Kilindini " means in Swahili " on the channel " or " deep
water," the old name of the town on the opposite side of the
island to Mombasa. Two other towns whose names bear the
same meaning are Malindi and Kilifi.
The most interesting building in Mombasa is the fort which
has changed hands so often and been the scene of many assaults
and sieges. In Swahili there are two names for a fort. " Ngome "
is a fortress such as Mombasa Fort or Edinburgh Castle, viz.,

MOMBASA— ARABS AND ISLAM 105
a rock converted into a place of defence ; while " gereza " is the
ordinary castellated building rising off level ground, such as
the forts of Amu and Siu.
From the fort the main street, called after the celebrated
Portuguese explorer, Vasco da Gama, leads to the custom house,
through the old part of Mombasa closely packed with houses
old and new built in the Arab style.
Here are the shops, Government offices, Arab and wealthier
Swahili residents. The European dwellings are situated on
higher ground on the way to Kilindini, or on the point facing the
sea and entrance to Kilindini harbour.
The numerous Africans of different races and poorer Swahilis
are congregated in a large town of wattle and daub huts, roofed
with cocoa-nut leaf, situated behind the old town, and from
there stretching towards Kilindini, rather back from the road.
These rectangular huts roofed with makuti (plaited cocoa-
nut leaf) are characteristic of the Swahili coast towns, in
contra-distinction to the circular grass-roofed huts of inland
/Africa. Most of these huts are also provided with hinged doors made of
bits of planking,1 whereas the inland hut has in place of a door
a hurdle or piece of matting, or a number of cross -poles which
fit between the doorway and a pair of upright posts planted in
the ground.
The makuti roofs are made of dried leaves of the cocoa-nut,
cut in half and having the fronds plaited flat. These, when
affixed overlapping each other, as in thatching, form a watertight
and very efficient roof. A roofing of bits of flattened kerosene
oil tins arranged like tiles is sometimes seen.
The inside of the hut is partitioned off into several small
rooms, while on the opposite side from the door is generally
a cistern made of baked clay or cement to hold water for the
needs of the household. On either side of this cistern is a
1 This planking is, if of native construction, made by dressing a log with an adze
until it assumes the proportions of a rough plank. This process entails a great
waste of material. Nowadays deal boards from old packing cases, etc., are much used.

106 THE LAND OF ZINJ
screening wall, called Sitiri, behind which the inmates can
make their ablutions.
Noticeable amongst the coral and stunted bush of the island
are the large stemmed baobabs and shade -giving mangoes. Two
quarters of the native town take their names from these trees
Mbuyuni and Miembeni, viz., "under (or about) the baobab"
and " at the mangoes."
All the main streets in Mombasa, as at Beira, are laid with
trolley lines, and every resident has a roofed trolley on which he
whirls down to his work in the morning or to the club in the
evening, a most exhilarating form of transport.
The climate of Mombasa, as on most of these coral islands, is
dry, and, for a tropical country, healthy. Th'e heat is never
excessive, such as it is further south and north, and in the cold
weather the air is delightful.
Fish is cheap and excessively good at Mombasa. That un
common animal, the dugong x (Swahili " nguva ") is occasionally
caught on the coast and its flesh sold in the town, being
much prized by Swahilis and Arabs. The Swahilis in their!
description of it exaggerate to a ridiculous extent its Very,
slight likeness to a human being. I have several times heard
it being described to an inland native, who has never seen one,
as being so like a woman that it is almost impossible to tell the
difference.2 Occasionally whales are stranded on the coast, and their flesh
is much appreciated also by the people of Mombasa.
As these animals count as fish according to Muhammadan
law, it is not considered necessary to halal them.3
In the old days before the rupee was current, all ordinary
trade used to be done by barter for small purchases.
1 Often incorrectly described as the manattee.
2 " Hsec bestia (Halicore dugong), ut ferunt, mulieri omnibus partibus— mammis,
umbilico, pudendis, — mire similis est. Mihi autem ipsi ab Arabibus relatum est,
necesse esse apud eos ut, si quis viscera ejus emere voluerit, piscator primum
jurejurando obstrictus neget se cum ea in mari amore commixtum esse."
8 Halal = to cut the throat in the prescribed manner in the name of Allah, which
alone makes the meat lawful to Muhammadans. Swahili=ku-chinja.

MOMBASA— ARABS AND ISLAM 107
Clothes used to be bought with mtama (millet). For large
purchases or buying and selling the riali, the old dollar, was
used, there being no smaller change.
Chere are a good number of Arabs in the town of Mombasa.
'The Arabs on this coast are mostly Maskati, a very illiterate
_and poorly educated lot as a rule. There appear to be practically
no Arabs of learning and culture in this part of the world. Most
Ofthe Arabs are pleasant and agreeable, but they are seldom well-
read or well-informed men, such as one meets with in other
Arab centres.
The Mazaru'i, the old ruling Arabs of Mombasa, were driven
out by Sa'id bin Sultan some time back and are now resident at
Takaungu. . There appear to have been Arab settlements on the
coast, and a flow of Arabs from Maskat and Persian Gulf, from
the earliest times. The descendants of the very early arrivals
on the coast have developed into Swahilis ; the present Arab of
the coast is either a late arrival or else a member of some tribe
like the Mazaru'i, who came in a body and have kept themselves
apart from the other people of the coast.
The Arabs of this part of the world are chiefly conspicuous
through having been always fighting, squabbling, and back
biting one against the other. This seems to have occupied the
whole of their time, and so they have had no leisure to penetrate
the interior here after the same fashion as have done their kins
men of Zanzibar and the Mrima.
The Muhammadans of this coast, including Swahilis, Somalis
and Banadirs, are of the Shafi'a sect. Islam has till lately been
solely responsible for civilisation and culture in East Africa,
and almost entirely for the opening up of the interior.
In Somaliland the Mad Mullah taught people in the interior
to read and write, which was more than the people of the coast
could do.
Praying and educational boards were found in all his deserted
camps. Islam stopped the practice of burying live men and women in a
dead Sultan's grave, as was done in many places in Central Africa.

108 THE LAND OF ZINJ
It is narrated that the old Yao chiefs of the neighbourhood
where that unhealthy station Fort Johnston now stands, in
Nyasaland, were buried in this way up to the reign of
Kumasangano. After him came Chemkata, and he would have been buried
after the same manner had not the succeeding chief, Selafi, who
had embraced Islam, refused to permit it.
Selafi and some of his people fled to Portuguese territory
during British occupation, and Mponda was put in his place.
Selafi recently died and now his son Mbwana is the Sultan.
The Makoa used to indulge in the same practice and their chief,
Mkumi, is said to have been buried with ten men and ten women.
When a chief died the whole population of a village used to
fly into the bush to avoid this fate. Many of the other barbari
ties practised by the savage African, such as those of Nyamtupi,
the handless chief of the Makoa, have been put an end to or
lessened by Arab influence.
However, Arab influence has not extended very far from the
coast in British East Africa. Swahili trading caravans used to
push up by the ordinary trade routes to purchase ivory and bring
it to the coast, but no occupation of the country or foundation
of Arab or Swahili settlements seem to have been made as was
the case in what is at present German East Africa, Portuguese
East Africa and Nyasaland.
In German East Africa there was a chain of posts, and settle
ments of Arabs or Swahilis. almost the entire breadth of Africa.
The Arabs of Mombasa support themselves by carrying on a
certain amount of trade, but most of the trade has passed into
the hands of the Indian traders. The latter come chiefly from
Cutch,1 and they are called locally " banyani." I do not know
what the origin of this word is or whether it is a corruption of
the Hindustani " bania," a shopkeeper. It is used all down the
east coast, and they are called by this name by Burton, so pre
sumably the name, whether a corruption or otherwise, has a
precedent for its use. 1 They are Bhattias.

XGALAWA CROSSING A CREEK.

NATIVE SHIPPING IX HARBOUR.

MOMBASA— ARABS AND ISLAM 109
The chief means of support of the Arab, however, appears to be
the proceeds from cocoa-nut shamba(s)=p!antations, and some
of them own a considerable amount of land. Although labour is
scarce nowadays the freeing of slaves does not affect these Arabs
as seriously as it might, for the work on a cocoa-nut plantation
consists chiefly in the initial planting and tending of the young
cocoa-nuts. Once this has been done, it requires comparatively
few workers to attend to the shamba. Those who have already
profited by the slave days in having large plantations started
are now able to live on the proceeds without requiring much
labour. However the life of a cocoa-nut is not infinite, fresh trees
must be planted and tended to replace the old and worn out ones,
and labour for this work is difficult to obtain.
The owning of cocoa-nut shamba (s) is an occupation which
suits the temperament of the Arab. He has his town house in
which he transacts a certain amount of business, and his country
house on a smaller scale in his plantation. In the cool of the
afternoon he mounts his Maskat donkey and rides out to inspect
his shamba, strolls round and then sits awhile and rests on the
verandah, refreshing himself with milk from the dafu, or young
green cocoa-nut.
In the evening he rides back again to the town or, as in
Mombasa, takes the ferry back from the opposite shore of the
harbour or the evening train back from Changamwe.
Occasionally he spends week-ends in the country to rest him
self from the arduous duties entailed by city life, such as the
making up of accounts or entertaining of friends.
When the cocoa-nuts are ripe they are gathered by an adven
turous individual called the mgema. The mgema has been
brought up to the life of climbing these trees, and considers it
quite an ordinary way of earning a living.
Sometimes very tall trees have notches cut all the way up
to assist the climber, but this practice spoils the tree and so he
generally has to climb without their aid.
Some wagema (cocoa-nut climbers) fasten the end of a piece
of rope to either ankle, leaving just enough slack between the

110 THE LAND OF ZINJ
feet to pass halfway round the tree. Then, placing a hand on
either side of the tree and seizing it between the palms and
forearms, they raise and draw the feet up the tree. The friction
of the rope prevents them from slipping down again.
Some climb without a rope by passing the arms round the tree
and locking the fingers, then, doubling up the body, walk with
their feet up the tree, slipping their hands up higher when the
feet are level with the hands. On reaching the top he throws
the ripe cocoa-nuts down, or taps the tree for palm wine. On
the completion of his work the mgema receives as pay one cocoa-
nut for every tree he has climbed.
The cocoa-nuts are then stored, and later the husk is torn off
by means of an iron bar called mtaimbo. Cocoa-nuts are worth
locally an anna each. As a good tree will bear as many as fifty
or sixty in a year, a shamba of several hundred trees is the
source of quite a nice little income to a native.
The value of a shamba is assessed by the number of ripe trees
it contains, not by the acreage. The value of one tree varies
considerably — ten rupees being a good price for it.
The inside of a cocoa-nut is taken out after breaking it by
means of an iron hook called mbuzi=goat.
Another sort of profitaccruing from the cocoa-nut is the toddy,
which is tapped by cutting slits in. the fronds of the tree and
affixing cups of half cocoa-nuts under the slits to catch the liquid
as it oozes out. The immature fronds intended to produce the
nut aro bound at the end, which prevents them bearing, and the
stalk tapped.
A lemur, probably the galago, causes great consternation and
indignation amongst the owners of shamba (s), as it acquires the
habit of emptying these little cups at night before they have been
visited by the mgema. This animal generally lives in the leafy
tops of the palms.
Tapping cocoa-nut palms for toddy (tembo) is said to be
ruinous to their productive capacities.
The leaves, plaited ready for the makuti hut-roofing, are sold
at the rate of thirty, for the rupee.

MOMBASA— ARABS AND ISLAM 111
The Arabs of this coast appear to be very lax in religion and
morals when compared with those of Arabia. Africa appears to
have a degenerating effect on most peoples, the native inhabi
tants included, and laxity in religion and other matters is
common to an extent that would not be tolerated elsewhere.
The coast seems always to have been the hot-bed of intrigue,
strife and double-dealing. Ancient history in the last chapters
has shown what it used to be in the past. In the present it
is exactly the same except that it must now be confined to words,
accusations and slander, instead of being settled by murder and
strife as formerly.
The Arab has generally had a reputation for intrigue, but in
his own country he is fairly honourable and straightforward.
The Arabs and higher class Swahili are not as, strict in the
observance of the hours of prayer as they might be.
That common sight in Aden and other Arab cities of believers
observing the hours of prayer when they occur at whatever place
they happen to be in — in the streets, on the roof tops, in their
rooms, on the beach, in the desert — is never seen on this coast.
The higher class inhabitants appear to pray only at the mosque
or in the privacy of their houses.
Arab time is observed on the coast, viz., sunrise commences
the day and sunset closes it. Sunrise is twelve o'clock of the
night, sunset twelve o'clock of the day ; six o'clock is midday, and
six o'clock of the night is midnight.1 The month observed by the
Arabs is the lunar month, dating from the new moon and lasting
till the next new moon appears.
The year consists of twelve lunar months or about 354 days,
and thus falls short of our year.
The months commence with Ramdhan, the fasting month, and
1 The night takes precedence to the day in the native mind. Therefore to-night
(usiku wa leo=the night of to-day) is really last night.
A native will say that a place is two days distant. He means that two nights
must be slept on the road, therefore the place is really three days' march, a mis
comprehension of which irritates the European traveller, especially when the
native maintains that he was right.
In case the times as given above are not clear, add or deduct 6 hours from
European time and Arab time is arrived at.

112 THE LAND OF ZINJ
in Swahili the succeeding nine months are called the first,
second, third, etc., relaxing of the fast, viz., Mfunguo mosi,
Mfunguo pili, Mfunguo tatu, Mfunguo nne, Mfunguo tano,
Mfunguo sita, Mfunguo saba, Mfunguo nane, Mfunguo tisa.
The last two months are called by their Arabic names in
Swahili form, viz., Rajabu and Sha'abani.
The year 1327 was an unlucky one as it started on a Friday,.
a fact which portends war and disorder.
Years starting on a Wednesday are also unlucky, and children
born in such years are undutiful and intractable.
Amongst the months the unlucky months of the year are
Mfunguo tano and Mfunguo nane. Swahilis will not marry or
start on a journey during these months.
Mfunguo tatu is the month of the pilgrimage (Swahili
" Hija " and " Haji," Arabic " Haj ").
Mfunguo nne is the month during which Husseni, son of
Muhammad, was killed, and amongst the Khojas is observed by
lamentations and beatings of the breast.
Mfunguo sita was the month during which Muhammad was
born on the night of the 12th. From this date to the end of
the month the mosques are decorated, and people adjourn for
reading and prayer and listen to exhortations, which are carried on
for the greater part of the night. This festival is called Maulidi.1
< The shamba (s) belonging to the inhabitants of Mombasa are
| situated mostly either on the mainland opposite the town of
! Mombasa or near the first and second stations up the line. A
i train leaves Mombasa daily in the morning and returns in the
; evening, affording an opportunity to the owners of visiting their
plantations at Changamwe.
The coinage in use in East Africa and Uganda is the rupee.
The cent has lately been introduced in place of the anna and
1 Another difference in Swahili reckoning is that time in months or years is
reckoned by the number of months or years broken into by a period, viz., two years
and one day is called three years. It often happens in a case that a native stoutly
maintains that he has served, say, two months, whereas he has only done a few days
over a month. The European, not knowing this reckoning, promptly puts him
down as a liar.

MOMBASA— ARABS AND ISLAM 118
pice, as subdivisions of the rupee. This change is very popular
in Uganda, especially as the authorities have been wise enough
to devise a coin with a hole in the centre which can easily be
strung together on a string.
The decimal system was already in vogue in that country in
the shape of cowries at 1,000 to the rupee, carried about strung
on strings of a hundred or fifty. As ten cowries go to a cent
the natives easily understand the new coinage and find it easier
to carry about, while the cowry still remains as a subdivision
of the cent.
Strangely enough this change of coinage when introduced was
much opposed by the Indian traders of the coast. One would
have thought that the facilities offered by the introduction of a
new coinage for a little sharp practice by naming his price in
pice and then calculating rather over the equivalent in cents,
would have endeared it to the heart of the Indian. For the
brainless and unmathematical African is careless with his
money, and unsuspicious of fraud, and would readily have paid
what he was told was the equivalent till he learnt by experience
the rate of exchange.
However, for some reason I could not follow, the Indian
traders did not take this line, but many of them refused at first
to have anything to do with the new coinage, refusing to sell
for anything but pice and annas. Others took the line of saying
that they did not want cents, but if the buyer insisted on paying
cents he must pay for the privilege of so doing. Thus they would
say an article was four annas, but if it was to be paid in cents
it would cost six annas. This was most annoying at first, as in
out-of-the-way places one's boy would return from the market
or store and say that he was unable to buy anything with the
cents with which he had been provided, whereas to proceed
against the trader was generally impossible unless one had the
time to wait and thrash the matter out.
Arab women in Arabia can seldom write. On the coast, how
ever, women appear to occupy a higher status than they do in
Arabia. L.Z.

114 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Amongst the pure Swahilis many of the women are well
educated in reading and writing, while in the Lamu Archipelago
they are often better than the men in versifying and writing
poems. However, poetry has fallen to a low ebb nowadays in these
parts, being almost entirely confined to love or indecent verse.
Although some of the Swahili women are as well or better
read ia the Koran than men, they are unable ;to go in for
public devotion as they must never visit the mosques, except
during the " maulidi."
At Siu things are different, for here, sole exception on the
Swahili coast, women are accustomed to go to the mosque covered
up in the " shiraa." 1
1 A kind of portable tent, which will be described in Chapter VIII.

CHAPTER VI

THE SWAHILI

Who are the Swahili ? Are they a race, a tribe, a mixture,
or what ?
A black " boy " with negroid features, slightly flattened nose
and black, African curly hair in patches on his head, comes up
to ask for employment. " What is your tribe ? " you ask. He
answers, " Swahili." "What was your mother ? " "A Makoa "
(a tribe in Portuguese East Africa) . " And your father ? " " Oh,
he was killed long ago in a war at home, and then my mother
was brought to Mombasa while I was still a child." He
does not mention that she was a slave. " Well then, if both
your father and mother were Makoa, you are a Makoa." " Yes,
that was my origin. We Swahilis are all like that; each one is
a Swahili, but he has his own tribe as well. I have been a
Swahili as long as I can remember." " What is your name ? "
" Jamezi (James). I was educated in the mission."
Now let us tackle a reverent-looking old gentleman, dressed
in a long flowing joho and turban, as to his antecedents.
He has a grey beard of straight hair and the light complexion
of an Arab. Under his arm is a Koran, as he is making his way
to the mosque to read and pray.
"Good evening, Sheikh." "Good evening, master." "What
is your name ? " Ali bin Fullani bin Fullani " (Ali, son of
So-and-so, son of So-and-so) . " Oh, you are an Arab ? " No,
I am a Swahili," he says with some pride. " What is your
descent ? " "I am sprung from the Nabahans; my grandfather
was Bwana Mkuu of Pate. See, here is my descent from the
time that the Nabahans left Arabia," and he produces a slip of
paper from his Koran, showing a line of ancestors reaching back
to a date about level with Magna Charta. i2

116 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Now ask him if Jamezi is a Swahili, and he says, " No,
he is a slave from the savages of the interior." Ask
Jamezi if this man is a Swahili, and he says, " No, he is an
Arab." If Jamezi's father had been an Arab or a true Swahili, Ali
would have said, " Yes, he is a Swahili," in spite of the fact
that his mother was an African slave, but then his name would
not have been Jamezi, but he would be called by an Arab name,
and also bear his father's name.
A Swahili, then, in the more confined sense of the word, is a
"descendant of one of the original Arab or Persian- Arab settlers
on the coast. In the broader sense of the word it includes all
who speak a common language, Swahili.
But the Swahili of Ali bin Fullani is not the Swahili of
Jamezi. Swahili is a mixture of Arabic and different Bantu tongues.
The grammar is Bantu ; the vocabulary is partly of Arabic and
partly of Bantu derivation.
Ali bin Fullani speaks with a slightly Arabic accent, speaks
grammatically, has a very big vocabulary, and draws copiously
on the Arabic language for words to express things, ideas, and
sentiments foreign to the savage African.
Jamezi has a pure Bantu accent; although he may try to
mimic Arabic pronunciation occasionally, has a much smaller
vocabulary, speaks ungrammatically and uses slang words.
Most of the very common words in Swahili are pure Bantu, while
more civilised ideas, articles and sentiments, and words con
nected with sea and coast, are expressed by words of Arabic
derivation. For a proper understanding of Swahili it is essential to
have studied Arabic and a pure Bantu language indepen
dently. A comparison of a few words will give an idea of the relations
existing between words of Bantu and Arabic origin.
The words for which there are Bantu names are on the left,
and Arabic on the right.

THE

SWAHILI

'Bantu derivation.

Arabic derivation

Hut.

Stone house.

Grass roof.

Stone roof.

Roofing pole.

Beam.

Zeriba.

Fort.

Mat.

Carpet.

Field.

Garden.

Spear.

Rifle.

Knife.

Dagger.

Clay pot.

Metal pot.

Chief.

Governor.

Woman.

Lady.

Hill.

Cape.

Pool.

Harbour.

River.

Sea.

Meat.

Fish.

Canoe.

Ship.

Porter.

Stevedore.

Strength.

Power.

Goods and chattels.

Merchandise.

To consider.

To think.

117

Tho following are words for which there are no Bantu equi
valent in Swahili: —
To reign, to wash ceremonially, to dethrone, to judge, learn
ing, allegiance, book, pen, cards, auction, pound (wt.), religion,
paper, signature, deposit, tax, debt, debauchery, six, seven,
watch, box, captain, thousand.
The following words have substitutes of both Bantu and Arabic
origin: —
God, wind, heart, light, ten, five, space of time, to carry, to
want. There are a number of different dialects of Swahili, the chief
being the dialects of the Lamu Archipelago, Mombasa, Zanzibar,
the Mrima (or German East Africa), The Comoro Islands, Kilwa
and Mozambique.

118 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Amongst these dialects the words of Arabic derivation gene
rally remain the same, while the Bantu words often differ.
Thus the Bantu words in the Lamu Archipelago bear the
stamp of the Giryama language, that of Mombasa, Kinyika that
of Zanzibar of the old black inhabitants of the island, the
Wahadini that of the Comoros, and Mozambique of Mokoa.
However, many of the Bantu words are common throughout
all or many of the dialects, which bespeaks a common origin
for all these dialects, as such words are generally very common,
well-used ones.
It might thus be conjectured that the Bantu words which
differ in different dialects were gathered into their special dialect
after the original language had formed.
Pate or the Lamu Archipelago is generally acknowledged as
/the birthplace of Swahili, and the language originated there,
presumably mainly by the mixture of Arabic and Giryama, with
a sprinkling of words from other languages, such as Somali,
Portuguese and Galla, and a few words from the languages
spoken by slaves, such as Yaos.1 The language thus originated
was gradually carried down the coast from the more ancient
towns in the archipelago, and this language subsequently
became modified in each place by the influence of the
nearest Bantu tongue, and also by the accent of the existing
inhabitants. The tongue of the archipelago is the cleanest and purest, and
the further one goes from this place, the more corrupt and the
1 less clearly pronounced is the language. For instance, the
people of Amu and Pate find no difficulty in pronouncing any two
vowels successively, while the people down the coast talk thicker
and thicker the further down one goes.
Take the dialects down the coast in order: Amu, Kimvita
(Mombasa), Kimrima (German East Africa), and Kimngao
(Kilwa). i The word tembo = elephant, is supposed to have been derived from the
Yao " ndembo " and imported by Yao slaves. " Ndovu " is the purer Swahili word
for this beast.

THE SWAHILI 119
The following words with two consecutive vowels occur in
Amu: —
Mtee, kae, guu, pua, chooko, mbaazi, lia, kwea.
When you reach Mombasa you find that the first words have
become " mtele " and "kale," but the remainder are the same.
When you reach the Mrima you hear, " guru," " pura,"
" choroko," " mbarazi," but the last two remain the same; while
in Kingao you even hear " lira " and " kwera."
Another point of difference is that in the purer and cleaner
spoken archipelago dialects one gets more Arabic and dental
letters and greater fineness in pronunciation: sounds which are
lost further down the coast.
Thus in Pate, Amu and Mombasa, we have five different " t's,"
which may be shown by (1) the Arabic letter U, (2) the Arabic
letter cy, (3) the last aspirated, (4) the English cerebral "t,"
(5) the last aspirated.
In Zanzibar we get only two " t's," while further down the
coast we get but one.
In the archipelago we get two " d's " and two " r's," while in
Zanzibar and down the coast both " d's " and one of the " r's "
are all replaced by a cerebral " d."
This "r" is generally shown by the letter "d" in Roman
characters, and by the letter "r" in Swahili. It only occurs
when following the nasal " n."
Examples of the "d's" are (1) without "n," Arabic dental
"d," "Dodori." (2) " Nd " as in " vunda." (3) " Nd " as in
"ndani" (spelt "rani" in Amu Swahili and " dani " in Zan
zibar).1 All these three letters are pronounced in Zanzibar by a
cerebral " d."
Arabic is a written and so a more stable language. It is
perhaps for this reason that the Swahili words derived from
this language appear to be more or less permanent, while the
Bantu part of the language changes both as to vocabulary
and grammatical form, not only with places, but at different

1 Nasal " n " is omitted in Swahili writing.

120 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Presumably the unwritten Bantu languages change rapidly,
acquiring, forming, and borrowing new words and dropping old.
Of other Bantu languages we have no record of former and older
forms. In the Bantu portion of Swahili, however, a certain
number of ancient forms, grammatical construction and words,
are preserved either in writings or by tradition.
From these it would appear that within historical times there
have been extant no less than two quite distinct forms of the
Bantu part of Swahili, in addition to that now talked. The
newest of these two older forms is Kikae or the old language,
and this differs more from modern Swahili than does Chaucer
from modern English. Older than this is Kingovi, and this
language differs as much from Kikae as the latter does from
modern Swahili.
Thus it appears that within historical times, say the last
thousand years or less, there have been no less than three
different forms of the Bantu part of the Swahili language, whilst
the Arabic portion has remained much the same.
Before leaving the subject of the language one cannot help
remarking what a pity it is that practically all the exercises,
grammars and treatises on the Swahili language have been
written in Roman and not in Swahili characters.
Those that have chiefly concerned themselves with the lan
guage have aimed at substituting Roman characters for the
Arabic, and have mostly completely ignored the latter.
Their contentions in so doing are that (1) these characters
suit the language better; (2) that as the unwritten Bantu lan-<
guages of Africa are being reduced to writing in Roman charac
ters, it would tend to greater uniformity if Swahili was to adopt
the same characters. These arguments in their way are perfectly
correct, but I fail to see how they can affect the question.
Swahili is learnt roughly for two purposes. Firstly, as a lingua
franca, a medium of conversation with a number of people of
different tribes, who through intercourse with each other or the
coast, have picked up a little Swahili. Such people have their
own language, and as a rule their knowledge of Swahili is very

THE SWAHILI 121
limited, and they can neither read nor write this or any other
language. A very brief study of Swahili will teach one enough to con
verse with these people, and, moreover, enough to show one that
the average speak very badly and ungrammatically. If one wants
a smattering of Swahili for this purpose it does not seem
to matter much what characters one learns the language in,
provided they are characters with which one is familiar. To
learn new characters for the purpose of talking to people who
can neither read, write, nor talk grammatically, would be mani
festly waste of time.
Secondly, one learns Swahili to talk to the Swahili himself
and to make oneself understood by him.
It seems rather absurd, if one learns the language for this pur
pose, to. learn it in characters which the native does not ,use,
and so when learnt, it does not permit you to read his writing
or books, or permit him to read your letters.
It seems to be, moreover, such a lazy way of learning a lan
guage. No one but the laziest man or one who never intended
to gain more than a smattering of the language, would attempt
to learn Hindustani, Arabic, or Persian in Roman characters.
Roman characters may be more suitable to the language, but
as they are not used, they are not Swahili. Esperanto may be
a more suitable language than Swahili, but as the Swahili do
not speak it, it would be useless to learn it in place of Swahili.
Ex-slaves of the Jamezi type have learnt at the mission how
to write very badly misspelt Swahili in Roman characters. They
have also possibly learnt to write a little English as well. As
Jamezi is not a Swahili and speaks Swahili of the lowest and
most incorrect kind, he is a person to be avoided by anyone
trying to learn the pure language.
As Jamezi says that Ali is not a Swahili, and the latter says
that Jamezi is not, it is for a disinterested observer to decide
which of the two is correct.
If being a Swahili is a matter of descent, Ali is correct, but
if the term includes all who speak a common language, Swahili,

122 THE LAND OF ZINJ
whether of a pure or corrupt form, both of these people should
be considered Swahilis.
The origin of the word " Swahili " comes from the Arabic
word " Sawahil," meaning "coast" or "shore," and the east
coast was thus called by the Arabs " Sawahil," which in pure
Swahili becomes " Sawahili " or " Sawaheli."
So the word primarily meant the coast, and subsequently
those that lived on the coast, and as such would include Jamezi
and all the slaves on the coast, as well as the old Arab
inhabitants.
1/ The dress of the high-class Swahili man is much the same
I as that of the Arab, viz., the long white shirt, the khamis i of
the Arabs called here "kanzu" ("kandu" in Amu dialect),
coloured waistcoat or long-flowing Joho, a robe something like a
dressing-gown, a coloured turban or red fez, and Arab leather
sandals.
i^ The women's dress, however, differs materially from that of
Pie Arab women. It consists generally of two big robes of Man
chester cotton bearing the same device. Of these, one is worn
folded round the chest and reaching to the ankles, while the
second is worn either thrown over the shoulders or toad as a
shawl. These robes bear all manner of strange devices, every mail
nearly brings a new assortment, and the old ones go out of
fashion. The new arrivals are sold at a price of from two to six annas
more than those of patterns which have been in vogue for some
time past.
The commonest kinds are white with a coloured border.
Different devices on this groundwork are, palm trees, bunches
of three oranges, motor cars, monkeys climbing poles, a lion in
a cage, horses, cashew apples, pineapples, red fezzes, and every
conceivable object which could possibly appeal to the coast
natives. Other robes are in different colours, one in narrow stripes
1 Hence origin of "chemise."

SWAHILI " WOMEN".

KADHI OF SHELA.

A

THE SWAHILI 123
called the " zebra," and another in broad stripes called the
" mkeka," the striped mat of coloured grass made on the coast.
Other kinds of robes are of thin flannelette, muslin, or silk.
Nearly every one of the hundreds sold has a special name of
its own.
The black bui bui, a robe like a cloak covering head and face,
used in Zanzibar, is seldom seen at Mombasa. The women's
turban as worn in Zanzibar, made of a woollen shawl, is also not
often seen on the coast.
The Swahili women bore and extend the lobe of the ear, a
custom they must have borrowed from the inland African tribes,
as it is not done by the Arabs, but extensively by different
inland tribes. In the extended lobe is worn an ornament about
the size of a crown piece, made like a drum hollow inside. Round
the outside edge is a groove like the bare rim of a bicycle, into
which the extended lobe fits. These ornaments are of orna
mented gold or silver.
The poorer inhabitants of the coast wear rounds of tightly
rolled tissue paper in place of these ornaments.
In the nose is worn a small gold or silver button or ornament
as amongst the Arabs.
The hair is tightly plaited in ridges on the top of the head,
unless the lady has a considerable amount of Arab blood and
the hair is long and straight; then it is worn combed and parted
as with Arabs. Cocoa-nut oil is used for oiling the hair.
For cOolness and cleanliness the hair amongst both sexes is
often shaved completely off.
With the men this does not show particularly, as they wear
either fez or turban. Amongst the women, however, it looks
most unpleasing and unsexing.
The Swahili is very superstitious, a weakness he derives
chiefly from his African ancestors, although this trait is also
present in a smaller degree in the Arab.
The common mass of Swahili believe implicitly in the
existence of snakes which will swallow a caravan of a hundred
men, of Jini and devils living in big trees, lakes, the sea, etc.,

124 THE LAND OF ZINJ
snakes which promenade with1 jewels in their mouths, birds
which lay jewelled eggs, and all manner of wonders.
I will explain in a later chapter how entirely the native fails
to distinguish between hearsay and direct evidence, and how he
relates hearsay news with all the apparent truth and conviction
of an eye-witness. He will relate any story he has heard
as if it had occurred to himself, and thus one is able to get at
first hand the relation of so many marvels, all of which the
narrator alleges to have seen for himself. I will now relate a
few of the everyday marvels which occur to the Swahili.
I am told that it is the custom for all good people to close their
doors in Mombasa before ten o'clock, and after that not to answer
or speak with anyone who knocks at their doors. It is common
for a Jini to promenade the town at night and knock at people's
doors and call them by name. If one answers one dies at once.
As proof that this is true there was the wife of So-and-so who
was found dead in the morning, and this must have been the
cause of her death.
There is a certain baobab in the centre of the native town of
Mombasa in which lives a female Jini who can frequently be
heard nursing and crooning to her child at night.
A Jini fell in love with a horse I had once, and plaited a few
hairs of its mane one night.
When the telegraph boat ran on a reef just off Zanzibar I
am told that the white men were very anxious to find out what it
had struck, and so went out in a boat and sent a native diver
down to look. He went down and saw nothing, and came up
again. He was sent down again, and found a female Jini sitting
on a rock and plaiting her hair. She asked him what he wanted
and told him not to come down again.
When he came to the surface he was afraid to say what he
saw, and so said he saw nothing. He was sent down again, and
was never seen again. As he had not mentioned what he had
seen, it was clever of the narrator to guess !
A large safari once left the coast. One morning they saw what
they thought was mist ahead, but it was really the open mouth

THE SWAHILI 125
of the great snake called "nondo." The whole safari walked
into his mouth, after which he closed it and they were never
heard of again. Again the relator does not say how the news
was obtained, but as proof that this was true, the whole of Rabai
wept for two months for the selfsame safari.
Another safari incident. A whole safari headed by a white
man walked into a hole in the side of a hill, which then closed
on them. The only person who escaped was the boy of the gun-
bearer who had been lagging behind. He ran back and told the.
news and the white men came out and looked for many months
for their companion, but never found him.
There is a very bad devil which lives near the fort at Mom
basa, and no native inhabitant would be very anxious to pass
there alone at night. To be devil-struck (kumbwa na sheitani)
at night is quite an ordinary occurrence, and accounts for many
otherwise inexplicable illnesses.
This is quite different from being possessed by a spirit (pagawa
na pepo) which causes the unfortunate who has been possessed
to lose his reason entirely for the time being. By paying much
money to the professional exorcisors of demons, it is possible
to eject these evil spirits.
The professional exorcisers examine the victim and pronounce
their opinion as to the exact means to be employed to eject the
unwelcome intruder.
The usual means are the sacrifice of certain curiously marked
animals, such as two white cocks, a spotted goat, a brindled
ox, and the holding of an ngoma (dance and beating of
drums) night and day for a certain number of days without
cessation. As the exorcisers perform tbe ngoma for which they receive
good pay and good food, they naturally state as the amount
requisite the maximum number of days to which they think their
patrons' finances will extend.
The ngoma is carried on ceaselessly for the agreed time, and
at the end of that period the evil spirit gets so bored with the
incessant banging of drums that it flies away and seeks repose

126 THE LAND OF ZINJ
and quiet elsewhere, and with it also go, I am sure, the sym
pathies of any unfortunate European who is living in the
immediate vicinity of the ngoma.
Astonishing to relate, the victim of the " pepo " almost invari
ably regains sanity at the expiration of the ceremonies, a fact
the reason for which I believe medical and other scientific men
are unable to explain.
Amongst the Swahilis are known a few good drugs made from
roots and barks of different trees and plants, and sometimes from
leaves. However, for every medicine of any value, there are perhaps a
hundred medicines of no value whatever, which are administered
by alleged doctors. The doctor (mganga) also administers
equally charm medicines and drugs, the former being considered
as requiring the greater knowledge to prepare, and also as being
more effective.
Such is the credulity of the Swahili, that he firmly believes
that he can be cured of all manner of diseases, wounds, aches
and pains, by the reading of a chapter of the Koran with proper
unction and ceremony, the jumping over lines scratched on the
earth, tying of tightly rolled versies from the Koran round
neck or arm, or wearing of other charms.
-The disease and the cure are sometimes determined by the
casting of pebbles, beads and curious trinkets out of a gourd. The
doctor at once detects the medicine to be used by the manner in
which these fall, and for this purpose it is not even necessary
to see the patient.
I once consulted a number of medicine men concerning alleged
ailments, and gained much diversion by hearing them expound
their views and receiving their prescriptions.
Most of the medicines produced were gnarled and twisted bits
of root to be pounded or flaked, and mixed with water. Those
were, however, comparatively dull compared with the more
magical remedies.
Commonly-used medicines and much prized are lion's fat
and monitor's fat. These are rubbed on the afflicted part for

THE SWAHILI 127
rheumatism and most aches and pains. Powdered turmeric is
plastered on the head for headache.
A common remedy for cataract or bad eyesight is to bind
a bit of string tightly round a finger near the top, and then,,
pricking the tip of the finger with a pin, apply the blood which
spurts out to the defective eye.
Skin cuts, cupping and burning with hot irons, are very
common remedies. These are sometimes applied to the spot
which is painful and often then afford relief ; on the other hand,
gashes or scars are often made in quite different parts of the
body, such as a gash in the leg to cure an ache in the head,
and so on.
Very learned magicians and doctors, it would appear, are in
possession of ancient tomes in which are written prophecies, and
also in which the ailments and remedies of every future applicant
for medical relief are already inscribed.
Instances of these sages and their books of prophecy occur
in the "Thousand and One Nights" (see Duban the sagie).
" Kupiga mbaruga " (ramli or bao) is the foretelling of medicine
or events by the casting of pebbles, sticks, etc. The first word is
generally used in Mombasa, and is of Kinyika origin.
The sage throws his pebbles o,ut of a gourd!, and then, after
deliberation and seeing how they fall, gives his decision, prophecy
or prescription.
Other wise men predict and foretell by gazing at sand, mixing
tobacco and ashes and smelling it, throwing sticks, or inter
preting dreams.
There is no end to the quaint medicines which these waganga
devise by the alleged interpretation of the fall of the mbaruga.
The more strange and out of the way is the medicine, the greater
is the faith with which it is taken, and hence acumen accruing to
the mganga. In one Swahili story I heard, there was a prescrip
tion of leopard's milk.
Sacrifices are commonly resorted to, both for the curing of
ailments and also to produce favourable future events, such as
the birth of a son. I have often wondered to what extent these

128 THE LAND OF ZINJ
magicians believe in their own magical powers, and to what
extent they know themselves to be frauds. No doubt most of
them are as superstitious as the rest of the people, and even if
they have doubts aboat the efficacy of their own magic, they
have no doubt that some form of magic is the correct remedy for
most complaints.
The prediction of omens and great events, such as the fore
telling of the birth of an heir to the throne, or the forecasting
of rain, falls more especially to the province of the Waanavyuoni
(literally school children or scholars, but in reality old men
or sages) .
Before leaving the subject of magic and charms, I must men
tion viapo and tego, pr charms for the safeguarding of property
and wives.
The kiapo is generally some sort of charm put in a planta
tion or field to prevent strangers stealing the produce. It may
consist of a snake in a tree, a spell cast over the fruit or cereals
to make them j>oisonous to all but the owner, or charms like
scarecrows placed in prominent places which 'inspire the would-be
thief with awe.
The most efficient kiapo, however, which does not need a
magician to arrange is the planting of a belt of a special plant,
called " mbiriwiri," round the plantation. 'This plant drops on
the ground quantities of such nasty spiky little seeds that it is
practically impossible for any barefooted person to pass through
the belt.
The tego (derived from ku-tega=to entrap) is a snare left
to entrap the would-be adulterer in the absence of the husband.
Of these there are a variety of different kinds, such as the
tego ya mkeka, punda, mbwa, etc. These it would perhaps be
more polite to describe in Latin.1
1 " Hsec sunt tria carmina : —
I. Tego ya triheha ; unde fit ut stragulum posteriori parti corporis adulteri
adhsereat, donee maritus feminas domum redierit.
II. Tego ya mbwa ; unde fit ut adulter cum femina more canino cohasreat, neu
membrum suum retrahere possit.
III. Tego ya punda ; unde fit ut adulteri membrum usque ad instar asini tumeat. '

THE SWAHILI 129
There are special sorts of charms to prevent strangers using
wells which make the water poisonous to others, but innocuous
to the owners.
The houses, both stone and " makuti " of the Swahilis and
Arabs, have already been described. The wealthier Arabs, as
elsewhere, accumlate all sorts of gaudy and generally useless
furniture and ornaments in their houses, such as chandeliers,
Ormulu vases, pier glasses, various large and imposing-looking
hanging lamps, generally broken, and purely ornamental in
function, musical boxes, etc., and more useful articles in the
shape of chairs, couches, etc.
The makuti house is divided inside into several compartments,
in each of which is generally a charpoy 1 with coloured pillows
at both head and foot of the bed.
If two or more people occupy one partition, the different beds
are screened off by hanging leso, or women's robes, in front of
the beds.
A common object on the seashore of Lamu is a number of
these charpoys anchored on the beach, so as to be covered by sea
water at high tide, for the purpose of relieving them of their
insect inhabitants.
The other articles of furniture in the huts are a chair or
two, rough deal tables with a few cups, saucers and other bits
of crockery or tin ware scattered about, a picture of their
Majesties the King and Queen, a sifting or winnowing basket,
a cheap sieve and a few cooking pots, and mkindu straw dish
covers. Under the bed will be a tin box containing the clothes and
valuables of the owner, or perhaps an Arab black coffer resplen
dent with brass studs, hoops and lock ; and possibly there will
be found amongst the crockery a few pieces of the old and
valuable pottery of Lamu.
A few words now as to the character of the Swahili.
1 The Indian charpoy is a bed consisting of a framework of roughly cut wood,
across which is plaited rope or string, the whole supported on legs. It is called
''kitanda" here.
L.Z. K

130 THE LAND OF ZINJ
As for a proper understanding of the Swahili language, it is
necessary to have learnt Arabic and a pure Bantu language
independently; so to properly understand the Swahili, it is
helpful to know both the African and Arab nature.
The Swahili is cheerful and happy-go-lucky as the African;
fond of humour, intrigue and power as the Arab.
Like the Arab, but to an even greater extent, he lives in two
separate worlds, one of words and one of deeds.
If you judge him by his sentiments, you find a man of noble
aspirations, lofty ideals, intelligent thoughts, devout, kind, sym
pathetic and honourable.
If you judge him by his actions, however, you find him a man
low, sordid, cunning, theiving, slanderous, callous and ignorant.
For instance, he will say, "A man's mother is his second
God," and then will disown his mother entirely because she
is not of the same class as his father, and perhaps beat her if
she comes near him.
For the proper understanding of the savage African, one must
not look on him as a human being, but as a rather superior kind
of animal. Looked on from this point of view, many of his
actions and ways of thought are intelligible, where otherwise they
are inexplicable. To judge the African side of a Swahili nature
he must be looked at from this standpoint. However, he has
another side, the Arab side, a much more complex quantity to
understand. It is comparatively easy to understand the workings of the
mind of the savage by imagining something much inferior to
ourselves, and approaching the animal, differing chiefly in the
matter of articulate speech from the animal creation.
When the European, however, tries to understand the Oriental,,
he has before him a very different task. For here we have
people of an older civilisation than ourselves who are no longer
on the plane of the animal, who had developed and civilised
themselves, while we were still in the animal stage, but on such
a very different plan to our Western ideas that it is practically
impossible for us fully to understand them.

THE SWAHILI 131
They have strict codes of honour, morality, etiquette, govern
ment, religion, and equity, but they are not the same as our
codes. They have their ideas of good and bad, beautiful and
ugly, learned and ignorant, but they differ from ours. Their
dress, manners, food and customs, songs and dances, laws and
crafts, ornaments and art, are not really very much less civilised
than are our own, but so different are they, that they mostly
appear to us uncouth and barbaric.

k2

CHAPTER VII

NATIVE SHIPPING

The average European and even the native longshoresman, be
he Arab or African, dismisses any native vessel he sees under the
generic term of " dan " (dhow). Even one born in a coast town
like Mombasa or Zanzibar often expresses surprise on hearing
that there are more than two or three different kinds of vessels
which are accustomed to visit his port.
In reality there are an infinite variety, far too many to describe
at length in a brief chapter like this, and in addition almost
every little coast town turns out a local make or pattern of some
iwell-known type.
The Arabs have long been famed as mariners, and when we
were walking about dressed in skins (or the more scanty
costume of woad sometimes adopted) or were paddling about the
Fens in coracles, they or their ancestors were navigating the
waters of the Indian Ocean and trading at numberless ports
down the east coast of Africa, as far as the Zambezi River.
It will be remembered that even up to the Middle Ages the
seafaring Moors were the scourge of the whole Mediterranean,
and up to the last century almost every European nation was
paying tribute to them.
The Phoenicians and the Hamyarites were noted navigators
and traders, the latter being an old civilisation of Southern
Arabia, who have left us as records of themselves and their
doings many monuments and inscriptions.
Such writings, although in strange characters, are capable of
being transliterated into what is more or less intelligible Arabic.
These ancient mariners have left traces of themselves in many
distant parts of the world, old mines attributed to them having

NATIVE SHIPPING 133
been found in places as wide apart as Cornwall and the middle
Zambezi, not so far from where the Portuguese town of Tete
now stands.
That wonderful old geographer, Ptolemy, collected from these
mariners and other sources, what was then the most extra
ordinarily accurate information about East and Central Africa.
His map, crude as it was, although produced about 150 a.d.,
was not materially improved on till recent times.
In fact, so remarkable was the information he amassed, that
before the discoveries of the sources of the Nile by Speke and
Burton, Ptolemy's theories as to the Central African lakes were
in a great measure accepted and have to a certain extent sub
sequently been proved correct.
Of other old writings concerning this coast we have the " Peri-
plus," a work possibly of older date, which gives much informa
tion concerning the Indian Ocean, Zanzibar and the mainland.
From the descriptions given in this book it would appear that
some of the craft of those days have descended almost unaltered
to modern times.
In Eastern waters it was the Arab trader who was almost}
entirely responsible for the opening up of a large part of the
interior of Africa and the carrying into these places of a certain
amount of primitive civilisation. Seyid Sa'id of Maskat, who, at
the beginning of the nineteenth century, was practically the
founder of that great Zanzibar empire under the protection of
Maskat, which embraced Zanzibar, Pemba and most of the east
coast of Africa, reaching far into the heart of the continent, was a
notable sailor as well as a soldier, and when not fighting on land
(which was seldom), he was engaged in maritime conquests.
He numbered in his navy various types of British warships,
corvettes and frigates, some of which he bought whilst others
were presented to him.
He drew his sailors principally from Maskat Arabs and
Lascars. The last remnant of the Zanzibar navy was the
Glasgow, sunk by H.M.S. St. George at the bombardment
of Zanzibar in 1896, and its masts still stand above water in

134 THE LAND OF ZINJ
the harbour as a memento of the bombardment and as a future
warning. The above brief summary should be sufficient to convince the
reader as to the important part played in history by Arab
shipping in both old and comparatively recent times.
To come to the various types of vessels in use, we have first
the most primitive form of water-conveyance, the dug-out,
called by the Swahili " mtumbwi."
This is merely the trunk of a tree, felled and roughly hewn
into shape and hollowed out by native axes, and is common all
over tropical Africa, being the usual and generally the only
form of conveyance on all the big inland rivers.
Its usual mode of propulsion is by means of a pole, but on
the bigger rivers and lakes, too deep to pole, a short paddle with
a round flat blade, the size of a dinner plate, is common.
At Zanzibar and on the coast they are generally only big
enough to hold one or at most three persons, and they are chiefly
used as a portable form of ship's boat to some bigger craft;
but on the big rivers and' lakes inland they often permit of
carrying twenty or forty passengers, their size being only
limited by the girth of the trees available.
Such a dug-out is commonly seen as a ferry with which to
cross large rivers, as the upper waters of the Congo.
They are generally leaky, filthy, dirty and uncomfortable to
one unused to them, for the smaller ones, at any rate, are too
narrow across the gunwales to permit of sitting down with ease
and they are too unstable to sit above the sides.
The proper method of sitting in them is to squat as a native
on the heels, and if one is unable to do this for any length of
time, one has perforce to seat oneself in a few inches of water
not of the purest mixed up with mud, fishes' heads and other
curios. The reason that they generally leak is that the wood, being
unseasoned, splits, or else a false stroke with the axe during
its manufacture sends a hole through the bottom and this has to
be stuffed with mud and grass.

NATIVE SHIPPING 135
A new one is seldom aeen, as the indolent native does not go
to the trouble of making another while there are a few pieces
of the former still holding together.
I remember a case in which a village, on the bank of a
stream, boasted of only one very old and leaky canoe for the
purpose of crossing to the other bank.
This canoe would hold two men at most, and to cross (I was
going to say dry-shod but this word would hardly be applicable)
it was necessary to empty out the boat on one bank and, hurriedly
getting in, shove off as rapidly as possible, and the other bank
could just be reached before the boat sunk.
The occupants leapt out quickly and a moment later it sunk
to the bottom, and when next required it was necessary to send
men in to dive for it.
This state of things lasted for one year, after which the village
at last set itself to the construction of a new boat.
The illustration opposite page 109 shows thengalawa, virtually
the same as the mtumbwi, but provided with outriggers to give
it stability. These are made by lashing a couple of poles across the dug-out
and fastening to their ends a board, plank or log of wood, which
prevents it from capsizing as readily as the other.
This is presumably the savage's first attempt at bettering
his craft into more of an ocean-going concern, having found
it impossible to leave the immediate neighbourhood of the shore
with the simple dug-out.
Having advanced thus far m the science of naval architecture,
it is not immediately apparent why he should ever revert again
to the more primitive type, but the explanation is simple
enough. There is not room for the outriggered boat to come up th'e
narrow waterways between the houses on the foreshore, nor is
it so convenient for the narrow creeks or the navigation of a small
river. Moreover, the mtumbwi is handier and less bulky for stowing
on board a vessel, and for this reason most of them carry one.

136 THE LAND OF ZINJ
The outriggered ngalawa is much used by native fishermen,
who often manage to get several miles from the shore in this
craft ; on a calm day they can be seen in all directions plying
their trade in these quaint little boats.1
As the rough-hewn bottom does not slip through the water in
the same way as does that of a smooth-planked vessel it is
spread over with a concoction of shark's fat, called " sifa," which
is said to increase considerably the rate at which it travels.
The fishermen's ngalawa is generally fitted with a mast and
small lateen sail.
There is another form of dug-out sometimes seen on the beach,
and that is one of Indian origin, known in these parts as " hori."
These are, as a rule, wider across the gunwales than the dug
out of local manufacture and are generally painted, red for
preference, and have been brought over as ships' boats in trading
vessels. In Zanzibar and Pemba dug-outs are almost always made of
the trunk of a mango tree, no other large trees being avail
able, and this tree being very common on these islands.
On the mainland various other large trees are used which grow
on the banks of rivers.
The mashua is the usual fishing-boat, and is provided with
one mast and a small lateen sail.
The same type of boat provided with oars, instead of sail
and mast, is that which usually conveys passengers between
the shore and their steamers in all East African ports.
The Swahilis also refer to any small ship's boat of European
make by the same name.
The mashua has a rudder (usukani), and rudder-lines (ujari),
and a long bow, while the mtumbwi is, of course, innocent of
anything like a rudder attachment.
This boat is also used for local traffic round the coast, and
especially in the island of Zanzibar where it serves such
purposes as conveying the coral rag of which the roads and
1 I once possessed one of these boats that had travelled from Kismayu to Zanzibar
and back (not with me in it, I am glad to say).

NATIVE SHIPPING 187
the majority of the houses are made, or bringing into the town
firewood, composed of drift and mangrove wood from along the
the coast.
Slightly bigger than the mashua and also used for local
traffic is the kidau.
This, as its name denotes, is a smaller edition of a dau, and
has a pointed stern unlike the mashua which is square -sterned.
However, the kidau is always open, whereas the dau has closed
stern cabins.
It is generally caulked with cocoa-nut fibre or coir by the
simple process of stuffing it into any crevices.
A tishari or lighter, sometimes pronounced tishali, is a large
hulk used for conveying cargo to and from the sea-going vessels
and slowly propelled by natives standing round the edge with
paddles or long poles.
The only other small boat of any note which is commonly seen
besides the mashua and kidau is the dau ya samaki, or fishing
dau, the Swahilis having dropped their old word for fish in
favour of the Arabic word " samak."
This boat bears points of resemblance to both the others,
but is on the whole more like the mashua, except for its slightly
pointed stern.
Before touching on the sea-going vessels it would be as well
to explain that the voyages of nearly all of them depend entirely
on the trade winds, and thus they can make only one trip down
the coast and the return voyage during the course of a year.
At the start of the N.E. monsoon, called the " kasikazi," which
begins in November or December, the ships leave the northern
ports in the Persian Gulf, Gulf of Cutch, Oman and South
Arabia, such as Makalla and As Shahr, and come down with
the monsoon to such ports as Mukadisho, Kismayu, Lamu,
Mombasa, Zanzibar, Saadani, Pangani, Kilwa, etc.
They bring down such goods as clothes, rice and ornaments
from India, coarse silk-woven garments from Persia and Maskat,
dates and salt fish from the Persian Gulf and Arabia.
The salt fish is generally shark's flesh, a flourishing trade

138 THE LAND OF ZINJ
in which is kept up between the Gulf of Aden and the south,
this food being much appreciated by Africans and the wondrous
conglomeration of races dwelling in the coast towns.
About March the N.E. monsoon dies away, and shortly after
wards the S.W. monsoon starts, enabling vessels to return to the
northern ports carrying such cargoes as grain, ivory and other
goods. The output of ivory is, of course, very much less than it was
ten or twenty years ago and is still on the decrease, but is made
up for to a certain extent by its increased value. The great
proportion of ivory off this coast instead of finding its way home
to England to make billiard balls, as is popularly imagined,
goes into the Indian market from whence it gradually finds
its way to China and Japan to make the many beautiful articles
produced in those countries out of this material.
It may be news to some to know that the Chinese themSelves
used actually to trade and send their junks as far as this coast
not many hundred years ago.
Another valuable product of these shores, though usually only
found in small quantities, is ambergris, a disgusting -looking
odoriferous substance, but without its aid it is said that no
perfume or blending of scents can be made.
This substance is found on the sea shore of North-East Africa,
where it has been washed up by the tide and is the outcome of
a growth or disease which occasionally attacks whales.
Cloves are the principal export of the islands of Zanzibar and
Pemba, but the greater part finds its way to Europe or America
in European ships.
The most valuable cargo produced by these coasts in former
days, slaves, are now, to the regret of the Arab, things of the
past. When one has seen the intricate winds and creeks running
inland from Mombasa harbour, and the numerous lagoons, har
bours, inlets and archipelagos which abound on this coral coast,
it is easy to understand what difficulty was experienced in
running to earth numberless small craft with little draught, and

^ w

1 1

ZANZIBAR EAGHALAH.

EEDEXI HilDl PERSIAN GULF.

NATIVE SHIPPING 189
a perfect knowledge of all the recesses of the coast, waiting to
run their precious cargo across to Zanzibar or up the coast to
Arabia. To return to the monsoons, by September the S.W. monsoon
gives way to a period of variable winds called by the natives
" tanga mbili," or the two sails.
The illustration opposite page JB9 gives an idea of the number
of native craft which are brought into port during the first part
of the N.E. monsoon.
One of the most common types of these trading boats is the
baghalah, often mistakenly called " buggalow " by Anglo-
Indians, meaning in Arabic a " she-mule," probably from the
analogy of its being the beast of burden of the sea, in the same
way as we call the camel the " ship of the desert."
These baghalahs are broad, clumsy boats, generally coming
from Maskat and the Persian Gulf.
Their high poops and massive bulwarks give them at a distance
something of the appearance of an old wooden man-of-war.
They often amount to as much as 200 tons, which is a respect
able size for a native boat, and reach a length of nearly 100 feet,
with a beam about a quarter of this distance and carry a main
and mizzen-mast both lateen-rigged, as indeed are nearly all
Eastern craft.
Some are built with an exterior and an interior wall, the space
between enclosing a mixture of lime and other materials which
serve to make the vessel perfectly watertight when this mixture
has hardened inside.
There are several local builds of baghalah, some of which have
only one mast.
Zanzibar, Maskat and Somaliland all turn out local makes
of this craft. The Maskat type has a short, stunted, curled
bowsprit adorned with carving, while the Zanzibar type has no
bowsprit at all.
The masts rake well forward as they do in all Eastern craft.
There are large and roomy stern cabins, where in port the
nakhoda, or captain, a dignified old Arab, will welcome his

140 THE LAND OF ZINJ
friends to a drink of Yemen coffee and a pull at the
hookah. When winds are unfavourable these sea-mules are often driven
far out of their course, and are hard put to. it for food and
water. Regulations exist in Zanzibar as to the amount of water per
man native boats must have on board before they are permitted
to leave port, but those coming from native ports, having no
such rules, often arrive in a distressing condition for want of
water. One arrived on the east coast not long ago in which the men
had been three days without water, and some ponies on board
had not drunk for five days.
Such cases are common, and the sufferers soon get over their
discomfort and are as ready as ever to sail away again with
out sufficient water on board, having gained nothing in
providence. Ponies are often brought down by these boats, but seldom
find their way farther than the Somali coast.
These ponies sometimes have a strain of Arab, but are prob
ably more often Kadishes and Indian country bred.
The photograph opposite page 139 is of a boat coming from the
Persian Gulf, called by the Arabs " badan," this name when
converted into Swahili appearing as " bedeni."
Its most noticeable feature is the enormous rudder-head
looking in the distance like the prow of a gondola.
The rudder, called " usukani " or " sukani " (the latter word
being also used for a "pilot"), is worked by a tiller, called
"kana." These bedeni are broader in proportion to their length than
the dau or the mtepe, which is perhaps the origin of their name
" badan," which means " body " or " corpulence."
They are considerably faster than the baghalah and much
better finished, their planking and sides being beautifully
smooth and well curved.
One of the most interesting vessels seen on this coast is one

NATIVE SHIPPING 141
of local build, called the " mtepe " and known to the Arabs as
" muntafyah." This, as Burton describes it, is, " a lineal descendant of the
Ploaria Ehapta " (Naviculae Consutae "Periplus," Chap. XVI.),
that floated upon these seas twenty centuries ago.
Ehapta was a town shown on Ptolemy's map as being situated
at the mouth of the river Rhaptus, possibly what is now known
as the Tana River, which is near the principal place of its produc
tion to this day, viz., Maguniani and the town of Faza in the
island of Pate.
It is more generally supposed, however, to be the Rufiji River.
Other places where it is built are Tikuni and Siu.
The mtepe has a long projecting stern and long, graceful prow,
and differs from the ordinary run of the ships of this ocean
in that it is square-rigged and is unlike almost any ship in
that its sails are made not of canvas, but of coarse matting.
The most curious part of these boats is that they are made
entirely without the aid of iron, not a bolt, nail or rivet being
used in their construction.
The whole boat is fastened together with wooden pegs, and the
boards stained and warped close against one another with cocoa-
nut fibre rope.
Such a boat was well calculated to withstand the influence
of the " Mountains of the magnet " referred to in the " Thousand
and One Nights," which the old Arab geographers solemnly
asserted to exist on this coast in the midst of what they called
the " Bad sea," and the " Enchanted breakers " which were
supposed to be round Ras Hafun.
The mtepe needs no caulking as its cracks and joints are
stuffed with coir (makumbi) pulled tightly together with cord
and shrunk together.
The mariners of these craft are even more superstitious than
the majority, and the whole ship is plentifully decorated with
flags and talismans to counteract the evil influence of the
ssheitani wa bahari, or sea -devils.
The mtepe, unlike most of the other craft, has a comparatively

142 THE LAND OF ZINJ
long bowsprit made generally of mkandaa wood, and its principal
use seems to be the attachment of a row of charms, called
" mzima," composed of alternate branches of the split and dried
leaves of the mkindu and mvinji trees, the former being the wild
date and the latter a kind of fir.1
A little aft of the mainmast is a pole in alternate black and
white bands which bears the flag, while at the top of the tall
mast is a white pennant.
To conclude with the mtepe, it can sail as close to the wind
or closer than any of the vessels of this coast, it is swift and
steady, and does not have to lie idle during the greater part
of the year waiting for favourable winds, as does the baghalah,
while the elasticity of its make allows it to stand any amount
of bad weather and hard usage.
Next we come to the Arab dau, which is perhaps the most
common of any vessel seen east of Suez, and is familiar to many
as the boat seen scurrying across the straits of Bab al Mandeb
or the Gulf of Aden in front of an eastern-bound steamer or
spoiling the run of a homeward-bound vessel by putting out
signals of distress and demanding water and food off the south
coast of Arabia.
Although the crews of these craft are often hard pressed for
these necessaries of life, this is often only a ruse for obtaining
a cheap meal, for no big steamer is going to spoil its run more
than can be helped or arrive late with mails for the sake of
sending men on board to verify the state of affairs, so a few bags
of rice and a cask or two of water are hastily thrown to these
mendicants of the ocean and the steamer hurriedly resumes
her journey.
The dau, like all Arab vessels, has a mast raking forward,
and, like most Eastern craft, is lateen rigged; that is ta say, it
has a long triangular sail attached to a yard which is hoisted at
an angle to the mast.
This yard, called "foromali," is often very long and heavy,
1 In the Lamu Archipelago the bowsprits of the mtepe bear small flags =
ziberamu , and festoons of miaa (a palm) = zipepo.

NATIVE SHIPPING 148
being composed of two or three lengths of a kind of fir-tree
wood spliced together, and is sometimes almost equal to the total
length of the boat itself. Naturally on a big vessel it is with
great difficulty that the crew manage to hoist this cumbrous
yard, more especially as blocks are not smooth-running as with
us, so the hoisting of this yard is a lengthy process accompanied
by much song, garrulity and invoking of the name of the Prophet.
The dau, like the mtepe, has probably come down to us little
changed, and, as Burton says, dates probably from the Phoeni
cians. It has two masts and a high poop and fo'c'stle, and is
usually caulked with shahamu, a mixture of lime and a kind
of oil or fat, called " mafuta ya uto."
A local build is made at Charawa on the east coast of Zanzibar.
Zanzibar, by the way, is n°* so-called by the Arabs, being
" Zingibar," derived, as stated before, from the Persian " zing "
or " zang," a negro and the Arabic " bar " meaning land, the
whole being almost identical in meaning to the word " Sudan,"
i.e., the land of the blacks.
The Swahili, however, call this island " Unguja."
This word " bar," meaning " land " or " continent," is sup
posed, curiously enough, to be incorporated in the word
"Briton," this name being derived from the Arabic "bar et
tanak," the " land of tin."
Between the dau and the mtepe there are various intermediate
types, called " dau ya mtepe," while the smaller relations of the
dau, the kidau and the dau ya samaki, we have already
touched on.
The dau ya mtepe is built at Maguniani, near Lamu.
It has a flag in front, but no mzima, or charms.
It, however, shows its resemblance to the mtepe in that it is
also nail, bolt, and rivetless.
We now come to another series of 'boats, called "jahazi,"
which word is derived from the Hindustani " jahaz " meaning
" a ship " in general.
The jahazi, like the baghalah, has various local builds differ
ing slightly from one another, the chief kinds being those

144 THE LAND OF ZINJ
built at Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, Pemba, Saadani and Dar as
Salaam. Unlike the last three boats, the jahazi has a square stern,,
and it is also smaller than these others.
There is a boat used in the Red Sea, called " sambuk," which
bears points of resemblance both to the jahazi and the dau.
Before setting sail, the crew of a dau or a jahazi hold a dance,
in the same way as do most uncivilised people before making
any venture, and as do the savages of the interior before starting
on a journey or a hunt.
This dance is supposed to appease the water-demons and bring
luck to their venture, while another thanksgiving dance is held
on their safe arrival.
The crew of the mtepe, amply provided as they are with a host
of charms and talismans, find it unnecessary to indulge in any
such performance.
Of other less-used craft, a pattamar is a vessel that does not
often reach as far south as Zanzibar, generally only plying
round the Indian coast.
This boat has a main and mizzen lateen-rigged, and is gene
rally distinguished by a very long yard.
Another type of Persian Gulf vessel is that variously described
as " batela," " batelo " and " batili," with high stern and roomy
poop. An ukarara is another type of boat hailing from Choli, in
German Earst Africa.
The kachi is an Indian-built vessel something like a big jahazi.
Many of these vessels, especially the few last mentioned, are
pointed in green, white and red paints, showing peculiar designs
and eyes painted on either side of the bow, which were perhaps
the forerunners of our hawser holes.
Another craft is the jalbuti, with short, curled bowsprit.
This bowsprit, which is called "dasturi" (a word also mean
ing " a custom "), is made in one piece with the fore part of the
boat and so does not unfasten.
There is a smaller edition of this boat called a "buti."

NATIVE SHIPPING 145
Of other vessels we have the ganja built at Cutch, from which
neighbourhood come the enterprising Bhattias who have spread
all over this coast as store-keepers and merchants, and are here
called " Banyans."
The grab or ghurab, meaning " raven," comes from the same
part of the world, while of locally built craft we also have the
chombo. A European sailing vessel of whatever kind is referred to as
" manchani," a word of which I have not been able to hear the
derivation, the names for " steamer " and " warship," however,
are easy to see, being " meli " and " manowari," the Swahilicised
form of "mail " and "man of war," and such well -used words
that most Swahilis imagine them to be pure Swahili.
The Arabs call a battleship, " markab harbi " and sometimes
" barigah," the former being like our word, " markab," a ship,
and " harb," war, while the latter word is derived from1 the same
source as a " fortress " or " castle."
A sailing ship they call "markab kulu."
Other Arab craft are the kayik, filuka and sandal, but
these latter are made by the North African and Egyptian
Arabs. A voyage in one of these vessels is by no means an enjoyable
excursion to our European ideas.
In a heavy sea the waves break over the sides and wet the
occupants, while the most comfortable couch securable may be
a few bags of dates which grow stickier and stickier as the
voyage proceeds, and the unseasoned passenger lives in fear lest
the boat will capsize, alternated by hopes that it will sink
quickly and relieve him of his misery.
The parts of the ship are " omo," the prow, called in Arabic
"mukkadam " ; " tezi," the poop, in Arabic " muakhar " ; and
" katikati," amidships, Arabic " wasat " ; while " sath " are the
sides or bulwarks.
The sailing master is called " muallim," meaning " one who
knows." Masts (milingote) for the ships of Zanzibar make usually
L.Z. L

146 THE LAND OF ZINJ
come from the Mrima coast, in German East Africa, a place
called Simba Uranga being noted for them.
The three principal trees used are the mkoko, mkandara pr
mkandaa and the mvinji ; the last two being also found plenti
fully near Lamu are used for the ships built there.
Cords and rigging are made ,of cocoa-nut fibre or bast of
trees. Many of our English nautical words are supposed to have been
borrowed from the Arabs, among which are "anchor," from'
Arabic " angar " (called in Swahili " nanga ") ; and " admiral,"
from Arabic " al amir," " the commander " ; while the compass
(Swahili " dira ") is supposed to have been invented by the
Arabs.

CHAPTER VIII
THE LAMU ARCHIPELAGO
The little group of islands known as the Lamu Archipelago
is, historically speaking, the most interesting part of the Pro
tectorate. These islands consist of coral patches, on which grow a low,
thick thorn-scrub, surrounded by mangrove swamps. In favour
able spots sand blows up and accumulates into dunes, which are,
as a rule, the only high ground on the otherwise flat surface of
the land.
Once these sand-hills commence to form they quickly augment
and encroach on the interior or cover up the towns.
On the exposed seaward sides of these islands or the mainland
is found either a bare coral rock shore, or these dunes, rising
from a sandy beach on the open sea.
Except at these spots a oelt of mangrove lies between the
shore and the sea, and the approach to land is made through
creeks and inlets often impassable at low tide, at which time
they become expanses of mud.
These mangrove swamps, or " nyangwa " 1 as they are called,
are a great feature of the coast and have played a not incon
siderable part in the history and life of the inhabitants.
The nyangwa is at high tide a belt of mangrove growing
in shallow water, and is intersected with creeks, inlets and
channels. These waterways are then navigable by canoes and dhows of
shallow draught.
At low water they become expanses of soft mud, the home and
playground of multitudinous little black crabs, bearing one huge
1 " Yangwa," Mombasa Swahili. l2

148 THE LAND OF ZINJ
pink claw as big as the rest of the body, while the second claw
is small and rudimentary.
The creeks and inlets are at this time generally either mud
expanses, like the nyangwa which encloses them1, or, at any rate,
too shallow to pass.
As many of the towns are situated at the head of creeks, they
offer difficulties to attack by an enemy, while the inhabitants
are isolated from the rest of the world and the neighbouring
communities. In Chapters I. to IV. we have seen how from this cause a
number of little kingdoms sprang up in close proximity to each
other, and how difficult it was to attack or surprise a neigh
bouring community.
Lamu is situated on an open beach, but the approach to it
from the ancient towns of Pate and Manda was either by a
circuitous route passing round the side of Manda exposed to the
open sea, a route dangerous to dhows full of armed men, or
through the narrow channel, called the " Mkanda."
We have seen how useful this circumstance was to Lamu in
handicapping the approach of an adversary (p. 69 "History").
An enemy must come at high tide through this channel, and in
the event of defeat no opportunity to retreat was offered till the
next high tide.
This isolation of the towns has had the effect of establishing
different dialects amongst the different communities, and keep
ing these dialects, once formed, separate one from another.
Every little town, formerly a kingdom of its own, has a dialect
which it cultivates, and of which it iB still very tenacious, although
communication between them is more open than formerly.
The island of Lamu, or "Amu" as the inhabitants call it,
stands in a concave curve of the mainland shore, the mainland
being close to it on the west and north and only separated from
it by a narrow channel.
To the east of Amu is the island of Manda, and this island too
is on the north side separated only by a narrow channel, the
Mkanda, from the mainland.

THE LAMU ARCHIPELAGO 149
At the east end of the Mkanda the mainland curves round to
the north, making space for the island of Pate, which is situated
to the north of Manda.
North of Pate and practically in the same island is Siu and
Paza, and north again are in order the isles of Uvondo, Ndao and
Kiwayu. The last named is the most northerly, and hence its name
Kiwayu=Kiwa (cha) yuu, or the upper island, " Kiwa " being
ancient Swahili for the modern " Kisiwa."
The name of " Kismayu " is similarly said to be derived from
Kisima (cha) yuu=the upper well.
The chief towns in the archipelago are Amu and Shela on
the island of Lamu, Faza and Siu on the island of Pate, and also
the remains of the old town of Pate in which there are now but
few inhabitants.
These old towns, together with the more recent Witu on the
mainland a few hours inland from Mkunumbi, are intimately
connected with 1§wahili history. Of other places there is Kao
on the lower Tana River and Kipini near its mouth, Mkunumbi
on the mainland opposite Lamu, Shanga opposite Siu, Dodori
and Kiunga.
Although so close together the inhabitants of each of these
towns differ in customs and dialect from their neighbours, and
to a large degree in origin and descent.
Most of these places seem to be decreasing in population,
and must have declined very seriously in point of prosperity in
recent years.
In the old days they seem to have possessed no industries, and
their source of wealth must have been derived almost entirely
from dealings in slaves.
The freeing of slaves has reduced most of the freeborn
inhabitants to a sad state of poverty, and, moreover, those with'
property and cocoa-nut shambas find it difficult or impossible
nowadays to find sufficient labour to attend to the needs of
their plantations.
I fear that there is, then, but little hope qf their ancient

150 THE LAND OF ZINJ
prosperity returning to them, for they have no arts, large
industries or resources on which to fall back.
Fishing is an occupation which is still followed by freeborn
inhabitants, and it appears also from ancient history that it was
not looked down upon in the old days as an ignoble calling.
Fish in these parts are exceptionally good and cheap, as good
or better than at Mombasa and cheaper. The best kinds are
perhaps the kipungu, tazanda and taa.
The dugong is occasionally caught in seine nets, and is, as
at Mombasa, much prized. Its flesh has more the constituency
of meat than fish, but is more tender than the tenderest veal.
Red dye or logwood is made from the bark of the mangrove,
and the collection of this bark is an occupation which supports
many of the inhabitants. This dye is used in the tanning
industry, and also, it has been whispered, with how much truth
I do not know, for the coloration of port.
Ambergris is occasionally found on the stretches of coast
exposed to the open sea, but it is here of but rare occurrence.
Further north it is found less seldom. The months of May,
and June are the months in which this valuable disease of the
whale is liable to be washed ashore by the waves of the monsoon
called " kusi."
During these months there is in some parts a rush for the
beach before dawn, and people fight and squabble over the patrol
ling of likely places. •
Another product of the beach is the kauri, which is bought
by the Indian traders for a few pice a hundred.
Poor women and children pry about on the beach and in the
creeks collecting these shells and so making enough to buy a
little food for themselves.
The teche de mer is found in fair quantities on this coast,
and an attempt was made to collect and dry these sea-slugs for the
China market. This was not a success, chiefly, I believe, because
they were not dried or sorted in the proper manner.
The only people of these islands who seem to do any serious
work are the inhabitants of Faza, who are a nautical people

LAMU FORESHORE.

SHELA.

THE LAMU ARCHIPELAGO 151
and build those curious vessels the idau or mtepe. These people
travel to most of the East African ports with their strange craft
and cargoes of boriti, or thatching poles, as far as Kilwa and
further. Of these people more presently ; now we will visit
these islands in turn, commencing with Lamu, the most
important and the seat of the district commissioner.
The local boat, the Juba, visits this place twice a month' on
its journey from Mombasa to Kismayu and twice again on its
return. The people of Lamu or Amu are largely of Persian descent.
This was one of the original towns founded by Abdul Malik, but
even before this there were settlements on the coast and possibly
here of people from the civilised countries of South Arabia,
Hamyarites or Phoenicians, and probably this coast was visited
from time to time by trading ships, from Arabia and India.
However, in the old days it was considered quite a lesser
town in these islands and one of comparatively recent birth.
The present name for the town and island of Lamu is Amu ;
the old name was Kiwa Ndeo, or the island of Ndeo.
The word " Lamu " is said to be derived from the Banu Lami,
an Arab tribe from the Persian Gulf, members of which long ago
settled in this island.
The present town is situated to the north of the hill of
Hedabu, but the old town extended further southwards. The
hill of Hedabu is a group of sand-hills of recent accumulation
which has completely buried the old city, and in some places
there must be fifty feet of sand over the old buildings.
On the beach beneath, where the sand has been undermined
and washed away by the sea, the broken ends of the walls of the
old houses can be seen projecting in places (see photo opposite
p. 76).
There numerous bits of broken pottery can be picked up on
the shore, fragments of the old pottery of Lamu which has now
grown so valuable.
Instances of the rapidity with which the sand accumulates
can be seen in many places. The town of Shela is at present

152 THE LAND OF ZINJ
undergoing the same fate as the old city of Lamu, for the sand
is gradually advancing on the town and has already buried part
of it.
Not far from Shela is a group of old palm trees buried in
sand all but their tops, so that it is no;w possible to gather the
cocoa-nuts while standing on the ground. Assuming the age of
the palms to be about fifty years, this would mean that sand
has accumulated thirty to forty feet high during that time.
Native, legend, which always seeks marvellous rather than
simple explanations of natural phenomena, says that the old city
was buried in a single night. A similar fate is assigned to the
ancient city of Iram, in Southern Arabia, said to be lost in the
sands near Imad. .
The houses of Lamu are made of coral rag, the more ambitious
with flat roofs, two storeys of rooms built round a central court
yard after the Arab style, and the more lowly of small dimen
sions roofed with makuti (plaited cocoa-nut leaves).
The Arab houses are cool and airy ; the rooms are long and
narrow owing to the shortness of the rafters obtainable. The
windows are variations on the usual Arab lattices. The walls
are thick and made of coral and lime. The roof is also of the
same material and supported on rafters. One of these Arab-
built houses near the shore is pointed out as having been occupied
by Rider Haggard and as that in. which " She " was written.
The huts of the less well-to-do have walls generally of small
bits of coral stuck together with clay, and the usual Swahili
roof of plaited cocoa-nut leaves supported by roofing poles called
" boriti." These boriti are made out of trees growing in the swamps.
They are cut in the nyangwa and exported to different towns on
the coast where they meet with' a ready sale.
The streets are narrow after1 the manner of Arab towns, a
feature which is often unjustly abused by Europeans. Such
Arab streets are quite sufficient for the pedestrian or donkey-
riding Arab. They are certainly as a rule smelly, but they are
cool and shady which is the chief requisite of a street in anyplace

THE LAMU ARCHIPELAGO 158
where the sun is hot and powerful and the houses white and
glaring. All the expense lavished on the broad and open streets
of towns like Calcutta and Bombay fail to produce on the midday
pedestrian any effect more noteworthy than an aching behind
the eyes and a pain in the head.
One of the first features that will strike the stranger in the
streets of Lamu is the shiraa, or tent, carried over free women,
a custom of which I omitted to ascertain the origin.
This is usually made of a couple of leso,1 as the kanga or
women's robe is called at Lamu, with a couple of sticks tied in
front and a couple behind. A slave walks in front holding
up one end of the shiraa with a stick in each hand, another walks
behind supporting the other, while the lady herself walks in the
middle. The whole procession then looks like nothing more
than a party of children playing at elephants under the table
cloth. If the lady has no slaves she carries the sticks herself,
two in each hand spread out fanwise. If she has one slave the
slave walks in front while the mistress holds the two s.ticks
behind. ¦
The inhabitants of the place consist of (1) Arabs from
Maskat either temporarily or permanently settled in the place ;
(2) Swahilis or Waungwana (freemen), the old inhabitants of
the place, people of mixed Persian, Arab and African blood,
though the latter admixture is not very evident. The black
blood has crept in from the consorting with black concubines,
but the Swahilis of this part of the coast are of almost as pure
blood as the Arabs ; (3) Watumwa, or slaves, some of these also
having a certain amount of Arab blood in them, while most are
pure Africans of every kind of race or mixture of races. In
addition to these are various visitors or foreign residents, such
as Indians, Somalis, Gallas, etc.
Many of the Swahilis have a distinct Persian cast of feature,
while some of the ornaments still manufactured are of Persian
device. 1 This word was formerly used in Mombasa, but has now been supplanted by the
Zanzibar "kanga."

154 THE LAND OF ZINJ
The ruined building shown in the photo opposite p. 163 and
frontispiece is supposed to be an old Persian monastery.
I have sought for a trace of Persian in the language,
but have not been able to discover any. Perhaps if I had been
better acquainted with the latter language I should have done so.
I thought at one time that the word " Faza " might have some
connection with Fars=Persia, but it appears that it is not so.
I was most excited one day when I heard a slave called by the
name of " Fanusi," the Persian for " a lantern," till I recol
lected that that word is also occasionally used in Arabic.
Amongst the ornaments of the Swahili women the most con
spicuous are the large gold circular discs, called " majasi," about
the size of a crown pjece worn in the expanded lobe of the
ear. On the right side of the nostril is worn ai gold stud or button,
called " shahasi," smaller and less distorting to the nostril than
the kipini, or large silver or solder ornament, worn by Yao
women. The latter is forced into a large and distended hole in
the nose, whereas the shahasi is attached by a small hook like
that of the ordinary earring.
Other ornaments are the necklaces and bracelets of alternate
coral and gold, the latter almond or bead-shaped. The old
ornaments of this kind now uncommon are made of a coral no
longer obtainable of exactly the same form and colour. Mikufu
(silver chains), silver bracelets and other ornaments are worn.
The women's dress consists of the usual Swahili robes, two
of the same pattern, one worn fastened round the chest and the
second as a shawl. On State occasions a short bodice, of doria
(ribbed muslin), fastened with four large silver buttons the size
of half-crowns is worn above, and a cotton or silk robe beneath.
Beneath this again, with only the ends showing, a pair of the
tight bell-bottomed Swahili trousers appears. Over the head
and shoulders is worn a shawl of muslin or other thin material.
Round the ankles large silver or gold anklets are worn, and
on the feet a pair of Arab' sandals of the kind known in Arabia
as " mada'as."
The men wear much the same as the usual Swahili, viz., the

THE LAMU ARCHIPELAGO 155
white shirt, called " karidu " (" kanzu," Mombasa), over which is
worn the coloured sleeved waistcoat, kizibao (kisibao), or an
ordinary serge short reefer coat. On State occasions the long
joho and sword are worn. The head is cjothed in a turban or fez.
The wealthier inhabitants have white trotting donkeys from
Basra or Maskat, on which they ride backwards and forwards to
their plantations. These donkeys are capital goers. The rider
sits well back on the haunches, takes the single rein of bell -rope
like cord in his hand and they speed off at a brisk trot, a pace
which they will keep up for several hours at a time.
A good Maskat donkey will fetch here as much or more than
a pony from the Somali or Banadir coast, and is much more
serviceable than the latter.
There was in the old days an ancient pottery said to have
come from China or the Malay. Characteristic of this is a
little round green plate about the size of a saucer. This pottery
can only be obtained nowadays with great difficulty, and I doubt
if there is any still in use. The inhabitants have learnt its
value, and under stress of poverty nearly all of it has been parted
with to collectors.
In Amu there is a Unyago school for the initiation of young
girls on reaching puberty, a custom which the Swahilis do not
share with the Arabs.1
The people of Amu are practically all voluptuaries, opium and
bhang (Indian hemp) smoking and drinking is common, while
such civilised vices as pederasty and lesbianism are rife.
The chief article of cultivation in the island is the cocoa-nut,
e which thrives at Lamu, if properly attended to, and grows to a
great age, whereas on the mainland opposite and on the lower
Tana they grow up quickly for the first few years, and soon after
they begin to bear they commence to decline and die.
At Lamu the soil is but coral and sand.
Cattle are kraaled round different trees alternately every night
to manure the soil round them.
1 " Haec Sacra (' unjago ') septem dies celebrantur. Tympanis pulsatis, discipulm
a matronis yeteribus motus coeuntium suis gestibus imitare ad modos docentur."

156 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Many of the cocoa-nuts have been ruined by tapping exces
sively for tembo (palm toddy), a proceeding which impairs
their growth and lowers their prolificacy. On the Tana River a
palm wine is made by tapping the borassus.
The date is also cultivated to a less degree as are also a
few other plants and flowers, these being watered from' wells
by irrigation.
The voluptuous smelling yasmini (jasmin) is the principal
flower cultivated. Its flowers remain shut up during the day
and open towards sunset.
It is picked by the slaves and made up into garlands, necklaces
and zikuba by the women, being strung on strips of palm leaf
(miyaa), and also spread on the couches to scent them for the
night. The kikuba is made of two strings of tightly-rolled jasmin
bound with a strip of the sweet-scented mkadi leaf, and these
little bunches are worn round the neck.
In Mombasa mtundaufu (Amu afu), wild jasmin,,is used.
The small dog-rose is also cultivated in the plantations as
well as the lime and pomegranate.
The climate of Lamu is dry and healthy on the sandy parts
and there are but few mosquitoes and little sickness.
Elephantiasis appears common as it also is in Zanzibar, and
there is a little leprosy, but other diseases and ailments appear
scarce. Before leaving Amu we must take a look at the fort, although
it is of no very ancient date. It is situated just behind the
customs house. It is supposed to have been commenced by the
Portuguese, while the Arabs built the upper part.
South of Amu town, reached by an hour's walk along the beach
at low tide or by the path over Mount Hedabu at high tide,
is situated the little fishing village of Shela.
The history of this place is this. After Manda had been taken
by the Sultan of Pate, the other towns on the island of Manda,
Taka and Kitao, were broken up and the inhabitants took refuge
elsewhere.

THE LAMU ARCHIPELAGO 157
The accounts as to the reason for these places being deserted
differ. However, either because they were afraid of sharing the
same fate as Manda or for some other reason, the inhabitants, or
the greater part of the inhabitants, of these towns moved to
Amu for safety.
They lived in the town of Amu for some time, perhaps 200
years, after which period they obtained leave to found a com
munity of their own at Shela.
In Amu they were strangers and apparently did not mix much
with the remaining inhabitants, but were not able to live alto
gether as they would wish'.
After they had founded Shela the people of Amu looked with
distrust at the town springing up in close proximity to their
own and feared that one day they would declare themselves inde
pendent of Amu and cease to be. under its protection. So an order
was given by the Sultan of Amu, Bwana Zahidi Mgumi, that no
stone building was to be erected at Shela. This was done so that
it would be impossible for the people of Shela to fortify them
selves against the guns and matchlocks of the people of Amu.
For this reason all the buildings of Shela have makuti roofs.
To this day there is aj slight difference in the dialect of the
people of Shela and Amu, although the two places are in close
proximity to each other, and are constant in their intercourse,
and in spite Of the fact that their ancestors for 200 years, were
resident in Amu.
This seems to prove that the old inhabitants of the ancient
towns of Manda Island must have kept themselves very aloof
from the people of more recent Amu, even though dwelling in
their midst, no doubt regarding them as upstarts and themselves
as the old aristocracy of a more ancient regime.
The only stone building of any size in the town is the mosque ;
its minara is shown opposite p. 151.
This building is of quite recent date, less than a hundred years
old, and built more in the Turkish style.
The name " Shela " is said to be derived from the Portuguese
"Chela."

158 THE LAND OF ZINJ
There were remains of a Portuguese chapel on the rocky
spit jutting out in front of Shela, but this unfortunately fell
down and into the sea about four years ago.
There is also the remains of an old Arab battery and Arab
guns on the foreshore.
A peculiarity about the dialect of Shela is that in some things
it is just half-way in small dialectic differences between the
dialects of Pate and Amu, a circumstance which puzzled me
till I had heard the history of its founding.
When one considers that it is in reality the dialect of Manda
Island this circumstance explains itself.
To the south of Shela is a sand-hill which is gradually en
croaching on the town and has already buried a small portion
of it. On the seaward side of this hill white bleached bones lie
scattered about, said to be the remains of the Mazaru'i who fell
in their attack on Shela.
On the shore of Lamu Island and to some distance back from
it are situated plantations, and the huts of slaves and workers
on these are dotted about.
Behind these again is a waste of sand and short bush stretch
ing across to the other side of the island.
Here the cattle are driven to graze, and poor enough the
grazing appears to be.
When there is nothing else to eat, as is the case sometimes in
Pate Island, they have to subsist on mikoko x the trees of the
nyangwa or mangrove swamps.
The water of Lamu is sweet and good whereas that of the
neighbouring islands is practically always saline to a greater
or less extent.
Opposite Lamu, as I have said before, is the island of Manda.
On the point opposite Shela is another Arab battery; north of
this, a long creek only navigable for canoes at high tide runs
up into the island, at the head being the Bite of the old town of
Taka. Buildings of unmortared coral rag, once they cease
to be inhabited, quickly fall to pieces.
» " Mkoko" (mikoko) is the tree, while the swamps are often referred to as " makoko."

THE LAMU ARCHIPELAGO 159
Still the general arrangement of the town and the foundations
of the many buildings can be seen standing, some in the open,
and some overgrown by bush (see photo opposite p. 42).
Except for the occasional bushes and trees now and then
growing out of a cracked wall, the ruins of these old towns on
the bare and jagged coral surface remind one much of the ruins
of Pompeii.
The remains of the mosque and the walls are amongst the
least decayed of the buildings, and traces of the wall which
used to surround the town can still be seen.
The most striking object is the grave of the Sheikh of Taka,
Sheikh Fakihi Mansuru.
This is kept in a good state of repair.
A stone tablet bears as far as can be deciphered the following
inscription : — " (Abd)allah Muhammad Ali
(died) in the year 1094."
The parts in brackets are guessed at. ,
This fixes the date of the final exodus from1 Taka as not
much more than 200 years ago, as it is related that the
remaining inhabitants left the place on the death of their sheikh.
Long before this, however, it is supposed that a great part of the
inhabitants left, namely, those who came to Amu.
Periodical ziyara, or pilgrimages, are made from Shela to visit
this grave. Just east of Taka is the seaward coast of the island,
a coral reef -bordered bay once the port of the town.
On the point opposite Shela was situated the town of Kitao, pf
which a few graves are about the only remains.
Let us now turn from Taka and take another trip.
We will leave Lamu and journey up the narrow creek called
" Mkanda " which is possible at high tide, while at low tide it is in
places but a mass of mud connecting Manda with the mainland.
On either side of this narrow channel a wall of mangroves

160 THE LAND OF ZINJ
rises straight up out of the water broken only at a few places
where there are landing places on the mainland.
Emerging from the Mkanda a sandy foreshore on a pro
montory in front of us breaks the monotony of the mangroves.
This was the beach of the old town of Manda. Although now
but a solitary canoe can be seen drawn up on the beach, once
probably rows of fishermen's drag nets had their place there,
daus from India and Arabia were moored off the shore, while
perhaps on the beach itself the shipwrights were busy with
mallet and adze constructing ships destined to sail far and wide,
and to visit many places on the coast of the Indian Ocean.
Turning northwards here we see the island of Pate before us,
a long line of trees seemingly growing out of the sea.
The ancient town of Pate is situated up the usual mangrove
creek. Coming from Manda one coasts up the west side of Chongoni,
an island to the south of Pate, and then turns up the channel
which separates that island from Pate till one reaches the oppo
site side of the islands, shortly after which one turns into the
Pate creek.
There are no inhabitants on Chongoni ; a great part of it is
under water at high tide. Watikuu come here from time to time
to look for kauris.
In Pate there are now but a few inhabitants living in some of
the dilapidated and ruined buttings.
The supposed origin of the word " Pate " is said to come from
Pa ate=leave the place.1
The Arabs call the place " Bata," the name, it is said, being
derived from the name of the Arab tribe Batawe, members of
whom left the Hadrumut and settled in Pate.
Pate was not such an ancient town as Manda; the inhabitants
of Siu claim that their town is also older.

1 Before there was a town at Pate the son of a Sultan of Manda went to hunt
there and met a beautiful gazelle. When he wished to return there his father
always said " Pa-ate."
It is said that the island was then only inhabited by a few wild bushmen.

THE LAMU ARCHIPELAGO 161
However, Pate was at one time the hub of the little group of
kingdoms in this part of the world, and it has more interesting
remains and more history to show for itself than any other part of
the archipelago;.
It is now but a crumbling mass of ruins with a few of the least
dilapidated of the houses patched up for the present occupants.
Local history necessarily exaggerates the size and importance
of this place in the old days. As to size, comparing it with a
known ruined town, I should say it was perhaps half or a third
the size of Pompeii. It is difficult to judge this accurately as
these coral houses and the city wall crumble rapidly away and
soon become little raised above the ground level and are then
often concealed by bush.
The number of houses may be roughly estimated by the
number of mitaa, or quarters, for which names still exist.
These are, together with the meaning of the words, as far as
I can gather: —
1. Ng'andu, S.E. of town abb. of Wavika ng'andu=the
wearers of gold. Built by the Manda prisoners.
2. Salambini, N.E. Sherifs and Sheikh's quarter.
3. Gongwa, called after the Queen, Mwana Gongwa.
4. Shindoni. Sheikhs' quarters.
5. Manoni. Quarter of the Wapate, or Pate people proper,
cockneys.
6. Kiunguni, from' Kilinguni (Barawa dialect) =Darini
( Swahili) =upstairs. Presumably, then, this was a
quarter of houses of two storeys inhabited by people
originally coming from Barawa.
7. Kibirikani=at the little cistern. Batawe Arab quarter.
8. Pwani, S.=the shore. Customs house and probably fisher
men's quarters.
9. Kandaani=in the pressure=houses close together.
10. Kitokwe, from kituka=a copse or wood (situated on its
former site) .
11. Kiungulimani, from kiunga mlimani=the plot on the hill.
12. Yumbe, central=the sultan's palace and its precincts.
L.Z. M

162 THE LAND OF ZINJ
13. Kivundoni=in the crowd, or the quarter of many people.
14. Inati, named after the Queen, Mwana Inati.1
15. Utuku kuu=the big bazaar. The quarter of shops.
16. Ratibuni=much business, jostle, turmoil and people.
17. Sumbukoni=of the afflicted. A poor quarter.
18. Tutwae nipole=Take us (or treat us) gently. A poor
quarter.
19. Maskati, N. About the house of Maskat.
20. Magogoni, from gogo, a log=people with barazas (or dais,
verandahs) of raised poles. The merchants' quarter.
21. Jitheni, S.E., from jitha (Kipate for "giza"=darkness).
The quarter of darkness. Here is situated the present
utuku, or bazaar, of only a few shops.
22. Mtende tini=under the date tree.
23. Maliyambo.
An mtaa, or quarter, contained from twenty to sixty houses,
perhaps averaging forty to fifty houses.
Allowing that I have omitted or that there is no trace of about
two quarters, we have the number of quarters about twenty-five,
and thus the number of houses in the town was 1,000 to 1,250.
These houses must have been fairly crowded after the manner
of Arab houses, with the master, his wives, concubines, slaves
and children.
Therefore, we get roughly, calculating ten to twenty persons
per house, about 20,000 inhabitants as the possible size of the
old town within the walls.
No doubt, however, outside the walls were congregated native
huts of slaves, etc., of which no trace would be left.
I have not ascertained how many gates there were to the town.
The names of four were :— *
1. Lango fandikani, from Portuguese al fandega=customs.
2. Lango la shindakazi said to be derived from Portuguese.
3. Lango la Bwana Mtiti.
4. Buruji ya kanoni=the watch-tower of kanoni.
1 But see p. 50, where it is stated that this quarter was named after the house of one
of the original sherifs. Not to be confused with Mwana Inali. See note to p. 13.

w
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<'AO
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THE LAMU ARCHIPELAGO 168
The first two were on the shore, while the fourth is situated
at the S.E. corner of the town watching the road from Siu and
Faza. It must have been from this watch-tower that the daily
advent of the Wapatha yua must have been watched for (see
p. 34 Of "History").
Of the buildings in Pate the least ruined are about the old
quarter of Jitheni, while the Palace (Yumbe) and the Baruji ya
kanoni still stand, the latter a tower in the wall which surrounded
the city.
The windows of the old houses were slits like loopholes, the
usual Arab lattices which are seen in some of the few houses now
occupied having been let in at a recent date.
There are a number of tombs and mausoleums in a fair state of
repair, the best being, as is usually the case, those of sherifs.
The sherifs of Pate are descendants of the original two sherifs
who were brought over to help the people of Pate against the
Portuguese (see p. 50 of " History ").
The inscriptions on the older tombs are undecipherable, as the
surface of the soft coral tablets soon wears when exposed to the
elements. I made out the following three inscriptions of more recent date : —
1. Abu Bakari (year 930).
2. Sharifu bin Othmani bin Ali bin Musa (date undecipher
able).
3. Year 1024 of Hejra.
Sultan Muhammadi bin Sultan AbuBakr bin Sultan.
Bwana Mkuu Nabahan al Batawi.
Wednesday the 22nd of Jumaa dil Akhir (or in Swahili
" Mfunguo tisia").
The first two are of the tombs of sherifs and the last of the
Sultan Muhammadi. -
The original inhabitants of Pate are supposed to have been
savages like the present waboni, hunters of the mainland. When
Pate was visited by the son of the Sultan' of Manda (note, p. 160) ,
it is related thathe met some savages there who ran away at sight
of him.
m2

164 THE LAND OF ZINJ
If this little story is correct Manda must have been founded before
the days of Abdul Malik, and it is quite likely that this is the case,
for at several places on the east coast there were supposed to be
Persian, Phoenician or Arab settlements before this time.
Pate was probably, then, first founded by Abdul Malik, and is
not such an old town as several other places on the east coast.
East of Pate is an island called Ndao Pate. On this once stood
a town, and there are still a few inhabitants there.
Leaving ruined Pate by the Baruji ya kanoni we follow the
track to Siu. In passing the watch-tower we notice that part
of the wall is in a fair state of repair, and the loopholes can be
seen, denied to the enemy, for they are placed high in the wall.
To allow the defenders access to them rough banquettes were
made of sticks lashed across posts.
Passing the watch-tower we follow the Siu road, leaving on
our right another old town on the seaward side of Pate, called
" Kitaka." After about three hours' walk we arrive at Siu, a fairly big
town of mud, makuti -roofed huts.
Most of the old stone town has fallen into ruins, as the
inhabitants are too poor to keep them up.
The name " Siu " is said to come from the old Swahili
"wasiu" ("waovu" in present-day Swahili)=the bad people.
The word is spelt indiscriminately " Siu " and " Siyu " in
Swahili, viz., y, and 'y\, while in Arabic it is *3yr ("siywi").
One of the most interesting of the old buildings here is the old
mosque still used as the Friday or congregational mosque.
This is sadly in want of repair, only the inner part still remain
ing roofed. Round the inner part is a cloister, having on the
south side a long trough of water in which the believers make
their ablutions.
At either end is a well from which the trough is filled.
Here is seen an instance of how eastern peoples strictly regard
the letter of the law while entirely disregarding the spirit which
prompted the letter. For side by side with the wells are thoo1
1 Thoo (Kisiu) = vyoo of Mombasa and Zanzibar dialects = privies.

THE LAMU AECHIPELAGO 165
polluting the water destined to remove from the feet of the faith
ful the few specks of dust which may be adhering to them.
The whole mosque is bigger than that of Amu. On the walls
are some well-worked Arab designs.
Amongst the many graves and mausoleums scattered about the
outskirts of the town one of the best preserved is that of the
Sherif Sa'idi Musa.
In the walls pieces of the old pottery of these parts have been
let in. Some of these have fallen out, but some in the shape
of small plates still remain fixed in the wall.
Two of the quarters of the town are Shindayua to the S.W.
and Kithiwani to the E.
Leaving the town of Siu we cross a creek by a long low wooden
bridge about a hundred yards or more in length and come to
the most noticeable feature of the town, the remains of the Arab
fort. Part of this has been restored to form a dwelling for
officials visiting the town.
This fort is a castellated building of fairly recent date. The
old fort erected by Sultan Sa'id was captured by the inhabitants
of Siu, the garrison ejected and the fort pulled down. Subse
quently they were forced by Sayid Majid to rebuild it at their
own expense.
Below the bridge we have just crossed is a creek leading down
to the sea, and it was across this creek that the people of Siu
fastened chains to prevent the entrance of Sayid Majid's ships,
and at an earlier date built a wall to prevent the entry of Sa'id bin
Sultan's fleet.
Beyond the fort are ruins and many wells, the former part of
the old town. The wells, it is said, are of Portuguese sinking.
The people of Siu claim1 that their town is older than that of
Pate. The first inhabitants are said to have been Watikuu and Somali
coming from Dondo and Burakao (Port Durnford).
The Portuguese are then said to have taken possession of it.
During the reign of Bwana Fumomadi of Pate the Portuguese
left Siu, and Fumomadi then took it.

166 THE LAND OF ZINJ
The town, although taken under the protection of Pate, was
governed by its body of wathee, or old men, for it was not the
custom of the Nabahans to put in liwalis (governors).
When the Zanzibar kingdom was being formed, Sa'id bin
Sultan tried to take the town with his ships, but was frustrated
by the inhabitants, as they built a wall across the creek and
prevented the entry of his ships.
He then attacked them overland from Faza, and, without the
aid of his ships and guns, was badly defeated.
Subsequently, however, he gained possession of the place,
built the fort in which he placed a liwali and garrison to govern
the place.
Later, after obtaining promise of support from Pate, the bad
people (wasiu) turned out the garrison of the fort, who fled to
Lamu. The fort was then pulled down.
As we have seen above, the Sultan Majid finally obtained pos
session of the town again.
The dialect of Siu is just half-way between that of Pate and
that of Faza.
It possesses many of the local words and different grammatical
constructions of Faza, while it also contains many of the pecu
liarities of Pate.
As the original inhabitants were of the same origin as the
people of Faza the likeness of their dialect to Kitikuu is natural.
Their separation from the Watikuu took place possibly many
hundred years ago, and it was only of recent years that the
Watikuu of Faza were again their neighbours. For the long
period preceding this they were close neighbours with Pate and
at times under their protection, during which time the impress
of the Pate tongue was stamped on their dialect.
There is one thing I do not understand, and that is how the
old people of Faza, the Wapatha yua, could have been daily
fighting Pate without any mention of the people of Siu being
made in the story or these people being embroiled in the quarrel,
for the road from Faza to Pate passes through Siu.
If these people of Siu settled at so early a date as they say

THE LAMU ARCHIPELAGO 167
in these parts, they were, perhaps, quite a small settlement of
fisherfolk on the creek.
The women of Siu affect more the style of dress of the Bajuns,
that is, a robe fastened over one shoulder crosswise, generally of
a dull mottled red and black colour, and not the variously-
coloured cotton robes that the majority of Swahili women affect.
At Siu are made funny and characteristic little four-legged
stools painted with bright colours with a skin shelf below, and
the top designed to take a large brass sinia, or tray.
Opposite Siu on the mainland is the old town of Shanga.
To proceed from Siu to Faza we cross a small arm of the creek.
This creek at high tide splits the island of Pate into two, the
northern part being called " Rasini " from the Swahili form of
the Arab " Ras " put into the locative case. " Ras " means a
" cape " or " point." On this part of the island is the north
promontory of the island of Pate.
About three hours' walk takes us to Faza, situated in a small
creek, but quite visible from the sea which is not the case with
Siu and Pate. »
This place has had a very chequered career.
The first stranger alleged to have arrived in these parts is
Jafari bin Abdul Malik, said to have been the son of Abdul
Malik who founded so many east coast cities. He was
called Jafari bin mangi mangi (sifa yake lakini maana yake
indopotea — a complimentary title of which the meaning has been
lost). He is said to have come to Kiwayu, where he ruled and died.
He married Mwana Manubi of Shanga.
About this individual nothing more seems to be known, and
even this little is possibly untrue, as I could obtain no corrobora
tion of the statement.
The first arrivals in Faza itself are said to have been the
Portuguese, who settled here and were later driven out by the
so-called Wapatha. These latter were defeated bythe Pate
people, who took'their town, while those of the inhabitants who
were not killed were taken prisoners to Pate. All that remained

168 THE LAND OF ZINJ
of the inhabitants were a few fishermen and others who were on
the sea at the time at which the town was captured.
The site of the town was then left unoccupied until the coming
of the Bajuns about 300 years ago. These people, although
but recent arrivals in Faza, are ancient settlers in Africa.
They were called Watikuu=of the mainland, by the other
inhabitants of the island. The name of " Baj uni " is said to be
derived from Bani Juni=the children of Juni. The tribe is said
to have sprung from a single man, Juni bin Katada of Medina.1
His descendants left Arabia and passed through the Bab al
Mandeb (" Mandam1 " my informant called it), and came to settle
at various places on the Banadir coast.
There are said to be still Bajuns in the neighbourhood of
Hodeida in S.W. Arabia.
The first place at which they are supposed to have settled on
the Banadir coast is Mukadisho.
From here they spread down the coast to the place they call
Bura-kavo (Burakao).
After this they met with the Somali tribes of Vutila and
Wakilio, with whom at first they fought and afterwards com
bined. Probably a lot of Somali blood was infused into the Bajun race
at this juncture.
Finally they spread down the coast from Gobwen to Kiunga,
and still spreading they asked leave of the Sultan of Pate to
come to Pate. He gave them leave, and told them to settle on
the old site of Paza (now called Faza).
When they arrived in this place they found the remains of the
old town left with many of the houses still inhabitable.
Now there are none of these old houses left, but a few graves
are said to date from the Wapatha. One of these in the centre
of the town had once borne an inscription, but I tried in vain to
decipher it.
1 It is said that shortly after the death of the Prophet's son Hussen, one Isafah,
of the Bani Omaya, a Koreish, killed most of the asharaf (notables) of Medina and
drove out the Bani Tuni (Juni). This would probably be in the year 50 of Hejra.

THE LAMU ARCHIPELAGO 169
This grave is situated in a small garden in the midst of the
town ; close to it stands a fig tree.
Later Faza appeared to become for a time a dependency of
Pate, for the Bwana Mkuu wa Shehi appears to have been put in
by Pate as Liwali of Faza by his brother Bwana Waziri, Sultan
of Pate.
A few years later, however, Mwana Mtiti is alleged to have
had seventy old men of Faza executed by having their throats cut,
and after this Faza broke away from Pate.
Now the only stone buildings of any size in Faza are the
Government house, the liwali's house and the mosque.
The rest of the town nearly entirely consists of makuti huts.
The people are of mixed Arab, Somali and Portuguese blood.
We have seen how the Arab and Somali admixtures came about,
but at what period the Portuguese blood was absorbed I am
unaware. Undoubtedly, however, there is a considerable strain
of the latter, and many of the types of faces are distinctly
Portuguese. Very noticeable are some of the great, strapping, straight-
limbed women to be seen here, with limbs on them like prize
fighters, upright gait and a swagger as they walk swinging their
robes from side to side.
The people of Faza are distinguished in the reputation of being
the most foul-mouthed people in this not over-prudish neigh
bourhood. In spite of this, or perhaps by reason of this, the
peculiar vices known to the cleaner-speaking people of Amu
are not found amongst them.
In Faza a considerable amount of work is done, the people
being not so indolent as those of the neighbouring towns.
Here is the home of those curious boats, the mtepe, already
described. Although known by this name far and wide, here in
their own home they are called not " mtepe " but " idau," this
word being the equivalent to the ordinary Swahili " dau "
(dhow). Nearly all the local traffic of the neighbouring ports and the
lower Tana is performed by the people of Faza, and they have a

170 THE LAND OF ZINJ
not inconsiderable traffic with the ports of Zanzibar, German
East Africa, and even Mozambique.
Boriti (roof poles) for Swahili huts are cut here in the man
grove swamps and transported to these various ports.
The women of Faza affect kerchiefs tied about the head, either
of the red bandana type or black as amongst the Somalis.
Before leaving Faza I must notice a peculiar medical fact.
These people aver that they can determine the sex of a child
before birth, with how much truth I do not know.1
Just off Faza is a little isle called " Shendambe," said to
contain a well of fresh water.
The landmark of this isle is an mchende 2 (date tree) a tree
which is seldom seen in these isles outside Lamu.
All the islands except Amu have brackish and unpleasant
water. I do not know if this well is really of sweet water.
There was an old town called " Chundwa " ("Tundwa" in
ordinary Swahili) close to Faza in which Bajuns also lived.
These two towns fought together as recently as forty or fifty
years ago.
The Liwali of, Faza, Mzee Sefu, lead the Faza people and
Sheikh Shakari those of Chundwa.
Chundwa has now merged into Faza, and the Sheikh Utiro, son
of the Sheikh Shakari, is the present Liwali of Faza.
North of Faza are the islands of Uvondo, Ndao and Kiwayu.
Ndao is called " Ndao mwathi " to distinguish it from Ndao Pate.
The island of Kiwayu is peculiar in that it is a hilly island
of quite a different type of country from the remaining islands.
Here is found the lesser kudu, an animal which does not occur in
the others.
The chief animals found in the other islands are a few bush-
buck, dik dik and bushpig.
Partridges are also found in small quantities.
Monkeys and baboons abound in the mangrove swamps.
1 " Ferunt fetum marem in leava uteri parte, femineum in dextra, a matre ante
partum geri."
a " Mtende " in Amu Swahili.

THE LAMU ARCHIPELAGO 171
On the mainland are found buffalo, topi and lion.
Some six hours by water from Faza is Dodori on the mainland,
and north of this is Kiunga, the south limit of the Bajuns on the
mainland. Before leaving this part of the world let us take a look at
the last stronghold of the Nabahans and old kingdom of Pate,
namely, Witu.
To reach this place the best way is to take a dau from Lamu,
and passing through a series of channels and creeks come to
Mkunumbi. This is an undistinguished little place in the middle of mud
swamps. The inhabitants are mostly of the slave type or else
Gallas 1 with a sprinkling of Swahilis.
Here a certain amount of tanning of skins is done, a rare
accomplishment for African natives.
From here it is about five hours' walk to Witu, and a most
unpleasant walk too during the rains, though no doubt pleasant
enough in the dry season.
The country is very flat, and after heavy rain there is hardly
a dry spot to be found between these two places, but it is neces
sary to wade practically the whole way.
The inhabitants of Witu also are chiefly of the watoro (run
away slaves) type. There is a sprinkling of Swahilis and a
number of Gallas living here.
The town is of the usual mud and daub, makuti -roofed Swahili
huts. There is quite a nice tin-roofed house in which dwells the
genial Sultan of the place.
Situated near the town is a large cocoa-nut plantation, the pro
perty of the Sultan, and a certain amount of cattle exist in the
district. In the country round about are numerous little settlements
of escaped or freed slaves, a circumstance which affords an ex
planation of the poverty of the inhabitants now living in the
old towns. i See note on " Gallas," p. 179.

172 THE LAND OF ZINJ
We can return to Lamu by another route by crossing to Kao
on the Tana, a few hours from Witu and taking a Bajun boat
from there should there be one returning.
Kao is a little group of huts standing on a mud patch on the
bank of the Tana and surrounded by cocoa-nut plantations and
cultivation, also growing in mud gardens.
Making ourselves comfortable on the poop of the idau, if a
favourable breeze is blowing, the great mat sail will be hoisted
amidst much shouting of directions and orders, and we will
sail down the Tana, pass Kipini and round the point by Shela,
and sail up the channel towards Amu, while all hands will beat
drums or gongs, blow horns and make various other music,
celebrating their arrival in port, to the detriment of the handling
of the ship.

CHAPTER IX

THE COAST BELT

British East Africa is naturally divided into three belts or
zones. First is the tropical and less healthy zone., which is
adjacent to the coast. Above this are the healthy highland and
mountainous regions described as " a white man's country."
Beyond these the country falls again to the inland lowlands
of the shores of Lake Victoria and Uganda, considerably less
healthy and more trying in climate than the coast.
Some of the coast towns with their inhabitants have already
been described. These form, as it were, a narrow fringe of old
Swahili and Arab civilisation bordering the thick bush and un
civilised native tribes of the interior.
I shall now endeavour to give a short description of the country
which lies immediately inside this civilised fringe, and of the
people who inhabit it.
First of all, as regards seasons. There are on the coast as in
most parts of tropical Africa a very wet season and a very dry
season. However, these do not divide the year into equal por
tions as in many parts of the continent. There are the mwaka,
or rains of the year, which raise the crops; they begin in March
or May, and last three or four months ; and again the mchoo,
or lesser rains, occurring about September, which latter during a
good year are sufficient for light crops.
Back from the coast there is in the south a desert region
called " the Taru Desert," which divides the coast from the high
lands. In the north, viz., Jubaland, the desert region stretches
right back, dividing the highlands of East Africa from the moun
tains of Abyssinia, and continues westwards across Africa till
it meets the swamps of the Nile and Sobat Rivers. The southern

174 THE LAND OF ZINJ
and narrow desert, the Taru, is intersected by two big rivers —
one, the Sabaki, having its origin in Kilimanjaro and the Masai
highlands ; and the other, and bigger river, the Tana, supplied
by the well-watered Kikuyu country and Kenya.
In the north, but one river reaches the sea, the Juba, which
originates in the mountains of the Borana and Abyssinia, while
the Webbe Shebeli, or Leopard River, which springs from the
highlands of Eastern Abyssinia, almost reaches the ocean near
Mogadishu in Italian Somaliland before losing itself.1
As I know nothing of the eastern part of Jubaland, I will not
speak of this country till I come to Lake Rudolf and the Borana,
the western part.
Just back from the mangrove-lined, or coral-bound seashore
of the southern coast line there is generally a thick bush belt,
wherever the country has not been cleared to make way for
plantations. Behind this the country rises some 700 feet in a series of
low hills, grass-covered, and affording fairish grazing in certain
places, as in the Shimba Hills and near the railway line, about
Mazeras. Behind these again is a country covered with red earth and
thick thorn, the Taru Desert. In the dry weather this red dust
is raised in powdery clouds by the passing train, pervading the
compartments, covering everything and filling the eyes, nostrils,
hair, and pores of the skin with its fine dust. In the hot season
passengers emerge from the train at Mombasa station looking
like red Indians, and for a day or two afterwards traces of the
Taru appear as red streaks on the towel when one dries one's face.
Now of these four divisions into which I have divided the
coast belt longitudinally, I have already tried to give an idea of
the first, the seashore, either mangrove-lined, or of coral rock
and sand dunes.
1 There is a certain amount of cultivation on the Webbe, as also on the Juba.
Near Kismayu there are a few Huerti with villages and crops. Practically the
whole of the rest of Jubaland is, like northern Somaliland, a country of nomadic
Somalis, who do not cultivate.
N.B . — Mogadishu = Mukadisho ( S wahili) .

THE COAST BELT 175
The next in order is the low bush belt such as is found in the
centre of the islands of the Lamu Archipelago, and for a few
miles back from the shore of the mainland. In some parts this
bush belt seems to merge into the desert without the inter
mediate layer of grass-covered hills. Such is the case near the
Tana River.
In this country there are but few inhabitants except near the
coast towns or along the banks of the Sabaki and Tana.
There are two little-known hunting tribes inhabiting this tract,
the Wasanya and the Wachoni, who live much as do the Waboni
of Jubaland. They are both numerically very small tribes.
Possibly they are some of the remains of the original inhabitants
of this country, as are said to be the Midgans of Northern
Somaliland and the Waboni of Jubaland, both hunting tribes.
I have never met any of these people with the exception of
the Midgans. I am indebted, however, to the District Commis
sioner of Malindi for the information that the Wasanya and
Wachoni of that neighbourhood practise the rite of clitoridec-
tomy, and that the women wear their hair plaited. The former
rite is carried out not after the manner of the Masai, but as per
formed by the Somali.1
These customs appear to me to be most interesting, as they
differ entirely from those of the adjacent tribes, and correspond
with those practised by the Midgans, while their manner of living
would also appear much the same.
Now the customs of the Unyago and the extending of the lobe
of the ear practised amongst Swahilis, alluded to before, are
foreign to the Arab, and have evidently, been borrowed from the
original African inhabitants of the coast. Similarly, it is not
improbable that the customs of plaiting the hair and clitoridec-
tomy, customs foreign to the alleged ancestors of the Somali,
have been borrowed from the original inhabitants of their
country, the Midgans. Even to-day it is the heathen Midgan
1 "Virginum clitore abscissa, labella vaginje ita consuuntur ut bina inter se
brevi tempore coalescant, parvula, rima omissi. Deinde, nuptiis puellae celebratis,
cutieulje junctura tenuis, quse accrevit, rite discinditur."

176 THE LAND OF ZINJ
woman who is called upon to perform the latter operation on
the Muhammadan Somali girl.
Bearing these facts in mind, and remembering that a hunting
tribe is apt to become thinly distributed over a very wide area,
as is the case with the Wandorobo of the highlands, it is within
the bounds of conjecture that these four small scattered tribes,
the Midgans, Boni, Sanya and Choni, are of nearly allied if not
common origin, and that they all represent some very old in
habitants of the country, who lived in Somaliland and Jubaland
before the coming of such tribes as the Somali, Galla, and many
others. It is believed by the Swahili that before the founding of the
coast towns, the inhabitants were wild men of the bush, like the
Boni. A comparative study of the languages of these four hunting
tribes might decide how much truth there is in these conjectures.
With regard to the game of the coast belt, there is not the
variety obtainable in the highlands, but the game that is found
is as a rule uncommon elsewhere, and worthy of being hunted,
in that, in this kind of country, it needs skill and patience to
obtain a decent bag.
If I were going to East Africa for the sake of sport alone, I
should certainly not follow in the wake of the hundreds of sports
men who flock up to Nairobi and jostle each1 other round the Athi,
Lemek and Guas Ngishu plains like golfers on a crowded links.
I should search out some quiet little nooks in the coast belt,
and every day congratulate myself that there were no other
sportsmen within reach, while each hardly-earned specimen in
a very small but very refined bag I should consider worth a hun
dred of the cheaply-earned, plain-dwelling animals. I should
hope to include in my little bag two elephants, small tusked, but
shot under very difficult circumstances, one old male buffalo,
one or two bush lions, more wary and difficult to catch napping
than their plain -dwelling kinsmen, a leopard, two Oryx callotis,
two lesser kudu, three or four nice-sized bushbuck, two Hunter's
antelope, two topi, a few duiker and dik dik, and perhaps a

THE COAST BELT 177
sable ; while of birds, not being a shot-gun shot, I should hope to
pick off enough guinea fowl, spur fowl, florican and partridge with
a miniature rifle to keep a good stock -pot fairly well replenished.
On my return journey to England I should be indifferent alike
to the jeers or the sympathy of brother sportsmen who num
bered their bag in hundreds or perhaps even in thousands, for
I would have the satisfaction of knowing that each one of my
little bag of trophies had been a wary animal, hunted, tracked
and outwitted with conditions all in its favour.
However, reader, do not take my advice, because you will get
fever, and you will get scratched by thorns, and a very bad
backache from stooping and crouching through the narrow,
obstructed bush paths. Perhaps you will even think I am a
terrible romancer to say that there is any game at all in these
horrible places.
Before going on to the higher country of the coast belt, let
us take a look at the lower Tana River and its riverine population,
the Pakomo.
This river appears to have near the mouth a considerably less
volume of water than it has higher up, no doubt caused by
wastage passing through the Taru Desert.
However, it is generally deeper here than it is before it enters
the desert tract.
It is navigable for some 300 miles up from the coast, but the
multitude of snags and waterlogged trees in its course are con
stantly damaging the propeller of the little river launch which
ascends it. The old mouth of the Tana used to be some distance
south of its present mouth at Kipini. The old course leaving
the new at the Mbelezoni Canal now only contains water during
the rains.
This old course was a much more direct entrance to the sea.
It now follows a course parallel to the sea coast, and only a few
miles distant from it, from Mbelezoni to Kao, and the sand-hills
of the shore can be seen from the river as one passes in a canoe.1
Near the mouth of the river a certain amount of rice is grown,
1 Belezoni to Kipini was the old Ozi Biver, whilst the Tana mouth was twenty
L.Z. N

178 THE LAND OF ZINJ
which appears to do well, although the natives are too lazy to pay
much attention to it. If this industry were developed, the pro
duct could be easily transported by river and sea transport to
Mombasa, at which place there is a considerable demand for rice
which now has to be brought from India and Burma, and also
from the Lake Victoria. The rice from the latter place is of an
inferior quality ; it is locally known as " Muanza " rice.
The soil close to the Tana appears wonderfully rich and fertile,
and crops grow rapidly, while the ground can be flooded during
the rains and would be easy of irrigation at other seasons.
In spite of, or perhaps because of, the richness of the soil,
cocoa-nuts do not do well. They spring up quickly and flourish
ingly at first, but then rapidly decline, soon after they commence
to bear. Possibly their roots strike something at a certain depth
which does not agree with them.
There are excellent fish to be obtained on the river.
The Pakomo inhabit the banks of the river from almost as
high up as it is navigable, to the mouth; they plant their crops
on the bank and ply their canoes up and down the stream with
great dexterity. The canoe is generally propelled by two men,
one seated in the stern with a paddle, and one standing in the
bows with a long pole forked at the tip. With| this he dexterously
propels the canoe by poling, now at the bottom of the stream
where shallow, now shoving the bank, and now catching a group
of reeds or a mangrove root with the fork and shoving away
from it. Meanwhile his comrade in the stern with the paddle
keeps the canoe close into the bank so as to allow the poler to
make use of the marginal vegetation, for the river is generally
too deep and the fall of the bank too abrupt to allow him to pole
at the bottom of the river.
In plying upstream the paddler lazily sits in the stern taking
a stroke every now and again to keep the canoe in to the bank,
while his comrade propels the boat.
miles south of Kipini. Sultan Ahmad, some time prior to 1892, had a channel cut
by forced Pokomo labour from the Tana to the Ozi Eiver. The change in the course
of the Tana has had the effect of making it more navigable as the old mouth was
silting up.

THE COAST BELT 179
However, the canoe must make frequent crossings of the river,
so as to always keep to the bank with the least current; that is
to say, generally the concave side of the numerous bends. Then
the paddler paddles for all he is worth to reach the opposite bank
with as little loss of way as possible.
Coming downstream of course the reverse is the case, as the
canoe will pass from side to side of the river, or even remain in
mid-stream wherever the current is greatest.
Many of the Pakomo are said to be converted to Islam, while
the missionaries are busy with those who still hold their old
pagan religion.
There is supposed to have been a discovery of coal on th'e
Tana River near Mafano, but as yet one has heard little or
nothing about it.
The Galla stretch down as far as the coast by Witu, and
occur on the left bank of the Tana. The Galla and Borana, both
talking the same language with slight variation, cover an area
only less than the Somalis, stretching from Wollo in Abyssinia
to the coast here.1
Behind the thin belt of coast bush there is, as before stated,
in the south part of the Protectorate, a country of grassy hills.
This is a pleasing-looking country of green downs and hills,
-dotted with clumps and patches of bush, but is unhealthy, and
the water supply is bad and poor.
This is the country of the Wanyika, a tribe from whom the
Mombasa Swahili has borrowed many words, customs, and
superstitions.2 They inhabit the country west of Kilindini Harbour and south
of the railway line between Mombasa and Mazeras.
They are a finely developed people, though of primitive
manners and customs.
The women wear many-pleated kilts of calico round the waist,
1 The Galla, on and near the Tana, although identical in language and customs
with the northern Galla, here call themselves " Warde " ; they are divided into two
sub-tribes, Bara rata (Amu) and Wajoli (Tana).
* However, it is still more indebted to the Giriyama, a tribe living alongside the
Nyika.
n2

180 THE LAND OF ZINJ
but from the waist upwards are nude. The kilt is not a
made-up kilt, but is carefully pleated afresh from time to
time, as I had occasion to notice whilst camped in a Kinyika
village. The lady whom I had the audacity to watch making
her toilet had one end of a very long strip of calico fastened to
the wall of the hut, while she was carefully folding and pleating
it from the other end. After an immense amount of trouble
spent in getting the pleats equal and symmetrical, she donned the
kilt, pulled and pleated it here and there, took it off again, re
arranged it, pirouetted and looked over her shoulder at the fall
in the rear. It was a tremendous time before she was satisfied
with tho hang of the skirt.
" Nyika " in the Swahili language means " forest and thorn
bush country," generally a dry thorn country, and it is very
probably derived from the same source as the name of this
tribe, for they lived partly in thorn country and partly in the
Shimba Hills.
They own a certain amount of cattle, and, as with most of
the coast peoples, do not take their cattle out till the heavy dew
has dried from the grass. About eight or nine o'clock is called
by the Swahilis for this reason " Mafungulia ng'ombe," or
" cattle opening time."
No such precautions are taken in the highlands, and although'
the dews are there heavy, they do not appear to exercise the evil
effect on the cattle that they do on the coast.
North of the Wanyika country and the other side of the rail
way line is Rabai, occupied by a small community of that name
who speak a language differing both from Swahili and Kinyika.
South of the Wanyika are the Waduruma and the Wadigo, the
former living near Gasi on the coast.
We next come to the Taru Desert, the flat red earth and thick
thorn desert commencing on the line just after Maji ya Chumvi
(salt water) station, and reaching to about Makindu. About
this place it begins to give place to less wooded country, gradually
rising and growing more open until the highlands are reached.
The greater part of this desert is uninhabited, for there are

THE COAST BELT 181
no nomadic or camel-owning tribes suited to the requirements of
life there.
Toward Taveta, however, live the Wataiita, a tribe paler than
the Wakamba and Wanyika, but not so pale as the other
Kilimanjaro tribes.
Both sexes file the teeth to a sharp point, as do the Wakamba.
On the road from Voi to Taveta the Seringeti plains form a
break in the dense thorn of the bush. These plains are well
known to sportsmen, who visit them generally during the wet
season, as at other times lack of water prevents them moving
about. During the rainy period of March and the following
months game is numerous and lions are said to abound.1 Here
are found Waller's gazelle and the fringe-eared oryx, both
animals suited to life in waterless regions, j
Game is not very plentiful in the thick thorn recesses of the
Taru, but in parts, especially in the little-known parts back
from and north of the line, lesser kudu and oryx are said to be
numerous. To return to the south side of the Taru Desert. Kilimanjaro
is reached via Voi and Taveta.
This mountain appears all the more majestic in that it rises
from a lower level, and not from such elevated country as Kenya.
It is able to carry on its broad back a very massive amount of
snow, and this, coupled with the fact that it is 2,000 feet higher
than Kenya, makes no comparison possible between the amount
of snow visible on the two summits. Perhaps Kenya is the most
beautiful, but there can be no heavy accumulation of snow on its
pointed summit, and so the glaciers push down to a compara
tively short distance.
It is strange that natives never seem sto realise what it is
that shines white on the top of these mountains, and refer to
it as silver or white rock or diamonds. Kilimanjaro is, of course,
the home of a devil, and all kinds of magic, according to the
natives. Its top consists of pure silver which is occasionally
1 Mbuyuni (at the Baobab tree) is the name of a waterhole on these plains
celebrated for game.

182 THE LAND OF ZINJ
changed by Satanic agency to gold or blood. Add moth'er-of-
pearls, opals, and a few other precious stones, and this is a fair
description of the colours assumed by the snowy dome under
varying conditions of sun and moon.
No wonder that the natives think that if one could only reach
the enchanted top, jewels and precious stones can be had for
the picking up.
The Jin who inhabits the mountain resents strongly any in
trusion in its domains, but is not wholly an evil spirit, as the
following little story will reveal: —
Once upon a time a caravan of porters was passing the
mountain. There was a youth, the boy of one of the porters,
who had hurt his leg, and came limping along behind the
caravan. At last he was unable to go any further, so the porters,
with that kindly solicitude for the afflicted and distressed which
characterises the African native, abandoned him without food
or blankets, and continued on their way rejoicing.
The youth, with whom we do not sympathise so much, as one
knows that he would have done the same to a weaker fellow under
similar circumstances, struggled to the foot of the mountain,
and there lay down cold and hungry, till sleep overcame him.
In his sleep he dreamed that the spirit of the mountain came to
him and brought him unlimited wealth on one condition ; that
was, that he was not to divulge how he obtained it.
When he awoke in the morning, he discovered lying beside
him a jewelled casket, which he picked up and brought back to
his own country, and from this he draws as much wealth as he
likes. Many people have tried to make him tell where he obtained
the casket, but to all he replies, " Oh, I just bought it."
It would appear, according to native legend, that a certain
white man, name unknown, was not so discreet. He reached
the summit of the mountain, and there received a similar gift
under condition that he was to tell no one that he had success
fully accomplished the ascent.
On his return he gave a banquet with the wealth that he had

THE COAST BELT 183
accumulated, during which he became talkative, and at last said,
"It has been declared that no one can reach the summit of
Kilimanjaro, but I have reached it, and see what the Jin of the
mountain has given me," producing his jewelled casket. The
following mornmg he was discovered dead in his bed, and the
casket was missing, having flown back to its home.
The natives who inhabit the base of the mountain are very
pale for African natives. The Taiita are paler than most East
African tribes, but some of the people of the mountain, the
Wapari and the Wachaga, if it were not for their woolly hair,
might be almost mistaken for Arabs.
These last tribes do not file the teeth like the Taiita, but they
remove one tooth from the centre of the bottom jaw.1
These people, I am told, hold the mountain in great venera
tion, and certain of their old men (corresponding to Druids)
occasionally ascend to the snow level to perform sacrifices.
Before leaving the coast belt, just a word about the possibili
ties from the white man's point of view.
The towns of the coast contain the usual types to be found
in tropical countries, viz.: the white official and the white mer
chant, both temporary residents and dependent on leave every
few years to Europe to maintain their health. The merchant's
chief trade lies in ivory, copra, logwood, cotton and a few other
things as exports, and calico, cotton robes, etc., as imports.
The ivory chiefly comes from Uganda and the Congo, while the
other three exports come from the coast.
There is now, however, another kind of white man on the
coast, rapidly increasing in numbers, the planter. I do not
wish to go into the heated arguments as to whether the high
lands of East Africa are a " white man's country " or not, or
even into what is the exact meaning of this phrase.
There are hundreds of men willing to stake their last farthing
that there is a " great future " before the country, but though
this phrase has been in vogue some years, no definite hint has
yet been given as to what that future will be.
1 See Chapter XI., " The Masai," for removal of teeth.

184 THE LAND OF ZINJ
It seems to me that foreign countries as fields for the white
man's energies, other than official, fall into two easily distin
guished classes.
One is the healthy country where a man goes with his whole
family, and stops for good, such as Canada, Australia, etc. In
these places he does not expect to get rich in a few years, but
he slowly builds up an estate which subsequently his children
and children's children can enjoy and subsist on. His riches
are not of a movable character, but are attached to the country.
The second class of country is the tropical and unhealthy
country where a man expects, to use a Swahili expression,
" After toiling in the sun, to rest in the shade."
That is to say, that after a certain number of years' struggle
against adverse conditions of health and climate, he hopes to
have made enough to enable him to retire to England and enjoy
a comfortable old age.
The coast belt comes under this second class. The climate
is not especially bad or trying, and the conditions of life can be
made comfortable enough for a temporary sojourn, but on the
other hand, the profits at present do not appear to be very con
siderable. However, if not great, they are at all events discernible and
steadily increasing.
The chief products are cotton, by way of a start, and then
rubber and hemp, while judicious investments in cocoa-nut
plantations, I believe, can be turned to good account.
The coast planters are men, many of them of modest means,
who have had the sense to hold themselves aloof from the wild
rush to grab land in the highlands, and have grasped the present,
leaving the future to develop in the hands of the more wealthy
experimental farmers.
; The planters of the coast are the men who are laying the
solid foundations of a structure on which the future prosperity
of the country may be based, and so my good wishes go out to
them, and I trust that after " toiling in the sun " they will, like
the Swahili, be enabled to rest "comfortably in the shade.

CHAPTER X
THE UGANDA RAILWAY
Now, reader, I am about to take you up to Nairobi. First
I will let you into a secret which may repay you for the money
you have squandered in buying this book.
Extra luggage is an expensive item on the Uganda Railway,
but if you book your spare luggage on the day before the train
starts, when the goods waggons are being made up, you will be
charged only half price for it, while it will still travel up in the
same train with you.
I do not know if this is a very great secret, but I was some
years in the country before I discovered it.
A few more tips. Take some warm blankets in the carriage
with you, for you will feel it very chilly in the early morning
when you reach an altitude of 3,000 feet or so, after being at
sea level.
The train vibrates a good deal, and if you look at the lines
you will see that they are wavy, a condition, I believe, caused by
the great expansion of the metal under the tropical sun. There
fore reading is tiring, so if you are a card player, take a pack
of cards with you with which to beguile the time.
Take also a few bottles of soda and a little whisky; even if
you do not need them yourself you will find yourself popular
with, fellow travellers who have not been equally provident.
Failing this, take a corkscrew, as someone is sure to have a
bottle and no corkscrew ; lending yours will establish a claim on
his hospitality. Also take some light provisions, as if you play
cards at night you may feel hungry after a rather early dinner
at Voi. Moreover, in the morning if you feel too lazy to turn out
to an early cup of tea and a boiled egg at the usual place — Kiu,
I believe it is— you can be independent of it.

186 THE LAND OF ZINJ
If you elect to make your own tea or cocoa in the morning,
hot water may be obtained in two ways. In both cases the
preliminaries are the same, that is, you take a teapot or kettle,
and when the train stops, proceed to the engine and stand near
the waste pipe or whatever the end of a pipe projecting on the
near side is called. From this point onwards the two methods
differ. The first is to make yourself very agreeable to the driver,
and then inadvertently show him the teapot. The second method
is, concealing the pot from his view, to make remarks calculated
to raise his anger. If you do either of these things sufficiently,
well, the driver will probably find that he can dispense with a
little steam and water, and turn on some handle inside the
machine. Only if you have practised the first method, though, will he
warn you to stand clear, which will be a sign to have the pot
ready. If you intend to crane your head mucKout of window to look at
the game, a pair of goggles are useful to keep the dust and also
the sparks from the wood fuel out of your eyes. Do not forget to
take a pillow or bolster to use at night, and if you are a man
of luxury, a few cushions and bolsters or bundles of rugs to rest
the elbows and back against are comfortable during the day.
If you intend making up a bridge four, two camp stools and
a camp table or drawing-board should be taken, and then people
can sit in normal positions. Otherwise two players must sit
side by side, leaning away from each other, saying in duet,
" Hold up your hand, please."
But I have given away enough lucrative tips for one chapter,
and the train is just starting, so we say goodbye to Mombasa
and steam off, pass Kilindini, and then wind slowly on to the
magnificent bridge connecting Mombasa Island with the main
land. From here there is a splendid view of the harbour and
creeks running up into the mainland.
A few miles out of Mombasa the observant traveller will notice
some of the abominable tall elephant grass which makes travel
ling so hideous in most central parts of this continent. If he

HHowo

THE UGANDA RAILWAY 187
is new to Africa he should take a good look at it and feel thankful
that nearly the whole of East Africa is free of it. For after a
few miles it will cease altogether, and will not be seen again till
Uganda is reached.
The train passes through cocoa-nut plantations and past little
makuti-covered huts like those at Mombasa, while occasional
views of the creeks below are seen as the train winds up the
foot-hills, a very picturesque country.
Presently, after much puffing and blowing the train arrives
at its first stop, Changamwe s'tation, surrounded by cocoa-nut
trees. Here the traveller, if new to the railway, will wonder if he
is the only passenger who is proceeding any further, for every
body alights.
The train stops ten minutes or so at every station, so as to
allow the guard to finish an altercation with the station master,
commenced on the downward journey, and so the passengers
alight and walk up and down to stretch their legs.
It is not considered good form to get in again until some few.
minutes after the train has commenced to leave the station.
At Changamwe and the next station, Mazeras, there is gene
rally a good assortment of fruit to be bought, the shaddock
(chungwa) and Mandarin orange of Zanzibar (chenza), man
goes, bananas, pineapples and limes, according to season.
With a few Parthian remarks fired at the station master,
punctuated by blasts on a whistle, the guard returns to the
train. Meanwhile we continue serenely to pick out the best of
the oranges offered for sale, or contemplate the scenery, knowing
that there is as yet no hurry, for the engine driver must be found,
and the engine has got to make a few remarks on its whistle
before it can be got under way.
The engine driver appears, and the fireman on seeing his
approach, causes the engine to bid its parting adieu, but just at
this moment the station master has thought of a fitting repartee
to the guard's last remarks some minutes before, and rushes
out of his office, his hands full of papers and documents, saying,

188 THE LAND OF ZINJ
"I no responsible without written order from traffic manager.
I cannot receive." The guard treats the latter remarks with the
silent contempt they deserve, and renews his efforts on his
whistle. It appears that the bone of contention is a large iron tank
bearing the superscription of the station and clearly intended
for this place. However, the station master thinks that it should
wander backwards and forwards in the train between Kisumu
and Mombasa, until such time as he gets orders concerning its
disposal. The engine once more bids farewells with such vjgour that
it takes away the wind of the Westinghouse brake, which gasps
for breath.
At last the train pulls slowly out of the station, the passengers
hop on to the footboards, and the guard and station master
devote themselves to the study of scathing remarks with which
to renew hostilities on their next encounter.
The orange man has played the confidence trick on us. He
has gone to get change for our rupee and can now be seen run
ning as if anxious to give us our change, but taking care not to
overtake the train. But he is defeated, as the signalman has
forgotten to put down the signal, and the train stops again !
I must explain, however, that these long delays at unimportant
stations are more or less necessary on a single line without in
telligent signalmen and pointsmen. They are, I believe, safe
guards to prevent the native staff running you into another
train. After Changamwe we still wind up, obtaining every now and
then as we turn broadside on, a glimpse of the harbour sparkling
in the sunshine, and now far below us.
The cocoa-nut plantations end, and occasionally we catch a
sight of a tall, strapping Mnyika woman holding herself very
erect, the effects of carrying a full water jar on the head, or a
glimpse of a few huts, now of the round, grass-roofed Bantu
type, or a lad herding cattle and sheep.
So on past Mazeras, and the country becomes more open and

THE UGANDA RAILWAY 189
less populated till Maji ya Chumvi is reached, and now we begin
to enter the waterless tract. Presently we will come into the
red earth and thorn of the Taru, the thorn scattered at first,
but growing thicker and thicker as Voi is reached.
At this place we adjourn to the Dak bungalow for dinner.
If the complaint book of this place is referred to, it will be
found that the quality of this dinner is one of the burning
questions of the moment in the Protectorate, and one on which
people are fanatically divided. It would appear as if many a
true friendship must be broken at Voi, husband and wife parted,
or father must disown son over this controversy.
Read the ecstatic remarks written in the book by this one.
" Never has he eaten such a dinner out of Europe, and but once
has he been better served, whilst dining in the city. The chef is
a true artist, etc., etc."
And now this one, a member of the same party. " Excepting
of course the food served on German liners, never has he tasted
such filth, etc., etc."
What is one to say, then, about the dinner ? I have never
known it soar to the heights attributed to it by some of its
admirers, but, on the other hand, I consider it a base slander to
mention it in the same breath as the German liner.
The one thing, however, that strikes me most forcibly
at this place, a point apparently overlooked by the many,
is that there is always a pungent smell of garlic pervading the
room. Perhaps all this is changed now, however, as the railway
themselves have taken over the catering, whereas it used to be
contracted for by private caterers.
However, we are travelling up prior to this change, so let us
exchange the garlic-laden air of the interior for the sweet air
of the night, and enjoy our cigars on the verandah, till we are
told to hurry back to the train.
Here we fail to recognise our carriages as our boys have been
busy preparing our beds, and they present a transformed appear
ance with shutters pulled up and bunks let down. We must

190 THE LAND OF ZINJ
now either go to bed at once or unmake them again and fold back
the upper bunks, as it is impossible to sit as they now are.
If it is a clear moonlight night there is, however, a third and
very pleasant alternative. That is to sit on the footboard outside
and watch the thorn desert flitting past, waiting for a view of the
summit of Kilimanjaro.
The railway is divided into sections, at each of which there is
a change of guards, drivers, etc. Voi was the first landmark in
the journey; Makindu, the next, will be reached in the early
hours of the morning. It is just after this station that lions are
constantly met with, and even run down by the train, just before
dawn, as they use this part of the line as a road to and from
their hunting grounds and lying-up places.
When dawn breaks we should be at about Simba station,
already the highlands, but here clothed with sparse and stunted
acacia, which will presently give place to open plain.
From here on to Nairobi, the distance of 100 miles, the
line will traverse the great Kapiti and Athi x plains. During
practically the whole of this distance, gamels never out of sight,
and large herds may generally be seen in all directions, paying
little heed to the train, being too busy grazing.
Some even allow it to pass within 150 yards of them, merely
looking up curiously and then resuming grazing. Were the
train, however, to stop, they would at once take the precaution
to move a little further off.
The amount of game seen depends largely on the time of year;
sometimes the plains are absolutely swarming, and at other times
only small isolated herds are seen dotted about the landscape.
It will be noticed that the game is thicker on the left of the
line ; this side is the game reserve, and the animals have learnt
by experience that here they are not molested.
It is such open plains as these, forming such a large part of
the highlands of the country, that makes British East Africa
essentially the shooter's country. I use the word " shooter," as
the phrase " big-game hunter " hardly applies to the sport
1 Pronounced like the English words "are the."

THE UGANDA RAILWAY 191
indulged in here. For on these plains it it only a matter of
shooting when a tolerably good chance occurs, arid your bag will
be in proportion to your proficiency as a long-range shot, and
the amount of ammunition you expend.
Hunting and a knowledge of bushcraft are unnecessary on
the plains, and stalking is reduced to a minimum in point of art.
For, provided he can shoot a little, without knowledge or expe
rience of any kind, the shooter will be able to obtain with com
fortable ease all the following trophies (this is, of course, pro
vided he visits the right parts of the country) : —
Rhinoceros. Hippopotamus.Giraffe. Hartebeest (three species).
Topi. Wildebeest. Oribi (Haggard's Abyssinian).
Steinbuck.
Waterbuck (two species).
Kob.Impala. Gazelle (three species).
Eland.
Wart Hog.
Zebra. Lion. Cheetah.
Moreover, if chance favours him he may also obtain one or more
of the following, though if he particularly wants these species
he-should know something about hunting and tracking, or have
some native with him experienced in bushcraft: —
Elephant.
Duiker (three species) .
Hunter's Antelope.
Dik-Dik (four species).

192 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Suni.
Klipspringer. Reed Buck (two species).
Gerenuk.Roan. Oryx (two species).
Bushbuck. Buffalo.Bush pig.
However, unless he is an expert hunter or has some very good
native hunters and trackers with him, he.will not obtain all these
species, nor will he get the following:—
Sable.
Bongo.Kudu greater.
Kudu lesser.
Leopard.
But of these plains more presently.
Wending tortuously over the plains, the train, like some
gigantic snake, finally arrives in the great tin city of Nairobi.
This place receives its name from the stream which flows
through it, the Nairobi (Engare e robi), meaning in Masai
literally "cold or fresh water" (not salt).1
There are two things worth seeing in Nairobi, or rather,
from it.
One is, standing on the camp hill where are the military lines,
the view of the mighty plains rolling up to the foot of the hills
like a vast sea.
Looking over the game reserve, there is not a sign of any
human habitation, save perhaps a solitary Masai kraal.
The second is the glimpse of the great mountains one gets
occasionally in the early morning or evening, when the snowy
top of Kilimanjaro can be seen towards the south, and appearing
1 Compare Swahili Maji ya baridi = fresh water (lit. " cold water ")

THE UGANDA RAILWAY 193
to come forth from the mists and clouds, while as if to greet
its gigantic comrade, the rocky summit of Kenya to the N.E.
emerges from cloud. N.W. the mass of Kinankop and the
Aberdares are seen.
Having seen these let us depart as soon as possible from this
horrible place. So from here we will start on Safari.

L.z.

CHAPTER XI

THE SAFARI

There is no word in English to describe the usual kind of
travelling in Africa. The word " caravan " is not expressive
enough in its usual sense, and even this word is Eastern in origin.
So in different parts of the continent we have to borrow local
words. We have, in South Africa, "a trek," or "to go on
trek." In Central Africa we have " ulendo " and "to go on
ulendo " ; while in East Africa we talk of " safari."
A safari is a caravan, either of porters, or donkeys, or what
ever animals or goods one treks with.
It also means a journey. " To go on safari " is to go on
trek. In British East Africa, especially near the railway line, luxury
and comfort can be enjoyed on safari to an extent only limited
by the purse of the traveller. To my mind, champagne, arm
chairs, and seven or eight-course dinners with goanese cooks and
every modem luxury are out of place, and spoil the charm' of
the wilds.
When one goes further afield, the consideration of food for
the men often seriously cuts down the number of porters it is
advisable to take. The ideal safari is one carrying sufficient
rough comforts and food to keep one fit and well, yet not big
enough to hamper one's movements. The personnel depends on
the kind of country to be traversed.
For trekking in most parts of Africa the humble porter is
the only transport available, and where grass is long, paths
precipitous and tortuous, and tsetse plentiful, he is the only one
feasible. Certain parts of East Africa are especially adapted to com-

THE SAFARI 195
bined porter and donkey transport, and, in fact, it is necessary -
in some parts to have donkeys, as there is no food available for
men. So in this combined safari the donkeys carry food for the
men, and any loads which readily make up into suitable bundles ;
while the men carry the more bulky and angular loads, such as
tent poles, chop boxes, etc.
In waterless country camel transport becomes imperative, and
these animals do not impose the same limitations as to size of
loads as do donkeys.
Of porters there are two distinct types: (1) The professional
porter who makes his living by carrying loads and who, directly
he has blown the pay accruing to him from one trip, writes on for
another. (2) The unprofessional porter, who is run in for a month's
work or for several months just to make enough' to pay for his
hut tax.
The best porters are undoubtedly the Wanyamwezi, a race of
professional porters who come from Unyamwezi in German East
Africa. Tall, broad-shouldered men, with deep bass voices, they
form ideal porters. Not too intelligent, and yet intelligent
enough to tumble to the ordinary duties of camp life, cheerful,
willing and untiring.
Next come the Manyema, refugees from the Manyema rebel
lion in the Congo, generally short, sturdy men, strong and
plucky, but quarrelsome and truculent.
Lastly, come the " Swahili " porters, men of mixed African
slave races, perhaps with a little Swahili blood in them, who
come from the coast.
First it would be advisable to choose your headman or Mnyam ,
para. Although plenty of men will offer themselves for this
billet it is very hard to obtain a really good one. A really good
headman is the making of a safari, as he is the go-between 'twixt
yourself and the men. Only too often after one has started one
finds that he is only a figurehead; he may be hard-working
enough and anxious to please, but possessing no authority over
the men. Either he will make himself too familiar with them
o 2

196 THE LAND OF ZINJ
when they will not respect him, or he will always be trying to get
them into trouble, trumping up accusations against them to suit
his own private ends.
Somalis undoubtedly make good headmen, but their idea of the
value of their services is exorbitant, and they are apt to be too
overbearing to the ordinary porter. Perhaps the best Mnyam
para is a Swahili, one who probably commenced his safari days
as a porter in the old Swahili ivory caravan days and has a
thorough knowledge of safari life, but who is a cut above the
ordinary porter in education.
Such a one, after starting as a lad and hanger-on to one of
the old Swahili caravans, has passed through the stages of porter,
under-headman, and part owner of a caravan. He will probably
be able to read and write (in Swahili) and talk a little Kikuyu
and Masai.
Having secured your headman, you will now have to write on
your porters. If it should be in the thick of the shooting season
it may be difficult to get together a good lot of men, but at most
times of the year there are plenty from whom to choose.
The headman will go into the bazaar and haunts of the porters
in Nairobi and soon will roll up with a number to select from.
The porters should be carefully picked, and, if possible, medi
cally examined, otherwise you will probably find on your first
march that you have several cripples and permanent invalids,
including, perhaps, a man with only one leg who has written
on to get his advance of pay. I have never actually met with this
latter contingency, but I can imagine it as being quite possible.
For the purpose of writing on, all the Wanyamwezi will have
invented names for themselves after the usual fashion of
Africans. The Swahili generally give their own names, but most
African savages on entering a new vocation or service give them
selves a fresh start with new names.
I have often seen absurd difficulties and mistakes occur from
this prevalent practice. In Nyasaland the soldiers used to omit
to tell their relations the name under which they had enlisted
in His Majesty's service. When Private Tabilo (table) and

THE SAFARI 197
Private Sopo (Soap) sent remittances to their villages to pay
for their wives' hut taxes everybody in the village, from the
chief downwards, would disclaim any knowledge of these gentle
men, as they were known there by the more unsophisticated
names of " Cheuzi " and " Mpondo."
Sometimes gangs of porters enlist for a month's work at a
station, and at the close of the time have forgotten what their
names are. As their number on pay-day is probably swelled by
friends and relations, it requires great patience and perseverance
to discover who are entitled to the sums to be disbursed.
The Wanyamwezi generally choose absurd names for them
selves, such as : —
The white man's wealth : Mali ya bwana.
The European mule : Nyumbu ya ulaya.
Who sleeps in the way : Mlala Njiani.
Eight pice : Pesa nane.
Load up : Bandika.
Two o'clock : Saa mbili.
Having written on the porters, the next thing is to make
them an advance, and they go off to have a final burst before
starting and also to lay in little stores (akiba) for the journey,
such as tobacco, cigarette papers, salt, etc.
On the day of departure each professional porter will turn
up (rather late) with his rope to do his load. Blankets,
water-bottles, cooking-pots, and tents will be given out, and
also probably a proportion of knives and axes.
Loads will be allotted, and all will be turmoil and confusion.
It is hopeless to try to make a long march the first day; a
hundred and one things have to be adjusted, altered, and pur
chased at the last moment, and all sorts of difficulties will arise.
The great point is to try to get off somewhere, if it is only a
few miles away, so as to start fair on the morrow.
Finally, blankets will be wound up into a kind of turban
(kata) on which to rest the load, and the men will straggle off
only to stop again and rush off to bid last adieux to their lady
friends, leaving their loads in the middle of the road.

198 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Once a start has been made, however, with good porters, little
further difficulty arises, everything runs smoothly, and everyone
knows his job.
This is the white man's safari. In the old days of Swahili
trading-caravans, with little attempt at any organisation, this
starting process must have occupied days of wrangling. Finally,
perhaps, when the start had been made, some incident would
happen which would be interpreted by the superstitious Swahili
as an unfavourable omen, and so the whole caravan might return
to await more favourable portents.
The Swahilis always talk about the bush (pori) as a most
horrible place, peopled with' all kinds of fierce animals, demons,
and fabulous monsters.
I often wish that I could embark on the pori with the childish
imagination of a Swahili, for to him it is always the land of
the unknown, where any adventure may befall him. He may
meet with seven-headed dragons, rescue fair damsels in distress,
find enchanted palaces, mountains of pure gold, or wander on
for ever into lands of unexploited myth and fortune.
For me, I know that I must pay for a game licence and only
shoot certain animals on it, amongst which dragons are not
included. Although I may pass out of the limits of civilisa
tion for a short time, I know that whichever way I go I must
eventually run up against it again. In spite of these limitations
I think the pori a fascinating place, but oh ! for the imagination
of a Swahili ! Yet the Swahili, brought up on its threshold,
thinks it an evil place and one to be avoided if possible.
I am told that there is a certain bird which makes it his
special duty to watch over the welfare of the safari and warn
it of any evil in the way. He comes and chirps, "Tua!
Tua ! Tua ! " (" put down your load "), and at once the Swahili
halts and camps wherever he may be, knowing full well that
there is danger in the way. In the morning they go to look for
the bird, and if he says, "Tweka! Tweka! Tweka!" ("load
up"'*), they know that the danger is past, and so proceed on their
way.

THE SAFARI 199
The stony-hearted European takes no notice of this still,
small voice, and presses on to his doom unheeding.
However, the natives recognise that there is something about
even the meanest European which acts as an antidote to black
toagic. Thus they would not hesitate to follow him in spite of
a warning of this kind, whereas by themselves they would never
dare to proceed.
Other ill-omened events are the breaking of an earthenware
vessel or a jackal crossing the route of the safari. The former
denotes quarrelling or fighting, whilst the latter means bad
luck. One of the first considerations of the porters will be to cut
themselves serviceable sticks. These are used to prop up the
load when carried, for a change of position on the shoulder, to
help them across fords and to feel the way in the dark. In a
narrow or grass -covered path, roots and stones in the way are
tapped by those in front to warn those behind not to trip over
them. Sometimes a notch is cut on the stick every night by which' the
number of days on trek is calculated. Another purpose for which
the stick is used is for the periodical fights which occur between
the Wanyamwezi and Manyema porters.
The endurance of the professional porter is very great, and
he will carry his eighty-pound load for fifteen miles or so, day
after day, when in countries suited to him. Should longer
marches be contemplated the load should be reduced to sixty
pounds, when he will perform twenty miles and at a pinch even
thirty. On arrival in camp, he will immediately set to work to
pitch the tents, draw water, and fetch firewood. He will then
cook his food, and after that, instead of retiring to a well-earned
slumber, he will commence to sing and dance.
This singing is generally improvised topical verses dealing
with the events of the trek. The dance is a slowish, stately dance
of the "du Ventre " type; the choruses are sung to the accom
paniment of two primitive, noise-producing instruments, the
upato and kaiamba.

200 THE LAND OF ZINJ
The former is, in its highest form', a kind of gong, but its
usual safari prototype is a tin beaten by a stick.
The kaiamba is a rattle made of an exterior case of reeds
enclosing seeds or grain.
A more elaborate instrument, called a " zeze," is sometimes
carried. This consists of half a gourd attached to a handle down
which are stretched three pieces of gut.
This instrument is perhaps the forerunner of the banjo, as
it occurs over the greater part of Africa.
Another evening amusement is story-telling. Some of the
porters' stories are really highly entertaining, and I often listen
to their quaint folk-lore and other tales with immense enjoyment.
The story-teller requires frequent interjections and affirma
tions from his hearers to enable him to proceed. After each
sentence he expects to hear, " Indeed ! " " Dear me ! " " Oh ! " or
similar remarks. If these remarks are not forthcoming he asks
repeatedly, " Do you hear all right ? " " Have you ears ? " etc.
The learers often prefer an old and well-worn story to a new
one, and sometimes the same story is told night after night,
the hearers being able to correct the story-teller if he goes wrong
or finish off his sentences for him. Very often there is a refrain
or chorus which occurs in the story from time.to time, and in this
the listeners join.
In the evening games are often resorted to. Some of these,
played with a ball or the round fruit of the sodom apple, are:—
(1) To tee up one apple on a little mound of earth and bowl
at it with others from a given mark, trying to knock it over.
(2) To try to bowl an apple into a hole like a golf hole dug
in the ground, the players to stand behind a certain mark.
(3) To place four apples on the back of the hand and jerk
them on to the ground so that they lie as close to one another
as possible, but there must be over a finger's breadth between
any two, or the player forfeits his turn.
He then flicks No. 1 ball with his finger and tries to cannon
No. 2 with it. This done, he tries to cannon No. 4 with No. 3
in like manner. If he succeeds with both these he is allowed

THE SAFARI 201
another turn and counts two to his score. If, however, he can
cannon two others with his first flick of No. 1 he counts three
to his score, or if he cannons the remaining three with his first
shot he counts four to his score.
The time at which the porters show up to the least advantage
is perhaps when any meat is killed. They then usually behave
just like wild animals. They fight and wrangle over cutting
up the body like a party of hyenas on a kill. It is difficult to
ensure a fair distribution as, unless dealt with very firmly, they
steal and conceal the tit-bits.
Finally, when the meat is distributed, if there is sufficient,
they gorge themselves to such an extent that they are in a semi
comatose state for several days.
I always make it a rule that all meat shot is brought in and
laid out in camp. Until every bit is forthcoming, no meat is dealt
out. Then it is divided up by myself or the headman and appor
tioned to the different porters' camps.
One of the most trying duties of camp life is that of sentry
at night. That is often necessary for a variety of reasons — to
guard agamst theft, wild animals, or to ensure rising at the
proper time in the morning.
This duty is generally performed in a manner which fills me
with admiration.
Lions very rarely visit a camp, especially on the open plains
where there is plenty of game, but there is always the chance of
a lion or a rhino coming along. On a pitch, dark night, with
lions roaring, a solitary vigil by the camp fire is most unnerving.
Yet the men never shirk their duty, and it is the most exceptional
thing to find a man has gone to sleep at his post or returned to
his tent.
Next, to take the unprofessional porter. He may be drawn
from any of th'e tribes in the country except Masai and a few
others/the men(of which"; will never carry loads.\The porter
who is not a professional will, as a rule, carry only sixty pounds,
and will not march as far as the Wanyamwezi.
Perhaps the best are Kikuyu, who are exceptionally good in

202 THE LAND OF ZINJ
hilly country, their own country being a land of steep ascents and
descents. A Kikuyu, if he takes to the life of a professional
porter, will often become every bit as good as an Mnyamwezi.
In their own country they always carry loads resting on the
small of the back and buttocks, and supported by a leather
band passing round the forehead. The Masai women carry fire
wood in much the same way, except that the leather band passes
round the chest instead of the forehead.
This method of carrying a load on the back is especially suit
able for a hilly country. It also possesses the further advantage
of enabling the porter to sit down and stand up again with his
load instead of having to get another man to hoist it up for him
as is often necessary for those carrying loads on the head. How
ever, continual carrying of loads in this position is apt to make
them stoop and cramp the chest.
The Wakamba also make fairly good porters, but both these
and the Kikuyu are generally unreliable. Not much can be said
in favour of any other tribe as porters, although occasionally
a good man is obtained from the Kavirondo.
When travelling far, especially^in the grainless parts of the
country, it is essential to take donkeys to carry food for the
men. The best donkeys in the country are those of the Masai, but
they are practically unobtainable, as these people do not sell
their donkeys, but on the contrary are generally buying them
from elsewhere.
The greatest donkey-breeders in the country are the Turkana,
who supply these animals to most of the surrounding tribes.
Their donkeys are cheap, but if not obtained with care may
subsequently be found to be inoculated with tsetse.
Saddles are easily made out of sacking stuffed with ribs pf
grass or straw. These are fastened with girths and secured to
the chest and hind-quarters of the animal with webbing, allow
ing plenty of play. The strain only comes on the latter in
going up or down hill, when they prevent the saddle riding
forward or slipping back.

THE SAFARI 208
A pair of large saddle-bags made of sacking are useful. These
are put on over the saddle, and a load of goods may be placed
in the bag on each side. In the low thorn-country, such sacking
bags are soon torn to pieces and must then be replaced by
others made from the skins of animals shot.
One of the great secrets of getting donkeys to travel well is
to arrange the loads on either side to balance exactly. Some
times it may be necessary to put a small stone on one side or
the other so as to make a perfect balance.
A small zariba is generally made for the donkeys at night.
Where there is not sufficient thorn for this they must be
picketed. A picketing rope is attached to two pegs firmly
driven into the ground or to trees, and the donkeys are tethered
by ropes passing round a forefoot. Half the animals should be
placed one side and half the other, facing each other, so that
if they are restless at night they pull against each other and not
all against the pegs.
Donkeys, especially those of East Africa, are very useless
in hilly country.
When going on a distant safari it is necessary to take a certain
amount of trade -goods, for the purchase of food and local stores ;
also for payment of the guides, and making presents to chiefs,
etc. For this purpose the exact requirements of the natives in
the parts to be visited must be known, or the chances are that
your trade-goods, however valuable, will be regarded by the
natives as valueless.
For journeys still farther afield, such as in the Borana or
Jubaland, camels are necessary. These animals are in places
cheap enough, but difficult to obtain, as their masters do not
wish to sell them.

CHAPTER XII
THE MASAI
^ The origin of th'e Masai (or Masae) is a subject of specula
tion, as nothing definite can be traced as to the country or stock
from which they have sprung, or the time at which they arrived
in their present quarters.
Sir Harry Johnston is of opinion that they are the result of
a mixture of the Nilotic negro and the Gala- Somali, and assigns
their country 01 origin as the highlands west or north-west of
Mount Elgon.
Affinity of language goes to prove that they are nearly allied
to the Latuka of the Nile, while such affinity of language also
classes Masai, Nandi, Suk, Turkana, Ogiek, Kipsikisi, Kavi-
rondo, Bari, Dinka, Latuka, Acholi, aiid a few other tribes in
one group, called " Nilotic. '\
It is known that there was an ancient civilisation embracing
both sides of the gulf of Aden during the time of Solomon, of
which Sheba, from the Queen of which place Menelik claims
descent, was a province in South Arabia.
Remains of this civilisation are found in the shape of Hamya
ritic inscriptions in South Arabia, and the ruins and inscriptions
of Northern Abyssinia. The present civilisation of the highlands
of Abyssinia, a civilisation which is conspicuous amongst the
savagery of the surrounding tribes, is probably also a relic.
So little research has at present been made with regard to
the inscriptions of South Arabia and the ruins and inscriptions
of Northern Abyssinia, that but little is known concerning the
old Hamyaritic and Axumite dynasties of these countries. The
little that is to hand would seem to prove, however, that, on the
African coast at least, the civilisation was of an advanced order,
since when there has been a retrograde movement.

THE MASAI 206
It is, I believe, unknown how far south these kingdoms
spread, but it appears that they embraced part of Somaliland
and Gallaland, from the former of which countries there was a
trade of gum and spices with Egypt and Syria, and in the latter
country old inscriptions are reported.
Many thousand years before this, ancient Egyptian civilisa
tion pushed down into Abyssinia, and probably extended far up
both the White and Blue Niles.
The Ptolemys, about 200 b.c, used to have hunting camps
on the borders of Abyssinia, and it would be unlikely that they
should constantly visit these places unless their settled dominions
reached considerably S. and E. of these places.
It is very plausible to assume that all those races who are not
negroid or negro, and now living on or within the borders of
ancient civilisations, are some sort of admixture between the
negro or negroid element, and the Hamite or Egyptian.
The Nilotic peoples bear, as has been said, a likeness to each
other in language, as also in physique and customs, conspicuous
amongst the latter being the nudity of the male sex.
The Galla, Abyssinian, and Somali cannot be considered as
Nilotic as to language, but in physical characteristics they are
much more like these people than they are akin to the Arab on
the one hand, or the Bantu on the other.1
The nudity of the male sex is a custom which they might
easily have possessed till lately, while the advent of Islam and
Christianity is quite sufficient to account for it no longer being
practised amongst Somalis and Abyssinians. There are two re
markable customs which are met with amongst all these peoples,
viz., Nilotic and Hamite, and practically never elsewhere. One
is^the habit of resting standing on one leg, a custom which has
often been mentioned by writers. The second, though it has
been observed, I have never seen referred to as a point of re
semblance between these peoples, viz., the manner in which
meat is eaten. A large piece is held in the left hand, the end
'fThe Masai has a very Hamitic cast of face, and is not very unlike the Somali,
the nose is as a rule long and thin, but occasionally quite a Hebraic nose is seen.\

206 THE LAND OF ZINJ
placed in the mouth and cut across with a knife while being held
between the teethA
I have seen this done by Somali, Abyssinian, Masai, Ogiek,
Rendile, Bari, Alui, and Madi, but never by a Bantu native.
To descend to more modern times, it seems certain that the
Masai have occupied their present quarters for at least several
hundred years, for two important reasons.
The first is that Masai traditions, which extend back perhaps
150 years or more, give no hint that they have come from any
other country. The second is the evidence of the cattle tracks
cut deep in solid rock in most parts of the country inhabited
by Masai, viz., Ngong and Rift Valley. Although the rock is
often soft, yet it must have taken several hundred years to cut
tracks two feet or more in depth, as is seen in certain places,
notably in the Kedong Valley .\
. As for recent events within the memory or mouth-to-mouth1
tradition of the people, the Masai seem to have occupied five
districts as long as their traditions go back.
Viz.: (1) Guas Ngishu, (2) Laikipia, (3) Naivasha, (4) Athi
and Kapiti Plains, (5) near Kilimanjaro and German border.
Of these the first two sections have now ceased to exist.
The Guas Ngishu people are said to have been at war with
the other Masai, and have been finally defeated and their women
and stock taken either by the other Masai or, on their being
broken up, by the surrounding tribes, such as the Nandi.
With regard to the old Laikipia Masai, the Loikop, Sir Charles
Eliot says that the Laikipia Masai were said to have died out
on account of the loss of their cattle from rinderpest\ He and
Mr. Hollis also speak of the old Guas Ngishu Masai as having
been agriculturists. These authorities have information de
rived from sources more trustworthy than those to which I have
had access, but the information I have received from Masai,
Samurr, Rendile and Borana, concerning the old Laikipia
Masai, may be worth recounting.
According to my informants, the country north of Gilgil and
extending from this place to the Borana was in the old days

THE MASAI 207
called " Laikipia," a name which is now confined to the plateau
between the north of the Aberdares and the Lorogai Mountains.
The Masai inhabitants of this tract were called " Loikop," or
" the people of the country called Laikipia."
The name still survives in the Rendile word " Lokkob," used
by them to denote any oaMZe-breeding tribe, such as the Samburr
or Masai, in distinction to a camel breeder.
I have never heard any suggestion that these Loikop of
Laikipia were agriculturists, although undoubtedly the two
settlements south of Baringo of alleged Guas Ngishu Masai, are
at present agriculturists, although they may have only taken to
this life since the loss of their cattle, or their flight from their
old country.
As to the Loikop, they seem to have become very powerful,
and their raids are alleged to have extended eastwards into
Somaliland. Anyhow, it is certain that they raided down to
Ngong, and the Borana say that they reached as far as Dirri,
east of Lake Stephanie, at which place the Borana were on the
verge of falling back still further before them, when they decided
to make a last effort. So collecting all available men from far
and wide, and many horses, they managed to drive them back out
of their country.
Re their final extinction, I have heard two versions, the second
being, no doubt, a mythical perversion of the first.
The first is that they decided to attack and completely over
whelm the southern Masai, and were going to kill all males, and
capture the whole of their women and stock that they might
cease to exist as a tribe. With this in view, they started down
the Rift Valley, and as they feared being raided by their adver
saries of the north whilst the warriors were away, they brought
the whole of their stock, women, children and belongings, with
them. When the southern Masai heard that they were coming, they
combined together and came forth to meet them. They met
the Loikop north of Nakuru, and the invaders leaving their
women and cattle in zaribas, launched themselves in attack.

208 THE LAND OF ZINJ
After a desperate encounter, the Loikop were gradually driven
backwards in a westerly direction. Not knowing the country,
they were unaware that the crater of Menengai, whose wall drops
sheer off the plain, was behind them.
When near the brink, the southern army redoubled the attack,
and the Loikop turned suddenly to fly, and fled over the brink of
the crater, those who were not killed by the enemy being
precipitated to the bottom.
The southern Masai then captured all their stock, and women
and children, and the Loikop ceased to exist.
The other version is that-the Loikop, having been successful
in all their battles, ate meat till they were full, and then called
on Engai (God) to witness that they had defeated every one,
and that there was nothing further to do, and so might the earth
swallow them up. This prayer was granted, and they were
swallowed up in the crater.
The extinction of the Loikop Masai was possibly not more
than twenty years ago.
To come down to recent and more authenticated history, the
earliest travellers in British East Africa found the Masai a
powerful tribe who held undisputed sway on the plains, raided
all the surrounding tribes, and demanded tribute from all who
passed. The rinderpest broke out about twenty years ago, and devas
tated the cattle, while at the same time small-pox broke out
amongst the people, both of which events were said to have been
predicted by the old chief, Mbatian.
Many of the Masai died of hunger on the loss of their stock,
while many more took refuge with surrounding tribes, such as
the Kikuyu and Wakamba, amongst whom they were often
treated kindly, allowed to settle down, intermarry, and become as
of the tribe. Masai types can often be seen now amongst these
tribes. Others took to a hunting life, and joined the Torobo or
Ogiek, a hunting tribe. \
The Masai at this date were sadly reduced in numbers, and
although they maintained their position as a powerful tribe,

>oB C HH

THE MASAI 209
they have never been able to raid and loot the surrounding tribes
as before.
With regard to the British occupation of the country, they.
undoubtedly might have made things very unpleasant for us in
the old days, when East Africa was but a road to Uganda.
However, they have always played the game with us, and never
given much cause for trouble.
Once only did they kill a white man, and then only because
he had looted some of their cattle.
They have, however, occasionally cut up porters, and once
a whole caravan of paid-off porters returning to the coast was
murdered in the Rift Valley between Lonongot and Ngong.
These events were instigated by the young warriors, and were
not countenanced by the laibon of the tribe, and he himself
had no knowledge of them, being in Fort Smith at the time with
a British official.
On the death of the great chief and medicine man Mbatian,
his two sons Ol-onana and Sindeyo fell out. The latter retired
to the German border and collected followers against his brother.
After several years of war, in which both sides lost a consider
able number of men, Sindeyo retired to German territory, where
he was attacked and lost most of his cattle.
He afterwards made peace with his brother and came to
settle down near him. He is now living but a few miles from'
01-onana. He is fat and drunken, whereas Ol-onana is thoughtful and
reserved. However, many of the Masai love Sindeyo best, as
they say that he is open-handed and kindly, whereas Ol-onana
is silent and uncommunicative.
Some even say that Sindeyo is the virtual chief in all matters
except such as concern certain medicines and rites. It is said that
he has to be consulted in all matters, however small, concerning
the purchase, disposal, sickness or killing of cattle, and in most
other matters.
When the Rift Valley began to be occupied by settlers, the
, ', Masai Problem" arose. This was as to what was to be done
L.Z. P

210 THE LAND OF ZINJ
with the Masai in this part, for it was impossible for them to live
side by side with European settlers and planters.
Sir Donald Stewart hit on a very satisfactory solution to the
problem, and probably the only suitable solution.
He convened a meeting of the Masai chiefs, and after dis
cussing the affair with them, they were quite of his opinion
that difficulties were sure to arise if they lived mixed up with
white settlers. At his request they voluntarily agreed to with
draw from the Rift Valley, thereby leaving it quite free for
settlers. In return for this they had the southern reserve, which
a section then occupied, and the Laikipia Plateau handed over to
them and their children " for all time." 1
Both parties were satisfied with this- arrangement, as the
Masai had a definite promise of never being molested as long
as they should keep to these territories, whereas the whole
healthy part of the Rift Valley was thrown open to white
settlers. The southern reserve is a game reserve, and has but little
water. As the Masai do not molest the game, and the country,
would be most unsuited to white settlers, it is admirably adapted
to the double function of a game and Masai reserve. The
Laikipia Plateau is a rich1 grazing ground,, there is plenty of water
at the southern edge, viz., the Aberdares, and the Uasin Ngiro
flows through it. However, to the north, water is scarce, and
the country is only suited to semi-nomads, like the Masai, who
move their kraals to fresh pools as the old dry up, and the
grazing gets exhausted.
The two Masai reserves, north and south,i were to 'be con
nected with a strip of land to serve as a road on which the Masai
might pass with cattle backwards and forwards between the two
reserves. The removal of a section of the Masai to this northern
reserve concludes the important events of Masai history in
recent years.
1 Since this was written I hear that the Masai are being turned out of Laikipia
in favour of white settlers. " For all time," then, covers a period of a few
years.

THE MASAI 211
CouNTRY.-^The country inhabited by the Masai at the present
day in British East Africa is: —
The Laikipia Plateau.
The southern game reserve.
Kinangop Plateau.
Enjamusi, S. of Lake Baringo.
North of Nyeri.
There is also a section of Masai in German territory, just
over the border, called the "Loikop Il-lumbwa " or "hard-
teeth," who are said to be partly agricultural.\These are not to
be confounded with the Loikop or old inhabitants of Laikipia now
exterminated. Distribution. — With regard to the Masai at present living in
British territory, it is rather difficult to follow from Mr. Hollis's
map of their distribution exactly what the sections are, and
where they live, as he includes the old sections, no longer
extant, and also there have been several minor changes since
then. The chief sub-divisions I have met with in the country, and
those which seem to hold themselves apart from others are : — 1
1. 01-Burrgu, present occupiers of Laikipia Plateau.
2. En-Naivasha, south of Naivasha.
3. Loita, southern reserve.
4. 01-0itoktok, north of Kilimanjaro.
5. Just under S. and S.E. end of Ngong Mountain live the
Lolaisir clan, from which spring the medicine men of the whole
tribe. These do not move from the close proximity of the
mountain. Lunana (Ol-onana), the present chief of the Masai,
lives here and is of this clan.
6. There are also a small and rather diseased and depressed
sub-division of Masai who live north of Nyeri. These have but
few cattle, and build their huts generally with grass roofs.
7. There are also Masai living on the Gwas Ngishu Plateau.
8. A small group living on the Kinangop Plateau, W. of the
Aberdares, probably from the En-naivasha.
1 Forjmore scientific classification see " The Masai " (Hollis), p. 260.
p2

212 THE LAND OF ZINJ
9. Also there are said to be two villages of agricultural Masai
at Enjamus, S. of Baringo.
The Masai used to extend E. of Ol-doinyo Sapuk, and the Tana,
S. of Embu, as is recorded by tradition and can be seen by the
grass rings of the kraals, with a few scattered stones lying
about. Organisation.— Males are divided into: —
Ol-laiyoni = boy (before circumcision).
Ol-muran = warrior (after circumcision).
Ol-moruo = old man (after leaving ranks of warriors).
Females are divided into: —
En-dito = girls (before clitoridectomy).
E-siangiki = girls (after clitoridectomy).
E-ngoroyoni (koko) = woman.
The Masai assumes the rank of warrior after circumcision, which
will be about the age of thirteen to seventeen, according to how
well-developed he is. Circumcisions are alternately right-handed
or left-handed. Each circumcision consists of three circum
cisions spread over three or four years, those ready during the
first year being circumcised in the first, and those not yet ready
during the next two circumcisions. This finishes a right or left-
handed circumcision, and all those who have been operated upon
during this time belong to the same age.
An interval of about four years then elapses, and a new cir
cumcision is held on the opposite side.
When the members of the new circumcision take up the rank
of warrior, those of the former circumcision as a rule retire to
the ranks of the old men.
Warriors thus may serve for from seven to ten years, accord
ing to whether they have been circumcised at the beginning or
end of a circumcision.
Two ages make one generatipn.
Warriors elect a chief from amongst their number. The chief
of a section or clan is always an old man (moruo) , and his son
i,s often circumcised very young, and allowed to pass through the

THE MASAI 213
warrior's stage in a year or two, so as to be quickly admitted to;
the counsels of the old men.
However, the old chiefs have little power or authority over
the warriors, who make war on their own account, only asking
for the old chiefs blessing on departure.
In a big war the chief of each group of warriors is respon
sible for the presence of his men.
The military organisation of the tribe is distinctly good, forces
being divided up into sections and parties under different, leaders,
and each man knows his place and takes his part without delay
or argument.
The Masai have helped us in all our small expeditions now for
a number of years.
Tribute of honey wine» or stock in lieu, is collected by Ol-onana
on festive or important occasions such as circumcision, etc.
The insignia of Ol-onana is an iron club borne by a man whose
duties correspond to a wazir or adjutant. This is sent as a
sign that a message has come from Ol-onana.
Language. — The language of the Masai, as has already been
said, is Nilotic, nearly allied to that of the Latuka of the Nile.
Amongst nearer tribes it has a resemblance to the languages
of Nandi and Ogiek, and, more distantly, those of Turkana and
Kavirondo. Mode of Subsistence. — The Masai live entirely on the blood,
meat, and milk of their flocks. Those in British East Africa,
with the exception of the two villages, Great and Little Enja-
musi, are purely pastoral. Their cattle have now recovered from
the devastation of the rinderpest, and enormous herds of cattle
can be seen in parts such as Laikipia. In fact, there is nowj
danger of their being overstocked, as they will never sell and will
seldom kill and eat any of their animals.
Cattle come out at 6 a.m. to graze for an hour, and are then
taken back to milk in their kraal, and go out again after being
milked. They are generally watered about noon and brought in again
at sunset, when they are milked for the second time.

214 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Calves are generally herded separately, so as not to drink the
milk during the day.
The early morning dew does not appear to have a bad effect
on the cattle as it does on the coast.
The practice of giving cattle bells, which must be of very
ancient origin, prevails here as it does all over the world, but
only the big bulls are given them.
Sheep and goats do not leave the kraal till eight or nine o'clock,
that is, after the cattle have been brought back and milked.
When meat is required it is more usual to kill a male sheep
or goat, for the male cattle are used for obtaining the supply of
blood which forms a part of their food. This blood is generally
drunk hot and frothing, runlike the practice of some Kikuyu^ who
mix it with milk and put it by till evening.
Stock are driven from time to time to salt licks, should the
water at the drinking-plaee be fresh. However, many of the
drinking-places on the plains are either brackish, or the mud
and earth under the surrounding vegetation affords salt earth,
which is pawed up and eaten by the beasts.
Meat is almost universally roasted over the fire, and not boiled,
as amongst the Somalis.
For this reason there are, as a rule, no cooking places in
their huts for no pots are used.
Masai do not eat the meat of game, except occasionally when
on the warpath, or when trekking with white men.
They sometimes live for months together without touching
meat, being averse to killing their stock.
They are very fond of honey wine. This is drunk by the old
men (il-moruo). It is purchased largely from the Kikuyu.
During a drought, when all the grass is dead and dry, the
sheep can be fed on the leaves of the ol-leleshwa, or camphor
tree, which keeps them going till the rains.
A poisonous plant, called " ol dule," is found on some of their
grazing grounds. When this or the leaves of a kind of tulip
which is poisonous when dead are found, the finder hangs it up
in a tree to warn all who visit the spot.

THE MASAI 215
The former is fatal when eaten by goats and horses, but is
not touched by cattle. The latter is eaten by, and is fatal to,
cattle. As most of the country occupied by the Masai is very dry,
it is generally necessary to change quarters from time to time
to obtain fresh grazing and water. The few household belong -
ings are carried by women and donkeys.
The Masai donkeys are peculiarly hardy, and much more valu
able than those of the Turkana, though by far less numerous.
, As there is but little vegetation on the plains, it is often neces
sary to transport the branches with which to make the kraal
from the old spot to the new camping ground.
Cattle and grass are both held in high esteem by the Masai.
The loss of a cow is considered as a great misfortune even to a
rich man. When lion appear near the kraal at night the warriors
turn out and kill or drive them away. The loss or mauling of
a warrior is considered of less consequence than the loss of
a cow. Cattle mean food, riches^ wives and position to a Masai. As
cattle are dependent on grass, this herb is looked on with great
respect, It figures in many of their customs, such as being
offered as a token of respect, peace, or to bring luck.
Women pray for rain and grass.
Grass is put on an elephant's skull by the passer-by, as a
token of respect to the mighty dead.
This custom must have originated with cattle-raising people,
but it appears to have been copied by some of the agricultural
peoples. •' -Cattle are killed by being stabbed behind the neck.
Sheep are killed by having the mouth and nostril held till
they are suffocated. This is so that the blood should not be lost.
It is drunk when the animal is cut up.
Blood from live cattle is drawn by fastening a rope tight round
the neck, and then shooting a certain shaped arrow into a vein.
It then spurts out into a gourd.
They are addicted to the use of snuff. This is generally

216 THE LAND OF ZINJ
obtained from the Kikuyu and is carried in a miniature gourd or
hollowed section of bamboo closed with a leather cap and hung
round the neck attached to a chain.
Medicines.— Of these I believe there are quite a number. The
only two I was told about, however, were)the juice of the cande
labra euphorbia as a purgative and emetic and the bark of a
large tree, called "sogonoi," used for diarrhoea.
Weapons and Customs of War. — The weapons of the Masai
warrior consist of spear, shield, sword and club.
The spear has a long iron blade about two feet long, and at
the other extremity an iron point so as to permit of the spear
being stood upright in the ground when the warrior stands or
rests. The wood used for joining the iron blade to the point is but
a short haft. It is made out of the same tree favoured by the
Somals for their spears, viz., isiteti (Somali=debi).
Warriors, wherever they halt, if only for a few seconds, plunge
the end of their spears into the ground, standing them upright.
This they do in two motions with a military smartness, cutting
the hand away sharply to the side.
On entering a hut, they generally transfer the spear to the
left hand, and plunge the end in the ground 'outside the hut close
to the left-hand side of the doorway as they go in.
The reason for this is that in case of alarm, the spear will
be ready to hand, and on the right side as they emerge from the
hut. •,
A tuft of black ostrich feathers, called ' ' sulsul, ' ' is worn on the
point of the spear.
This is a sign that the bearers are on a peaceful errand.
The shield (long) is large and oval in shape. It is generally
made of ox hide, but buffalo is more prized and in great
demand. The edge of the shield is bound with thongs of hide. At the
back is a handle through which the forearm is slipped. On'
the front of the shield are quarterings and devices, showing
the age and clan of the warrior.

THE MASAI 217
/ /'
These quarterings are in three different colours, viz.: —
Bed.— Made from a special red earth.
White.— Made from a kind of chalk found on Mount Eburu.
Black.— For central line, made from charcoal of ol bugoi
tree, and for devices from ol oiriyen tree.
The sword is worn on the left side, is of soft steel and about
two feet long. It is enclosed in a leather sheath, and is often
shaped like a Roman sword.
It has been mentioned before that Arabs and Swahili wear
their swords on the right side. In the case of the Masai no.
doubt they would hamper them in a free use of the spear if worn
on that side. It is so usual to find that natives do things in
exactly the opposite way to Europeans that any exception ia
noteworthy. ¦ Arrows are usually fixed from the left side of the
bow, the arrows being as often as not taken from a quiver hung
on the back.
The wooden club is held in the left hand under the
shield. The weapons of the old men and boys are bows and arrows.
These are only used in case of grave emergency, such as an
attack on the kraal.; '•
Watches are kept at night by the women. This is to allow the
warriors to turn out fresh in case of alarm. For this purpose
the porches of the huts have the doorways arranged <so as to
face the entrances to the zariba, so that the women may sit
in the shadow of the porch and watch the weak spots in the
fence. War is made to loot cattle from other tribes, or to prevent
a raiding party looting their cattle.
It is considered necessary to celebrate circumcision ceremonies
with raids. \
The Masai attack in the usual savage formation of a long single
row of spearmen, advancing with shouts and noise intended
to frighten the enemy X
They are undoubtedly much pluckier than the ordinary Bantu
native of the country. In the old days the only people who ever

218 THE LAND OF ZINJ
got any change out of them appear to have been the Wakamba,
a numerous tribe who live in bush country and are used to bush
tactics. The Masai always inhabit the open plains, and1 are not of much
use in the bush.
It is related that on one occasion the Wakamba inveigled
them into thick bush, and meanwhile sent a party round who
attacked the kraal the Masai had left, capturing some girls and
cattle, much to the disgust of the Masai who had been unsuc
cessful in inciting them to battle.
All iron work, such as spears and swords, is forged by smiths
who live apart from, though amongst, the Masai.
They generally live just outside the zariba.
They do not intermarry with the Masai, and are treated as a
lower class, in this respect being exactly analogous to the Tumals
amongst the Somali.
The iron ore is roughly smelted. However, nowadays railway
lines, fishplates, etc., are so cheap that it is hardly worth while
smelting. In time of war the warriors scout to the distance of a few
miles round the kraals, so as to give warning for the cattle to
be driven in.
Customs.— The divisions of the community have already been
noted. The laiyoni (boys) have no privileges until they have
been circumcised. This operation, which is performed in public,
is accompanied by feasting and dancing.
After this they are dressed in women's clothes, and shaved
all over the body.
When they take off these clothes they become il-muran
(warriors), and the hair of the head is, when it grows again,
plaited in a pigtail, adorned with red earth and fat. v
No warrior is allowed to be married, but the il-muran live
with the in-doiye (girls). When he leaves the ranks of the
warriors to become an ol-moruo (old man) he marries.
The number of wives a man has depends on his wealth.
When a woman wishes to be married she is taken from the

THE MASAI 219
ranks of the e-siangiki and undergoes the operation of clitoridec
tomy; subsequent to which she may be married. The husband
pays her father for her in cows. When a woman gives birth, her
husband presents her with an ox or a sheep to eat, according to
his wealth and according to whether it is a male or a female
child, the latter only requiring a smaller present.
After giving birth a woman becomes a matron, and wears '
certain ornaments to show that she has reached this state.N
Pines are paid for murder and theft, the fine for the latter
being about three times the value of the thing stolen, which is
generally stock. This is about the only thing that would tempt
a Masai to thieve. -
Salutation amongst the Masai is varied according to whether
an old man addresses a warrior, or a warrior a married woman,
and so on.
The usual salutation between warriors is " Sabai." " Father "
and " Big woman " are terms of respect used by the younger to
the elder.
Children salute elders by butting them in the stomach with
their heads.
Dead are not buried except in the case of chiefs. The latter
are placed in a small trench', and a cairn of stones is built over
them. Then all who pass by forever afterwards add a stone to
the top of the pile.
The Masai have no belief in a future state for any but chiefs.
The ordinary individuals, after being wailed over, are taken out
and laid on their right side, facing west, a common manner of '
laying out the dead in Africa, and are then left to be taken by
hyenas/ Some say that chiefs pass into snakes. However, the great
chief , Mbatian, said that when he died he would send those Masai
who followed out his dying instructions, more cattle from the
next world, a promise he is supposed to have fulfilled, so that
there is evidently a belief in some future state for chiefs at
least. Also, I have been told not to mention Mbatian's name at night,

220 THE LAND OF ZINJ
as he can overhear all that is said and might appear. 'So it would
seem that he still exists in another stated
The leaves and branches of the ol leleshwa are used for making
beds, as also the leaves of a plant called " ol-matisir " for the
sake of their perfume.
Milk is kept in calabashes or gourds ornamented with cowries
and beads. These are periodically cleaned out with the charred
wood of the loiyiye tree.
This gives the milk a smoky taste, and it makes it quickly
curdle. ' Milk is often mixed with that of the day before to
induce it to curdle, and sour and curdled milk of many days
old is highly appreciated,\is amongst most African tribes. \
Architecture.— The hut is a long, low structure made of
sticks and cow-dung, often roofed with cow-dung plastered on
skins. It is about five feet in height, and divided into several
partitions joined together by narrow holes as doors.
There is, as a ru\% but one exterior doorway, which is often
constructed as a kind of porch, opening to the side, so that the
do.o,r faces along the front of the hut, and not outwards.
The door is very narrow and short, so that it is necessary for
a broad man, like a European, to crouch in sideways.
Inside it is pitch dark, being lighted only by a small window
the size of a watch high up the wall.
The back wall of the hut makes part of the exterior wall
of the kraal, and a number of huts in a row are joined together,
thus forming a good part of the zariba.
The roofs have generally to be replastered after rain. The
work of building the huts is done entirely by .women. ; Inside
there is a rough hearth, three large stones forming three sides,
and the fourth side being left open to push in the sticks. As
cooking in pots is not required, there are no stones on which to
rest pots,(as amongst grain-eating tribes) The fire is purely
for warmth.
As there is no ventilation and no exit for the smoke
except by percolating the cow-dung roof, the air inside is
pungent.

THE MASAI 221
Broad low beds are made of branches, and the warriors and
girls sleep on these in rows.
There are low wooden stools to accommodate the elders.
Occasionally a chief's hut is built inside the outer ring of
huts. The part of the zariba circle not bounded by huts is joined
up by a thorn hedge, two doorways being left— generally on
opposite sides of the kraal. These are, of course, closed at
night. Inside this ring live the cattle, while there is generally
an inner kraal or partition for sheep and goats.' ^
Arts.— The Masai have practically no arts or crafts. Iron ore
is smelted, and their weapons are made for them by a lower,
dependent people, as already described.
Their snuff and honey wine is chiefly bought from the Kikuyu.
The skins worn are not tanned, but only scraped and softened
with oil and red earth.
They appear to be poor mathematicians, if one is to judge from
the women selling firewood or other things. I once tried to
buy some eggs from a Masai koko. She agreed readily to the
price to be paid for one egg, but I could not make her under
stand that if one egg was to be sold for two pice, then six eggs
would be twelve. At last one of my men, who had been watching,
came forward and said, " That is not the way to buy from a
Masai woman; you must do it like this." He then laid the
eggs in a row on the ground, and on each egg placed the sum to
be paid for it. After a brief conversation about each egg, in
which it was demonstrated that its right price was on top of
it, the woman went away quite happy.
Dress and Ornaments, etc. — The dress of the men is gene
rally a square patch of skin hung from the shoulder.
'A skin cap, made from the stomach of a goat, is worn both
by warriors and old men occasionally. With the former it saves
their carefully greased and mud-daubed pigtails suffering from
rain. In war paint a head-dress of lion's mane is much prized,
while circlets of ostrich feathers are also worn round the head.

222 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Old men prize a robe of hyrax skins trimmed with beads, as it
keeps them warm.
The women wear skirts of skins in the " directoire " style,
showing the leg above the knee as they walk.
Over the shoulder is thrown a skin which is wrapped round
the chest and fastened. Gourds of milk and babies are carried on
the back inside this. Round the waist this skin is fastened with
a thong to prevent these articles slipping downN
The heads of women are generally shaven.
Loads, such as firewood, are carried on the back and bound
by a leather thong passing across the chesty In this they differ
from Kikuyu women, who pass the strap round the forehead.
Blue and red "Masai " beads are the most usual necklaces
for both men and women.
Giraffe tail hairs are prised for stringing these beads.
The women are very extensively decorated in brass wire
(surutyai). The young girls often have the legs almost completely enve
loped in this from ankle to knee, and can hardly waddle.
Married women wear enormously heavy coils round the neck,
and pendent from the extended ear lobes.
Old men, on reaching a certain age, have women's ornaments
attached to the ears, but before this they generally wear little
horse-shoe pendants.
Warriors and young men wear occasionally large pieces of
wood, six inches long or so, or a large ball of clay, fastened in
the extended lobe of the ear, so as to stretch it.
It is the laiyoni generally who wear these balls of clay, as their
ear lobes are not fully extended. Older men often have long
pieces of carved wood, bone or ivory, with a notch at each end,
worn transversely in the extended lobe.
The ear when not being extended in this way has its long loop
hung over the top part of the ear.
Two front incisors of the lower jaw are extracted when young.
This is said to be as a safeguard against starvation when suffer
ing from tetanus.

CHAPTER XIII
MASAILAND
West of Nairobi, and distant about a day's march, stands up
a conspicuous four-peaked hill, forming the tail end of the
Kikuyu escarpment. This is generally known to Europeans by
,the name of Ngong Mountain, the name being derived from
Engongo Bagasi, the Masai name for the source of a stream
rising near its foot.
The Masai themselves call this mountain " Ol-doinyo Lam-
• wea," or " Ol-doinyo loo l'aisir," the latter word meaning " the
mountain of the Aiser," the leading clan of the Masai, from!
amongst which their chief medicine man, or Laibon, is chosen.
The present laibon is called " the Lunana " (or " Ol-
onana "), his kraal being situated at the south-west end of this
mountain. Although? the Masai, as a rule, trek about considerably accord
ing to the exigencies of grazing and water, the Aiser always
remain in the close vicinity of Ngong Mountain.
\A. day's trek westwards from Nairobi will take us through the
Ngong forest, intersected with open spaces, to the site of old
Ngong fort, now deserted, but marked by a clump of tall blue
gums.) From here a few hours' march southwards will bring us to the
Lunana's kraal, a large circular enclosure of thorn branches.
The country through which we pass to reach this follows the
foot of the lower slopes of the mountain through a grass country
studded with short, thick trees, giving one the impression of an
English orchard.
[01-onana's kraal is rather bigger than the usual Masai
manyata (kraal) , but constructed on the same lines. Round the
edge are situated the long, low huts of his people, while the

224 THE LAND OF ZINJ
remainder of the enclosure is devoted to the cattle when they
are herded inside.
When we arrive they will be out grazing, and the inside of the
enclosure will resemble a large circular arena with tanned floor
the tan being represented by old and well trampled cattle dung.
The huts, which are built by women, are the usual long, low
structures of wattle, plastered with cow-dung. The walls inside
are very strong and hard, and last for a year or more. Inside,
this long hut is divided into compartments by interior walls,
the different rooms being connected by narrow doors. 01-
onana's hut is built in the same style as the usual hut, but is
slightly bigger, and situated inside the kraal instead of at the edge
of the zariba.
Lunana is the laibOn of all the Masai, and is the son of
Mbatian, the last great medicine man, who was undisputed chief
of the Masai in both German and British territory.
He was famous as a medicine man and seer, and is supposed
to have performed various miracles, as well as to have made
numerous prophecies.
The following are "amongst some of the prophecies alleged
to have been made by Mbatian. I am indebted to the District
Commissioner of Laikipia for most of them.
1. That a great snake should come to the country, and that
it should be of such length that a man could not pass
round the head or tail, but must needs cross it to reach the
other side.
' This is supposed to be a prediction of the coming of the Uganda
Railway extending from the sea to Lake Victoria.
2. That a white bird should come to the country.
This is supposed to mean the white man.
3. That he feared the uncircumcised.
The Masai wondered why Mbatian should fear the Laiyoni,
Kavirondo or Turkana. It is now apparent to them that he meant
the white man.
4. That the Masai should prosper and increase their stock until
they should have cattle in four places.

MASAILAND 225
This was made when the Masai had but little stock owing to the
ravages of the rinderpest.
This prophecy is supposed by some to have been now fulfilled.
The four places by some are said to be : — The southern reserve,
Laikipia, the Rift Valley, and the Guas Ngishu. Others say
that it means that some of the Masai have so many cattle that
they cannot keep them all in one manyata, but must needs use
four. 5. That if a white man was killed by the Masai, they should
lose their cattle, and sickness would scourge them.
The only white man who has ever been killed by the Masai
is Dick, who was killed a few days after the Masai had murdered
a caravan of porters returning from Uganda.1 Just after this
rinderpest broke out amongst the cattle, and small-pox amongst
the Masai, a fact which impressed them very much.
6. That the white men would cross the country and continue
to press on in the same direction. Eventually that they
would meet with a force more powerful than themselves,
which would drive them back till they left the country.
This is interpreted to mean that, having arrived in 'the first
place at Mombasa, and having pushed forwards on the line of
the Uganda Railway (north-west), the white man will finally
meet with some force superior to himself in a north-westerly
direction which will drive him back until he leaves the country.
Being very ignorant of anything outside their own country except
the vaguest hearsay, some of the Masai consider that this force
will be the Pigmies. Should we ever meet with such a force,
it is much more likely that it would be 'the Abyssinians.
This, and the previous prophecy, explain the attitude of the
Masai towards the white man, for although they will never do
anything to harm the white man, they will never, if they can
help it, do anything to help him. It is only by bringing consider
able pressure to bear on them that they can be induced to do
anything of direct aid to him.
For when the white man has gone, any Masai who has

i

See p. 266.

L-Z. Q

226 THE LAND OF ZINJ
helped him while in the country will be looked on as a bad man
for he will have probably helped to keep him longer.
7. That there shall come a circumcision which shall be cele
brated without raids, but only by song and dance. The age
of that circumcision will then meet with trouble.
It has always been the custom of the Masai, whenever a cir
cumcision takes place, for the new batch of warriors made to
celebrate their assumption of martial duties by making war
and raids on their neighbours, and looting cattle, besides indulg
ing in the usual singing, dancing, and other festivities. The
last left-handed circumcision was such a one as Mbatian
described being unaccompanied by raids and expeditions.
For this reason the Masai are now expecting some trouble to
befall this age, that is to say, the present warriors, and inci
dentally, perhaps, the whole tribe.
The last circumcision, therefore, refused to become il-moruo
(old men) but are remaining as warriors until the members of
this circumcision have passed through their term of martial ser
vice, when both circumcisions will become il-moruo at the same
time. The il-moran (warriors) of the last age are now watching
events, and ready to take action in the event of trouble.
8. I see a great fire devouring all before it, and behind it I
see everything new and young and nothing old.
The Masai are unaware of the meaning of this prophecy, and
are still waiting its fulfilment.
9. Just before his death Mbatian told his clan to remain at
their old quarters near Ngong Mountain, prophesying that
if they left this place they should lose their cattle, whereas
if they remained there, he would send them cattle from the
next world to replenish their herds, reduced in numbers by
rinderpest.
On his death, his two sons Sindeyo and Lunana fell out and
fought together. Sindeyo subsequently trekked off to German
territory, while Lunana remained near Ol-doinyo Lamwea.
Sindeyo lost nearly all his cattle fighting with his brother,

MASAILAND 227
and also with the Germans, while Lunana's stock has increased
and multiplied, so this prophecy is alleged to have been fulfilled.
Mbatian had two sons, of whom Sindeyo was the elder and
Ol-onana the younger. Sindeyo was intended by his father to
become chief laibon of the Masai after his death, but Ol-onana
took away his brother's birthright, after the manner of Esau.
The following is the story exactly as narrated to me by a
Masai. The story is too recent and fresh in the minds of the
Masai to have been an adaptation of the story in the Old Testa
ment. When Mbatian felt that he was about to die, he called his
favourite son Sindeyo, and said to him, " I feel that I am about
to die, so, my son, come early in the morning to receive my dying
injunctions, and to be initiated into all the secrets of my
medicines and magic, that you may become chief laibon of the
Masai." Lunana hid himself in the calves' house close by and heard
these words.
Early in the morning, before Sindeyo had arisen, Lunana
came into his father's hut and said, " I am here, Father."
Mbatian, who was old and feeble with failing sight, said " Who
are you ? "
Lunana answered, " It is I, your son Sindeyo."
Then Mbatian taught him all the medicines and magic to
make him chief laibon of the Masai, and Lunana went his
way. Presently Sindeyo came and said, "I am here, Father."
Mbatian answered, " Who are you ? " Sindeyo answered, " It
is your son Sindeyo." " Sindeyo ? but who is he to whom I
gave all the medicines ? Behold, Lunana has deceived me. Never
mind, those I have left I will give you."
So he gave him medicines of witchcraft and magic with which
to kill men.
After Mbatian's death, Lunana became chief laibon of the
Masai.1 1 Since this was written I hear that Lunana is dead.
q2

228 THE LAND OF ZINJ
His half-brother, Sindeyo, became only the chief of the Loita
Masai. The Lunana and his half-brother fought together for several
years, one of their biggest fights taking place near the present
site of Nairobi. In this fight, which was witnessed by a Euro
pean, 500 men are said to have been killed.
Sindeyo was finally worsted and retired into German East
Africa, as has already been related. Finally the two brothers
made peace with each other, and Sindeyo came to Ngong
to live near his half-brother. Sindeyo's present kraal is on the
way from Ngong fort to Ol-onana's kraal.
Lunana is thoughtful and reserved, and of spare frame. He
possesses an intellectual type of face, and is said to be a clever
diplomat. It is said that Sindeyo is a great medicine man. The
Masai believe that medicine men can transfer themselves to a
distance while asleep.7 Beua, the chief of the present Laikipia
Masai, said that Lunana used to visit him every night at
Laikipia, a distance of about a hundred miles,, and that if Lunana
did not come to him, he himself used to go to Ngong.
It is also said that when Lunana and Sindeyo were fighting
together they met at night in the spirit and then fixed up the
arrangement by which- it was agreed that they should fight no
more but live alongside one another at peace.
When I visited Lunana a year or two ago, he was about to
have coils of brass wire affixed to the lobes of his ears, like those
worn by married women.
This was to mark his entry into the state of an elder or old
man. It is said that at the next circumcision Itwill retire
into a hut with all his medicines, and have the hut burnt over
him. He himself will not be burnt, but his medicines will after
this become more potent. \
This ceremony has not yet been performed, as he is not suffi
ciently aged.
On his death his younger brother, Maru marui, is to succeed
him.

MASAILAND 229
When we come into his kraal after having been greeted by
the Lunana and his elders, the small children come forward to
pay their respects; jolly little things who come up demurely,
and lower their heads to be patted instead of butting one in the
stomach according to Masai custom, and then, having got over
the ordeal, romp off and endeavour to entice the stranger into
playing a game of hide and seek, or touch last.
I have always noticed that the children of the lower types of
natives seldom or never play games of any sort, while those
of a more intellectual type or of a higher plane of civilisation
play much after the fashion of the European child.
' The Masai children are always .full of fun and frolic, and
are always playing games.
They build toy houses for themselves, and make bracelets
and necklets of plaited grasses, and seem to enjoy life immensely".
Outside Lunana's kraal is a hut and shed, the abode of the
smiths who make the arrow and spearheads for the community.
These people live in a separate community from the Masai, and
do not intermarry with them.
The road by which we have come to the kraal from old Ngong
fort, at right angles to the Nairobi-Ngong road, comes from
Kikuyuland, via Dagoreti, the boundary station between the
Kikuyu and Masai. Quite a stream of Kikuyu are sometimes
seen along this road, bringing honey, red earth, and various
articles for sale or exchange with their old enemies the Masai.
Also Masai women from Nairobi can be seen coming out to pay
their respects to Lunana, immediately recognisable from their
stay-at-home sisters, as they have adopted the cotton robes pf
the Swahili. Quite a number of Masai women are married to
Indian traders, coolies and Swahili and coast boys.
Lunana's kraal, as has been said, is situated in an orchard-like
country. Trekking southwards from here one soon arrives in the great
Athi and Kapiti plains, a vast expanse of open grazing ground
stretching away to the German border to the south-west, to the
more bushy country round Kiu and Simba to the south, to

230 THE LAND OF ZINJ
01 doinyo Sapuk to the east, and bounded here by the Ngong
forest to the north, and further eastwards by the hills of Kikuyu-
land. These great open plains look, when viewed from the hills
above them, as flat as a table.
In reality they consist of continuous waves and undulations,
and although from the top of a rise the eye can see everything
apparently perfectly open as far as the horizon, there may be a
herd of gnu or other game, perhaps, in a hollow but a few
hundred yards distant, quite concealed from view.
Here and there on the plains is a single gnarled and weather-
beaten tree, looking lonely and desolate in the midst of the open
solitudes. By day the plains are hot and glaring, and the heat haze
distorts the game and other objects, giving miniature thorn
bushes the appearance of moving game, and concealing objects
in the far distance. By night the plains, owing to their altitude,
6,000 feet, are bitterly cold.
One of the greatest drawbacks to travel on the Masai plains,
especially those of the Athi and Kapiti, are the ticks. At some
seasons stalks of grass can be seen in all directions terminating
in what appear to be reddish- coloured seed heads. As one
brushes past these the heads come off on the clothes. If looked
at presently they appear to have expanded from a common centre.
These are really masses of myriads of tiny ticks clinging
together, which, after having become deposited on your clothes,
gradually spread all over your body. Each individual one is so
smallthat it is hardly distinguishable by itself, especially when
nestled comfortably in some pore of the skin. These pests, as
well as the larger ones, swarm on one's clothes, bed and blankets,
cause intense irritation and make life scarcely endurable. On
some plains, however, such as in the Rift Valley, and the northern
plains, they are scarce or almost entirely absent.
With the exception of a few gnarled and weather-beaten trees,
conspicuous as landmarks from afar, there are no trees on the
plains except the yellow-barked thorn, lining river beds such as

MASAILAND 231
the Athi. As the river generally flows in a shallow valley, even
these are often invisible until one reaches the slope leading
down to them, and so the plains generally present an unbroken
landscape of rolling veldt. In a few places, such as the " Middle
pools," there are large clumps of this thorn which have in the
distance the appearance of a thick forest. When reached, how
ever, the cool, shady look they presented from afar is found to
be misleading, as owing to the smallness of their leaves the
shelter they afford from the sun is but little. \
These river beds and clumps of thorn trees often form the
mid-day retreating places of lions, whilst others take refuge in
the reed beds and the caves which exist near the edge of tha
plains. The gorges which lead down to the plains form the
retreat of numberless hyenas. In one of these caves near
the Athi river there are some rude pictures scratched on the
wall, but I do not know if they are ancient or modern. At the
lion rocks, on the Athi towards ol doinyo Sabuk, I wounded a
lion who retreated into what appeared to be but a small clump
of bushes. On investigation I found that this clump completely
blocked and covered over the entrance to a cave, which could
only be approached by crawling under the bushes, and so prob
ably had escaped observation before. On the floor of this cave
were the broken remains of some clay pots which looked fairly
old and were in small pieces. Presumably, then, this, and
probably other caves, were once inhabited, but by whom and
when I do not know. At this spot there are also other caves
haunted by lions.
On the northern plains, such as those of Laikipia, the country
is also poorly watered, but here there are at intervals what the
Masai call " sogota," at which the flocks are watered. These
are springs which well up in the middle of the plains for no
apparent cause and form small oases. No stream leaves them,
but they make little pools generally surrounded by rushes and
soft earth. During the dry weather many of them cease to
contain water, being either dried up by the sun or drunk up by
the flocks which then have to trek off to other places.

232 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Now a word about the Masai to finish with. They are gene
rally considered as being truthful and honest. They are cer
tainly more so than the majority of African tribes, but perhaps
these qualities have been somewhat exaggerated. It is certainly
the case that they are seldom able to resist an easy chance of
sheep or cattle-stealing, either from white men or from other
natives. Perhaps, however, this is more or less excusable as
they are told by their traditions that all tbe cattle in the World
originally belonged to the Masai, and so they probably excuse
themselves under the plea that they are only taking back their
own property. They object, as a rule, to work or to do any
thing for the white man, but if one really should make up his
mind to serve a white master he is found to be, as a rule, intel
ligent, willing and ready. They, of course, make good herdsmen
as that is their only walk of life. They also make very fair
syces, for being fond of animals they soon learn how to groom
and look after a horse or mule and take a pride in their work.

KIKUYU BOY

(wearing necklet of withies as he is
about to be circumcised).

KIKUYU OLD WOMAX.

KIKUYU YOUTH.

KIKUYU WAREIOH.

CHAPTER XIV.
KIKUTU-LAND
The Kikuyu, Akikuyu or Wakikuyu, are the most populous
tribe in the Protectorate. The area they inhabit is roughly
bounded by Kenya to the east, the Aberdare Range to the west,
the Nairobi-Fort Hall road to the south and Nyeri to the north.
They are roughly divided into two divisions, the Kikuyu of
Marenga (including the country between Wandenge's and Mount
Kenya, and the people living on the southern slopes of that
mountain), and the Kikuyu dwelling in the vicinity of Kikuyu
station, who are probably the result of an admixture of Masai
with Bantu.
Let us leave Nairobi by the Fort Hall road. This is an
excellent road the whole way, and the only good one in the
icountry. Shortly after leaving Nairobi you pass through a
corner of Kikuyu-land in the neighbourhood of Kiambu or
Chiambu.1 Here you will get your first taste of Kikuyu hills
which go rolling up and down without a patch of level practically
throughout the whole of the populated district. The Kikuyu
appear to love hills, and to go up and down them for preference
when it would be possible to avoid them. They will go up a
hill with a load on their back, singing cheerily the while as if
they enjoyed it, even though it is steep enough to take all the
breath out of the average man. Many of their red earth paths,
which go straight up and down the hills without an attempt to
find the easiest gradient, are so steep that it is a matter of
difficulty for the booted European to ascend at all.
It is probably the hilliness of their country which makes them
always appear in such a hurry on flat ground, as they must find
Near this place is a small colony of Sudanese ex-askaris from the 3rd King's
African Eifies.

234 THE LAND OF ZINJ
it very easy going. Anyhow, they are noticeable amongst other
natives in that they seem to go at a run or jog trot for pre
ference. On the road we meet men and women bringing loads of
produce into Nairobi bursting into a trot at intervals, whilst
others on the way home, stop for a moment to greet us, and then
run on laughing as if anxious to get back as soon as possible.
The road only just touches on the corner of Kikuyu country,
and then descends to the plains again, leaving the hilly country
and populous district to the north.
The chief of this corner we pass through is called " Kinanjui."
He is the chief of the Nairobi and Dagoreti Kikuyu, and his
village is on the Dagoreti road to the west. His country goes
as far as the Chania River, at which place Korori's country com
mences. Some of his underchiefs are Msama, near Lamoru, Mturi,
north of Msama (there is another Mturi near Fort Hall), and
Njorugi, north of Escarpment station.
Kinanjui is a chief who was created by the Government,
and so has not so much authority with his people as some heredi
tary chiefs have. He is said to be generally drunk. He occa
sionally visits Nairobi dressed as an admiral.
On descending to the plains after passing Kiambu, the road
proceeds across the uninhabited flat, crossing many streams
on the way.
These numberless streams emanate from the range of moun
tains called by Europeans " Kinangop " (the Masai name for the
plateau to the west of this mountain), and the Aberdare Eange.
Different parts of this range, from south to north, are known
to the Kikuyu as Nandarua, Nguzeru and Simbara.
The mass of streams flowing from these mountains pass
through and water the fertile and hilly Kikuyu country. By the
time they have reached the plains most of them have joined up
into fair-sized streams, which we will cross on our way to Fort
Hall. The most important of these are, in order from Nairobi,
the Kamiti, Ruero, Thiririka, Ndurugu, Chania, Thika (or Zika),
Maragwa, and finally, just beyond Fort Hall, the Maraiiga.

KIKUYU-LAND 235
These all flow into the Tana River, or, as it is there called, the
" Sedana." Higher up this river is called the " Sagana," and
lower the "Kililuma."
If one was to leave the uninhabited road half-way to Fort Hall
and travel northwards, one would strike, directly the plains gave
way to rolling hills, a thickly populated country with alternate
hill and valley, the sides of the hills densely cultivated. The
journey would be bad as there appears to be no path, and many
rocky nullahs would have to be crossed, the sides of many of
these being so steep that much time is lost in searching for a
practicable descent.
The first sign of Kikuyu-land is that the country gets more
hilly, and a few out-post Kikuyu cattle zaribas are met with,
there being no facilities for grazing in the crowded areas.
Then a few patches of cultivation appear on the sides of the
valleys which soon give place to the rolling, almost treeless, culti
vated country of populated Kikuyu-land, with steep red earth
paths running straight up and down the hills in all directions.
Game is left behind, and only masses of cultivation are seen,
dotted everywhere with clusters of huts sheltered generally by
a ring of trees planted for the purpose of protecting them from
the wind.
The Kikuyu village is of the regular Bantu type, consisting
of neat, round wattle and daub, grass-roofed huts, amongst
which are dotted round wicker-work grain stores, raised off the
ground on platforms and covered by a movable grass roof.
Where trees are obtainable near at hand, the walls of the huts
are often made of rough-hewn planks of timber, imbedded up
right in the earth in a circle. On this are placed the roofing poles
and thatch. The crevices between the planks are stuffed with
clay. These hewn planks give the house, from even a dis
tance, a very different appearance from the ordinary wattle and
daub. A village often contains a common hut or men's club, called
" Usingira," into which the men adjourn to hold their drinks of
njohi. No women are admitted. The women on their part have

236 THE LAND OF ZINJ
each their own hut into which no man, other than their husbands,
is supposed to enter.
The chief of the country we have now entered is called
" Njehu," and the name of the district is called " Marlgu." To
the north of this country is that of Korori, already mentioned.
Under these chiefs are numberless underchief s or head men. The
general arrangement is that each valley possesses an underchief.
His people drink from the stream at the bottom of the valley, and
he owns the slopes on either side of it.
In one of these valleys of Njehu's country, a good-sized
stream, called the " Kiama," suddenly drops out of sight, and
after flowing underground for several hundred yards foams out
again in another part of the valley.
A beautiful Kikuyu valley reminds one of Jerome K. Jerome's
description of the beautifying of German valleys to meet with
the approval of German taste. The Kikuyu take a rugged,
wooded valley with a torrent flowing at the bottom. First they
cut down all the trees and burn them. Then they bare the whole
hillside till it is nothing but a mass of red earth. Then they
plant it with ground nuts, sweet potatoes, and various cereals,
leaving between the fields only enough room for their steep
little paths running straight up and down the hill. At the top
of the hill are built a few prim little huts, and a few bushes,
whose leaves are edible by goats, are planted in a semicircle to
their windward side. Next they tame the torrent, levelling the
rocky places with material from the river bed, till it flows quietly
between two sloping banks of black earth planted with sugar
cane. The transformation and beautification of the valley is
now complete.
Such is the country we have got into, and so- thick is the
cultivation that it takes a long search to find a corner in which
to pitch one's tent without damaging any of the crops. Various
old men, chiefs of villages, will introduce themselves by coming
to shake hands, many of them indulging in the genial practice
of spitting on their hands first, as is also the case with the Masai.
The custom of spitting in various ways and on various occasions

KIKUYU-LAND 237
hasdifEerent significations, but in few cases is it used as a method
of showing disrespect.1 Such friendly significations denoted by
spitting are found amongst Masai, Wandorobo, Samburr and
Eendile. Amongst the Kikuyu it is very probable that the
customs have been borrowed from the Masai, as is the case with
many other of their customs.
Towards sunset women may be seen returning from the fields
to their homes, many of them carrying bundles of sweet potato
leaves on which to feed the goats at night. This bundle will be
suspended from a tree or the roof of a shelter within reach of
the animals. By day they are grazed on the scrub which springs
up round the fields and quickly covers a plot of land allowed to
go fallow. Nearly all the small tree's seen near the villages have
been planted for the reason that their leaves can be eaten by
goats. Such trees often serve the second purpose of being a
support to the tendrils of the yam. These are planted at the foot
of the tree and climb up the trunk.
The Kikuyu are essentially an agricultural people, and have
but few cattle, but there are goats in every village and often
sheep too. To make their fields, acres of forest land must have
been cut down, the burning of which has made the soil so fertile.
At one time probably the forests of Kenya joined those of the
Aberdares and the whole of this area was forest land. The only
sign of this now extant are various little tree -topped hills dotted
over the country. Such hills are sacred, and the groves on their
tops must not be cut. It is this that has preserved them from
the fate of the rest of the forest.
The people eat the flesh of goats and cattle, but their diet
is mainly vegetable. In their natural state they never eat the
meat of game or wild animals, as it is forbidden. Some sections
are more particular about the observance of this than others.
Those who enlist as porters with shooting parties generally
overcome this prejudice when they see all those round them
gorging themselves, but many, however, will never touch game
Hollis notes that the Dorobo spit towards the rising sun, perhaps the relic of
some kind of sun worship.

238 THE LAND OF ZINJ
meat even if driven by hunger. The old people do not like
their sons working for white men for fear that they will be
tempted in this way.
The Kikuyu are really immensely rich, as they have everything
the heart could desire in abundance. I have never seen raw
natives anywhere who have such copious and various supplies of
food. They appear to be always either eating, laughing or
singing .whether walking, running, or working.
Their crops include: —
Banana.Arrowroot. Ground nuts.
Maize.Millet. Cassava. Sweet potatoes.
Yams.Castor oil.
Beans. Peas. Pumpkins. Sugar cane.
Rape.Eleusine.
In June and July, when the work of planting is finished,
everybody has a holiday, and dances are of nightly occurrence
held alternately at different villages in a neighbourhood. This
lasts more or less till the harvest season, but a little additional
planting is done during the latter rains about August.
On the edges of their country bordering on forest land they
appear to be always extending and eating their way into the
forest. They are an immensely prolific people, and will probably
expand enormously in the near future. The large trees of the
forest are slowly and laboriously cut down with their small soft
axes at the height of about the waist from the ground. Yams
(kikwa) are planted against these stumps up which the plants

KIKUYU-LAND 239
climb. After a few years' time rot and termites attack these
roots and they disappear. Another way more frequently used
to dispose of the bigger trees is to pile all the undergrowth and
smaller trees cut down round their bases. When this has dried
and is fired it kills the big tree, which either falls or dies. If
it only dies they wait till it is dry and then light a fire at
the base and the trunk slowly smoulders through.
In the cleared country of the trees that have been planted, the
mikungugu, is the commonest, and its leaves are used as fodder
for goats.
A favourite beverage is njohi, made of sugar cane. The pro
cess of manufacture is as follows : —
Sugar cane is first stripped of its outer rind with knives.
Then it is pounded by women to break it up and separate the
fibres. This is either done in the usual African mortar, a
hollowed-out section of a tree,, or a large tree cut down and lying
on its side, which has a number of holes hewn out of it for this
purpose. A row of women may be seen standing each side of
such a tree all busy pounding away. This accomplished, the
women's part of the work is finished ; it is considered infra dig.
for a man to be seen pounding.
The men take a large jar, pour some water in and, placing
some of the cane fibre at the bottom1, stir it round. The fibre is
then taken out, a handful at a time, and a cord passed round and
round it in different directions till it is enveloped. It is then
rinsed out over the jar by twisting the two ends in opposite direc
tions. The water rinsed out of this, containing the juice of the
cane, falls into the jar. When no more moisture can be squeezed
out the cord is unwrapped, the fibre thrown away and a fresh
handful treated in the same manner. When all that is in the
jar is finished fresh fibre is put in, and so on, the strength: of
the njohi depending on the amount of fibre used and the patience
of the operators. The liquid is then poured into a gourd, a
stopper is put in the, neck and it is placed near the fire for a
day and night, after which it is ready for use. These gourds or
pumpkins are grown in the fields, and when ripe left to harden

240 THE LAND OF ZINJ
on the outside and rot inside. The neck is then cut off and the
inside cleared out with a stick.
The fruit of the sausage tree (kilatina) is split and .sun-
dried and used in the production of spirits. If one leaves Njehu's
country and follows down the Chania River, one meets the
Fort Hall road again near the junction of this river with the,
¦Thika. Each river has the most beautiful falls at this place.
The Chania Falls, a grand cascade, can be seen from the road
itself. Those of the Thika are a few hundred yards distant
from the bridge and concealed by the trees which line its bank.
It is, perhaps, the prettiest of the two as the water falls in a
series of jumps under a tunnel roofed with the overlapping
branches of the trees on either bank.
Here one gets amongst the game again on the open plains
on either side of these rivers. If camped sufficiently far from
the falls to prevent them drowning all else, one often hears
that grandest of sounds, the night roaring of the lion.
Following the road towards Fort Hall one reaches, in a short
day's march, th'e fringe of Kibalabala's country, a chief of
Kikuyu, though himself a Masai and an ex-sergeant-major of
police. His district extends to Fort Hall. The country about
his village and to the west is called Metumi. If you make a
detour from the road to pay him a visit — for he lives someway
back — he will make you most welcome, and supply you with
all necessities of fuel and meat. Meanwhile various Mrs.
Kibalabalas will call on you, and if they do not return home
with little packets of tea and sugar it will not be for want of
making their wants known.
Kibalabala himself is a fine old man, typical of the good that
a long course of discipline has on even the black man. Although
a Masai, he possesses great influence with his people.
./There are many chiefs or underchiefs scattered about the
Kikuyu country who are either pure or half Masai in origin.
j Formerly, before the advent of the white man, when the Masai
were the dominant people, they used constantly to raid the
Kikuyu "to get their cattle back." The Masai hold the belief

KIKUYU-LAND 241
that cattle were originally sent down to them by Engai (God),
and that from these original cattle all the cattle in the world have
sprung.^ ^Civilised peoples generally fight for land. In Africa there is
plenty of land, and fighting is almost always for the possession
of stock.) The Kikuyu have never been noted as warriors, they
are a timid though somewhat treacherous people. They were, it
is said, terrified of the Masai, and a few Masai could chase away
a whole army of Kikuyu braves. As the Masai only eat meat,
and drink milk and blood, they did not covet the .crops of the
Kikuyu, but only raided his cattle^ Perhaps this is one of the
reasons why the Kikuyu have now so few. The site pf an old
Kikuyu cattle boma near Kibalabala's, under the east of
Kahumbu Hill, was pointed out to me as being one of the last
raided by Masai. ^
(jThen came the rinderpest, the Masai cattle died by thousands,
and the Masai suffered from starvation^} Many died, and many
others sought refuge amongst surrounding tribes, such as the
Kikuyu and Wakamba. Their old enemies took them in, fed
them and treated them well. This explains the presence of
Masai and Masai blood amongst Kikuyus. That so many have
risen to the position of chiefs is only a proof of the superiority
of the Masai.
A similar state of things occurred in the south-east of Kikuyu-
• land during a great famine in Ukamba. Many Wakamba took
refuge with the Kikuyu, which, perhaps, accounts for the
Wakamba words found amongst the south-eastern Kikuyu.
At the present day the Masai and Kikuyu are on very friendly
terms. Kikuyu even lend their cattle to the Masai to herd for
them while they are busy with their fields. iThe Kikuyu have
imitated many Masai customs, and there is a constant small
traffic proceeding between Kikuyu, mostly in honey which is sold
to the Masai for making into their drink, and a certain red
earth only found in Kikuyu-land.\ One of the Masai customs
imitated by the Kikuyu is that of drinking cattle blood. It is
not often done amongst the Kikuyu, but I have met with it on
L.Z. K

242 THE LAND OF ZINJ
several occasions. The animal is thrown, and its legs tied up.
A specially shaped arrow is then fired into a vein of the neck,
and the blood as it spurts out is caught in a half gourd. The
flow of blood is stopped by a tourniquet. The blood is mixed with
milk, stirred, and then put by till the evening, when it is drunk.
The hill Kahumbu, mentioned above, is one of the hills topped
by sacred groves, of which there are so many in Kikuyu-land.
As neither the trees nor the undergrowth may be cut, for fear
of sickness visiting the land, these hills are generally surmounted
by large trees arising out of a dense mass of undergrowth. This
undergrowth is at Kahumbu, the retreat of a number of hyena
to whom the surrounding bare and cultivated country affords
little other cover.
At the top of the hill is a flat spot surrounded by thicket. This
is the sacrificial place, and is called " Athuri aliakuru." When
there is a famine or want of rain it will be decided that a sacrifice
should be resorted to. Everybody remains in their huts, there
being no leave to go out, with the exception of fourteen old men
(wazuri). These, the elected priests of the hill, ascend with a
sheep; goats are not acceptable to Ngai (God) on such an
occasion. At the top they light a fire, and then kill the sheep by
holding its mouth and nose till it dies of suffocation. It is then
skinned, the skin being subsequently given to and worn by one
of the old men's children.
The sheep is then cooked, a branch is plucked and dipped into
the fat which is sprinkled on to the leaves of the surrounding
trees. The old men then eat some of the meat ; should they not
do this the sacrifice is not acceptable. The rest of the flesh
is burnt in the fire, and Ngai comes to eat it afterwards.
Directly this function is completed, even while the old men
are descending the hill, thunder rolls upland hail pours down
with such force that the old men have to wrap their clothes round
their heads and run for their houses. Water then bursts forth
from the top of the hill and flows down the side.1
1 I always narrate such customs as they were told to me by natives. They are
the more interesting unshorn of miraculous or unlikely events.

KIKUYU-LAND 243
The priests, called " kiama," are chosen from the oldest men,
and should one of them die he is replaced by another to keep up
the number. On being elected a kiama the honoured one has
to pay ten sheep.
If a village is built on the side of a sacred hill it falls to
the bottom and becomes a lake in which all the people perish.
Such was the origin of Iraiyini on the path between Fort Hall
and Korori. If any of the trees of the grove are cut down it is
said that many people will die.
These groves are called " kahinga," while the sacrificial spot is
called " kehalu." Chiefs and their wives are sometimes bwiedin
these groves, as in the Kahinga ya Kahayukia, in which the old
chief Kahayukia is buried. It is situated near the east bank
of the Maragwa River, about a day's distance above Fort Hall.
On the west bank of the Maragwa, too, there is a kahinga
called "Keshimu," and another near it called "Mutungura."
Each of these has fifteen attendant kiama. There are five groves
in the immediate neighbourhood of these.
If war comes into the country, or after war is over, to conclude
peace a sacrifice of female goats is made on the kehalu.
Just to the south of Kenya there is a hill, called " Kitali." On
this there is a kehalu situated under a solitary tree ; there is no
grove or thicket round this spot. On one side of the tree is a
hollow blocked up with stones, and inside this is a pot in which
the fat of the sacrifice is poured. Not far from this is the
trunk of an old and diseased tree which I wanted to cut down
so as to clear a view for survey purposes, not then knowing that
there was a kehalu close by.
I called up the local chief and askeid him if there was any
objection to my cutting down this tree. He showed me the
kehalu, and then explained that although the second tree had
nothing to do with the kehalu, it must not be ,cut down because
"Ngai walks between the two."
There is a little conical hill on the Gura stream between Fort
Hall and Nyeri. It is surmounted by a kahinga which makes
it conspicuous for an immense distance. It is interesting in
b2

244 THE LAND OF ZINJ
that it is the home of a number of colobi. These are essentially
forest dwellers. Perhaps they or their forebears dwelt in a patch
of forest which was cut off from the Kenya Forest by the inroads
of Kikuyu fields. As the forest was cut down to make into
fields, the area they inhabited became more and more restricted
till now their only retreat is this one patch of thicket three
days' march from forest land.
Returning to the road where we left it we pass through the
Kikuyu country of Kishangira and Ngwatha and reach Fort Hall.
The heat here strikes one as oppressive, and much hotter than
the Athi Plains though it should not be so. Perhaps it is because
it is far removed from any of the mountainous country. The
prospect here is bare and unsightly, and has little to com
mend it.
The population northwards and north-west from here is very
dense, a continuous mass of villages and cultivation stretching
to Nyeri in one direction and the Aberdares in the other. Just
about the station, however, there are fewer villages, while to
the south the plains stretch away, without habitation, to the
mountain of 01 doinyo Sapuk.1 Under Kenya to the north-east
of Fort Hall is a dense population, whilst eastwards proceeds the
road to Embu near which are a few Kikuyu villages belonging
to the chiefs Kesai 2 and Kutu. The station of Fort Hall itself
lies on the last foot-hills before reaching the plains.
From Fort Hall there is a tolerably good path to Korori'e
village, situated several days distant on the lower slopes of
Nguzeru. This is the most pleasant part of Kikuyu-land I have
struck. High up, with cool, bracing air, it lies in glades and
clearings in the forest, well watered with cold mountain torrents.
At his village is an expanse of short lawn-like grass, with shady
trees, an ideal spot in which to camp. Korori himself makes
a most interesting and hospitable host. By origin he is half
Masai and half Kikuyu- Wandorobo. He is, perhaps, the biggest
1 01 doinyo Sapuk or Sabuk = the flat mountain ; " b " and " p " are inter
changeable in different dialects of Masai.
2 Near tbis place is a small colony of Swahilis.

KIKUYU-LAND 245
chief of Kikuyu, having nearly all the thickly populated country
to the N.W. of Fort Hall under him. He is certainly the most
influential chief, he keeps his people well in hand, and is a most
intelligent man. His methods of dealing with his people rather
remind one of the Oriental despot. Having caught two men once
thieving he had them put down and severely flogged. After this
he gave them a hundred rupees that they should go away and say
what a big man Korori is.
In this country markets are held which conduct a brisk trade.
Natives must recognise the boon of being able to exchange or
dispose of their wares so easily, and it is surprising that none of
the surrounding tribes follow their example. When passing
a market one day I thought I would see what their business
methods were like, so sent a boy with a sheep ,skin for
sale. The value was at once assessed, and it was paid for in the
most prompt manner.
Korori manufactures, or used to manufacture, the arrows used
by the Kikuyu-Wandorobo. In return they bring him the tusks
of any elephant killed. A cloak of hyrax skin is a favourite
garment especially worn by old men and chiefs. In Korori's
district the skins of all hyraces killed are brought to him. In
his village he is generally naked but for a cloak or rug
of these skins hung from the shoulders. This is only pulled
round the body when it is cold or at night. When he visits Fort
Hall he dresses in khaki or uniform.
Korori's village is the end of Kikuyu-land in this direction.
Above it are great juniper forests and masses of bamboo, and
above these again the cold, bleak peaks of Nguzeru and the
black precipices of Mazioiya, from which mountain flow two
streams both bearing this name and subsequently joining. The
Kikuyu in their outward expansion are gradually eating into
these forests, but at present the only people who penetrate
their depths are the Kikuyu-Wandorobo. These people find
their way along elephant tracks, hunting game and looking for
honey, and most of them have little huts or shelters far into
the forest.

246 THE LAND OF ZINJ
The village farthest pushed into the hills is that of Wanjohi,1
whose people sometimes cross the range to the Kinankop and
Naivasha side by an elephant track known as the " Njira Wan
johi " or "Wanjohi'sWay."
Along this path, after the bamboo and forests have been passed
and just on the edge of the open and bare upper peaks, is a flat
shoulder known as " Biri la mbuzi." It gained this name from
the fact that in old times some raiders had captured some goats
from Wanjohi's people and drove them off to this spot where
they probably camped. Beyond this, and at an altitude of
12,000 feet above sea-level, is a rocky ridge known as " Guzera
Wanjohi." It was here that Wanjohi's people came up with the
raiders, put them to flight and recaptured their stock.
To return to Fort Hall, the sections of Kikuyu in the immediate
Vicinity are Katuri, east and north-east, and Maranga, west
and south-west of the station. Others have already been men
tioned. There is a fair but somewhat hilly path from Fort Hall to
Nyeri. Half-way between these places is a rest-house, and the
chief of the neighbourhood is called " Wambugu." At Nyeri we
get to the northern boundary of Kikuyu-land. Beyond, to the
north and north-east, open plains commence, and farther north
are the plains of Laikipia, recently made into a Masai reserve.
East and south-east of Nyeri there are few people till we get
to the Tana, or, as it is here called, the " Sedana " River. The
other side of this river we get into the thickly populated south
western and southern lower slopes of Kenya. As one proceeds
south-east through these peoples, the customs and language
begin to partake more and more of Wakamba, till proceeding
through the Embu and Embei one reaches Wakamba country.
The only large community of Kikuyu we have not yet touched
on are those which live between Lamoru and the escarpment.
At the latter place they live in the forest and Have not yet divested
1 Villages are mov.ed so easily, and natives so constantly change their abodes,
that it must be understood that my remarks may only apply to the time I crossed
Wanjohi's way four years ago.

KIKUYU-LAND 247
the country of trees, but they are doing their best. The reason
for this is that they are comparatively new comers in this dis
trict. It is thought that the Kikuyu originally emanated from
the neighbourhood of Kenya and have gradually spread west
wards, cutting down the forests as they went. All the country
round Kiambu was once forest land which has now disappeared.
The Kikuyu advanced guard is now being pushed into the forests
of the escarpment by those overcrowded behind them. Quan
tities of goats are found amongst the Kikuyu of the escarpment
where the undergrowth of the forest is very favourable for their
nourishment. One often sees here rough causeways made over
the marshy beds of streams near the edge of the forest to
allow the goats going to graze in the forest a feasible passage.
These are made by just throwing down stones and logs of wood
till the muddy bottom is firm enough to bear the weight passing
over. To conclude this chapter, I will mention some of the charac
teristics and customs of the Kikuyu not referred to above.
They seem to be on the whole a people of very kindly character,
cheerful, happy and bright, but timid, unreliable, and at times
treacherous. Cases of police being murdered occur more fre
quently amongst the Kikuyu than perhaps amongst all the war
like tribes of the Protectorate put together.
They are essentially a good-looking race with pleasing, round,
open faces. Some of the youths have quite good features, and
many women would be distinctly pretty if it were not for the
(to our ideas) unsightly way part of the head is shaved over
the forehead. The reason for this appears to be that loads are
generally carried on the back, the weight being supported by a
leather strap passing round the front part of the head.
The different ages are : —
Kihii (plural, tuhii)=youth before circumcision. After cir
cumcision he becomes a warrior, mwanake (pi., wanake). After
this stage he becomes an elder, muzuri (pi., wazuri).
The tuhii wear sticks and blocks of wood in their ears. The
ear is bored and the lobe distended in the same way as amongst

248 THE LAND OF ZINJ
the Masai, but perhaps not quite to the same extent. A 'mwanake
ear ornament is a disc of wood, called "ndeve," worn in the
slit of the lobe, the lobe passing round its rim like the tyre of a
bicycle. The ndeve is made out of a tree, called " ziozioi," and is
stained with black mud.
The swell wanake wear cocks' feathers as a head-dress (see
illustration, p. 233).
Old men wear small circlets of beads in holes bored in the
upper part of the ear, as do also women when they get old and
abandon the larger circlets worn pendent in the lobe. Old men
who are headmen and have begotten many children, wear a, coil of
brass wire pendent from the slit of the lobe, like the Masai ; the
weight of these is often partly supported by a strap of leather
passing over the back of thehead. Once put in, these wire coils,
called "njiru," remain in the ear till the man's death.
Youths about to be circumcised may be seen for a day or two
before the ceremony dancing about naked but for a waistbelt of
cord tassels. The body for the last few days before the ceremony
is smeared in white chalk from head to foot, and perhaps a few
ornamental bells are strapped to the legs to jingle as they dance.
In Korori's country these youths wear festoons of ends and
bits of skin, the ragged ends cut off from hides when they are
being made up into skin clothes. This takes the place of the
string tassels. Near the lower Chania, in Njehu's country, these
youths wear necklets of quantities of thin withies, encircling
the neck perhaps twenty times (see illustration, p. 233). The
ceremonies take place about July in every fourth year.
After the ceremony both boys and girls x have their heads
shaved bald. Those who have just undergone the ceremony can
be recognised, as they will generally be carrying in their hands
several sticks which are used in the subsequent dances. Dances
take place immediately before as well as after the ceremonies.
There are many different kinds of dances held on different occa
sions. i » Virgines vix puberes k\itoip^kt6im]v, ut apud Masaos, subeunt. Antea tamen
viris licet iis inter mammas incumbere, neque tamen corpori suum membrum
inmittere. "

KIKUYU-LAND 249
There is the warriors' dance (ngure), which begins in the
morning and lasts till about ten o'clock at night. The partici
pators wear colobus skin head-dresses, hanging garments of
other skins, bush buck or goat, and cover the body with white
chalk in streaks.
On arrival of a party of warriors at a chief's village they
arrive dancing in fours, keeping step to the rhythm of the bells
on their ankles, and twiddling their spears. They sing over and
over again, " Tukire kwa kiroi kwa mnene " (" We have come
to the chief, to the big man ") .
Women hold dances standing in a circle with one or two couples
in the centre walking backwards and forwards singing the solos
while all join in the choruses.1
Unmarried girls (mwaretu) wear short sticks or twigs through
holes bored in the ear. Married women wear quantities of bead
bangles hanging from the lobe of the ear. These sometimes
number twenty or more in each ear. They pass through the
slit in the lobe, but the weight is often partly supported by a
strap or band passing over the head.
Amongst Kikuyu living near the Masai some of the young
men imitate the Il-moran custom of wearing the hair in a greasy
pigtail. The head, body and skin clothes of both sexes are copiously
smeared with a mixture of oil (made from the crushed beans of
a tree, called " mbaleki ") and a red earth. The latter appears to
be only obtainable from two places, one near Korori's village, and
the other from near Fort Hall and the Maragwa. This earth,
called " thiriga," is sold by the Kikuyu to the Masai, who also
use it. The mbaleki oil softens the skin robes and makes them
pliable; it is also used to soften the leather bands or thongs
with which loads are carried.
Loads are carried on the back attached to these leather thongs
which pass round the forehead. As a large part of the weight
1 "Quum Dux vel nobilis quidam egregio honore accipiendus est, cuncte
mulieres more suo cantantes ilium accedunt ; et, quoties inter singulos versus
subite constiterunt, anhelitus acres, velut coeuntium, edunt.''

250 THE LAND OF ZINJ
comes on the forehead, the dents and scars made by these thongs
are often seen, especially in old women. It is wonderful what
immense loads of firewood these women manage to carry.
Very neatly woven bags made of fibre string are used in which
to carry their produce and goods. String is made from aloe fibre
and also from the bast of the mogiyo, a shrub which grows
plentifully round the villages.
Men working in the fields are generally seen quite naked except
for a bunch of leaves tucked before and behind into the belt of
string or beads worn by most Africans round the waist.
Milk gourds are rubbed inside with the charred wood of the
mutamaiyu tree. This, which is a widely spread custom in the
Protectorate, gives the milk a disagreeable', smoky taste, and
soon curdles it.
If a person dies in a village, that village is often burnt, and
the people trek off and build elsewhere. Sometimes the whole
village takes flight the same night as the death occurs. The
Kikuyu seems to possess in a marked degree the savage's fear of
the presence of death. I remember a case in which some Kikuyu
had murdered a solitary traveller in his tent while he was ill,
so as to loot his things. Having killed him they all fled from the
spot, and no one dared enter the tent for some days when they
were certain that the hyenas would have removed the body.
Some savages' fearnf death seems much the same as that of
animals. They see that some unseen power has stricken down
their fellow and hasten to escape from its presence. Moreover,
their very keen belief in the spirits of the departed must be
remembered. For this reason sick people are often deserted.
The hyena performs the office of undertaker to the general
multitude. The body is just put out in the bush and left. Chiefs
and important men are often, however, buried in a hole dug inside
the hut, after which the hut is pulled down on the top of the grave.
Big chiefs are occasionally buried in the sacred groves.
Practically every male wears a snuff-box attached by a chain
to the neck. These are of the most varied makes and patterns.
The commonest consist of a small goat's horn with a cap made to

THE PARASITIC FIGTKEE.
(The lower tree is enveloping and killing the other.)

BEEHIVES.

KIKUYU-LAND 251
fit over the hollow end, an empty cartridge case, a miniature
gourd, a section of bamboo. Of more quaint ones, one has seen
them cut out of a rhino horn in the shape of a hollow ball
attached to a long handle, or the tip of an elephant tusk or rhino
horn hollowed out.
Iron ore for making swords and spears is obtained from Katuli
Hill (above Fort Hall) and from near 01 doinyo Sapuk. This is
roughly melted down by means of a goat-skin bellows and char
coal fire.
Anklets of colobus skin are worn by the young bloods, this
form of ornament being highly prized. It consists of a strip
round the ankle, fastening at the back, at which place it projects
in a peak with a bunch of the fluffy black and white hair hanging
down. Minda, the brass horse-shoe-shaped ear ornaments worn by
the Masai, are also used by Kikuyu grown-up men.
Neatly made chains of iron or brass wire are worn round the
neck, and to these are attached the snuff-box, but they are made
by the Wakamba and only purchased by the Kikuyu. Of these
chains pretty chainwork head-dresses are worn by the women of
the Metumi and Ketitu neighbourhood, but I have not seen them
elsewhere. Cattle bells are made of roughly smelted iron. Different-sized
bells are put on different-sized animals, a distinction other tribes
do not seem to make.
It is found indispensable sometimes to bridge the rapid
mountain streamswhich cut through their country, but it cannot
be said that the Kikuyu shine in the art of bridge building.
The usual pattern is a tottering concern of old pieces of trees
and poles fastened clumsily together with creepers and attached
to a tree on either bank. When part of the bridge breaks a few
more bits of wood are fastened over the broken part and so on.
There is no attempt at rebuilding until the whole bridge falls in
or is washed away by a flood. Near where the Maragwa flows into
the Tana there is a wonderful series of these bridges passing over
the various channels into which the stream breaks up.

252 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Near Korori's, however, there are a few superior bridges made
of large tree trunks, hewn out on one side to form a trough-like
path and thrown across the stream.
The Kikuyu medicine man may be seen visiting his patients
followed by an assistant with a basket full of numberless small
gourds of different medicines.. He himself may be carrying the
gourd (mwano) of magical stones (bugu), by which he foretells
events. A large trade is done in medicines to make women
bear children. The medicine man is called in and, invoking
Ngai to assist him, he casts the mbugu, a number of water-worn
pebbles and trinkets, to see if the omens are favourable.
The woman is often given a medicine of a kind of white chalk
to smear on her face and ears to help her in the production of
children. This is called " ila," and is made out of powdered
quartz and gypsum.
Medicines (musai iga) are generally made of ground and
pounded roots.
Charms are hung in the fields to protect the crops from theft.
These generally take the form of large" boulders smeared with
red spots and stripes, or a large bit of cassava root with eyes,
mouth and nose painted on it and a feather stuck into it. I have
seen a human skull stuck on a pole at one end of a field, and
a human thigh bone swinging suspended between two sticks at
the other, as " medicine " against theft.
Lastly, in case my reader should become possessed of a devil,
I will describe a good cure. The patient must have white powder'
smeared on his face. The end of a horn is, put in his
mouth and blown down Violently so as to blow out the evil spirit.
The body is gashed and scarred, and a goat is killed or sacrificed
on the threshold of the sufferer's door. Sometimes as many
as ten goats are killed.
The bugu is cast, and if one good stone comes forth he will be
cured. You see, it really all depends on the bugu, and only the medi
cine man himself knows which is a good and which a bad stone.

CHAPTER XV
MOUNT KENYA X AND THE UPPER TANA
If we leave Fort Hall by the Embu road, after crossing the
Maranga,2 we come to a stony, bare range of hills beside the
river. It is from these hills that the Kikuyu obtain iron ore for
the fabrication of their spears and swords. Consequently the
compass is very variable in these parts, as, indeed, it is in many
other parts of the country. The sword referred to is a short,
double-edged weapon, made of soft iron, which is broader near
the tip than near the hilt. In fact, shaped like the old Roman
sword. After passing these hills one arrives at the Tana or Sagana
Eiver, at which place there is a good flying bridge ferry. The
Tana, which rises in Mount Kenya as the Sedana stream,
is at this spot bringing water from the west of Kenya and the
east of the Aberdares. From this place it continues south-east
till it has collected the waters of all the streams crossed on our
way from Nairobi, and then turns north-east and picks up the
water from the south of Kenya Mountain.
Prom the Tana to Emhu, with the exception of the last few
miles, is more or less flat country. A little hill near Embu, called
"Malinduku," makes- a good landmark, as it gives us the
approximate direction and distance of the station.
The road passes through the territory of Kethai, a Kikuyu
chief. Near here a village of square, rectangular huts close
I have spelt this name "Kenya" and not " Kenia," as the former is the
way the word is generally pronounced, viz., " Ke-nya," not "Keni-a." I do not
know the origin ot the name, and the only native word I can recollect in which
this sound occurs is in Lukenya, a hill on the Athi Plains. The Kikuyu call Mount
Kenya " Kirinyaga," also " Kilimara." The Swahili call it " Meru," the name of
a tribe living on its east slope.
Fort Hall itself is always known to the natives as " Maranga," from the name
of this river.

254 THE LAND OF ZINJ
to the road is very noticeable to an eye now accustomed to the
round, Bantu type. They belong to a small Swahili colony which
is situated on or near one of the old Swahili caravan routes.
These ivory-trading caravans used to fill up with food for the
porters amongst the Wakamba, cross the Tana near its junction
with the Thika, pass near the site of this present Swahili village,
and from there proceed by the west of Kenya to the vicinity of
Nyeri, and thence by the northern slopes of Kenya to the Meru
country. The next river to the Tana of any consequence is the Ziba ; this
is the first stream we have met whose waters are supplied solely
by Kenya. Near here lives the Kikuyu chief Kutu.
Not far beyond this the Namindi, a cold, clear mountain torrent
from the snows of Kenya, flows under the road which crosses it by
a natural bridge of rock. The Namindi keeps the whole length
of its course, till it meets the Ziba far to the south, in a deep,
rocky channel. When met with as it enters the hot plains near
the Embei country it is still clear as crystal and ^deliriously cold.
Two hours' march from the Namindi brings us to the deep
gorge of the Lupingazi, a stream almost as clear as the former.
On the opposite bank of this, Embu 1 boma is reached by a
precipitous climb. I think that the view from the western side
of this gorge before descending to the Lupingazi is one of the
finest in the Protectorate.
Northwards towards Kenya is a belt of forest inhabited by
buffalo. Between this belt and the forests at the base of Kenya
is the country of the Embu tribe,. They are also found to the
east of the station. This tribe might be described as Kikuyu with
a slight admixture of Wakamba. Their language is also prac
tically Gekikuyu with a few Kikamba words in it.
About four miles distant to the south of the station is the little
hill of Malinduku, which has been our landmark. It was to the
east of this hill and just above the Rupingazi 2 that the tem-
1 Shown as " Embo " on former maps.
3 I have said that " 1 " and " r " are interchangeable in many Bantu words. It
would perhaps have been more correct to say that the correct pronunciation was,
in many dialects, somewhere halfway between, these two letters.

MOUNT KENYA AND THE UPPER TANA 265
porary boma of Embu was situated when this district was first
taken over, being afterwards removed to its present site.
When I was at Embu, there were a number of messengers
and representatives of the surrounding tribes living at the
station. These were used by the Assistant District Commis
sioner to send with messages to their chiefs or act as their
representatives, each chief having his own agents at the station.
A curious and wild-looking crowd they looked, painted all manner
of colours, with strange head-dresses, weapons and shields.
There was also a company of the King's African Rifles there,
whose parades they watched with great interest. Not to be
defeated they held their own parade. Every morning when the
bugle sounded the " Fall in " they were in their places, and they
only fell out again when the " Dismiss " went. A comic sight
it was to see the trained Askari drilling, while round and
round them, backwards and forwards, describing circles and
complicated manoeuvres, marched about a hundred naked and
painted savages armed and ornamented in the most diverse
manner, and taking the matter perfectly gravely and seri
ously. Finally, when the " Dismiss " sounded, they would throw
their spears and shields to small boy attendants with the air of
having performed a real, good and satisfactory morning's work.
A strange weapon common in this country is the stone-headed
rungu, a kind of life preserver. It is made by fastening a
round stone to the end of a stick, the end of the stick being split
and warped in a kind of splice round the stone. A leather
cover of raw hide is then cunningly sewn round the stone and
the end of the stick, and allowed to shrink on till it grips tight.
These rungus are, as a rule, well balanced, and can be thrown
accurately to great distances.
The shields seen in these parts are of much the same material
as those of the Masai, but much narrower. They bear devices
in white and red chalk and black charcoal.
South-east of Embu can be seen the hills of the Embei. These
people live at the foot of the hills at a place called "Bita."
They are the most pleasant and hospitable people, who shower

256 THE LAND OF ZINJ
presents on anyone who visits them, and, unlike most tribes, do
not look for a return nor incommode one with begging. They are
amongst the nicest people I have met in the Protectorate.
They are not, however, a warlike people, and have always
lived in fear of the Wakamba, who live to their south across the
Tana. Their language contains more Kikamba words than does
that of the Embu. Between the Embei Hills and the Tana is a
bare plain which can be seen from afar as a white and shining
expanse. Between Embei and Embu is a country of scattered
thorn, with longish grass, but directly the Ziba, now swelled by
the Namindi and Lupingazi, is crossed west of Embei, the
country is bare of trees, and the grass is short. It is a curious
fact also that on this plain the ticks are as bad as anywhere in
the Protectorate, whereas on the opposite side of the Ziba hardly
a tick is met with. The Embei country is rich in honey, but not
so noted as the Embu in this respect. Hollow drums are made of
logs of wood, chiefly of a tree called " muruduku." A little honey is
put in the inside and the open end blocked up, leaving an aperture
for the bees to enter. These are then propped up in the branches of
a tree to attract a swarm. At the right season the bees are smoked
out and the honey taken (see illustration of beehives, p. 251).
The Embei, like the Wakamba and unlike the Kikuyu, eat all
kinds of meat, both domestic and game. They grow fairly plen
tiful crops, chiefly of millet, and the peas known to the Swahili
as " kunde " and " chooko." They do not cultivate maize.
The Embu country is the best for honey in the Protectorate.
A kihembe full of honey can be bought by a white man at from
one to two rupees according to size, and by a native for half
that sum. A kihembe, it must be explained, is a round box or
drum hollowed out of a log and covered over the top or open end
with a hide cap. It stands from one to two feet in height.
Some of this Embu honey is obtained which crystallises at the
bottom of the kihembe in a hard, yellowish white mass.
Beyond the Embu to the east is the Suka tribe, and to the
north of these the Igoshi and Wembi,1 all three reported as
1 I am indebted to E, B. Horne for details about these three tribes.

MOUNT KENYA AND THE UPPER TANA 257
warlike tribes. These people, having no ivory to dispose of,
fortunately for themselves, and possessing a, perhaps very
exaggerated, warlike reputation, were left severely alone by the
Arab and Swahili trading caravans which used to push into every
lucrative part of the country. In former times, I believe, several
caravans were cut up in this country, and this is the reason that
the old caravan route to Meru passed by such a roundabout way,
viz., round the western and northern slopes of Kenya, to reach
the latter country.
A curious ear ornament is met with amongst the Igoshi and
Wembi made of an ox rib whittled down into a long, thin stick.
The women do not have their ears bored until immediately
before the production of their firstborn, so the fact of a woman
wearing ear ornaments denotes that she is a mother. These two
tribes and the Suka used to, be in a permanent state of war with
each other. Their countries run in narrow strips outwards
from Mount Kenya. Towards the Kenya end the population!
gradually diminished till an uninhabited no man's land is reached
at the top end of all three countries.
The frontiers between the tribes are lined their whole length
with zariba and game pits (or rather man pits) with stakes at the
bottom. No paths pass from one country to the other, and the
Only way of getting between the two is by passing through the no
man's land at the top end. All communications between these
tribes must pass round by that way. This practice of putting
sharpened stakes at the bottom of pits is uncommon. The usual
game pit in East Africa slopes towards a point at the bottom;
this pins in the legs of an animal falling into it and prevents it
from being able to spring.
The mwaretu (unmarried girls) of these tribes appear to be
as lax in their morals as the en-dito of the Masai, but after
marriage settle down to a respectable life.
The girls of most tribes in East Africa have their ears pierced
when young, and continue to enlarge these pierced holes by
putting' sticks or ornaments in as they grow up. As mentioned
ahove, the ears are not pierced with the women of these tribes
L.z. s

258 THE LAND OF ZINJ
until later in life. The circumcision ceremonies are also prac
tised at a much later period than is customary with other
tribes.1 Further round the eastern slopes of the mountain are found
the Meru. This country used to be a famous ivory country
and was much visited by the old ivory-trading caravans. The
Meru, besides being rich in ivory, are skilled to a certain extent
in the production of barbaric ornaments, bracelets, chains and
ear pendants.
There is a path from Embu to Nyeri, but it is not at all a
pleasant one to follow, as it takes all the lower slopes of Kenya
on the cross, so is one constant round of climbing and descend
ing steep hills. It leaves the Fort Hall road on the right bank
of the Ziba. Numberless streams are crossed ; the road is pic
turesque and abounds in waterfalls. A fine waterfall is made
by a small stream, called the " Mukengeria," met with shortly
after leaving the Ziba. ;
As one nears the forests of the lower slopes of Kenya one
passes a little hill, which I will describe, as it is typical of
the shape of so many hills in the Sagana Valley. The hill itself
is bare of all trees. It has a long and absolutely level top. At
one end the side descends abruptly, while at the other it slopes
gently to the ground level.
Much of the country round here is covered by scrub and
bush which pushes up to the forest edge. It appears that all
this land used to be either good grazing ground or under culti
vation. The people having lost many of their cattle the under
growth has quickly again claimed the land. Particularly is
this noticeable round the little hill of Kachimba close to the
forest. From here a few paths appear to enter the Kenya forest.
If they are followed and one escapes falling into any of the game
pits which infest them, one will find that they only proceed a
mile or two and are for the purpose of cutting firewood or grazing
» " Hujus gentis virgines puberes K\iTup€KT6py», ut apud Kikuios, non subeunt
at iis nubere licet, neque nisi gravidis puellis hic ritus afficitur."

MOUNT KENYA AND THE UPPER TANA 259
goats. It is astonishing that the crowded population living on
the edge of this forest have not penetrated further in ; far less
have they reached the open slopes above the forest.
Proceeding on the path to Nyeri we pass to the south of us a
bill, called "Iriyaini," identical in shape with that described
above. On the top of this hill, however, are a few. scattered trees
and a Kikuyu kehalu, or sacrificial spot. To the north of the path
is a village, called " Muragala," from whence starts one of the
few paths penetrating into the Kenya" Forest. This path is used
by those who go to look for honey in the forest, and also by some
who search for medicines only to be obtained from a high altitude
on the mountain.
One has all this while been following the base of Kenya, but
the mists may have been so heavy that the top has not been
visible for days.
When a view is afforded it is a magnificent sight. Owing to
the precipitous nature of its peak and the abrupt way in which it
rises it appears a much grander mountain than Kilimanjaro. The
different belts of vegetation are much the same as those on
Nguzeru. First, at the base, is a belt of low bush and thick
vegetation, but the most conspicuous plant in the corresponding
belt of Nguzeru, a sort of wild tea, is here absent. Above this
comes the forest belt, containing to all appearances magnificent
trees. However, on closer inspection the majority of any size
appear to be decayed or rotten. This is chiefly due to a bearded
moss which is parasitic on such trees as juniper especially, and
gradually kills them, and also to the ravages of white ants at
the roots. Often a solid-looking tree will be found on cutting it
down to have been hollowed out by termites and the core filled
with red earth. There are also multitudinous wood-borers of
every description, which prey on the trees.
Sometimes in the stillness of the night one is suddenly startled
by an awful crashing and rending sound. For a moment one
thinks of land slips, earthquakes or vast herds of elephant. Soon
all is still again;; it is one of these forest giants, perhaps
weakened at the roots by termites, which has toppled over and
s2

260 THE LAND OF ZINJ
torn its way through the smaller trees around it till it reaches the
ground. Above the forest belt is the bamboo zone, and then the bare,
open, grassy slopes bearing curious Alpine plants. Above this
again is the precipitous pointed peak of rock and snow. So pre
cipitous is this peak that large walls of rock uncovered by snow
appear above the snow line.
Kilimanjaro, having an immensely broad, flat dome-shaped
top, has a considerably greater surface of snow for its glaciers
to draw upon. Presumably this alone would cause its glaciers
to be pushed further down the hill than is the case on Kenya.
In addition to that it is 2,000 feet higher, so there is 2,000 feet
more of snow. The snow, then, on Kenya is inconsiderable when
compared with that on Kilimanjaro.
It is curious that the natives^ even those living close round the
foot of the mountain, never realise that this white shining mass
is solidified water, or akin to hail; nor do they know that it
melts. They refer to it as the " white rock " at the top ofthe
hill, or the " pure silver."
The summit of Kenya was reached by the Mackinder expedi
tion, a fine feat of mountaineering.
Natives very seldom penetrate even to the bare grass slopes
above the bamboo belt. Occasionally they penetrate so far
in search of a certain medicine obtained from the roots of a
shrub growing in this zone. Not perhaps one in a thousand,
however, of the natives living close up against the foot has pene
trated more than a mile or two into the forest, and I was unable
to obtain anyone or hear of anyone who had reached the open
belt. It must be remembered that natives are very superstitious
concerning almost any mountain, and still more so about one
of this size. They all firmly believe that the upper slopes are
the habitat of devils and all kinds of evil spirits. I am also told
that natives who have returned from the upper slopes are not at
liberty to speak about what they have seen. The idea is that
they have been let off by the demons of the mountains, but if

MOUNT KENYA AND THE UPPER TANA 261
they boast about it some evil will befall them or the evil spirits
will avenge themselves.
There appear to be no Wandorobo on this side of the mountain
although one would think that the locality was suited to them
and that they would be able to hunt unmolested in this mass
of forest. On the eastern side, I believe, there are a few, and the
Meru are said to be more enterprising in exploring the mountain
than the Kikuyu. Stories are told that certain of these Wando
robo who have penetrated to the bare upper slopes have brought
back stories of a strange tribe of people or demons who inhabit
this zone. This assumption is apparently based on tracks seen
by them and alleged to be those of large goats or sheep. To the
native mind this would imply that there must be an owner. It
is just possible that there may be a wild sheep or goat inhabiting
the upper parts of the mountain, but there is no authentic
information to hand of either spoor or skins being found that
would bear investigation.
If we had proceeded west and south-west from the Embei
country across the Mwea Plains we should have met the Tana
Eiver east of the Ithanga Range. This river is sometimes ford
able at the old caravan crossing near the mouth of the Thika.
The Tana is uninhabited from here down to Mumoni, and on both
banks are good game countries. Lion, giraffe and buffalo are
common, as well as the lesser kinds of game.
The banks are at first bordered by a belt of trees with but little
undergrowth, and walking is pleasant and easy along the shady
paths made by hippopotamus and rhino. As one proceeds down
stream the belt of riverside vegetation becomes broader and more
impenetrable. Soon one is forced to leave the river edge and
pass outside this bush belt in order to make any progress. By
the time one has reached the Schweinfurth Falls the river is
enclosed by a thick screen of bush, and access can only be had
to it by pushing through a network of thorn -choked rhino and
hippo paths which may or may not lead in the direction one
wishes. A little further on the river splits into such a maze of small

262 THE LAND OF ZINJ
channels that it is difficult to recognise the spot described as
" Seven Forks," a description which might apply to a consider
able part of the river.
Pressing on parallel to the river, through country which is
now blocked with patches and belts of thorn scrub, one comes
into view of the Mumoni Hills, and by the patches of cultivation
knows that one is once again nearing an inhabited country.
The only people that seem ever to visit the section of the Tana
or Kililuma through which we have passed are a few Wakamba
hunters who occasionally find their way here from the south.
The Sanya, hunters of lower Tanaland, are said to come as far
as Korokoro on the river, but no further.
Below this latter place the Tana flows through a dry desert
region where much of its water is lost by evaporation and per
colation. The country between here and the ocean is flat, and
in many parts the banks are slightly higher than the surround
ing country. During the rains much of the land bordering on
the lower Tana is flooded.
Some distance to the southwards of the eastern bend of the
river is situated the Wakamba country, and the station of Kitwi.
The Wakamba or Akamba are a large and numerous tribe of a
somewhat warlike and truculent disposition. They are versed
in bush warfare, and for this reason, from all accounts, the
Masai, who are essentially open-country fighters, never got much
change out of them in the old days.
Both sexes file, or rather chop, their teeth to a sharp point,-
which gives the mouth when open somewhat the appearance of
that of a crocodile. This chopping process is generally carried
out with a miniature axe, whilst a small block of wood is held
in the mouth to support the teeth being chopped at.
These people drink the blood of cattle, like the Masai, and eat
almost any kind of meat. Some sections are even said to eat
the flesh of lion and hyena. It is a common practice amongst
many natives to eat the heart of a lion " to make them brave,"
but I have never actually seen anybody eat the flesh.
They are, for African natives, a very musical people, and

MOUNT KENYA AND THE UPPER TANA 263
sing together well in parts. Most of the barbaric chain -work
seen amongst the southern Kikuyu is made by these people.
The women generally wear a flap of skin hung from the front
of the waist. The bottom of this is cut square, whereas the
similar pieces of skin worn by Kikuyu terminate in long tapering
points. They are industrious agriculturists as well as cattle breeders.
I was encamped during the tilling season once at the foot of
Mount Kan jam, at which place are a few of the northernmost
Akamba villages. Cattle were grazed on the top of the hill, and
cultivation extended in patches, following the course of the few
trickling streams far up the side of the mountain. Soon after
sunrise the villages at the foot of the hill were deserted, and
it was not till sunset or after that the majority returned from
tilling or herding cattle.
/The Wakamba are known to the Masai by the poetical name of
"They that stink.'\

CHAPTER XVI
FORESTS AND ESCARPMENTS
The Protectorate is cleft in two by the great Rift Valley
which runs from north to south. This valley is bounded on
either side for a great part of its length by vertical escarpments.
These to the north and south are in parts of insignificant height
or non-existent. In the centre, however, or that part cut by the
Uganda Railway, they assume magnificent proportions, rising
as walls a thousand feet in height on either side of the flat floor
of the valley, sometimes bare, but often richly timbered.
The eastern or Kikuyu escarpment terminates southwards in
the mountain of Ngong or 01 doinyo Lamwea, which forms a
bump at the end of the long straight wall. The name of Ngong
is taken from Engongo bagasi, the Masai name, for the source of
the Mbagathi stream which rises near the mountain and flows
into the Athi River.
This spring, to the east of Lamwea, or rather group of springs,
comes out of steep cliffs covered in vegetation. At their base is
a circular basin of swamp from which the stream flows, which
in days gone by used to be trampled deep with the tracks of
elephant long since departed elsewhere. Close to this spot is
the site of old Ngong fort, the position of which can be located
by a clump of blue gum trees which still flourish on the spot.
This post was succeeded by Dagoreti, a station originally selected
to act as a buffer between the Masai and Kikuyu. South-east of
Lamwea the country is for all the world like an English orchard
with beautiful green grass, grazed short by Masai cattle, dotted
with short, thick-stunted trees. It is in that locality that the
kraal of Ol-onana, the chief of all the Masai, already described,
is situated. ," \
There is on the Lamwea end of the Kikuyu escarpment a

SALT LICK, SCLATEH EOAD.

DOEOBO WEARIXG CAP OF GOAT'S STOMACH.

FORESTS AND ESCARPMENTS 265
wild geranium, with a white flower which blooms about June.
The leaves in appearance are just like the geranium, and the
small ones smell much the same, but the larger ones grow rank-
smelling. In May and June a wild, sweet-smelling jonquil and a wild
forget-me-not are common sights.
On the lower slopes of Lamwea, especially to the east, the
grazing is wonderful.
There are found many varieties of English grasses, including
the quaker grass. Clover is abundant.
There is also a four-leafed water clover.
English cattle are so overwhelmed with the amount of grazing
that if care is not taken, they stuff themselves full and die just
after the rains when the grass comes up thick and green.
Later in the year the grass gets coarse and big. Good hay
can be obtained by cutting it in this early stage before it gets
coarse. Grass well grazed over and trampled improves, and the coarser
kinds become eliminated, and it is for this reason that grazing
is on the whole so magnificent in the Protectorate, as it has been
grazed over and manured for centuries, by countless herds of
game and vast herds of stock.
Between Ngong and Nairobi is the Ngong Forest, which forms
the chief fuel supply of Nairobi. It is a picturesque wood, inter
sected by wood-cutters' paths and dotted with open glades. The
forest is the home of bushbuck, leopards, monkeys and baboons.
To return to the escarpment. Lamwea, as has been said, forms
a bump at its south' end ; beyond that the Rift Valley opens into
the great Athi Plains. The escarpment proceeds northwards
from Lamwea in an unbroken line. At the Lamwea end it is bare
and rises in a series of terraces. Each terrace or shelf has an
inward slope towards the cliff of the next terrace. As many of
these shallow valleys have no drainage, water collects at the base
of the cliffs during the rains, and small swamps are formed.
There are two practicable descents of the escarpment at this
end: the one to the Kedong Valley, close to the north end of

266 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Lamwea, a steep descent which passes on the way/a Masai
" engorale." This is a pile of stones marking the spot probably
of the grave of a chief or elder, although I have been told by a
Masai that at such spots Engai (God) had been found sitting
down. The second and better descent is that of the old Sclater road,
further north. On this descent your porters will probably point
out to you the grave of Bwana Dick, simba wa ulaya (the Euro
pean lion) , the story of whose death appears to have made a great
impression on the native mind.
As far as I can gather, the story is something as follows:—
About the year 1895, when the journey to Uganda used to be
performed on foot, a party of Swahili and Wakikuyu porters were
returning empty-handed from the Ravine. They had brought
up loads to that place, and having been paid off, were returning
home. Theyjcamped on Skeleton Plain, a small open spot a little
further up the Sclater road.
Being full of spirits, their journey ended, and with their pay
in their pockets, some of the porters started drumming, and some
Swahili fired their rifles in the air. There were some Masai
kraals near, and the women, being frightened, set up a trilling
as if they were being attacked.
A new batch of warriors had just been created ; thirsting to
distinguish themselves, they fell on the porters and killed the
whole lot.
Dick, who was, I believe, once postmaster at Mombasa, hap
pened to be near the spot with two Frenchmen, partners of his.
Thinking that this would be a good opportunity, he, with the two
Frenchmen and some armed porters, raided the Masai and cap
tured some cattle. The Frenchmen and some porters drove off
the cattle up the escarpment, whilst Dick and other porters re
mained behind to keep off the Masai who were following him.
The warriors came up with him near the salt lick, part of the
way up the escarpment. Dick told his boy to run away after the
rest of the party, but the boy refused to leave his master, so Dick
handed him his revolver. He himself was armed with a Win-

FORESTS AND ESCARPMENTS 267
Chester, with which he accounted for a number of Masai, till it
jammed, and he, in a fit of rage, threw it down on the ground.
The Masai say that they were just getting sick of it and were
going to clear off, when they saw him do this. They closed round
him on all sides, and one stuck a spear through his back. In the
last struggle he is reported to have killed a man with his fists.
He was last seen by his porters on all fours with the. spear stick
ing in his back, and crying out, " Sasa simba wa Ulaya ameu-
awa " (" Now the European lion has been killed ").
Some of his porters ran up the Sclater road and met anotffer

268 THE LAND OF ZINJ
very few places in which I have noticed the occurrence of earth- .
worms in Africa.
In the forest here dwell a few Wandorobo, or, as they call
themselves, Ogieg. At the other side of the Rift Valley in the1
Mau, and about the Ravine, there are a good number. There
seems to be a slight difference in dialect between these two sec
tions, but we will treat of them when we come to the opposite
escarpment. The Wandorobo of this side do not appear to penetrate very far
into the forest here, and as far as one can make out the greater
part of it is never penetrated by human beings. It consists of
large trees, many of the cedar and juniper varieties, rising out
of a mass of tangled vegetation, lianas and creepers crossing and
recrossing in a perfect network, getting closer and closer towards
the ground. Underfoot is a mass of sticks, moss, and decayed
vegetation mixed with shoots. Occasionally one comes across
more open patches where the floor of the forest is covered with
plants or stinging nettles. Everywhere there are trunks of fallen
trees, from those freshly fallen to others in every stage of rot and
decomposition. The best means of moving in the forest is to
hit off a well-used bongo or giant pig trail and follow its tor
tuous windings. Even if such a track is well used the obstacles
to one's progress are multifarious. The lianas, easily pushed
aside by the snout of the hog, catch one's shoulders, trip one up
or lift one's hat off. Often has one to crawl under or over some
obstacle such as a tree trunk, or, worse still, the masses of
branches of a fallen tree. Hardly ever is one able to stand
upright, but progress is made by continuous crawling and
crouching. After proceeding some hours one is, perhaps, only
a mile from one's starting point. Small wonder, then, that the
innermost recesses of the forest remain practically in their
primeval state before the advent of man.
Let me try to imagine a picture of this forest life. It is
night, and pitch black. From all sides comes a shrill trilling
noise ; so persistent is it and so used to it do we get that one
hardly notices it till there is a momentary lull, and then it breaks

FORESTS AND ESCARPMENTS 269
out with renewed vigour. It is the trilling of the tree
lyraces. A hoarse bark is repeated once or twice in the distance,
i the alarm cry of a female bushbuck. A grubbing and shuffling
.sound proceeds from close by; it is the giant hog ferreting
,around under the undergrowth. In the early morning a mist
envelopes the forest, and it is not light till seven or eight o'clock,
while the mist does not lift till ten or eleven. By this time the
giant hog has betaken himself to a lair absolutely screened from
view by thick curtains of creepers and lianas. The bongo who
has been out all night lingers to dig up some tree root with his
horns or gnaw the decayed bark of a fallen tree, and then, with'
head well forward and low and horns stretched back over his
flanks, he forces and wriggles his way through the undergrowth
till he reaches a rise in the ground and there lies down for the
day, secure in the thought that he can smell or hear anything
that approaches.
But the more variegated life of the forest is overhead, which
swarms with baboon, colobi, and many kinds of monkeys,
gennets, squirrels, hornbills, and a great variety of gaudily-
coloured birds.
The croaking of colobi, squawking of hornbills, splashing of
leaves and purring and squeaking of monkeys is heard first from
one side and then the other.
If one is belated in the forest one is puzzled at first to see
various patches of white shining out of the darkness. The
mystery is solved when one stumbles against a rotting tree trunk
and kicking off the bark reveals a luminous patch of phos
phorescent pith.
Let us now leave this forest, and returning to the edge of the
Kikuyu escarpment follow it northwards, past the hill of Kijabe
till, above Naivasha, the forest has ceased except for belts and
patches of juniper. Here the escarpment is in two distinct
tiers, the lesser and the greater, separated from each other by
a mile or two of flat.
Above the greater is the open prairie of Kinangop leading to
the foot of the Aberdare Range. The Aberdares reach to the

270 THE LAND OF ZINJ
height of 13,000 feet, whilst parts of the plain at its foot are
7,000 to 8,000 feet in height. The general arrangement of the
vegetation of this range is . as follows : On the west side the
plains give place to a belt of bush and scrub at the base of the
mountain. Above this belt, which may only be a few hundred
yards in width, are the great juniper forests ; above these again
is the bamboo belt. Bamboo does not appear to occur in any pro
fusion until an altitude of about 7,000 feet is reached ; then it
occurs in patches and at the edges of streams. The bamboo forest
is still higher, being at the height of 8,000 or 9,000 feet. It
does not appear to be of a very good or durable quality. All
the older plants are attacked by a wood-borer. The rain and
dew running down the stems enters the holes thus formed and
rots the interior. Often if one cuts up such a stem one finds
each section half full of water.
Stinging nettles seem to commence in profusion at about
7,000 feet. Besides the common kind one meets with a giant
nettle, six feet or more in height, with long, sharp stings which
will penetrate clothing. These plants are said to make even the
elephant " sit up " if he touches them.
Above the bamboo belt are the bare open peaks of the moun
tain on which curious forms of mountain vegetation are met
with, a giant kind of groundsel and other curious plants.
Practically every ridge, spur, col and neck of the range has
a well-worn elephant path passing up and down the crest. Some
of these are regular roads which have been worn in the rock.
Elephant are very fond of mountains, and these, as also rhino
paths, occur at the height of 13,000 feet on the top. of the
mountain. Very useful are these paths to the honey hunters who ply
their calling in these mountains, otherwise they would find it
difficult or impossible to move all over the hills.
Near the summit of Kipipiri, an underfeature of the Aber
dares, I have seen a well-worn path passing across a narrow col
with a steep drop on either side. The path itself was only a
couple of feet broad, and it would have been impossible for two

FORESTS AND ESCARPMENTS 271
large animals to pass each other. On it were traces of both
elephant and rhino. I have often wondered since what would
happen if an elephant from one end and a rhino from the other
met at the centre of this col with no room to turn and a pre
cipitous slope on either hand.
In the narrow elephant paths in the bamboo, one often
cannot see more than a few yards in front of one. The honey
hunters silently walking along them must occasionally meet with
elephant coming in the opposite direction and not be aware of
their presence until a few yards apart. Fairly alert are such
hunters of these hills, yet walking along one of these paths one
day, the Dorobo guide in front of me stopped, having heard a
slight sound. The next moment a man carrying the rough log-
shaped hive of these parts appeared within a few yards, having
neither heard us nor we him till that moment. The way the
two men stopped and looked at each other reminded me more
than anything of two dogs meeting who were not quite sure if
¦they wanted to fight or not. " Friend or Foe ? " was evidently
the first instinctive feeling of each.
Now a word about these hunters of the hills. The true Dorobo
or Ogieg does not appear to find his way here. The few hunters
of the forested end of the Aberdares are called Kikuyu-Wan
dorobo. As a matter of fact they are pure Kikuyu and have no
connection with the Wandorobo. However, they have either
for the time being or permanently given themselves up to the
Wandorobo life and so are true hunters. They speak the same
language as the Kikuyu, and are of the same blood, but have
developed different habits, customs and tastes. Most of them,
however, return to the village life during certain parts of the year.
There are some of these people near the escarpment, and many
of these are extremely light coloured, especially the women and
children, and in that place they often intermarry with the true
Dorobo or Ogieg. In the Aberdares, however, these hunters
come from the thickly populated country to the east, from such
villages as those of Wanjohi and Korori.
They earn their livelihood by setting traps and snares for

272 THE LAND OF ZINJ
game, shooting with bow and poisoned arrow, looking for bees'
nests, putting hives in trees and visiting them from time to
time. In a district in which this rough form of apiculture
exists each man or group of men owns a separate district. In
this they set their hives and they never encroach on the rights of
their neighbours, nor do they ever help themselves to the honey
of a neighbour's hives when passing through his district, even if
he be absent and not attending to them.
These hives are made by felling a tree (the mcharage being a
favourite), and cutting off a large log or section of the trunk.
This is then split in two, and each half is hollowed out. in tha
manner of a rough -hewn pig-trough, with the exception that one
end is cut open.
The two halves are then placed together again and fastened
by a rope passed through holes bored or burnt in the sides and
bottom. The hive is now in the form of a long drum with one
end open. The open end is closed with a block of wood in which
the hole is made by which the bees enter. When the honey is
required the hive is smoked out and this block of wood removed.
During the big rains the bees do not appear to make honey, so
at this season the hunters generally stop at home and busy them
selves making new hives.
The honey season opens at the beginning of July, when all
the old haunts are visited, the hives put up in trees and the old
and rotten ones changed.1 In their manner of trapping and
shooting these Kikuyu-Wandorobo have copied the true Ogieg,
and so their customs will be described when we touch on the
latter people.
North of Nandarua or the Kinangop peaks the mountain
spreads out into the broad back known to the Kikuyu as
" Nguzeru." The scenery here is for all the world like a Scottish
moor with burns and heather. Trout have been imported into
some of the streams, but it is too early to tell yet how the ex
periment will answer.
The Aberdares extend northwards, gradually getting less
1 See illustration, p. 251.

FORESTS AND ESCARPMENTS 273
forested and finally becoming bare, open down, with occasional
patches of trees in the bottoms till they merge into the open
plains of Laikipia.
On these plains are found Wandorobo hunters, but very
different are they from those of the forests of the escarpments.
Those of Laikipia hunt on the open plain, and many of
them possess cattle and live for all the world like the Masai
around them.
Still further north, at the other side of the Loragai Mountains
and at the western end of the Lengiyo Range,1 I was told that
Wandorobo existed, but whether they were only Samburr who
had lost their cattle and become hunters, or whether they were
true Wandorobo I had not an opportunity to discover. Those I
saw appeared to me to be identical with the Samburr.
The forests of Kenya have been referred to in a former
chapter, so we will now glance at the other side of the Rift
Valley. Opposite the Kikuyu is the thickly forested Mau escarp
ment. This appears to be practically uninhabited. Northwards
of this the wall of the escarpment is broken, and there is an
open, rolling country up which the line ascends to the summit
of Mau. Northwards again the abrupt wall reappears as the
Elgeyu and Kamasia escarpments, the summit being inhabited
by people of that name. So steep is this escarpment that there
are no practical paths up or down.
A little northwards of the line and back from the line of
escarpment is the Eldama ravine. The country here is of alter
nate thick forest and open prairie, till to the north-west the
open plains of the Guas Ngishu are reached. North of the
ravine, in the next valley, live the Tugen, and north of them, in
a mountainous region the Kamasia, and then north-west the
Elgeyu referred to above.
Very chilly are these Kamasia hills at night. To look at they
are down-like with clumps of junipers in the hollows and
sheltered parts. Although nearly on the equator I have had ice
in my tent whilst camped amongst them.
1 Formerly known as the " General Mathew's Range."
L.Z. T

274 THE LAND OF ZINJ
The Elgeyu and Kamasia speak practically the same language,
and there is little difference between this and the tongue of
the Nandi, Sotik, Lumbwa, and also the Suk to the north of the
Elgeyu. To return to the Ravine, this is the real country of the Wan
dorobo, the bongo and the giant or forest hog. The Wandorobo
extend southwards in scattered communities towards the Mau.
The Wandorobo are to Masailand practically what the Midgan
are to Somaliland, the Boni to Jubaland, and the Sanya to Tana-
land. The name " Wandorobo " is the natural Swahili phonetic
corruption of the Masai name for these people, " Torobo " pre
fixed by " Wa," meaning'" people." WatorObo would not be an
easy word for the Swahili tongue, and so it becomes Wandorobo.
" Dorobo " in Masai, by the way, means a "tsetse fly."
I have generally referred to these people by their Swahili
name, as that is generally known, whereas few people seem to
know the name by which they call themselves. Their real name
is Ogieg, or Ogiek, those of the Kikuyu escarpment calling them
selves by the former and those of the Mau by the latter name.
There is a similar dialectic change between northern and
southern Masai of " g " for " k," e.g., Kinangop and Kinankop.
The language of these people is very akin to Nandi. They
themselves say that they were once the same as the Masai, and
that when the latter took to a pastoral life they took to the
hunting life. The Masai have a legend which says that cattle
were sent down from heaven for the Masai. The Torobo did
not get any, and subsequently went off and started a hunting life.
Many Masai have turned into Torobo, especially during the
rinderpest, when there was great famine amongst the Masai.
The reverse does not occur : a Torobo never becomes a Masai and
does not intermarry with them.
The section of Ogieg living near Escarpment station are called
"Ogie." Their totem is zebra.
The Ogieg generally drink from a stream on all fours, putting
their mouths down to the water. Practically every other tribe
drink, when no vessel is available, with the hand. They either

FORESTS AND ESCARPMENTS 275
take up water with one hand or both, or throw water up with the
right hand and catch it in the mouth. This latter is the way
most caravan porters drink.
A curious kind of skull cap is worn by these people. It is
called Ologarenji, and is made from the stomach of a goat. It
is said to be for the purpose of protecting the elaborately greased
and red-earth besmeared hair from the rain.1 Some sections of
the Ogieg, unlike the Masai, are in the habit of burying their
dead. They live entirely on the blood and meat of the game they
shoot and trap. The animals are killed with arrows, even after
being trapped, and the blood is drunk after the animal is killed.
Small game are caught with spring nooses (mitet). Bongo are
caught in game pits dug just big enough for them to fall into
and get stuck. All game pits are dug narrowing towards the
bottom so that the animals get wedged in. Their feet do not as
a rule touch the bottom, so they cannot spring out again.
Ehino are killed by means of a weighted spear or javelin
connected with a trip catch suspended from a tree. When the
animal comes in contact with the trip the spear is loosed and
falls on the animal's neck or back. This spear is poisoned.
When they follow the tracks of an elephant wounded in this
way or by a poisoned arrow, if they see that he eats on the way
they know that the poison is not taking effect. It is then useless
to follow him. If, on the othfer hand, he walks straight on, without
eating they know that they will eventually get him. If when he
is poisoned and comes to water he drinks it, they say that he
dies at that spot, being unable to go on.
Arrows are made of bamboo splinters rounded and notched.
The ravine Ogiek get their arrow poison from trie Kamasia, and
their iron arrow tips from the Masai.
_ Some sections, the northern ones, of Ogieg, are alleged to eat
lion and hyena flesh like the Wakamba.
They eat meat, in the same manner as Somali, Samburr,
Borana, and other Hamitic peoples, by putting the end of a
1 See! illustration, p.^265.
t2

276 THE LAND OF ZINJ
strip in the mouth and cutting off a piece whilst held in this
position. As the knife is slashed across the strip one trembles
for the nose and mouth of the operator.
The Ogieg use medicines and charms as freely as most
Africans. A strong aperient is made of the roots of the mchargot
tree mixed with hot water.
Medicine is taken to ensure luck before going to search for
honey. The wild bees' nests are generally located by means of
the honey guide, a small bird which attracts attention by twitter
ing and then leads the way to the nest. I was, with a Dorobo, once
led by this bird to three bees' nests successively in the same
mornmg. Most natives affirm that the honey guide also takes
one to find the tusks of an elephant who has died in the bush,
and that they also lead one up to a lion, rhino, or big snake. I
have never experienced anything of the sort, although I have
often been led to honey by one of these birds.
When travelling about the Ogieg carries with him a torch made
of numbers of dry chips of the Mazengera tree. Such a torch
will smoulder for a whole day if necessary, and when a fire is
required, dead grass or sticks are lit from it.
The Ogieg's conception of the origin of serval cats will show
the reader how little faith is to be attributed to native accounts
and descriptions, for he lives in the forest and should know the
customs, habits and everything to do with its denizens.
He says that when the leopard brings forth she has a litter
of four cubs at one time. Three of these she takes away with
her and brings up, whilst the fourth she deserts. The three
duly grow up to become leopards, whilst the fourth, half-starved
and left to look after itself becomes a serval. This is implicitly
believed. West of the ravine is the Nandi country. As these people
were constantly giving trouble by raiding and killing workmen
on the railway line they had to be punished and moved back from
the line. I passed across this old Nandi country from the
ravine to Soba only a year and a half after the expedition. I
found that the once closely grazed land intersected by paths

FORESTS AND ESCARPMENTS 277
was a pathless tract of long rank grass choked with noxious
vegetation. This is an example of how quickly a cultivated or
pasture land reverts to bush in Africa and the futility of making

It is not always the most moral people who are the finest
amongst African tribes. The Nandi are an instance of this.
Their women are notorious from Mombasa to Kisumu, yet they
are a much finer people than many of the tribes around them.

CHAPTER XVII
THE VALLEY OF WONDEES
Let us take our first view of the Rift Valley from the railway
line. The "train stops at Escarpment station and we get out to
stretch our legs. In front of us is the forested edge of the Kikuyu
escarpment. The line appears to run straight to the edge of this
escarpment and disappear. There seems no possible way of
descending it. The whistle blows, we resume our places, the
train starts, and we wait anxiously to see what will happen. Will
we shoot straight off the edge into space, or will the engine driver
pull up in time ?
We arrive at the edge, and the whole panorama of the Eift
Valley is revealed to us. As the train winds skilfully down the
face of the escarpment, just missing rocks and leaping water
courses, we see a thousand feet beneath us the Kedong Valley
dotted with extinct craters and volcanic mountains, and clothed
with patches of the distinctive-looking camphor tree.
At the opposite side of this valley rises the thickly forested
wall of the Mau escarpment. Further to the north the floor of
the valley becomes a grassy prairie studded with a chain of
lakes which spring into view, shining in the sun, one behind the
other. The train passes round the foot of Mount Kijabe, reaches
the floor of the valley safely and rattles round Lake Naivasha to
the station of that name.
The Kedong Valley takes its name from' the stream that flows
down the east side of the valley. This stream has in places
seared its way through the soft rock, making a deep narrow
chasm at the bottom of which it runs. So narrow are these
chasms that in many places they can be jumped with ease. This
is notably the case at the point at which the Sclater road
crosses the stream, for here it is only two feet across, while the

LAVA ISLANDS NEAR MAIDAHAD.

HEED OF EENDILE CAMELS EETUENING FEOM GEAZING.

THE VALLEY OF WONDERS 279
stream flows twenty or thirty feet below. A few big stones have
been put across to make the roadway. This I have been told
was originally done by the Masai. It would be interesting to
know if this was really the case, as anything in the way of
bridge-making, even so simple as this, would seem to be foreign
to their nature. ,
Not far from here is the Skeleton Plain referred to in the last
chapter, so-called from the skeletons of the murdered porters
which, I believe, can still be seen there. It is an open space,
only five or six hundred yards across, in the midst of bush. On
this little plain I often saw a Grant's gazelle bearing wide-spread
ing horns of the Robertii variety with a herd of three or four
does. The Grant is essentially an animal of the plains and shuns
bush. They always seemed to be here, and on one occasion I
followed them about to see if they would bolt into the bush, but
they only dodged me from one side of the plain to the other.
Last time I passed I could only see the does, and fear that the
male must have been shot.
The whole of the upper Kedong and the lower slopes of Kijabe
and Lonofigot are covered with the camphor tree.1 This, which
is usually partly dead and dried and partly green, is a very
distinctive feature of this part of the Rift Valley, and extends
in patches up to Olbollossat swamp.2 It is called Ol-leleshwa by
the Masai. Its dried twigs are serviceable for firewood, and the
green branches are plucked to strew on their couches as they
are fond of the eucalyptus-like smell.
Near the foot of the old incline on the eastern escarpment and
not far from Skeleton Plain is the Kijabe gas-hole,2 an aperture
in a small, green depression which emits a poisonous gas, deadly
to living beings. The only game which moves about much near
this spot is a herd of buffalo; the bones of several of these which
have been poisoned lie round the spot. When I visited this place
the fresh body of a small black bird with a red head was lying
by the hole. Sometimes the hole is quiescent, and a sheep may
1 Tarchonanthus camphoratus.
2 See illustrations, p. 285.

280 THE LAND OF ZINJ
walk about the bottom and suffer no ill effect. At other times,
according to native report, it emits smoke which eddies along
the top of the grass, but does not rise. It is supposed to keep
just below the level of a man's head, but rises high enough to
kill a buffalo. Very possibly the so-called poisonous gas is
nothing but carbonic acid gas.
Following the Rift Valley southwards it leads into the Athi
Plains, and further south still, near the German border, is Lake
Magadi, long visited by caravans and now exploited for its salt
deposits. Magadi is, in Swahili, the white powder made of wood
or leaf ash and salt or the powdered gypsum from this lake which
they mix with tobacco snuff. The lake and its vicinity I have
been told is a wonderful sight with its white deposits, precipitous
cliffs and canons.
Natives inform me that near Magadi is a magic mountain
which fires off cannons ; when you ascend it you hear the lowing
of cattle and bleating of sheep, but see no man or animal.
Whether this is the native explanation of the volcano across the
border or not I do not know.
South of Magadi, in German territory, is Lake Natron, the
water of which, like most of those in the Rift Valley, is undrink-
able. Let us return again to Naivasha, or " En-naiposha" as it is
called by the Masai, and follow the Rift northwards. Naivasha
Lake is fresh. The reason that most of the lakes of the Rift are
salt or brackish is that there is no outlet to them. The, pecu
liarity of Naivasha being fresh, coupled with the fact that it has
so far been impossible to plumb its centre, has led to the supposi
tion that there is a subterranean exit to the lake. In its centre
are a few floating islands.
In the hills south of the lake some hot springs are situated,
whilst in the Eburu Mountains 1 to the west are numbers pf
steam jets fizzing out of holes in the rook towards the top of
the mountain.
North of Naivasha Lake is the part of the Rift given up to
1 Shown as " Bura " on the map.

THE VALLEY OF WONDERS 281
white settlers. The valley is high here and affords magnificent
grazing. There is not the abundance of ticks, which make travel
ling on the Athi and Kapiti Plains insufferable, and there is a
fair amount of wooded country. The air is dry, the rainfall
small, and the country would not be well watered, as its lakes
are brackish, if it were not for the higher land on either side
from which emanate streams and springs. Many of these springs
turn into small swamps directly they reach the level of the valley
and then disappear. The heat is great during the day, from the
glare off the escarpments, whilst the nights are often bitterly
cold owing to the altitude which is over 6,000 feet.
In this part are the lakes of Elementaita and Nakuru, both
brackish, a circumstance to which the hippopotamus in these
lakes do not appear to object.
Behind Nakuru rises a wall of rock, a broken edge of Menengai,
one of the biggest craters in the world. It is only on the Nakuru
side that the crater wall rises above the surrounding country.
On the other three sides there is a sheer drop from the level of
the plain to the bottom of the crater. So abrupt is this that
one might pass within a few hundred yards of this precipice
without knowing of its existence. It is over the edge of this
cliff that the defeated Loikop Masai are said to have been driven.1
The bottom of the crater is a mass of lava mounds and tangled
scrub and thorn. At the north-eastern end there is an easy
descent, but in every other direction the walls are steep and
precipitous. Proceeding northwards past Lake Solai the country falls and
becomes more bare.
Lake Hannington, named after the ill-fated Bishop who tried
to enter Uganda from the east side and was murdered, is reached.
This is generally known to the Safari porters as the " lake of
birds," owing to the countless swarms of aquatic birds which
inhabit it, amongst which are masses of flamingo. At the side of
this lake is an accumulation of guano deposit which, however,
would probably be useless for economic purposes owing to the
1 Chapter XII., p. 208.

282 THE LAND OF ZINJ
lack of phosphates from fishbones, which makes that of sea
birds so valuable. The country still falls to Lake Baringo, which
is, like Naivasha, a fresh water lake. On an island in this lake
there are said to be hot water springs.
On the Laikipia highlands to the east of this lake- are the
grazing grounds of the El-burrgu Masai, in the country formerly
inhabited by the old Loikop. The country is poorly watered
except for the Guaso Narok and the Guas Ngiro. The inhabi
tants have to trek from one watering place to another during the
dry season, as the pools dry up. These pools, called " Sokota "
and " Sogota " by the Masai, are small springs which crop up on
the plains and form little swamps of rushes perhaps only 50 or
100 yards in breadth, but never attain the dimensions of a
stream. For this reason these highlands, with the exception of
that part through which the Guas Ngiro flows, are unsuited for
white settlement, but eminently fitted for a semi-nomadic people
like the. Masai.
North of Baringo the Rift Valley enters on a forbidding
country. Lack of water, the entire absence of any food supply,
and the volcanic nature of the country, combine to make it very
difficult to travel through.
Near Lake Sogota there used to figure on the map a Mount
Andrew, alleged to be an active volcano. No such mountain has
been noticed by later travellers, but a geyser has been found in
this locality. No doubt the vague native description of this
phenomenon, and the account of steam coming forth, led to the
assumption that an active volcano existed. At the south end of
Lake Rudolf there was at one time an active volcano, discovered
by and named after Teleki, but no traveller since his day has
seen it in a state of eruption. Travellers, however, have been
so few and far between in this locality that this does not prove
that it has been quiescent all this time.
A word must be said about a magnificent mountain near the
south of Lake Rudolf, 01 doinyo Ngiro. This is a square flat-
topped mountain rising abruptly to a height of 10,000 feet or so.
Its base extends for a length of perhaps twenty miles, the hill

THE VALLEY OF WONDERS 283
shown as 01 Lebusi on the map being part of the same mountain.1
Water is to be found at its base on the southern and eastern
sides. The country round about is stony and forbidding desert,
but the flat top of the mountain would probably be found to be
an ideal climate.
The water of Lake Rudolf is just drinkable, but is brackish
and tastes filthy. It is especially bad at the southern end and in
such places as are shallow and have been stirred up by various
aquatic birds, of which there are great numbers. As the north
end of the lake is reached the water becomes better owing to the
inflow of the Omo River. The shores of southern Rudolf and the
country to the east is some of the most desolate country on the
face of the earth, uninhabited and utterly devoid of trees. There
is a little belt of grass close to the edge of the lake, but back
from this the country is simply a mass of volcanic debris, lumps
of lava and volcanic ash. The first trees seen for a distance of
about 300 miles are the dead trees noticed by Teleki on the spit
of land which runs into the north end of Rudolf. The banks and
delta of the Omo River, however, are well timbered.
Earlier travellers speak of groups of fishing villages at the
south of the lake and at Alia Bay to whom the name of
" Lokkob " was given. " Lokkob " is the Rendile corruption of
"Loikop," a name they use indiscriminately in describing a
cattle-breeding people or even any non-camel breeders. The
Alia villagers have since been driven away and have had to take
refuge in the islands in the centre of the lake.
To the east of Rudolf there are two well-defined lines of lava
escarpment only a few hundred feet high, but extending for a
long distance north and south. The eastern of these two passes
through Koroli and probably is a hundred imiles or more in
length. I discovered two hot streams issuing from this escarpment.
1 I mention this as 01 Lebusi has evidently been put in from one of my sketches.
I intended to show it as, what it actually is, an under-feature of Ngiro, but perhaps
my map (that illustrating " To Abyssinia through an unknown Land ") is not clear
on this point.

284 THE LAND OF ZINJ
They are called "Karauwi" and "Burgi," and are situated
between Maidahad 1 and Kalacha.
Lake Stephanie is shallow and salt. At certain seasons it is
almost entirely dried up. Water is obtainable from the hills on
its east. Lakes Rudolf and Stephanie are the limits of the Rift
Valley as far as the Protectorate is concerned, but the Great Kift
is still traceable north of this and it is even alleged that the Dead
Sea is part of the same great natural feature.
On the west of Lake Rudolf live the Turkana, a fierce, war
like and very populous tribe much feared by their neighbours.
At the present moment they are less truculent than before and
would welcome a European administration of their country as
they have suffered from Abyssinian raids from the north.2 Of
late years they appear to have spread farther southwards than
formerly, and they are found at certain seasons as far south
and east as the Em-barta steppe.
I was unable to ascertain the origin of this latter name—
"Em-barta" means "a horse" in Masai— for there are no
horses in this country at the present time. Raiding parties of
the Borana have reached this spot in former days, and a great
fight is said to have taken place on this steppe. Possibly this
has something to do with the name, as the Borana are horse
owners. The Turkana have been exploited as a race of giants. They
are certainly taller than the surrounding tribes, and appear very
big when compared with the little Bantu type. I should say, how
ever, that a man of six feet was the exception rather than the
rule, and that as a race they are not so tall as some of the peoples
of the Sudan.
The enormous head-dresses and chignons of plaited hair and
mud surmounted by ostrich feathers add considerably to their
imposing appearance. The men, like the Masai, do not wear
any dress, with the exception, perhaps, of a skin hung from the
shoulder. Their shields are smaller than those of the Masai.
1 See illustration, p. 278.
2 Since this was written the Uganda Government have commenced to take this
country in hand.

OLBOLLOSSAT SWAMP.

KIJABE GASHOLE.
(Showing skulls of Buffalo killed by fumes.)

THE VALLEY OF WONDERS 285
A curious weapon found amongst these pe6ple is a heavy
bracelet with a sharp edge or, as it has been described, "a circular
knife." With this a treacherous back-hander may be delivered,
perhaps during the course of conversation. I cannot imagine the
weapon as being of any use in open warfare.
The edge of this knife, as also the edges of their spears,
are protected by neat little leather sheaths. Those on the spear
only cover the edges, leaving the flat centre of the blade exposed.
They are kept in place by a thong tied round the neck of the
blade. The Turkana are rich in camels, cattle, sheep and goats.
Some sections are purely pastoral, whilst others are agricul
turists. Their language is something akin to Kavirondo. They
are the largest donkey breeders in the Protectorate, and these
animals may be obtained very cheaply from them for brass wire
and calico.
Droves of donkeys can be seen grazing near their kraals,
apparently unherded, and I am told that they often do, not
trouble to zariba them at night. It is said, with how much
truth I do not know, that lions are not often able to kill a
Turkana donkey as a drove will put their heads together and
kick lustily outwards in all directions. The lion gets tired of
trying to penetrate this seething circle of hoofs and eventually
makes off discomfited.
The southern Turkana are cattle owners, and, like most cattle
owners, when they move their kraals their effects are carried
on donkeys. Camel breeders, like the Somali and Rendile, use
camels for this purpose.
South of the Turkana are the Suk, a people who might be
described as half-way between the Masai and Turkana.
A curious pendant of glass or agate is worn by these people
attached to the lower lip. A similar ornament is worn by the
Acholi on the Nile.
Between the Lorogai-Bawa Range and the Lengiyo Range and
westward of this live the Samburr, a genial, hospitable people,
who live much after the manner of the M;asai and talk the same

286 THE LAND OF ZINJ
language. They are cattle breeders, but have a few baggage
camels amongst them, obtained from the Rendile, with whom
they are on very friendly terms. They do not make the long,
low cow-dung huts of the Masai ; their country being hot and
waterless, such a habitation would be most unsuitable. Moreover
their habits are more nomaaic than the latter people, so a more
portable style of building is adopted. This consists Of gypsy
poles covered over by sufficient dried sheep or goat skins to
afford shade, but not enough to prevent ventilation. When they
trek, these poles and skins serve as pack saddles for the donkeys
and camels.
The Samburr, or the " L'ol eborekeneji " as the Masai call
them (meaning, " the people of the white goats "), are rich in
sheep and goats, the former being of the fat-tailed variety.
•' These fat-tailed sheep appear to do well in the dry and arid
country, and are able to endure the periods of drought and poor
grazing in a surprising manner. The raw fat of their tails is
eaten by Masai and Samburr as a cure for thirst.\The Somalis
say that a gelding rested and fed on this fat will race any
animal excepting the ostrich and the gerenug (Waller's gazelle).
Before a war or raid they keep their horses for, a month if possible
without exercise and give them mutton fat to eat.
A number of Somalis used to be engaged in trading for these
sheep amongst the Samburr and Kamasia. They would buy
cattle from Laikipia with trade goods and exchange these cattle
for forty or sixty sheep a head and bring them down the Bift
Valley to Kikuyu-land to sell them. A big sheep was often sold
for as much as eight rupees amongst the Kikuyu of Lamoru.
North of the Samburr live the Rendile, a people of Somali
origin who are rich in camels. Here one meets with the thick
Somali guttural sounds, the Somali " h " and " 'ain," extravagant
exaggerations^ the {Arabic "\" and "&" I In >11 other things,
too, except only for the nudity of the males and the curious
head-dress of the women, one might be in Somaliland. The
herio, or camel mat, the han, or water vessel of closely plaited
fibre, the hangol, forked and hooked stick for making or pulling

THE VALLEY OF WONDERS 287
i a zariba, are all identical in name and mnch the same in
make. The camel mat, however, is smaller than that in use in
northern Somaliland.
The combs or crests of plaited hair and mud worn by the
matrons resemble in shape a cock's comb or a fireman's helmet.
The unmarried girls, as a rule, wear their hair in ringlets.
The Bendile are peculiar amongst the surrounding people in
that they never use shields. They say that it is a sign of fear
to use a shield. They have the reputation of having been most
warlike in former days, and accounts are told of fierce battles
which used to take place between them and the southern Somali,
in which it is stated that one whole side would be slain. On
one occasion it is stated that the Somalis attacked a company of
Bendile and not a man survived on either side. I did not, how
ever, see anything in them to make me believe that they were
such fire-eaters. So perhaps this fierce military spirit, if it
ever existed, has died out with those who were slain.
Very forbidding is the Rendile country and that to the north, a
treeless waste of black lava and sand.
Next to the Rendile are a people who call themselves
"Borana," and north of these are the true Borana who live in
the Borana highlands. That country is said to be well watered,
and they possess a considerable amount of cattle. A post has
been established on the Abyssinian border at Moyali to ad
minister these people.
Both northern and southern Borana talk the same language,
a dialect of Galla. The southern are, however, supposed to
be Somalis who formerly sought refuge amongst the Borana,
having been driven westwards from Somaliland by other
Somali tribes. They were made a subject people by the Borana
and adopted their language and customs. Subsequently they
became independent and moved southwards to their present posi
tion to the east of Koroli and Kalacha. Amongst them are a few
skinny horses and a considerable numba* of camels. These
camels appear leaner than those of the Rendile, and the grazing
is certainly poorer. They live on the lava escarpments and show

288 THE LAND OF ZINJ
an agility in ascending these places not possessed by the Rendile
camels. The old Loikop Masai, it is alleged, once drove the Borana as
far northwards as Dirri, near Huri, but were subsequently driven
back to their own country.
The Borana divide the northern or Abyssinian Gallas from
those of the Protectorate in Tana and Jubaland.
The latter people call themselves " Warde," but are practically
identical in manners, customs, language and names with the
northern. The Borana, on the other hand, possess distinctive customs,
and although their language is practically the same as Galla,
it differs in many things such as, notably, in the names of men
and women.

KISII VILLAGE (INSIDE THE WALL)

FORTIFICATION OF KISII VILLAGE (SHOWING ENTliAXCE GATE).

CHAPTER XVIII
THE LAKE
After traversing the high and thickly forested country about
Fort Ternan, the line descends to Muhoroni and the lower
country about the lake. Both the country and the game are
different from any we have yet seen. The line has alternately
passed through the green banana, cocoa-nut palm and planta
tions of the coast ; the rolling, wooded hill and valley of Mazeras ;
the flat, thorn desert and red sand of the Taru ; the open prairies
of the Athi and Kapiti Plains ; the cultivated 'red hills of Kikuyu ;
the forests of the escarpments, and the lakes and volcanic moun
tains of the Rift Valley. This country is not like any of these.
It might be described as a flat, rather sterile plain, orchard
like in the distribution and general appearance of its trees, and
dotted with stony hills.
The most noticeable of the game are, perhaps, the Uganda or
Cobus cob and the roan antelope. The cob is only found in this
part of the Protectorate, while roan, fairly common here, are
only found in a few other places. There are a good many on
the Guas Ngishu plateau, but in the only two other spots in
which I know of their existence they are extremely local,, and
are so few in number that they might almost be named. Other
distinctive game are the topi and Jackson's hartebeest; the
former, however, commences on the west side of the Rift.
Kibigori, called by the caravan porters Bagamoyo, is passed.
Near this place a herd of extremely bad-tempered female
elephants have taken up their abode. As the lake is neared one
comes amongst the huts and cultivation of the Kavirondo.
These people are chiefly remarkable from the fact that both
sexes live in a state of perfect nudity. They are supposed to be
closely allied to the people of the Upper Nile. Amongst the
L.Z, U

290 THE LAND OF ZINJ
latter, however, such as the Bari, Madi, Acholi, and many
others, the women wear two bunches of leaves suspended fore
and aft. The language of the Kavirondo is described as Nilotic.
One meets with words almost identical in Bari and Kavirondo,
as also in Bari and Masai.
The terminus of the line is Port Florence, which is the har
bour. Kisumu is the name of the Government post at this place.
The climate here is perhaps as unhealthy as anywhere in the
Protectorate. Sleeping sickness has broken out lately on the lake shore.
This does not affect the town of Kisumu, but has played sad
havoc with the Kavirondo living at the water's edge.
An idea of the size of the lake can be gathered when one
looks on the great expanse of the Kavirondo Gulf and remembers
that this is only an arm of the lake itself. The shores of the bay
are lined with a belt of papyrus and reeds, sometimes only a
hundred yards or so in thickness, and sometimes of much greater
extent It is in this papyrus strip that the swamp-dwelling
Situtunga antelope makes its home.
About two miles south of Kisumu is a wonderful haunt of
aquatic birds. At their breeding season they flock in numbers
to nest in this locality.
Ocean-going steamers connect Port Florence with1 Entebbe,
and the other ports on the lake. There are also a number of
native vessels 1 which ply on the lake, keeping close to the water's
edge, for the lake storms are often very, violent. The Govern
ment steamers also keep round the edge of the lake, calling at
various ports and making the complete tour of the lake. I
believe the centre of the Victoria Nyanza has never been crossed,
so it is not known what may exist there. According to native
report islands exist in its very middle.
The word " nyanza " is a Bantu word, meaning " an expanse
of water," and also applicable to a great river. Similar words are
"nyanja" and "nyasa," which might be translated as "tha
1 The prices of transport from Port Florence to Entebbe by these dhows are :
European passenger, 5 rupees ; native, 3 rupees ; luggage per cwt. 1J rupees.
Passengers must take their own food and supplies for the journey.

THE LAKE 291
water," " the great water," or " the sea." Both the Shire River
and Lake Nyasa are referred to as "nyanja." Similar to this
is the case of tha Arabic "bahr" ("sea"), being used with
reference to the rivers Bahr al Ghazal and Bahr al Jebel.
At the mouth of the Kavirondo Gulf are situated the Luchinga
Islands. On these dwells, it is said, a witch, of whom wonderful
native stories are current.
Good fish are obtainable from the lake ; at some seasons fish
are very plentiful in the Kavirondo Gulf, whilst at others there
are none. The Kavirondo have an ingenious though cumbrous
device for catching fish. A long arrangement of papyrus stalks
is plaited together. This is attached to a raft of reeds on which
the fisherman stands. He slowly poles himself along, dragging
behind him this long train of papyrus. He then circles round
till he meets the tail and drags the whole arrangement ashore
after the manner of a seine net.1
On either side of the gulf is a lake-side plain, dotted with
Kavirondo villages and cultivation, behind which rise steep hills.
These Kavirondo villages are almost exactly like the villages of
the Chapeta of Nyasaland, and unlike anything yet seen
in this country. They consist of circular earthwork walls of
red mud enclosing a group of huts. Outside these walls is
planted a thick ring of the snaky-tendrilled euphorbia, the
branches of which interlace and form an effective barricade.
The white, milk-like sap which exudes whenever the tendrils are
broken or crushed will cause blindness if it gets into the eyes.
The women, as has been said, are as a rule perfectly naked,
but occasionally a small flap of leather, a few inches in diameter
is worn, and one often sees a tail attached to a string round the
waist. These people are much addicted to the use of tobacco.
They do not seem to chew, as do so many natives, but smoke long
and ingeniously devised pipes. These generally consist of clay
bowls attached to stems of reeds or hollow bone. Even the
women smoke, which is uncommon amongst other tribes.
A goat-skin apparel is sometimes worn, purely for warmth
1 See illustrations, p. 296.
u2

292 THE LAND OF ZINJ
and not for decency, as it is thrown over the shoulders only. At
first sight one wonders to what strange animal these skins
belong, as they are adorned with striking patterns of stripes
and spots like the markings of a gennet or serval. The skin ia
almost invariably that of a goat, and these markings are burnt
on to them.
The Kavirondo are, for natives, extremely moral ; it is gene
rally the well-dressed native who is less moral in his habits.
The women are said to make faithful wives, and they are affec
tionate in their family relations.
Mourning for the dead is kept up for much longer periods
than is usual with savages. I have been told by other natives
that the period of wailing is often extended to eight months.
North of the Kavirondo Gulf the country rises to Mumias,
and behind that again to Mount Elgon, peopled by an interesting
race of cave-dwellers, whom I had no opportunity of visiting or
studying. Through the former place flows the Nzoia, a stream
which rises near Saragoi (Sirgoit), and which might be con
sidered, perhaps, as the actual source of the Nile.
South of the Kavirondo Gulf and the populated plain rise the
Kisii Hills, a much' more favoured country, well watered and
containing good grazing grounds. The climate is good and the
air cool. It is inhabited by the Kisii, a Bantu-speaking tribe
who used to be greatly feared by their neighbours. They are
enormously rich in cattle, and their country is fertile, unlike
the dry and flat Kavirondo Plain.
They are armed with spears bearing long and strong wooden
hafts and but short, iron blades, more like the lances of the
Bedawin of Arabia than the usual type of spear seen in this
country. The usual warriors' spears of the Masai, Nandi and
Lumbwa have short thin hafts x jwhile often the iron head is
half the length of the whole spear. In the case of the Nandi,
however, that section bordering on the Kisii, to the north-east
i These hafts, in the case of the Masai, are made of the wood of a shrub, suitable
trees perhaps being difficult to obtain. The name of the shrub is, in Masai, called
" isiteti." A Kisii spear is shewn in the illustration, p. 318.

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JS

THE LAKE

298

of the Kisii country, have adopted a similar long spear, perhaps
flnding that they were under a disadvantage with their shorter
spears when fighting with these people.
The Kisii shields also are peculiar in shape. They look almost
exactly like the shell of a turtle's back, having a rib down the
centre. Each side of this rib the shield has an outward bulge
and then curves back, so that a section across would be of much
the same shape as a shallow bracket

Hut Door

Zariba Gate
PLAN OP KISII BOMA.
Some of the larger villages are fortified by a high wall of
rubble or earth, surrounded by a ditch. These are much more
formidable than the low Kavirondo earthworks. The space
enclosed by this wall may be several hundred yards across, and
access to the village inside is generally only to be had through
one gate or low, narrow hole in the wall (see photos, p. 289) .
Villages not so elaborately fortified as these consist of a thick
zariba or stockade, into the walls of which the huts are built.
The zariba encloses their stock which is driven in through a gate
which is subsequently blocked up by thorn or poles, or a com-

294 THE LAND OF ZINJ
bination of both. Access is then only to be had to the zariba
by passing through one of the huts, each of which has a door
opening outside the zariba and another inside.
The arrangement of the inside of these huts is peculiar. From
the outside they appear to be Bantu huts of the ordinary type.
Inside they are divided into partitions by two passages running
at right angles to each other. The passage which is entered from
the outside door turns at right angles into the passage leading
to the interior or zariba door.
These partitions and passages have a low ceiling, which pre
vents one from standing upright. Above this ceiling and under
the thatch is a kind of loft, which is entered by a hole in the
ceiling of one of the partitions. It is here that the owner of the
hut sleeps, and from this coign of vantage he is able to spear any
enemy who attempts to enter the door by driving his spear into
his back as he stoops to enter. There is a slit in the ceiling
over the door for this purpose.
In time of war the paths are choked by pulling thorn branches
from zaribas across them, a serious impediment to a bare-footed
native. Sharpened stakes are stuck in the road concealed by
grass and branches, and pointing towards the direction from
which the enemy is expected.
Grass is offered or thrown at an enemy as a sign of peace.
This is a very general custom amongst pastoral people, and
perhaps originates in the affection they have for grass, as the
substance on which their cattle get fat.
The men wear long tails of skin hanging from the waist.
During a little expedition in that country I once saw an old man
trying to drive off some cattle undetected by proceeding on all
fours. In the distance, with his tail swinging, he made a very
serviceable imitation of a calf.
A curious belt is worn by the Kisii, made of rows of iron
beads. This is also sometimes seen amongst the Kavirondo, but
I believe that they have obtained them from the Kisii. Each
bead is about the size of a small hazel nut, and its manufacture
by hammering between stones must be a laborious process. Two

THE LAKE 295
or more of these rows are worn, completely encircling the waist.
One of these rows is said to be valued at the price of a heifer.
South of the Kisii is a country little known and practically
uninhabited ; owing to its hilly nature and the lack of paths it
would be difficult to traverse. Eastwards of the Kisii are the
Sotik and Lumbwa, or " Kipsikisi," as they call themselves.
They are people much like the Nandi.
Between Sotik and Njoro is a good shooting country, and
south of the Lumbwa are the Lemek Plains, celebrated for game.
Now let us just run over to Entebbe and back so as to look at
the great Lake Victoria. The steamer leaves the Kavirondo Gulfi
and steams round the northern shores of the lake. The waters
are clear and black, and extend as far as the eye can reach,
apparently as limitless as the ocean. Patches of black hover
over the water like rain clouds. These are caused by myriads
of " lake fly," masses of which are swept about by the breeze,
especially about the beginning of the rains. If we strike one of
these clouds, the deck will become covered with them, and the
cabins must be shut up. Directly they touch any solid matter
they die and their corpses lie thick on the deck. These swarms
often blow over Entebbe and make life intolerable for the time
being. The lake is not very deep ; it is said that the maximum depth
is 250 feet in the parts navigated. Steamers can, therefore,
anchor anywhere, and it is the common practice to anchor at
night in bad places rather than attempt the passage of spots
studded with rocks and islands.
As we approach' Jinja we pass the most beautiful fiords and
bright green islands, alternating with rocky capes and pro
montories. When we learn that this part is uninhabitable
because of sleeping sickness, the beautiful prospect and the
bright green of the shores and islands assume almost a sinister
look. Violent and sudden storms often sweep up on the lake as
rough almost as any on the sea, perhaps owing to the shallowness
of the bottom'.

296 THE LAND OF ZINJ
At Jinja the Victoria Nile flows out of the lake over the Ripon
Falls, a fine chute of water, but nothing to compare with the
magnificent Murchison Falls lower down the river. Although
the landing at Jinja is only a mile or so above the falls no
surface current is visible.
The canoes seen here are certainly the most graceful I have
ever seen in Africa. In place of the rough dug-out, almost
universal in the tropical parts of this continent, we here see
long, slim, well-formed canoes, with graceful prows and sides
painted red and white. The natives indulge in a kind of "fly
fishing." The rods are made of light, well-tapered bamboo, to
which is attached a fine line. The " fly "is a grasshopper which
is flicked out, rather than cast, and worked up and down to
imitate the movements of the animal kicking.
The people here are Busoga, a miserable-looking race. It is
from Jinja that the new extension of the line is starting to link
up the navigable part of the Nile below the Ripon Falls and
rapids with the lake. From the end of the line the passenger is
to proceed by steamer through Lake Kioga and the Nile. The
Nile is again unnavigable before Lake Albert is reached, and an
eventual extension of the railway will bridge over this gap. It
will then be possible to proceed by rail and steamer from Mom
basa to Nimule. Between Nimule and Rejaf there is another
unnavigable section of the Nile to be linked up to complete
through communication between Mombasa and Cairo.
Sleeping sickness occurs at Jinja, and indeed most of the way
round the lake. It has been combated by moving the inhabi
tants back from the water's edge, and in places it is necessary
to occupy, such as Jinja itself, clearing all trees, scrub and
grass in the vicinity of the post.
The tsetse fly is unable to live or remain long in the open,
and even if it follows any one into an open patch, soon flies back
in search of shade, and so these measures are fairly successful
in keeping the station free.1
The steamer next visits Munyonyo, the port for Kampala.
1 I speak only of the black tsetse, viz. : Olossina palpalis.

BOOMING OUT.

ENCIRCLING THE FISH.— KAVIRONDO FISHERMAN.

THE LAKE 297
From the latter place starts the old route for Nimule, overland
past Hoima to Butiaba, and thence by steamer down Lake Albert
and the Nile. This route will eventually be superseded by the
Jinja-Lake Kioga route.
The first impression of Uganda is that it is a country coloured
bright green and brick red. The green is produced by the banana
groves and the red by the soil of the roads and paths. Uganda
is a country of good roads ; even before our occupation the natives
made roads for themselves and causeways to pass over the many
swamps. One can ride a bicycle over the greater part of Uganda.
The next thing that strikes one is the reed fences bounding
the road, surrounding fields and villages. After the very hazy
ideas about proprietorship of land and the rude boundary marks
of a stone in a fork of a tree, as noted in East (Africa, it comes
as an astonishment to see small areas of property enclosed and
fenced off in this manner.
Bananas are one of the staple articles of diet, and everything
almost bought and sold appears to be done up in neat little
packages of banana leaf.
The Baganda are well clothed, those who cannot afford cotton
robes, shirts or trousers, wearing bark cloth, the old costume
of the country. This is made of strips of bast, or inner bark of,
certain trees, pounded and rubbed with oil to make them soft.
The people's morals are as scarce as their clothes are profuse.
Another thing the stranger notices is that the telegraph wires
are hung on living trees. The telegraph poles are made from a
certain kind of wild fig or sycamore, which when planted grows
readily and survives the attacks of the white ants or termites,
which would soon demolish them were they of dead wood.
The climate is bad and depressing, the water nearly every
where filthy, and during a great part of the year the tall grass
and elephant reeds block the view in every direction.
Thunderstorms during the rains are of daily occurrence and
of excessive violence, sometimes two or three storms passing over
in one night. The country is cursed by sleeping sickness and
spirillum fever. The latter is caused by the bite of a tick which

298 THE LAND OF ZINJ
lives in wood or the walls of old huts. So much is this insect
feared in Nyasaland that on its discovery in a village the whole
village is burnt and the inhabitants move off elsewhere. In
Uganda the natives seem to treat it more lightly, probably owing
to its greater prevalence and the fact that it does not seem to
affect them so badly as it does some tribes.
In spite of all these drawbacks Uganda is a prosperous and
progressive country. The natives are extraordinarily intelligent
and are ready to turn their hands to almost anything. They had
a decimal coinage of their own before our occupation, their
money being cowries, which were strung in necklaces of tens
and hundreds, a thousand being valued at a rupee. The intro
duction of cents has somewhat done away with the cowry and
facilitated exchange, as the possessor of a few rupees need not
now go to market festooned from head to foot in cowries. These
shells are, however, still in use as small change, ten being equal
to a cent. Living is very cheap, as may be imagined when it is
said that the smallest coin, one cowry, has a value of about
one-sixteenth of a farthing.
From Munyonyo the steamer proceeds to Entebbe, the capital
of Uganda. Opposite this place are the Sese Islands, which used
to be inhabited by Situtunga in large numbers. More recently
these islands came into prominence as they were made the head
quarters in which the Sleeping Sickness Commission carried on
their researches.
The steamer returns to Port Florence by way of the German
ports to the south of the lake or vice versa, coming to Entebbe
from the south and returning the way we have come.
The reader has now travelled over the greater part of the
Protectorate, and so it only remains to take him back by train
to Mombasa and there bid him adieu.

CHAPTER XIX
THE AFRICAN
I have often tried to picture to myself what the mind of the
African is like, what is the point of view from which he reviews
any given situation, what his thoughts are and how the ordinary
events of life strike him. There are a few exceptions who are
capable of consecutive ideas, but I believe the mind of the
average savage is in a nebulous, hazy condition, incapable of
concentrated thought. From this hazy mist, present and near-
at-hand objects stand out fairly clearly, but distant and abstract
matters remain clouded or absolutely invisible. I believe that
he can sit for hours at a time without a thqugiht of any sort
occurring to him. It never occurs to him to demand the why and
the wherefore ; he just accepts what he hears and sees as facts.
In compiling the notes from which the former chapters were
written I found that it was not possible to interrogate any single
raw native for more than an hour at a stretch. The mental effort
of bringing his mind to bear on my questions, questions
which had never occurred to him before, was so great that
after a short time brain-fag and lassitude possessed him, his
attention wandered more and more, and his answers became more
incoherent. To them the answers to such questions needed a real mental
effort. One would ask, " Why do your people put pulse on little
platforms beside the road ? " The native would think a bit and
then reply, " It is a medicine."
" What is it a medicine for ? " Another great brain effort.
Perhaps it had never occurred to him that it was a special
medicine for anything ; he had seen other people do it, and so
presumed it was a good thing to do. At last he might answer,
""Perhaps for someone sick in the village."

300 THE LAND OF ZINJ
" Does anyone eat it afterwards ? " He would think a bit
and then brighten up at the remembrance of something he had
once heard, and reply, " God eats it." " Does He always come
and eat it ? " Now he has got a definite idea into his head, it
saves trouble to stick to it, so he says, without hesitation, " Yes,
always." " Why is it put on a platform ? " '" Oh, we always
do it like that." "Would it ,be all right if it was put in the
fork of a tree ? " An alternative method has never occurred to
him, so this problem requires deep thought; at last he may 'say,
" The sticks of the platform are part of the medicine."
Perhaps after this you try another native, who may tell you
something quite different. If one tells him the answers of the
first native he will probably say, " Yes, he had heard that too."
A native can hold at the same time two absolutely opposite
beliefs. He can believe in both of two conflicting statements.
He does not compare or analyse them ; he just believes in that
uppermost in his mind at the time. A little later he will believe
in the second, but his faith in the first remains unshaken.
For instance, he may give you at different times two different
versions of the origin of his people ; perhaps one is that they all
came out of a certain tree, and another that a single man and
a cow were put by God in a country and from them descended all
the people and cattle now in the tribe. He has heard both stories
from old men, and as he readily accepts anything he hears they
must both be true. He has never compared them.
The laws of evidence and proof, as understood by us, are to
the native quite unknown quantities. Hearsay evidence is to him
every bit as good as , any other. Often a native who has told a
story as having been an eyewitness admits on cross-examina
tion that as a matter of fact he did not quite see it himself,
but that he heard it from so and so, who heard it from someone
else, but he knows that it is quite true. He does not think that
this admission will throw any doubt on the credibility of his
statements. Your cook will come and tell you that the dripping is finished.
As proof of his statement he will bring the empty tin to show

THE AFRICAN 301
you. This is supposed to be conclusive proof that not only all the
dripping that has been taken from the tin has been used, but
also that it has been used in cooking your dinner and not in
anointing his hair or for any other purpose.
The native understands equity, but not justice as interpreted
by a lengthy law process. As regards the former, he expects
equity with regard to himself from the white man, but he is
generally incapable of showing it to others. He can appreciate
to a certain extent kindness when it is shown to himself, but he
does not, as a rule, show it to others. If you want to give ft
black man a real bad time you should put him under another
black man.
The African is not, however, of an intentionally cruel nature.
I do not ever remember seeing an act which I attributed to innate
cruelty. He is merely callous and brutal. He will, perhaps,
knock his wife over the head with a club and half kill her in an
angry moment, but he would never think out any scheme of
irritating her, nor would he tie her up and torture her. Once.
the first outburst of passion was expended all anger would
die out.
He is not revengeful. A man might retaliate in hot blood for
any injury inflicted on him. If he did not do this he would
probably go away and be quite friendly afterwards whatever the
nature of the injury. He is very forgiving, or, perhaps rather,
forgetful of injury. Africans are, as a rule, very violent-tempered
when once aroused, but the fit only lasts a short time, and the
cause of irritation is soon forgotten. Often natives have burst
in upon me in the most violent state of agitation to accuse some
fellow of all kinds of misdeeds, perhaps of attempts to kill,
poison or rob him. By following the well-worn African maxim
of never doing to-day what can be put off till to-morrow, one
almost always saves oneself the trouble of investigating the case
at all. It is only necessary to say that one is too busy, to attend
to it at once, or that it is not the proper time of day for hearing
cases, but that to-morrow it will be investigated in full.
On the next day no plaintiff appears, and if a seaxch is made

302 THE LAND OF ZINJ
he will probably be found sharing a meal with the defendant,
or they may be seen holding each other's hands, fast friends.
With animals, again, the native is not cruel intentionally,
but he is horribly brutal and callous. He would not lift a finger
to help an animal in pain. On the other hand, the thought of
giving an animal pain would never occur to him unless the animal
annoyed him. He ill-treats every animal he has to deal with,
but only through expediency. For instance, he will carry
chickens tied by their legs and hanging head downwards all day
in the sun just because it was the easiest way of carrying them.
He would never think that they were in pain. If he stopped
to drink he would never think that they were thirsty too. How
ever, if he did this often and the chickens arrived dead at their
destination, it might occur to him that he had suffered loss, and
next time he might give them water, not because they were
thirsty, but so that they should not die.
The native dog is, amongst most peoples, never fed. He lives
on what he can steal and by hunting. If the dog tries to snatch
at something, such as a bit of meat when an animal is being
cut up, he is given a kick or a stone is thrown at him. The
native does this because he has noticed that it makes the dog
go away. If such a heavy stone were thrown that it broke the
dog's leg nobody would mind. On the other hand, if the dog
got away with a large piece of meat and eluded the stones, no
one would be annoyed or angry. They would just laugh and
go on cutting up the meat.
I once had a headman who was genuinely kind to animals.
It was not only from the selfish point of view of the pastoral
people, who take great care of their animals so as to have them
fit and well. This man did not like to see an animal in pain, and
always remonstrated with anyone he saw ill-treating an animal.
However, such a man is almost unique.
The African is essentially good-humoured and is easily amused.
Anything that would amuse a child will, as a rule, appeal to the
African. A thing which strikes him as irresistibly funny is
anything getting broken or destroyed. It is seldom, that your

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•Ai- -SP*' i«*L& 7-

7 •****?<¦*-*

KISII BEAU.

THE AFRICAN 808
boy can conceal a grin, however hard he may attempt to, when
coming to break the news of some breakage or other amongst
your effects.
It is not always the most moral tribes who are the finest or the
most intelligent; rather the reverse, e.g., the Masai and Nandi
in East Africa, the Baganda in Uganda and the Yao in Nyasa
land, all of which are much above the average native of the
country in intelligence though notoriously lax in morals.
As a rule, pastoral Africans seem more intelligent, better
organised and more courageous than agriculturists. Perhaps this
is because most pastoral people are of Hamitic stamp, and for
that reason superior to the Bantu African. In the Protectorate
we have the Somali, Rendile and Masai, who are all nomadic
and pastoral people. They are undoubtedly superior in intellect
and courage to the average tribe of the country. However, owing
to their nomadic and patriarchal habits they are of little service
to a progressive and civilising power, as little can be done with'
them. There is small doubt that there is a retrogressive tendency
in Africa. The ordinary black savage tends to retrogress more
than to progress. As Sir Harry Johnston puts it, it is only con
tinued invasions from the north and the flow of northern and
Asiatic blood southwards that keeps the mid-African savage from
retrogressing to a state much akin to the ape. One has seen
this retrograde action in play even on Europeans, Indians and
Arabs in the short span of one generation. The European who
has spent his life in Africa, unless of very strong will, retro
grades in his morals and character. Sometimes he adopts native
customs and manners of living. He often becomes uncleanly
in his ways and crooked in his dealings.
Still more noticeable is it with Indians and Arabs. Those that
live long on the coast often drop their mother tongues in favour
of the easier expressed Swahili. Burton was of opinion that
there was hardly a well-educated and erudite Arab on the coast.
This applies equally well to the present day, the majority being
unread and illiterate.

804 THE LAND OF ZINJ
This northern blood has from time immemorial penetrated
into the darker parts of the continent, been engulfed in a sea
of black blood, forced back again, but only for a time, when the
stream would flow south again. The principal evidences of it
at the present moment are seen in the Hamitic races, the Abys
sinians, Gallas and Somalis, and the Hamitic leaven which
reaches far south and crops up in such peoples as the Baganda.
Another stream of Asiatic blood followed the eastern coast, the
evidences of which are the Swahili and the settlements on the
coast. Ii it had not been for European intervention in Africa pos
sibly hybridism would have led to the eventual rising and
civilising of Africa. It is a condition from which most great
nations have sprung in the early days of their advance. The
hybrid between the Arab and the black possessed many good
points. He retained in a great degree the intelligence and refine
ment of the Arab, and the hardihood and courage of the black.
The old Swahili slave dealers and ivory traders were in their way
very fine and enlightened men. However, to-day they seem to
have fallen on bad times, and have lost that adventurous spirit
which made them such successful pioneers.
There is one trait which has for ever prevented the native
from attaining any power. Their utter lack of the power of con
certed action. The raw savage has no conception of the
advantages to be obtained from division of labour and mutual
co-operation, whilst the more civilised, directly they get any
power or authority, commence squabbling amongst themselves.
It was ever thus with the ancient Swahili kingdoms. They
wasted all their strength in fighting amongst each other when
as one people of united purpose they might have obtained a
certain measure of greatness. It was thus amongst the Masai
who broke their strength one section against another even before
they were scourged with rinderpest.
It is this trait that makes the white man's task of ruling so
easy. One white man with a few police can rule a large tract of
country just because there is no concerted a,ction tp, be feared,

THE AFRICAN 806
and if left to themselves the people, even of one tribe, would com
mence to quarrel amongst themselves.
The African has no sense of chivalry ; he treats his women, as
a rule, as beasts of burden, and he will not go out of the way to
help a fellow creature. A guide with a load would never think
of kicking a stone out of the way or removing a fallen thorn
branch so as to allow a long string of porters behind him to pass
more easily. I think it is Swayne who speaks of strings of camels
for countless ages making a detour of a stone or other obstruction
in a path which a child might have moved out of the way, just
because no one will take the exertion for the benefit of his
fellows. However, in their attention to the white man they show some
thing akin to chivalry. Actions quite foreign to their nature, and
which are not performed for friend, wife or even chief, are readily
performed for the white man, and that without any suggestion
on his part. Never was cavalier more attentive to his lady than
are some of these clumsy and odoriferous savages to the white
man. They will pick minute thorns out of his way, forgetting
that to his booted feet they are innocuous, break off branches
which stretch across the path, rush to support him down slippery
slopes, leaving him covered with red grease off their arms, pick
burrs off his putties, erect a shade for him to sit under, and
perform a hundred and one little offices without any idea of
gaining aYeward.
The African is, within limits, most extraordinarily tough and
hardy. He can, of course, stand the sun on his bare head with
out feeling any ill effects. He can, as a rule, travel great dis
tances, and is capable of sustaining long-continued exertion.
However, he is incapable of any very great effort. All his work
seems to consist of the doing of small things for great lengths
of time. If he wishes to cut a tree down he takes his little axe
and commences with ridiculous little taps which seem to make
hardly any impression. Yet he will continue with these same
little taps till the tree falls. There is no doubt tbat he is
very patient. Perhaps, however, it is less of patience, as we
l.z. x

306 THE LAND OF ZINJ
understand it, than an ability to detach the mind entirely from
the work in progress. He is hardy and wiry, his bones are small,
and he is generally very light. His frame is well adapted to a
small effort long continued. He is, however, as a rule, ridicu
lously weak, especially in the arms, and is absolutely incapable
of any one concentrated effort, such as lifting a big weight. Of
course, to this there are exceptions ; there are some natives and
even some whole tribes who are enormously strong and have
magnificent muscles. As a rule, the best training to give a
native to prepare him for a period of exertion is to let him sit and
do nothing, provided it is not for too long a period. This is
also the best training for a camel.
Although so hardy and wiry, the native is in many ways
very delicate. He is accustomed to live on a very sparse and
monotonous diet, yet if he does not get exactly what he has
always been accustomed to it is to him a very real hardship,
and often makes him ill. He is very susceptible to change of
climate and conditions, and gives in at once if subject to any,
strange conditions.
The very raw savages, perhaps owing to their uncleanly habits,
but probably due more to their entire lack of antiseptics, suffer
very much from sores and ulcers, some of which they carry
their whole lives unhealed. "This, however, Is a matter
which differs largely with different tribes; amongst some
peoples almost every one met with bears some old festering sore
and the scars of a few more. These sores often arise in the
first instance from1 most trivial circumstances, a cut or graze
which festers. It is never washed or dressed, and the flies get
into it, and, perhaps, pass on the infection to the next sore place
they sit on. In the same way arise epidemics of ophthalmia
carried by flies.
One reason, perhaps, why the African has never been forced
into any progressive movement is that he, has never felt the
struggle for existence in its severest form. There is always
plenty of room in Africa to graze his flocks and to make his
plantations— room and to spare. One of the greatest stimulants

THE AFRICAN 807
to advance is a crowded state. It forces people to economise in
space and time and to try to do better than their neighbours.
Another trait of the Bantu African is his absolute want of
providence or forethought, chiefly induced by a want of imagina
tion. He is lavish and wasteful, and never takes thought for the
future. It he had two days' rations given him, and was told that
he would get no more till the third day, the chances are that
he Would eat both, or eat one « and give away the other, and
never give the matter a thought till he felt hungry next day.
Porters returning from long safaris will often dispose of the
whole pay accumulated for months in a few nights spent in
Nairobi. There is one point that generally strikes the European on
first contact with the black man, and that is his shifty look.
Even the finest aud most fearless of savages appears to find it
absolutely impossible to look the white man squarely in the face.
I do not know for what reason, but the native always appears
to be uncomfortable if he sees that a white man's eyes are fixed
on him; he will shift from one leg to the other and cast furtive
glances to see if he is still under observation, and behave in the
most self-conscious manner. Another point which strikes the
traveller is that natives are full of greeting on his arrival at a
place, but seldom come to say good-bye on his departure. In
fact, in many languages there is no word for " good-bye."
The points that chiefly strike the traveller in East Africa
coming from other parts of Africa are:— The nudity of the
male sex. This is also noticeable in the southern Soudan;
but in most parts of Africa some sort of clothes are worn with'
the maximum amount of decency of which the size of the
garment will admit.
Next, the enormous size and weight of the ear ornaments.
In other places the ears are often bored, but not disfigured
or stretched to such an extent. However, on the other hand,
the enormous kipini, or nose stud, as seen amongst Yaos and
others, is, not met with. Neither is the mperere, or pelele, the
hideous lip ornaments of the Makoa, and Atonga, seen. The
x2

808 THE LAND OF ZINJ
Bume of the River Omo wear a similar lip ornament made
wood, but these people are outside our sphere.
Some of the natives, such as Akamba and Wataita, file th
teeth. This indeed is a widespread practice amongst Africa
and is performed by certain tribes as far apart from each ot]
as the Awisa (Bangwedo), Makoa (Portuguese East Afri
and many tribes in the Congo.
Wages, especially of servants, are high in the Protectora
A boy who has an elementary idea of the relative poisitiom
knife and fork should occupy when laid on the dinner ta
and a hazy idea that he must not finger the food until his maste
back is turned, demands and obtains about twice the pay of
Indian bearer who will attend to all one's wants.
In his way, however, the African when compared with i
Indian is perhaps the more lovable. The genial, jovial, haru
scarum, happy-go-lucky, faithful black, at one moment going
the most frightful trouble to minister to your comfort, arid
another forgetting altogether to give you your dinner. I
faults are due to his ignorance and his innate animal natu
His virtues are that he is cheerful, generous, forgiving, devoi
and often courageous.

CHAPTER XX
the African's future
On coming home from different parts of the Dark Continent,
a question I am frequently asked is, " What do you think about
the native? " or "What are the natives like, and is there any
hope for them ? "
Such questions as these defeat me absolutely. In the course
of my wanderings I have met a hundred or more different tribes ;
probably nearer two hundred. I might be able to answer such
queries more or less coherently with regard to one or another
of these. To jumble together all these different peoples, having
different languages, customs, characteristics and beliefs, and
make the answers fit them all is quite beyond me.. It leaves
my mind in a nebulous state of conflicting ideas perhaps some
thing akin to the normal condition of the savage himself in
reviewing the ordinary matters of life.
Again, I do not understand what is meant by "Is there any
hope for the native ? " Hope for what ? The answer would of
course be, " Becoming civilised "; but what is civilisation when
applied to a black man ? It seems to me that the real question
intended is, " Is the black man ever going to become sufficiently
trained and advanced to become useful and paying to us whito
men ? " This is the real idea, although it is veiled by a pretence
that we are really working for the black man's good and not our
own. However, the questions above are perfectly natural. We have
made ourselves responsible for a great mass of black humanity
and presumably we must have definite ideas as to what we.
intend doing with them or for them. As such, these ideas should
be roughly suitable to the people en masse, and perhaps the
problem, as a whole, is better studied in a place as far removed

310 THE LAND OF ZINJ
from the scene as London. When one comes into contact with
the various and diverse equations in the problem1, the diversity of
tribes and customs, one is perhaps less competent to judge of
the matter as a whole. As regards, however, the local applica
tion of the general policy, it is of course ridiculous for
men who do not know the country and conditions to attempt
to direct it. A course of action which may suit one tribe
or section of people may be absolute folly when applied to
another. The above foreword is to explain why much of the matter that
follows and has gone before may seem conflicting and contra
dictory. At one time I may have one tribe in mind and at
another time another. Two opposite ideas may either of them
appear correct according to which people they are connected
with. To commence with, let me try and define the relations existing
between the white man and the black. First, as regards the
persona] equation. At the bottom of the Government scale is
the collector, the police inspector or military officer. These are
perhaps the most important factors of all, as it is they who
directly deal with the native and rub shoulders with him daily. .
It is from their behaviour to him that the native judges the
character of all white men. Almost every white man in such
a position, either openly or secretly, thinks that he is the only
white man able to deal with natives in general or with a particular
tribe in special. Such a feeling, within certain limits, is not
reprehensible if it induces that man to take a pride in his work.
When, however, it leads him to try to exalt himself in the eyes
of the black man, or win their confidence by making other
white men appear cheap it is very sad, as it lowers the whole
standard of white men.
Almost every man has his own methods of dealing with the
native ; very diverse are these methods and yet some of the most
diverse often attain the same ends. The reason for this is that ^
the power a white man possesses over natives depends less on
the course of action he pursues or even on his individual

THE AFRICAN'S FUTURE 811
character than on some sort of animal attraction it is difficult
to define.
One hears of the case of a man who hates the sight of a cat,
yet cats take a special delight in fawning on him. One knows
of men who are almost brutal to their dogs, and yet the latter
worship them. One knows of men who gain the affection of
.animals by kindness, and of others who pet and pamper them
and get no return.
So it is with the native. Some men appear to be absolutely
out of sympathy with them, in fact, hate the sight of them,,
and yet they command respect and obedience. Others lay them
selves out to ingratiate themselves, and yetnever win the natives'
respect or confidence. One knows of the kind man loved by
his people and of the kind man who is only tolerated by them.
One knows of the hard man who is hated by his people and the
hard man who is absolutely worshipped.
Each and all of these probably imagine that their method
of dealing with the native is the only correct one.
The chief factor is not, then, the attitude or even the method,
but some kind of animal magnetism. When this latter quality
is combined with sympathy, firmness, a sense of equity and tact,
one meets with a man for whom natives will lay down their
lives or do anything, except refrain from pilfering his sugar.
There is a great gulf between white and black. There is no
doubt that many natives must be treated more as animals than
human beings — treated with kindness, but no attempt made to
put them on the same plane as ourselves. If this is not realized,
but we expect too high a standard, disappointment ensues,
and we never really get into sympathy with them. We interpret
as vicious and premeditated actions which are really only caused
by ignorance and the savage animal nature they inherit.
The difference between white and black is so great that a
man may often go unarmed into a strange village and through
sheer superiority of intellect force the people to do his bidding.
An official, however much in sympathy he may be with the
people, must feel himself so far removed above them that there

812 THE LAND OF ZINJ
can be no question of any feeling of prejudice or personal ani
mosity between him and them. I think that most British
officials have this feeling and that most of them in out-of-the-
way districts, where it might be necessary to try a man for
an offence committed on them personally, would be more likely
to err on the lenient than the harsh side. I cannot say the same
for the majority of officials I have met of other European nations
in Africa. I think that the chief reason for this is that we
send of our best, the young man from the 'varsity or the trained
officer, while they send many of a very different stamp.
Next, as regards the general relations between white and black
in uncivilised Africa, independent of the personal equation.
There is no doubt that the white man has forced himself into
countries where he is not wanted and to which he has no right
beyond the natural law that might is right.
In so doing he was chiefly actuated in the first instance by
the love of adventure and the hopes of profitable trade.
Once firmly established, he afterwards tried to justify himself
by pointing to the abuses and evil practices he had put an end
to, but these were not the real reasons for the occupation of the
greater portion of tropical Africa. It seems quite an open question
whether he has really conferred any benefit on the native by
his presence. The abuses he has stopped do not as a rule appear
very evil in the eyes of the native. For instance, from all
accounts, it seldom appeared to occur to him to object to the
revolting practice of human sacrifices to which he might become
a victim. Having taken his country by force, some people try to still
the prick of the conscience by endeavouring to force on the
native the most absurd ultra -humanitarian schemes absolutely
unsuited to him. Such schemes are generally designed by people
in England who have never studied the black man and have not
the faintest conception of how to deal with him.
It seems to me that there were two courses open to us from
the first. Either to have left him alone to develop or not in his
own way, or to have stepped in and forced him to work for us and

THE AFRICAN'S FUTURE 818
develop his country and himself on the lines we thought most
suitable to ourselves.
What we really do is this : We open up the country to trade
and civilisation. The trade is run by the white man, and the
so-called civilisation is forced on the black man by an out-of-
pocket expenditure of the home Government. So far, in its way,
so good.
The first difficult problem we meet is that we cannot progress
with either our trade or our civilisation unless the black man
works for us. Who is to carry the traders' stores ? who is to make
roads, build houses, plant cotton, rubber, coffee, etc., if it is
not the black man, for it is not a white man's country ? But
the black man does not want to work for us or even for himself
beyond just scratching up enough earth to plant sufficient crops
for his own needs. Something must be done or we cannot live
in the country. We will not make a slave of him and force him
to work, so we have to show ourselves as humbugs. We pretend
that we think it good for him to work. Carrying our loads
about for us is the first step in civilisation and teaches him the
nobility of labour. It elevates him to work on the white man's
plantation and fits him for a higher civilisation.
Here we come up against the conflicting differences of
tribes. Some tribes are so unutterably lazy that they will not
even plant enough maize or millet to last them through the year
and endure periods of hunger during which they live on roots and
anything they can trap or catch. Perhaps such people ought
to be forced to work. They are a source of anxiety to the Govern
ment, for after a bad harvest they may have to be fed, whereas
in their natural state they would either die of hunger or raid
neighbouring tribes.
Such people might easily meet a worse fate than to become
paid slaves in Government employ or on a settler's farm. They
would be given light working hours with holidays at fixed periods,
have no anxiety about food or housing, and, in addition, receive a
wage with which they might buy themselves luxuries to which
they were unaccustomed in their homes.

3U THE LAND OF ZINJ
When, however, the suggestion is made that labour should
not be forced from a tribe like the Kikuyu, but that it should
be forthcoming by explaining to them the advantages to be
gained from industrial habits we are only deceiving them and
ourselves. If it is necessary to have their labour for the good
of the State, let each able-bodied man give one month's work
a year to the Government. If it is not necessary, then they
should be allowed to work for themselves.
I suppose that there are no natives in the Protectorate who
understand the advantages to be gained from industrial habits
better than the Kikuyu, with the result that there is hardly a
square inch of uncultivated land in the neighbourhood of their
villages. They are, in kind, a very rich people, having unlimited
produce and a considerable number of sheep, goats and cattle.
Till conditions alter considerably, the Kikuyu will probably
fail to appreciate the advantages to be gained by allowing his own
fields to grow fallow so as to plant for a white man or hunk a
load during the tilling or harvest season, in exchange for round
pieces of silver. The latter, once he has paid his hut tax, are but
of little use to him. In the lull between the hoeing and the
harvest season he is generally ready to do some work and earn
his hut tax, which shows that he is far from a lazy man, as the
work he gets through in both these seasons is considerable.
However, it is just between these seasons that his services are of
little use to the planter. With regard to food, as a porter he
gets a kibaba of beans or maize per diem, whereas in his village
he gets flour, yams, sweet potatoes, sugar cane, ground nuts,
different kinds of beans, peas, cassava and many other things.
The Kikuyu are the richest people I have ever met, with the
exception of perhaps the Burmese. I can imagine some of my
readers who have seen the half-naked, half-skin-clad Kikuyu
smiling at this statement, but I estimate riches and wealth only
in proportion to the wants of a people. Money or quantity of
material is no criterion to a nation's wealth. The true estimation
is the average proportion possessed by each individual compared
with the amount he requires to satisfy all his needs.

THE AFRICAN'S FUTURE 815
The Kikuyu are rich because every man is able to obtain all
the necessaries of life and in addition possesses a certain amount
of luxuries. There are no hungry or destitute, no homeless ; in
fact, there are no poor. Let us try to imagine ourselves in a
relatively similar state to that of the Kikuyu, and then we will
see better how he is affected by the white man.
Imagine ourselves, then, a nation amongst whom there were
no poor or destitute, every individual possessing the necessities of
life in plenty. No homeless waifs, no pinching and saving, no
men who could not afford to marry. Imagine that every man's
work brought him in visible results; if he were a lazy
man he would get only the bare necessities; the more
he worked, the more luxuries he would obtain. If v he
stopped an hour later at the office he would get a corresponding
increase of pay. Also, supposing that to obtain all the necessities
of life as well as all the luxuries one knew of, it was only neces
sary to work seven months during the year, but if one managed
badly one would occasionally run out of champagne, top hats
and cigars. If, I say, we had no poor, but everyone in affluent
circumstances, and supposing everyone had five months' holiday
in the year, during which time there was nothing to do but to eat,
drink, dance and sing, and generally make merry, a proceeding
which towards the close of the holidays would make one welcome
the working months. Supposing that everyone was always
happy and laughing and singing. Now imagine that while
things were in this state another nation came and took over our
country, a nation so powerful and so much above us that we
had little hope or desire to resist them ; and we saw that these
people appeared to be a well-meaning people who would give us
justice and equity and appeared to wish to do their best for us.
And these people relieved us from all war and chance of aggres
sion from other nations, not an unmixed blessing. Now sup
posing this nation said to us, " We are going to rule you, save
you from warfare and aggression and mete out to every man
justice and equity. In return for all this we ask but a small
thing. That is that every year you must give us for every house

816 THE LAND OF ZINJ
you have standing three small round discs of a certain metal,
bearing a certain device."
We would answer them, " This is indeed a small thing you
ask, but where are we to obtain these round things ? In our
country we have no such metal, and if we had we would not
know how to give them this device. Then would they answer,
"We will give you these pieces of metal, that you may return
them again to us, but on certain conditions. Every man that
works for us for one month will be fed during that time, and
at its expiration shall receive three of these pieces."
(I am, it must be remembered, only looking at the question
from the point of view of the raw Kikuyu, not the native who has
been educated into receiving ten or twenty rupees a month. The
latter has also been educated into feeling wants on which he
will again spend the whole of this sum.)
Some few will be able to obtain these round discs by pur
chasing them with food, cattle or goats, but the majority must
work for them.
This is2 then, how matters really stand between the white man
and the Kikuyu. In exchange for the somewhat doubtful advan
tages of having a court of appeal from his chief's decision and
being saved from external and internal warfare, every house
holder or a substitute has to perform a month's work.
During that month he may come in contact with more
educated natives who will teach him wants such as he never felt
before nor had any knowledge of in his home. Then when he
gets his three pieces of silver perhaps he will not go straight
home and put them by to pay his hut tax. He may spend them
on tea, sugar, or fine clothes.
This means that he will have to spend another month working
for his three pieces. So it goes on; his wants increase,
and he has to spend more time working to get the where
withal to pay for them. At last, perhaps, his work, which may
have been done between seasons, encroaches on the tilling and
harvesting seasons, and his fields at home suffer.
There comes a short set-back with the inevitable raising of

THE AFRICAN'S FUTURE 817
the price of native labour, but this is nullified by the equally
inevitable raising of the hut tax when things remain, for the
black man, in statu quo. It only means that the standard of
living is raised all over the country ; food and everything else
becomes more expensive. His increased wage does not make
the native a bit richer, as the price of everything has gone up.
Even the storekeepers have to retaliate, as it now costs themi
more to get their loads up, build their stores, and pay their,
living expenses. The settler has to pay more for his labour
and the official for his living, and they have not had any cor
responding, increase in earnings.
The native, having to spend more and more time working for
the luxuries he has grown dependent on, lets his crops suffer,
and now he knows what civilisation, poverty and drudgery mean,
for the work he does is not for himself, but for others.
He has become the white man's slave. The white man, how
ever, must pay handsomely one way or another to get the services
of this fairly useless slave. Had he made him a virtual slave
from the first he would have been a cheaper, happier and better -
cared-for slave, and would possibly have been saved from many
of the bad habits he has picked up.
Fortunately, there are many for whom civilisation offers no
charms and who return to the skin dress and native hut as un
affected as when they left them. There are others who can serve
the white man for years, become semi-civilised and semi-
educated, and then suddenly their village calls them1 and they
can forget all they have acquired in a moment and return to
nakedness and savagery.
This picture has been drawn from the Kikuyu's point of view.
I do not mean that any of the above thoughts ever enter the
Kikuyu's head. He does not trouble himself to think of anything
so intricate as cause and effect, far less does he worry about
bimetallism. To take an entirely different aspect of the picture one might
instance the Baganda. Here are an intelligent people who Jiave
jumped at civilisation. They are ready to buy, sell, barter,

318 THE LAND OF ZINJ
trade, plant cotton, coffee— in fact, do anything within limits
that is required of them'. They are aware of the advantages of
making roads, opening up trade routes and establishing markets.
They are ready to accept the gospel, learn arts and crafts, and
are even able to hold moderately responsible positions.
It is to these people, if to any, that we should look to see the
advantages bestowed by impressing the white man's civilisation
on the black. Their advance has certainly been surprising, but
are they really any better or happier for it ? I think not. Vices
are on the increase, family life is dying out, the country is
flooded with husbandless women, and the birth-rate is on the
decrease. There are people, and from' the above the reader may think
that I am one of them, who advocate a policy of Africa for the
black man. I believe, however, that it would be an evil day for
the native if we should now withdraw from1 the protectorates we
administer. Our rule in Africa, even if it does not confer any
overwhelming advantages on the black man, is at least well-
intentioned and just. To vacate our possessions so that any
other nation who chose might annex them' would be pulling the
native out of the frying-pan into the fire.
To vacate Central Africa by an agreement of the Powers, on
the other hand, would only lay the inhabitants open to the
depredations of every filibuster who could muster a few rifles.
Moreover, such a proceeding would be unnatural. The normal
course of events in the history of mankind — and it is this course
which has enabled the civilised races of to-day to reach their
present state — is that a dominant race well fitted for the struggle
to survive ever expands and spreads into the territories of the
weaker. The weaker is either exterminated, driven into less favourable
country, or becomes subservient for a time to the stronger.
After a time — it may only be a matter of 600 years — a change
in the tables occurs. The weaker tribe, forced to live a more
strenuous life is, unbeknown to itself, fitting itself for a renewal
of the struggle for existence. The dominant tribe is, through'

KISII.
A SWAHILI BEHIND IS SEEN HOLDING TIIE LONG SPEAR OF THE KISII.

THE AFRICAN'S FUTURE 819
the measure of its success and the easy life so attained, either
marking time or retrograding. Then comes the day when the
Huns and the Goths beat at the gates of the city, or it may be
a case of some new civilisation growing up and supplanting the
old. In these civilised days the old methods of dealing with
subject peoples much lower in the scale are hardly applicable
however. The European has now taken over Africa ; it is agreed that he
cannot give it up again, so he must make the best job he' can of it.
The position of the white man as ruler being accepted as neces
sary, in spite of its many drawbacks, the next point to consider
is this : —
Are we going to endeavour to civilise the native from our
point of view or are we going to leave him to work out his own
future as much as possible ?
I would unhesitatingly give my vote in favour of the latter
proceeding, i.e., that the native should be left as much as possible
in the same condition as that in which we found him.
My reasons are quite simple, viz. : —
1. He is richer in that condition.
2. He is happier in that condition.
3. He is a better man physically and morally in that con
dition. I have endeavoured to show why he is richer as he is. As to
happiness, he has no cares, no worries, wants, ambitions or
aspirations, all of which I regard as folly teaching him until
he learns them of his own accord.
As for being a better man, most people who have compared
the two consider the raw savage a finer man physically and
morally than his half-civilised brother. The latter may be more
intelligent at appreciating the white man's wants, at under
standing his ideas, but this is only looking at him from the stand
point most useful to us.
Those who have compared races within the sphere of civili
sation and those outside the pale maintain that the latter are, on
the whole, a nobler body of men. Moreover, the former are

820 THE LAND OF ZINJ
addicted to crimes and vices which would not be tolerated by
the latter.
I consider, then, that the native should be left as nearly as
possible as he was found, and that no effort should be made
to put his civilisation ahead by 2,000 years at one bound.
How is this to be effected ?
As modern conditions interfere with natural laws we must
do our best to maintain them as far as possible. It is not
possible, given the most favourable conditions, that each of
the several hundred tribes in Africa would attain to a fair amount
of civilisation and the dimensions of a prosperous State. Many
would have been exterminated in the struggle; others would
have maintained their savage condition in mountain, forest or
swampy fastnesses; others would have become subservient
peoples, and but a few would have reached the state of a pros
perous people.
Let, then, the white man pick out the tribes for whom he
thinks that there is some hope of a future. The tribes that are
better disciplined, more hard-working, better organized and
more intelligent than those that surround them. Let these tribes
be given for all time large areas of country or native reserves
in which to expand and develop after their own manner without
being interfered with from the outside. Let a white man arid
small staff be placed as adviser to this community, who will
help them where they need help and leave them alone where such
help is not really necessary. The worthless and lazy members
of this community might be turned out of the reserve and forced
to seek for work elsewhere. I would have no traders, either
extraneous natives or Europeans in this community. They could
get what they wished, within certain, limits, from the European
in charge, who would supervise all trade at minimum rates.,
When the natives themselves were sufficiently educated to re
quire it, they could obtain goods in bulk from him and open shops
in their own villages.
As regards the indolent and worthless tribes, these would be
forced to supply the labour for other parts of the Protectorate

THE AFRICAN'S FUTURE 821
especially such parts as were decided on for white settlement
and plantations. They would be well fed, clothed and looked after
by their employers, subject to Government regulations; they
would be housed and not worked too hard, but they would be
forced to make themselves useful members of the community.
Instead of having an irregular and uncertain supply of labour,
both Government and settlers would have their own labourers,
living on their estates or in the vicinity of their work. There
might be grumbling at first, but they would soon settle down,
and if well treated, fed, housed and paid, their condition would
be much better than it was in their villages. There they suffered
sometimes from repletion, at others from famine or want of
medical attendance. When they were unable to pay their hut tax
they would be sent off to work for it, a work to which they never
settled down and which was often a real hardship to them.
However, such a state of things would probably not meet with
approval. The general attitude, especially of those that have
had no practical experience, is summed up in the platitude that,
"it is our mission to civilise the black man." One hears that
he must be taught the advantages of education, this, that, and the
other ; but why ?
Why should it be necessary to try to convert this black brother
of ours into one of the twentieth-century humbugs we are our
selves ?
What advantages has the South African native gained by the
benefits conferred on him by civilisation and education ? Does
he compare favourably with the native of these parts ? He is
a superior kind of being in that his wages are higher, his wants
more, and his debts greater, but what advantage does this give
him ? Is he richer in real wealth ? I think not.
I do not, of course, refer to such people as Khamas or the
Easutos who have not yet properly come under the .civilising
influence. ¦If our mission is really tp civilise the black man according
to European lights it only remains to consider the best means
of accomplishing this with as little harm as possible. If I could
1.1. Y

322 THE LAND OF ZINJ
convince myself that it was really good for him, or that he
was really ripe for it, I should consider myself arguing on
firmer ground. Unfortunately, under our beneficent rule, war,
the greatest stimulant to self-civilisation, is absent. War not
only keeps savage tribes up to the mark and enables them to
maintain a semblance of organisation, but it also relieves what
would otherwise be a too monotonous existence. For most savage
peoples get a lot of fun and enjoyment, and a tremendous lot of
fighting and running away and living to fight another day, for
every man that is killed on either side. An exception to
this general rule were the Masai, who were hard fighters, but
from all accounts they did more damage to each other, when
fighting between different sections, than they did to surrounding
tribes. The direction taken by attempts to educate the native, seems
almost always to be that of teaching him to read, write and talk
English. I cannot imagine why this should be considered a
necessary accomplishment for a savage. A hundred years ago
few of us were well versed in reading and writing, and only fifty
years ago most of our poor were quite ignorant in this respect.
The native, as a rule, having a quick ear, picks up a smattering
of a language very easily, but a smattering of a language is not
knowledge. The native who can talk a little English is really no more
educated than his wild companion who can talk a little Swahili.
Yet the former thinks that he has reached the confines of all
earthly knowledge, and generally gets above himself. Most
people who have had any experience of natives look with horror
on the English-speaking boy who is generally arrogant, over
bearing to his fellows and more boldly dishonest than his non-
English-speaking kinsmen.
If the native is to be taught reading and writing, he should be
taught to read and write Swahili. This is distinctly the most
useful language in the country and its ideas and phrases are
easier for him to comprehend than those of a cultured language.
When our ancestors, however, began to learn to read and write

THE AFRICAN'S FUTURE 823
they had a foundation of arts and crafts behind them1. These
are the proper foundations of education. All the natives in the
country cannot be clerks and interpreters, but there is room for
plenty of blacksmiths, masons, carpenters, gardeners, etc. The
native has no conception of how far we are above him, and does
not realise his own ignorance.
It would be easier to teach him how little he knows of crafts
than it would of geography and astronomy. He must realise
in some small degree his ignorance before he can hope to draw
himself up the scale.
His civilising should, then, commence at teaching him such
things as these: cleanliness and sanitation. He should be
taught to build proper sanitary villages and take usual sanitary
precautions ; to keep his village and its purlieus clean.
He should be taught agriculture and how to plant his fields
to the best advantage. He should be taught what to plant for
sale, such as cotton and coffee, and be made to buy, amongst
other things, soap with the profits of his sales. He should be
taught, when he wears clothes, to wash them, and not to wear
them night and day till they drop off. He should be taught
manual labour, arts, and crafts.
When he knows all these things he may be ready to learn to
read and write.
As regards the teaching of the gospel, he can be taught, but
he is not ready to receive it. The ordinary native takes to
Islam more readily than Christianity. He makes a moderately
good Muhammadan where he will make only a bad Christian.
The reason for this is, that the latter religion is so far removed
from him that he is practically incapable of understanding it.
Some conscientious missionaries, accustomed to look facts in
the face, realise this, and for this reason refuse to call a man
a convert whatever apparent progress he has made. They know
that he has not really arrived at the state in which it can be
conscientiously said that he is a Christian.
If the native is to be civilised according to European ideas the
above are the lines on which his education should be commenced,
y2

324 THE LAND OF ZINJ
not by teaching him English, arithmetic, geography, and kindred
subjects which will be useless to him.
However, I maintain that he is happier and better off as he
is now, and so the less he is jostled up the path of progress the
better.

GLOSSARY

OF NATIVE WORDS USED IN THE TEXT.

N.B.— Masai words are put in under the article " ol" etc., so as not to confuse the
reader. The Swahili is the ordinary Swahili of Mombasa.

Ai \
Ahi]Afv, .
-ate .
Al .

Word.

AmariiAmir Analala

Aradh
Ata, (ku) .
Badan .

BahariBahrBandar

BaoBar .

Baridi

BateloBatili

Bin (from ibn)
Bint .

Boh (pi, maboho)
BoniaBorUi

Arabic Kiamu Swahili
Arabic PortugueseSwahiliArabic Swahili
Hindustani
Arabic Swahili
Arabic Arabic
Swahili \
Arabic J
ArabicHindustani
Arabic Swahili Swahili
Arabic Swahili
SwahiliArabic Swahili
Hindustani Arabic Arabic )
Swahili ) '
SwahiliSwahili Swahili Swahili

Meaning.
= father.
= wild jasmine.
= his.
= article "the."
= Customs.
= peace.
= ameer, commander.
= he is sleeping.
= anchor.
= earth.
= to leave.
= body.
= (i.) she mule ; (ii.) a kind of
vessel.

= harbour, port. (In Egyptian
Arabic also means " town.")
= a small shop-keeper.
= children, descendants
(hence clan, family).
= Indian trader, a Bahattia.
= lots, medicine stones to cast.
= land, mainland.
= verandah, a levee.
= cold.
= a battleship.
= a certain kind of ship.
= Indian hemp.
= a son.
= a daughter.
= a cistern, a kettle.
= hippopotamus.
= a zariba, fort.
= roofing poles.

326

GLOSSARY

Word.

Buibui BuhiniBurakavo Buruji Buti. Cha .
CharpoyChenia Chinja (hii)
Chongo (pi. thongo)
Choo (pi. ryyoS) .
Choo (pi. thoo) .
Chooho Chumvi .
Chwngwa .
Chuo (pi. vyuo).

Bari )
Darini )
Basturi Bau .
Bau ya samahi
Bebi .
Bira.BoriaBorobo Ebor. Mnbarta .
En, Em .
Endito (pl. indoiye)
EngaiEngareEngongo

EngoroyonEnjoro

FarmsFars.FiluhaFita (hit)
Foromali

FundiFimgate

Language.
Kikuyu SwahiliSwahili Kitikuu Swahili Swahili
Old Swahili
Anglo-Hindustani Swahili Swahili
Kipate Swahili )
Kisiu /
Swahili Swahili
Swahili
Swahili

Swahili SwahiliSwahili
Swahili SomaliSwahili SwahiliMasai .
Masai .
Masai .
Masai. Masai .
Masai .
Masai.Masai .
Masai .
Masai .
Masai .
Masai .

Persian and Arabic
ArabicArabicKiamu SwahiliOld Swahili
SwahiliSwahili

Meaning.
magical stones, lots.
woman's black cloak with
hood.
: Madagascar.
Burakao (a place).
: a watch tower.
= a certain kind of ship.
¦¦ a gang (of slaves).
a native bedstead.
•¦ a mandarin orange.
: to kill for meat, to slaughter.
: (i.) wile, guile; (ii.) one-
eyed.
: privy, bathroom.
= Indian " dal " (a kind of
lentil).
= salt.
= the shaddock.
= (i.) a school ; (ii.) a book
(or tome).
¦- upstairs, a stage, landing.
= a custom, a bowsprit.
= a dhow.
= a fishing dhow.
= a kind of mimosa.
= a compass.
= coloured muslin.
= a tsetse fly.
= white,
= horse.
= feminine article " the."
= girl.
= God.
= water.
= eye, spring.
= pile of stones marking sacred
spot.
= matron.
= spring (of water).
= woman, girl about to marry.
= lantern.
= Persia.
= small boat.
= to hide.
= yard (of vessel).
= a spear, a chief.
= an artizan.
= the seven days of the honey
moon. (N.B.—Mfungate,
Pwngate and Mpmgate
occur in numberleBS
African languages with the
meaning of " seven " only,
but in Swahili seven is
saba, from the Arabic.)

GLOSSARY

327

Word.

Language.

Meaning.

Pmgulia (ku) .

. Swahili

= to open to (or for).

Gehikuyu .

. Kikuyu

= the language of the Kikuyu

Gerenug .

. Somali

= Waller's gazelle.

Gereza

. Swahili

= prison, castle.

Ghabshah..

. Arabic

= dawn.

Ghanja .

. Arabic

= a vessel from Cutch.

Gharai .

. Arabic

= (i.) raven ; (ii.) a kind of
vessel.

Ghazal .

. Arabic

= gazelle.

Qiza

. Swahili

= darkness.

Gogo (pi. magogo)

. Swahili

= log.

Guas (or llasin)

. Masai . . . .

= river.

Eafiz

. Arabic

= one who can repeat the
whole Koran by heart.

Baj . . .

. Arabic

= the pilgrimage.

Halal

. Arabic

= lawful (hence flesh lawful
for food).

San

. Somali

= a vessel of plaited fibre to
hold water.

Eangdl .

. Somali

= a stick, forked at one end
and crooked the other.

Earl

. Arabic

= war.

Bija (also haji)

. Swahili

= the pilgrimage.

Bari

. Kiunguja .

= dug-out as ship's boat.

Hubib

. Arabic

= tempest, storm.

Vm (also Un) .

. Arabic

= son.

Idau

Kitikuu

= an mtepe.

Ha . .

. Kikuyu

= a medicine.

Ishah (for al-shah)

. Maskat Arabic .

= goat.

Isiteti

. Masai.

= a stunted tree from which
spear hafts are made.

Jahad

. Arabic

= a religious war.

Jahaz

. Hindustani

= a ship (any kind).

Jahad

. Swahili

= a special kind of dhow.

Jalbuti .

. Swahili

= a big Buti.

Jambo

. Swahili

= an affair, a greeting.

Jangwa .

. Swahili

= mangrove swamp.

Jo-si (pi. Tnajasi)

. Kiamu

= circular ear ornaments.

Jasmini .

. Swahili

= jasmine.

Jebel (or gebel)

. Arabic

= mountain, hill.

Jm .
Jini .

. Arabic \
. Swahili ) "

= devil, spirit.

JUha Jiza .

. Kipate )
. Kiamu ]

= darkness.

Joho .

. Swahili

. = a long robe like a dressing
gown.

Jumbe

. Kimrima .

. = an underchief.

Jun .

. Swahili

. = above.

Kaa (ku) .

. Swahili

= to sit, stay.

Kachi

. Swahili

= a kind of Indian vessel.

Kadhi

. Arabic

= a judge.

Kae

. Kiamu

= old.

Kaid

. Arabic

= a chief, commander.

Kamr

. Arabic

= new moon.

Kandu

. Kiamu

. = a kanzu.

Word.

Language,

Meaning.

Kahinga .

. Kikuyu

. = a sacred grove.

Kaiamba .

. Swahili

. = a rattle (musical instru
ment).

Kana

. Swahili

. = the tiller of a boat.

Kanda (ku)

. Swahili

. = to knead, press.

Kanga

. Kiunguja .

. = a woman's tobe.

Kanzu

. Swahili

. = a native shirt (Arabic
Kliamis).

Kasikazi .

. Swahili

. = N.E. monsoon.

Kata

. Swahili

. = (i.) a measure of six modern
or four old vibaba ; (ii.) a
head pad on which to
rest a load.

Kataa (ku)

. Swahili

= to refuse.

Katihati .

. Swahili

= between, amidships.

Kayih

. Arabic

. = a canoe, small boat.

Kehalu

. Kikuyu

. = a sacrificial spot.

Keneji

. Masai .

. = a goat.

Ki- .

. Swahili

. = prefix often used as diminu
tive.

Kiama

. Kikuyu

. = a priest, elder.

Kiamu

. Swahili

. = the language of Lamu.

Kiapo (pl. iiiapo)

. Swahili

. = a charm for the safeguarding
of property or wives.

Kibaba (pl. vibaba

) . . Swahili

. = a dry measure of about
1J lbs. grain.

Kiberamu (pl. zibe

ramu) . Kiamu

. = flags on mtepe's bowsprit.

Kidau

. Swahili

. = a small dau.

Kihembe .

. Kikuyu

. = a wooden drum for storing
honey.

Kihii (pl. tuhii)

. Kikuyu

. = youth before circumcision.

Kikanda .

. Old Swahili

. = a weight of about 180 lbs.

Kihuba (pl. zikubc

,) . . Kiamu

. = jasmine and mkadi for
stringing into a garland.

Kihwa

Swahili

. = a yam.

Kipate

. Swahili

. = the language of Pate.

Kipepo (pl. zipepo

. Kiamu

. = festoons of Hyphaene palm
on mtepe.

KipiniKipini

. Yao .

. = a nose ornament.

. Swahili

. = a handle.

Kipungu .

. Swahili

. = a kind of fish.

Kira (ku) .

. Kikuyu

. = to come.

Kiroi

. Kikuyu

. = chief.

Kisibao

. Swahili

. = a kind of waistcoat.

Kisima

. Swahili

. = a well.

Kisiu

. Swahili

. = the language of Siu.

Kisiwa

. Swahili

. = an island.

Kitanda .

. Swahili

. = a bedstead.

Kiti .

. Swahili

. = (i.) a chair ; (ii.) a tier of
building.

Kitihuu

. Swahili

. = the language of the Bajuns.

Kituha

. Swahili

. = a copse, small wood.

Kiunga
Kiimguja .

. Swahili

. = a plot of land.

. Swahili

. = the Zanzibar dialect of
Swahili.

Kivundo .

. Kiamu

. = a breaking, crushing.

Kiwa

. Old Swahili

. = an island.

Kizibao

. Kiamu

. = a kisibao.

Kombo

. Swahili

. = scraps, leavings.

Kami

. Swahili

. = ten.

GLOSSARY

329

Word.

Language.

Meaning.

Ktmbwa (ku) .

. Na Sheitani Swahili .

= to be devil struck (not so
serious as ku-pagawa na
Sheitani).

Kimde

. Swahili

= a kind of bean.

Km

. Swahili

= S.W. monsoon.

Kvima

. Swahili

= all day.

Kun-

. Swahili

= big, great.

Kwa

. Kikuyu and Swahili .

= to.

Kuiani

. Swahili

= why 1

Kwetu

. Swahili

= our home.

laibon (ol-oiboni)

. Masai

= chief or medicine man.

Lakini

. Swahili

= but.

La-la (ku) .

. Swahili

= to sleep.

Lango

. Swahili

= a big door, gateway.

. Swahili

= to-day.

. Kiamu

= a woman's tobe.

Libah

. Somali

= a lion.

IAiah laded

Somali

= lion of the sea = shark.

Lawali (and luwali)

. Swahili

= a governor.

. Masai
= shield.
Maana
. Swahili
= meaning.
Mada'as .
. Maskat Arabic .
= sandal.
Mafuta
Swahili
= fat.
Magadi
. Swahili
= gypsum, ashes for mixing
with tobacco.
Maji .
. Swahili
= water.
Makumbi .
. Swahili
= cocoa-nut coir.
Makuti .
Swahili
= roofing of plaited cocoa-nut
leaves.
Mali .
. Swahili
= property.
Malik
. Arabic
= king.
Manohani .
Swahili
= a sailing vessel of European
make.
Manowari
Swahili
= man of war.
Manyata .
Masai
= kraal.
Markab .
. Arabic
= a ship.
Markab Barbi .
. Arabic
= a battleship.
Markab Kulu .
. Arabic
= a sailing ship.
Mashua .
. Swahili
= launch, small boat.
Matata .
. Swahili
= trouble.
Mbaleki .
. Kikuyu
= an oil-bearing shrub, castor
oil.
Mbaruga .
. Swahili
= lots, charms stones.
Mbiriwiri .
. Swahili
= a plant with spiky seed pods.
Mbogo
. Swahili
= a buffalo.
Mbuyu
. Swahili
= a baobab.
Mbuzi
Swahili
= (i.) a goat ; (ii.) a hook for
extracting copra from the
sheU.
Mbwa
. Swahili
= a dog.
Meharage .
. Kikuyu
= a tree from which beehives
are made.
Mchargot .
. Ogiek .
= a certain tree.
Mchende . '. '.
. Kitikuu
. = mtende.
Mchoo
. Swahili
= the lesser rains.
Medina .
. Arabic
= a town.
Meli .
. Swahili
= a steamer, mail boat.
330

GLOSSARY

MewakibMfita

Word.

Mgema (pl. wagema)
Miaa (pl. of myaa) .
MimiMinda Mkadi Mkandaa .
MhandaraMltehaMhindu .
Mholw \ <?\ mi7f*°) 1
| (pl. wakoko) )
MkonoMkono wa Ndotu.

Mkufu

Mlima . . . .
Mlima wa mbogo
Mlingote (pl. milimgote) .
Mngwana (pl. wangwana)
Mnyofu . . . .
yo .

Mosi .

Mpotofu .
Mpunga .
Mtaa (pl. mitaa)
Mtaimbo .
Mtalimbo .
Mtama

MtoMto wa maboho
Micro (pl. watoro)
Mtumbwi .
Mtumwa (pl. watumwa) ,

Muakhar .
Mui .
Muhh-adam

Musai iga
Mutamaiyu Muzuri (pl. wazuri)
Moinji

Language.
Arabic KiamuSwahili
Swahili SwahiliSwahili
Masai. Swahili
Swahili KimrimaSwahiliSwahili
SwahiliSwahili Swahili

Swahili Swahili Swahili
Swahili Swahili
SwahiliSwahili
Kikuyu Swahili
Swahili

Old Swahili
SwahiliSwahili
Swahili )
Kiunguja j
Swahili
Swahili SwahiliSwahiliSwahili Swahili
SwahiliSwahili
Swahili Swahili
Arabic Kiamu
ArabicArabic Kikuyu Kikuyu
KikuyuKikuyu Swahili

C

Meaning.
the generous.
one who hides.
a native doctor, medicine
man.
a cocoa-nut tree climber.
hyphaene palm.
I.
horse-shoe-shaped ear orna
ment of brass.
a shrub with scented flowers.
Mkandara.
a tree from which masts and
spars are obtained.
(i.) a mat of coloured palm
strips ; (ii.) a land of tobe.
wild date palm.
a mangrove tree.
mangrove swamp.
arm. (i.) elephant's trunk ; (ii.)
name of a very big kind
of banana.
a silver neck chain.
a door.
mountain.
buffalo mountain = ol doinyo

= a mast.
= a free man, freeborn citizen.
= a good pious person.
= a certain shrub.
= one.
= first (used only in regard to
the name of a week, day
or month).
= a bad man.
= rice (the plant).
= a quarter (of a town).
= a crowbar.
= millet, sorghum.
= sand.
= a date tree.
= a ship with matting sails.
= a river.
= hippo river = Athi K.
= a runaway (slave).
= a dug-out.
= a slave.
= wild jasmine.
= hoop.
= town.
= prow.
= mtepe.
= a tree from which beehives
are made.
= medicines.
= a certain kind of tree.
= an elder.
= a kind of fir.

Word.

MwamuMwanaMwana

Mwanake (pl. wanake)

MwaretuMw-emlt

Mwisho

Mzee (pl. wazee)
Mzee (pl. wathee)
Mzima

-Nane

Sank
Ndembo

-Ndo-

NgaiNgalawaNg'andn

Ng'ombe
NgomeNgure

-NiNjia .
Njira Njiru
Njohi

OU .
Ol-doinyo .
Ol-dule .
Ol-laiyoni (pl. il-laiyoni).
Ol-leleshwa

GLOSSARY 331

Language.

Meaning.

Swahili

. = (i.) a year ; (ii.) the greater

rains.

Swahili

. = a Lamu man.

Old Swahili

. = a queen.

Modern Swahili .

. = a child.

Swahili

. = a scholar, a seer,

Kikuyu

. = a warrior.

Kikuyu

. = the gourd containing the

" bugu."

Kikuyu

. = a girl.

Swahili

. = a mango tree.

Swahili

. = moon.

Swahili

. = end.

Old Swahili

. = good.

Kiamu

. = bad.

Swahili )
Kisiu J '

. = old man, elder.

Swahili

. = (i.) a holy spot ; (ii.) charms

on mtepe.

Swahili

. = an European.

Swahili

. = eight.

Swahili

. = anchor.

Masai .

. = black.

Yao .

. = elephant.

Kikuyu

. = a circular, wooden ear orna

ment.
Kitikuu
. = particle denoting past tense
and taking place of -me-
in Swahili.
Swahili
. = elephant.
Kikuyu
. = big, great.
Kikuyu
. = God.
Swahili
. = dug-out with outriggers.
Old Swahili
. = gold.
Swahili
. = Comoro islands.
Swahili
. = a drum, a dance.
Swahili
. = cattle.
Swahili
. = a fortress.
Kikuyu
. = warriors' dance.
Swahili
. = a dugong
Swahili
. = a locative particle.
Swahili \
Kikuyu J "
. = a road, path.
Kikuyu
. =- coils of brass wire worn in
ear.
Kikuyu
. = sugar cane wine.
Swahili
. = four.
Swahili
= country.
Kiamu
. = mangrove swamp.
Chinyanja .
. = sea, lake, big river.
Swahili
. = thorn bush, jungle.
Swahili
. = mule, gnu.
Masai .
. = article "the."
Masai .
. = mountain.
Masai .
= a poisonous plant.
Masai .
. = boy, youth before circum
cision.
Masai .
. = camphor tree.
332

GLOSSARY

Word.
Ol-moruo (pl. il-moruo)
Ol-muran (pl. il-muran)
Ol-ogarenjiOl-oiriyen Ol-onana .
Omo .
Pa- .
Pagawa (ku) (na sheitani)
Patha (hu)
Pattamar .
Pelele PembePepoPesa
Petapeta (ku)

ramli

Piga (ku) .
Piga (ku) pemh
Piga (ku) r
-Pili Polepole
Pori .
Potea (ku)
Panda
PwaniRamli
Ras .
Rasi .
Ratibu (ku)
Robi. Rungu
Saa .
Saba. Sabai (or sapai)
Sabuk (or sapuk)
SafariSamak
Samaki
Sandal Sath .
SawahilSef .

Shahr Shamba
Shahasi
Shebel

Sherif

(or

bao) ,

Masai .
Masai .
Ogiek.Masai .
Masai .
Swahili
Swahili
Swahili
Kipate

Language.

Chitongs
Swahili
SwahiliSwahili
Swahili Swahili
Swahili
Swahili Swahili
. Swahili
. Swahili
Swahili
. Swahili
Swahili Swahili
Arabic SwahiliSwahili
Masai .
Swahili
SwahiliSwahiliMasai .
Masai .
Swahili Arabic )
Swahili /
Arabic
Arabic
Arabic Arabic
ArabicSwahiliArabic
Swahili
KiamuSomali
Swahili
Arabic

Meaning.
= old man, elder.
= a warrior.
= skull cap made of goat's
stomach.
= a certain tree.
= the soft one.
= prow (of boat).
= a locative particle.
= to become possessed (of an
evil spirit).
= to mount (of the sun).
= a vessel of Indian origin.
= a lip ornament.
= a horn, tusk.
= a demon or spirit possessing
anyone.
= the Indian pice (about a
farthing).
= to zigzag, wind about aim
lessly.
= to beat.
= to blow a horn.
= to cast lots.
= two.
= slowly, gently.
= the bush, wilderness,
= to lose.
= a donkey.
= the coast, seashore.
= lots, magic stones.
= (i.) head ; (ii.) cape.
= cape.
= to arrange, settle.
= cold.
= a club.
= (i.) hour ; (ii.) watch.
= seven.
= greeting between warriors.
= flat.
= caravan, journey.
= fish.
= a lighter (vessel).
' bulwarks.
¦¦ coast.
= sword.
• lord, title of Imams of
Maskat.
: a mixture for caulking boats.
¦¦ a town.
: plantation.
i a nose ornament.
: a leopard (Webbe Shebeli
= leopard river).
a devil.
a descendent of the Prophet.

GLOSSARY

333

Word.

Sifa

Sitiri
-Siu .
Sogonoi .
Bogota (and sokota)

Sldml
Svmluka (ku) .
Swutyai (e-surutyai

TongaTongaTam

Tega (ku)
lego .

Tembo .
If nda (ku)
Tmdwa (hi)

Ted .
Imi .
Tua .
Tuhali
Torolo

Twaa (hi).
Uawa (ku)
Ujari

Uvato

VmkaniVto .

Language,
Kiamu
Swahili Swahili
Swahili
Swahili Old Swahili
Masai.Masai .
Swahili Swahili
Masai. Swahili
Masai.
Swahili
Arabic Swahili
Swahili Swahili
SwahiliSwahiliSwahili Swahili
Kiumguja Swahili Swahili
Kikuyu
SwahiliSwahili
Kiamu Swahili
SwahiliMasai
SomaliSwahiliSwahiliSwahiliSwahiliSwahiliSwahili
Kiamu and Old Swahili
Chinyanja
Swahili
Swahili Swahili
Swahili
KikuyuSwahili SwahiliKiamu
Arabic
Arabio Swahili

Meaning.
= a kind of tent carried over
free women.
= (i.) a boast ; (ii.) shark's fat.
= a lion.
= six.
= screening wall of bathroom.
= bad.
= a purgative.
= a small swamp.
= a pilot.
= sugar.
= tuft of ostrich feathers worn
on point of spear.
= to annoy, afflict.
= brass wire.
= a kind of fish.
: tin.
= a sail.
: a variable wind (lit. two
sails).
= five.
: three.
= a kind of fish.
= to trap, snare.
= a charm to entrap a thief of
adulterer.
: (i.) elephant ; (ii.) spirits.
to do.
: to be done to.
¦¦ a red earth.
; to quarrel.
¦¦ poop (of vessel).
: underneath.
= nine.
= a lighter (vessel).
an Ogiek.
a blacksmith.
to take.
; to be killed.
: rudder lines.
: a certain build of vessel.
¦¦ a wall.
Europe.
¦¦ he is in the act of sleeping.
caravan, journey.
Zanzibar.
initiation ceremonies.
; a gong.
; night.a men's club.
: a rudder.
simsim.
¦ bazaar, market, shops.
: son, child.
: amidships.
= Wa nti huu = of the big (or
main) land = the Bajuns.

334

WavaaYamboYasmini Yualala

ZangZiozioi Ziyara

Word.

GLOSSARY

Language.
Swahili

Meaning.
= those (that) wear.

Kiamu
KiamuSwahiliKiamu

= an affair, a greeting.
= jasmine.
= he is sleeping.
= above.

Persian Kikuyu
Arabic

= a negro, a black.
= a certain tree.
= a pilgrimage or visit to a
shrine or grave.

INDEX

Abassides, 6
Abdallah bin Hafithi, 67, 68, 69
Abdallah bin Hamed, 98
Abdallah (Mazaru'i governor Mom
basa), 26
Abdallah (Mazaru'i Liwali), 86 ;
dies, 88
Abdisalam, 89
Abdul Malik, 6, 29, 151, 164, 167;
cities built by, 29 ; dies, 30
Aberdare Eange, 193, 210, 211, 233,
234, 244, 253, 269, 271, 272; vege
tation on, 270
Abgal tribe, 11
Abu Bakr bin Omar (sheikh of
Mogadishu), 10
Abu el Abbas, 6
Abu el Mahassan, 11
Abu el Mozhaffer Hassan, 11
Abu Muhammad, 20
Abu Zeid Hassan, 8
Abubakr bin Bwana Mkuu, Sultan
(of Pate), 49 ; dies, 51
Abubakr bin Bwana Mkuu, Sultan
(of Pate), 51 ; retires to Lamu, 52 ;
returns Pate, 52 ; killed, 54
Abubakr, Sultan (of Pate), 44 ; comes
to throne, 48 ; dies, 48
Abubakr, Sultan (of Pate). See
Bwana Tamu the Great.
Abubakari. See Abubakr.
Abusa'id Dynasty, origin of, 59, 60 ;
Lamu asks aid of, 77 ; commence
to reign on coast, 78, 79, 85
Abyssinia, 12, 13, 173, 174, 204, 287 ;
intercourse with S. Arabia, 1, 3 ;
bonds with ancient Egypt, 4
Abyssinians, 205, 206, 225, 304;
conquer Yemen, 5 ; expelled, 6

Acholi, 204, 285, 290
Adam, 59
Aden, visited by Payva and Covil
ham, 12 ; Albuquerque repulsed
from, 15
Aden, Gulf of, 1, 3, 5, 14, 137, 142,
204
Africa, Majid's ship, 96
African, the, his characteristics, 299,
300, 301, 302, 303; retrogressive
tendency, 303 ; attentions to white
man, 305 ; of Protectorate com
pared with others, 397; relations
between and white man, 310, 311,
312 ; Christianity and Islam
amongst, 323
Ahmad bin Bwana Tamu, Sultan (of
Pate), 60; dies, 61
Ahmad bin Othman, 67, 68, 69
Ahmad bin Sheikh, Sultan (of Pate),
70; dies, 77
Ahmad bin Suleiman, Sultan (of
Pate), 31 ; discord with his
brothers, 31 ; discord ceases, 32 ;
dies, 33
Ahmad, Sultan (of Pate), 51 ; abdi
cates, 51
Ahmad Simba, Sultan (of Pate), 95,
96
Ahmad, Sultan (of Witu), 178
Ahmad, Sultan (of Mombasa), mur
dered at Eabai, 18
Ahmed bin Sa'id bin Ahmed, 24
Ahmed bin Sa'id, Imam, 23 ; dies, 24
Ahmed, Sultan (of Pate), 25
Aiser Clan. See Lolaisir.
Akamba. See Wakamba.
Albert, Lake, 296
Albuquerque, 14, 15, 21

336

INDEX

Alexander the Great, 4, 8
Ali Bey (Turk), 16, 17
Ali bin Abdallah (Mazaru'i governor
of Pate), 25
Ali bin Osman, 23, 24 ; murdered, 24
Ali bin Othman bin Sef bin Mutha
far, 32
Ali bin Sultan Hassan, 8
Ah Koti (poet), 89
Ali Majesa, Bwana, 100
Ali, Sayid, 101, 102
Alia Bay, 283
Aloes, 9
Alui, 206
Ambergris, 12, 39, 138, 150; royal
property, 40
Amu. See Lamu.
Ancient geographers, 2, 4
Andalusia, 51
Andrew, Mount, 282
Arab geographers, 8, 9, 10
Arab houses, 152
Arab time, 111
Arabs, as navigators, 132, 133, 134,
303 ; method of wearing sword,
217 ; lances of Bedowin, 242 ; on
coast, 107 ; trade amongst, 108 ;
plantations of, 109; morals, 111;
women's status, 113
Arabia, S., old civilisations of, 1, 2
"Arabian Nights," 30
Arabic in Swahili, 116, 117, 118,
119
Aristotle, 4, 5
Arrien, 4
Arrows, 245 ; method of firing, 217 ;
Ogiek, 275
As Shahr, 137
Athi, 176, 190, 206, 229, 230, 231,
244, 264, 280, 281, 289
Athuri Aliakuru, 242
Atonga, 307
Augustine's Convent, Saint, 19
Awisa, 308
Axum, 1
Axumite Dynasty, 1, 204
Bab al Mandeb, 142, 168

Badr bin Sef, 78; killed by Sa'id, 25,
79
Bagamoyo (B.E.A.). See Kibigori.
Bagamoyo, 144
Baganda, 297, 303, 304, 317
Bagdad, 6
Baghalah, 139
Bahr al Ghazal, 291
Bahr al Jebel, 291
Bajuns, 61, 85, 91, 92, 167, 170, 171 ;
come to Paza, 34, 37, 56, 77, 160,
165, 166, 168
Baka Hassan, 97
Bakari, Bwana, 76
Bakari, Bwana, Sultan (of Pate), 59 ;
dies, 60
Bakari bin Sheikh (of Siu), 94
Bakiumbe, 39 ; betrays Manda, 41
Banadir coast, 6, 7, 9, 107, 156, 168
Bananas, staple food in Uganda, 297
Bandar Abbas, 28 '
Bangweolo, Lake, 308
Bani al Abbas, 30
Bani Juni, 168
Bani Omaiya, 30
Bani Yuni. See Bani Juni.
Bantu, part of Swahili language,
116, 117 ; changes rapidly, 120
Bantu, natives compared with
Hamitic, 205, 206
Banu Lami, 151
Banu Sadi. See Wafamao.
Bararata, 179
Barghash, Sayid, 94, 97, 98, 99, 102
Bari, 204, 206, 290
Baringo, Lake, 207, 211, 212, 281, 282
Bartholomew Dias, '.2
Basra, 155
Basuto, 321
Bata, 160
Batawe, 160, 161
Beche de Mer, 150
Beehives, 272
Beira, 106
Belarub bin Sultan, 21
Belarub, Imam, 23
Beluchis, 86 ; garrison, Mombasa, 27
Berbera, country of, 7, 9

INDEX

337

Berbera, town of, 7
Berbers of Berbera, 9
Beua (ohief of Masai), 228
Bhang, 60, 155
Bhattias, 108
Bible, the passage referring to
Ophir, 3
Bihla, 21
Birila mbuzi, 246
Bishale Haji, 76
Bita, 255
Bombardment of Zanzibar, 101
Bombay, 21, 25, 26, 81, 94, 153
Bongo, 268, 269, 274
Boni, 175, 176, 101, 274
Borana, 174, 179, 203, 206, 207, 275,
284, 287, 288
Boriti, 151, 152, 170
Brava. See Barawa.
British, occupation of Nyasaland,
108 ; expedition against Witu, 100,
101 ; fight Sayid Khalid, 102
Briton, derivation of word, 143
Buffalo, 171, 176, 254, 280
Buibui, 123
Bukini, 43
Bume, 308
Bura, Mt. See Eburu.
Burakao, 165, 168
Burgi, 283
Burma, 178
Burrgu Masai, 211, 282
Burton, Sir Eichard, 108, 133, 140,
303
Buruji ya kanoni, 162, 163, 164
Busaidi. See Abusa'id.
Bushback, 176
Busoga, 296
Butiaba, 297
Oabeal, 8. See Pedro, Alvares.
Cairo, 12, 296
Calcutta, 153
Calicut, 12, 13
Canoes at Jinja, 296
Cape of Good Hope, 3, 12, 50
Cattle, grazing for, 265
Cave, 231; dweUers, 292
L.z.

Cent, 112
Ceylon, 9
Chakamba, 101
Changamwe, 109, 112, 187
Chania E., 234, 240, 248
Chapeta, 291
Charawa, 143
Charms, 126, 127, 128, 129, 142, 252,
276
Chemkata, 108
Ohikanga, 16
China, 7, 9, 15, 138, 150; pottery
from, 155
Chinese on East Coast, 7
Choli, 144
Chongoni, 160
Chosroes II. , 6
Christian Era, beginning of, 5
Chundwa. See Tundwa.
Circumcision, 212, 258
Circumnavigation of Africa, 3, 4
Clitoridectomy, 175, 212, 219
Cloves, 138
Coast, description of, 173, 174; game
on, 176 ; planters on, 183, 184
Cobus cob, 289
Cocoanut, 155, 156, 178; plantations,
109, 110; tree, method of climb
ing, 109; extracting copra, 110;
tapping, 110
Coinage in Uganda, 298 ; in East
Africa, 112
Colobus, 244, 249, 251, 269
Comoro Islands, 7, 9, 29
Congo, 183, 195, 308
Congo Eiver, 12, 134
Constantinople, 17
Coral ornaments, 154
Cornwall, 133
Corrientes, Cape, 16
Cosmas, 5, 7
Coutinho, 17
Covilham, 12, 13
Cowrie. See Kauri,
Crops, of Kikuyu, 238; of Embei,
256
Customs at Pate, 48
Cutch, 108, 137, 145 Z

338

INDEX

Dagoreti, 229, 234, 264
Dances, before sailing, 144 ; Kikuyu,
248, 249
Dar as Salaam, 102, 144
Daud, Sultan (of Kilwa), 11
Dead Sea, 284
Delgrado, Cape, 28
Deloo, 88
Dick, 266
Diego Cam, 12
Dik dik, 176
Dinka, 204
Dirri, 207, 287
Diwani, 61
Doctors, Swahali, 126, 127
Documents sur l'histoire, la geo-
graphie et le commerce de 1' Af rique
orientale, 1
Dodoro, 149, 171
Dom Francisco d'Almeida, 14
Dom Miguel de Noronha, 19
Dom Pedro de Castro, 15
Dondo, 48, 49, 52, 165
Donkeys, as pack animals, 203 ;
amongst Turkana,, 285
Dug-out, 134, 135, 136
Dugong, 106, 150
Duiker, 176
Dumia, Bwana, 95
Dutch, first appearance on coast, 18
Dye, 150
Eae ornaments, 123, 154, 222, 247,
249, 257, 307
Eburu, Mt., 217, 280
Egypt, 205 ; ancient, 1, 2
Egyptian stuffs in Mogadishu, 11
Egyptians circumnavigate Africa, 3
El Hasa, 7
El Jub, 9
Eldama ravine, 273, 274, 276
Elementaita, 281
Elephant, 176, 245, 270, 275
Elephantiasis, 156
Elgeyu, 273, 274
Elgon, Mt., 292
Eliot, Sir Charles, 206
Em-barta steppe, 283

Embei, 246, 254, 255, 256, 261 ; crops
of, 256
Embu, 212, 244, 246, 253, 254, 255,
256, 258; weapons of, 255
Emezi, 29, 44
Emmanuel, King of Portugal, 13, 21
Emozeids, 6, 7
Engongo Bagasi, 222
Enjamus, 211, 212, 213
Entebbe, 290, 295, 298
Escarpment, 234, 267, 274; Kikuyu,
264, 265, 267, 269 ; Mau, 273, 274,
278
Escarpment Station, 278
Estevam da Gama, 14
Exorcisors of demons, 125
Exports, 183
Fandikam, 48, 162
Paza (or Paza), 17, 18, 19, 25, 29,
34, 35, 56, 61, 89, 94, 97, 141, 149,
150, 154, 163, 166, 167 ; origin of
word, 34 ; war with Pate, 35, 36,
37 ; old history, 167, 168, 169;
shipping, 169, 170
Eikar el Din, Sultan (of Mogadishu),
11
Pish, 106, 150, 178
Plamingo, 281
Prancisco Barreto, 16
Prancisco de Sexas e Cabra, 20
Pruit, 187
Pumo Bakari, 23. See also Bwana
Bakari.
Fumobakari bin Sheikh, Bwana,
Sultan (of Pate), 89, 91, 92, 94, 95
Fumobakari, Sultan (of Witu), 99 ;
dies, 101
Fumoluti bin Sheikh, Mazaru'i wish
to make Sultan, 84 ; ejected from
Pate, 85 ; to Pemba, 88, 89
Fumoluti bin Sheikh, Sultan (of
Pate), 61 ; origin of his mother,
62 ; plot to assassinate, 63 ; dies,
65
Fumoluti (Kipunga) bin Fumomadi,
makes intrigue, 25, 70,71 ; makes
civil war, 72 ; entrusted with dis-

INDEX

339

Fumoluti (Kipunga) — continued.
positions of Lamu war, 75 ; comes
to throne, 77 ; prepares to attack
Lamu, 77 ; receives Hamad
Maftaha, 82 ; brothers taken to
Lamu, 83 ; ransoms them, 84 ;
dies, 84
Fumoluti wa Bayae, 81
Fumomadi, Bwana (Kombo), 25, 64 ;
comes to throne, 65 ; fights, kills
:, his brothers and restores order,
66 ; trouble with Lamu, 69 ;
commences Lamu fort, 70 ; dies, 70
Fumomadi the Great, Bwana, 33, 34 ;
pardons Paza captives, 37; con
quers all Pate, and extends king
dom, 38 ; puts governor into
Mukadisho, 38 ; dies, 38
Fumomadi the Great, 45
I'umomadi the Second, 49 ; dies, 49
fumomari. See Omar, Sultan (of
! Pate).
Fumomari, Sultan (of Witu), 101
Fundi Suleimani, 63
Galago, 110
Galla, 153, 171, 176, 179, 204, 205,
287, 288, 304
Same, on coast, 176, 289 ; seringeti,
181; on plains, 190, 191, 230,
240 ; trapping, 272, 275
Gasi, 180
General Mathews, 99
German East Africa, 108, 170, 209.
,t 211, 226, 228, 280 ; Mrima dialect,
'.. 118. See also Mrima.
Germans, 98, 99 ; at Witu, 99, 100
Geronimo Chingulia. See Yusuf bin
\ Sultan Ahmad.
Geyser, 282
Ghafir tribe, 30
Charab, 45
Giant pig, 268, 269, 274
Gilgil, 206
Giraffe, 222, 261
Giryama, 118
Glasgow, s.s. of Zanzibar, 133
.Goa, 12, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 53

Gobwen, 168
Gold mines, of Sofala, 2, 8 Mono
motapa lost to Portuguese, 19
Gomeni, 95
Gongwa, 161
Greeks, settle in Socotra, 8
Groves and sacrificial spots, 243
Guano, 2S1
Guas Sfgiro, 210, 282
Guas Ngishu, 176, 206, 207, 273, 289
Guaso Narok, 282
Guillain, 1
Gura stream, 244
Guzera Wanjohi, 246
Hadrtjmut, 160
Hafun, 9, 10, 141
Haji Mwetha, 36 ; advice of, a
proverb, 37
Hall, Fort, 233, 234, 235, 240, 243,
244, 245,246, 249, 251, 253, 258
Halwa, 59
Hamad, Ameer, 86, 88, 92, 93; defeats
Mazaru'i Pemba, 86 ; sends them
Mombasa, 87,
Hamad, Maftaha (Sa'id's Liwali at
Lamu), 82 ; captures Fumoluti's
brothers, 83
Hamad (Sa'id's Ameer) takes Pate,
Siu and Faza, 25
Hamad Usi, 97
Hamed bin Sa'id, 78 ; origin, 59 ;
made governor of Sahari, 59 ;
becomes Iman, 60
Hamed bin Thuen-Sayid, 102
Hamed, Liwali (Mazaru'i), 84 ;
ejected from Pate, 85 ; goes to
Pemba, 86, 87
Hamite, 205
Hamitic people, 275, 303, 304
Hamyaritic, empire, 1, 132, 151, 204;
Sultan, 6
Hamza bin Abdul Malik, 6
Hannington, Lake, and Bishop, 281
Hannon the Carthaginian, 4
Hartebeest, 289
Harun al Eashid, 30
Hassan, Sultan, 8
z2

340

INDEX

Hatimii, 51
Hedabu hills, 57, 76, 151, 156
Hedjaz, 11
Henawi, 30
Heraclides, 4
Heri Makatwa, Bwana, 100
Herodotus, 3
Hidiyo, 100
Hippale, 4
Hippopotamus, 261
Hiram of Tyre, 2
Hoima, 297
Hollis, 206, 211, 237
Honey, 256 ; hunters for, 271
Honey wine, 214
Hormuz, 8, 20, 21, 22 ; lost to
Portuguese, 19
Horn, royal, 53
Horne, E. B., 256
Huerti, 174
Hunter's antelope, 176
Huri, 287
Hussen, son of Muhammad, 112, 168
Hybridism as a civilising influence,
304
Hyena, 231, 242, 250, 275 ; eaten by
Wakamba, 262
Hyrax, 222, 215, 269
Ibn Bathutha, 10, 11
Ibn Sa'id, 9, 10
Lbrahim, Sultan (of Kilwa), 13 ;
made prisoner, 14
Idrisi, 9, 10
Igoshi, 256, 257
Imad, 152
Imam, title of, 21, 30
Inali, Mwana (of Kitao), 42
Inati, quarter of, 50, 162
India, 7, 15, 137, 178
Indian, on coast, 303
Indian Ocean, pilot's guide to, 4,
133
Indian traders, 108, 113, 150
Iraiyini (west), 243 ; (east), 259
Irak, 11
Iram, 152
Iron mines, 9

Is-hak, chief of Pate, 31
Islam, responsible for civilisation,
107 ; amongst Yaos, 108 ; amongst
Pakomo, 179
Ithanga range, 261
Ivory, 3, 138, 183, 257
Jaaxani, 91
Jafari bin Mangi Mangi, 6, 30, 167
Jahazi, 45
Jao, 16
Japan, 138
Jasmin, 156
Jebel Eiami, 30
Jerome K. Jerome, 236
Jerusalem carpets, 11
Jezirah el Khodora, 10
Jinga, 295, 296
Jitheni, 162, 163
Joan de Barros, 7
Johar, ameer of Imam Sa'id, 78
Johnston, Fort, 108
Johnston, Sir Harry, 303
Jongeni, 101
Juba, s.s., 151
Juba Eiver, 7, 9, 23, 24, 174
Jubaland, 173, 175, 176, 274, 287
Jumbe, origin of word, 45
Juni bin Katada, 168
Kachimba Hill, 258
Kadishes, 140
Kahinga ya Kahayukia, 243
Kahumbu Hill, 241, 242
Kaid al Aradh, 57
Kalacha, 283, 287
Kamasia, 273, 274, 286
Kambahi, 7
Kamiti, 234
Kampala, 296
Kandaani, 161
Kang'ee, 88
Kanjalu Hill, 263
Kao, 95, 97, 149, 172, 177
Kapiti plains, 190, 206, 229, 230, 281,
289
Karauwi, 283
Katawa, 97

INDEX

341

Katuli, 251
Katuri, 246
Kauri, 150, 218
Kavirondo, 285, 2S9, 290, 292, 294;
as porters, 202, 204 ; Gulf of, 290,
291, 295; fishermen, 291; earth
work, 293
Kedong Valley, 265, 278, 279, 206
4enya, 174, 181, 193, 233, 243, 246,
' 247, 253, 254, 257, 258, 260, 273;
native names for, 253
Kesai, 244
FjKeshimu, 243
Kethai, 253
Khadija, Mwana, 33
Khadija, Mwana, 61 ; dies, 61 ; her
faction makes trouble, 62; effects
of civil war of, 75
Khalid bin Seyid Sa'id, 91
Khalid Sayid, 102
Khalifa Sayid, 98, 99; dies, 101
•Khalifs, 6
Khama, 321
, Kharusi, 30
Ihojas, 112
Kiama stream, 236
\ -Kiambu, 233, 234, 247
libalabala, 240, 241
Kibigori, 289
i Ebirikani, 161
tKijabe Hill, 269, 278
sKijabe, gashole, 279
fKijangwa cha mpunga, 92
\Kikae, 120
Ekanda tax, 43, 67, 69
Kikoni, 58
Kikuyu, 174, 201, 208, 216, 222, 229,
261, 263, 264, 267, 289, 314, 315,
316, 317 ; as porters, 202 ; their
country, 233 ; chiefs, 234 ; descrip
tion of village, 235 ; valley, 236 ;
agriculture of, 237; their crops,
238; manufacture of njohi, 239;
relations with Masai, 240, 241;
groves and sacrificial places, 242,
243 ; Kiama, 243 ; Korori's
country, 244; Wandorobo, 244;
origin, 247 ; character and cus-

Kikuyu — continued.
toms, 247 ; circumcision, 248
ornaments, 249 ; burial, 250
bridges, 251 ; medicine man, 252
Wandorobo, 271, 272
Kikuyu escarpment, 264, 269
Kilifi, 17, 18, 23; meaning of , 104
Kililuma, 235. See also Tana E.
Kilimanjaro, 10, 206, 259, 260, 174,
181, 190, 192
Kilindini, 24, 27, 103, 105, 179;
meaning of, 104
Kilwa, 2, 8, 11, 13, 21, 22, 38, 45,
137, 151 ; fort built and aban
doned by Portuguese, 14 ; invaded
by Zimba, 17 ; built by Abdul
Malik, 29
Kimgao, 118
Kimrima, 118
Kim vita, 118
Kinangop, 193, 211, 234, 267, 269, 272
Kinanjui, 234
Kingovi, 120
Kinyika, 127
Kioga, Lake, 296
Kiongwe, 44
Kipini, 100, 101, 149, 172, 177
Kipipiri Hill, 270
Kipsikisi, 204, 274, 292, 295
Kirimba, 15, 38, 45
Kishangira, 244
Kisii, 292 ; weapons and boma, 293 ;
huts, 294
Kismayu, 29, 38, 97, 137, 174 ; origin
of name, 149
Kisumu, 290
Kitaka, 164
Kitali, 243
Kitao, 14, 29, 44, 156, 159 ; break
up of, 42 ; people go to Amu, Pate
and Shela, 43
Kithiwani, 165
Kitini, Bwana, of Lamu, 29 ; of
Pate, 89, 92
Kitokwe, 161
Kitopemba, 67
Kiu, 185
Kiunga, 38, 149, 168, 171

342

INDEX

Kiungulimani, 161
Kiunguni, 161
Kivundoni, 162
Kiwa Ndeo, 151
Kiwa-kani, 91
Kiwayu, 29, 38, 149, 167, 170 ; origin
of name, 149
Komana, 29
Komwana, 38, 44
Koran, 126
Korokoro, 262
Koroli, 283, 287
Korori, 234, 236, 243, 244, 245, 248,
249, 252, 271
Koyama, 29, 38
Kudu, 176
Kumasangano, 108
Kiintzell, 99 ; killed at Witu, 100
Kutu, 244, 254
Laikipia, 206, 207, 210, 211, 213,
228, 231, 246, 273, 282, 286; Dis
trict Commissioner of, 224
Lake fly, 295
Lamoru, 234, 246, 267
Lamu (Historical), 2, 17, 18, 23, 24,
37, 53, 60, 61, 66, 67, 71, 89,91, 92,
95, 97, 98 ; Kadhi, 11 ; submission
to da Cunha, 15 ; attacked by
Mazaru'i, 25 ; Imam Sa'id sends
governor, 25 ; built by Abdul
Malik, 29 ; attacked by Portu
guese, 61 ; trading vessels visit,
56 ; war with Pate, 57, 58 ; return
to Pate allegiance, 59 ; make
trouble with Pate, 69 ; fort com
menced, 70 ; ask Mazaru'i to take
their country, 73 ; Mazaru'i con
tinue fort, 73 ; discover Mazaru'i' s
treachery, 74 ; Mazaru'i turned
out, 75 ; attacked by Pate and
Mazaru'i, 76; ask help of Sa'id,
77 ; Sa'id puts in garrison, 78, 81 ;
Hamad Maftaha Sa'id's liwali, 82
Lamu Archipelago, 5, 141, 175 ;
women of, 114; dialectsof, 118, 119 ;
ships of, 142, 146 ; description of
islands, 147 ; reason for differences

Lamu Archipelago — continued.
of dialect, 148 ; towns of, 149 ;
women's ornaments and dress in,
154 ; men's dress in, 155
Lamu (Modern), 137, 170 ; situation,
148 ; people of Persian descent,
151; buried town of, 151; houses
of, 152 ; streets of, 152 ; inhabi
tants of, 153 ; pottery of, 155 ;
fort, 156; water of, 158
Lango fandikani, 162
Lango la Bwana Mtiti, 162
Lango la Shindakazi, 162
Lascars, 133
Latuka, 204, 213
Lemek plains, 176
Lengiyo Eange, 273, 285
Leopard, 176, 276
Lion, 171, 176, 190, 201, 215, 231,
240, 261, 262, 285
Liongo (poet), 44
Lion's fat as medicine, 126
Lisbon, 18
Liverpool, Sa'id's ship, 26
Logwood, 150
Loikop, 206, 207, 208, 211, 281, 283,
287
Loita, 211
Lokkob, 207, 283
Lolaisir, 211
Lunana. See Ol-onana.
Lonougot Mountain, 209, 279
Lorogai Mountains, 273, 285
Louis Mello de Sampayo, 22
Luchinga Islands, 291
Lumbwa. See Kipsikisi.
Lupingazi, 254, 256
Mackinder expedition, 260
Mad Mullah, the, 107
Madagascar, 9 ; Malays come to,
10 ; colony founded by Pate,
20
Madi (tribe), 206, 290
Madi, Bwana (Ngoma), 93
Madi bin Omar, Bwana, 93
Madi bin Sheikh, Bwana (Sultan
Ahmad), 92, 94; to Ozi, 95; at

INDEX

343

Madi bin Sheikh — continued.
Kao, 97 ; founds Witu, 97 ; defeats
Sa'id Sudi, 98 ; dies, 99
Mafano, 179
Mafazii, 37
Mafia Island, 27
Magnetic mountain, 8, 10
Magadi, Lake, 280
Magogoni, 29, 44, 58, 162
Maguniani, 141, 143
Maidahad, 283
Maji ya Chumvi, 180, 189
Majid, Sayid, 94, 97, 165, 166 ; puts
soldiers in Siu, 95 ; his fort
destroyed, 96 ; pardons Sheikh
Muhammad, 96 ; imprisons him,
96
Maka Bereki, Bwana, 98
Makalla, 137
Makindu, 180, 190
Makoa, 108, 307, 308
Malay Archipelago, 9, 155 ; conquest
of, by Portuguese, 15
Malays, 10
Mali Yambo, 162
Malindi, 9, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20,
38, 44, 98, 103 ; built by Abdul
Malik, 29 ; Pate expedition
against, 44, meaning of, 104
Malinduku, 253, 254
Manda, 2, 5, 23, 29, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42,
44, 93, 148, 156, 157, 158, 160;
punished by Portuguese, 20 ; cap
tives from, 43
Mango tree, 136
Mangrove, 147
MaSgu, 236
Manisa, 9
Mann (?), 7
Manoni, 161
Manubi, Mwana, 167
Manyema, 195, 199
Maragwa, E., 234, 243, 249, 251
Maranga, 234, 246, 253
Marenga, Kikuyu, 233
Marika, 9, 10, 29, 38
Marin of Tyre, 5
Marka. See Marika.-

Markets, 245
Maru marui, 228
Masai, 175, 192, 201, 206, 223, 236,
237, 262, 263, 264, 279, 286, 303 ;
donkeys of, 202 ; origin of, 204 ;
traditions, 206 ; old Loikop, 207 ;
extinction of Loikop, 208 ; rinder
pest amongst, 208 ; distribution,
211 ; organisation, 212 ; circum
cision, 212; language, 213; mode
of subsistence, 213 ; cattle, 215 ;
medicines, 216; weapons, 216;
customs of war, 217 ; smiths, 218,
229 ; customs, 218 ; architecture,
220; arts, 221; dress and orna
ments, 221 ; children, 229 ;
character, 232 ; amongst Kikuyu,
240, 241 ; imitated by Kikuyu,
249,251 ; sacred spots, 266 ; attack
Dick, 266, 267 ; dialectic changes,
274 ; language, 290 ; spears, 292 ;
El-burrgu, 282
Masai Problem, 209, 210
Mashimoni, 94
Maskat, 20, 21, 26, 27, 30, 55, 59,
60, 77, 78, 81, 86, 88, 94, 98, 107,
133, 137, 139, 155, 162 ; sacked by
Albuquerque, 15 ; Arabs on East
Coast, 20; sea coast subject to
Hormuz, 20 ; Persians obtain forts
of, 23 ; donkey, 109
Masudi, 7
Mataka, Bwana, 85, 88, 89, 92 ; dies,
94
Mataka, Sheikh (of Siu), 96
Mathews' Eange, General, 273
Mathias d' Albuquerque, 18
Matomo, 97
Mau escarpment, 273, 274, 278
Maulala Abubakr bin Salim, Sheikh,
50
Maund, weight of, 7
Mazaru'i, 25, 26, 56, 59, 63, 71, 78,
107 ; put into Mombasa fort, 23 ;
expedition against Zanzibar, 24 ;
give up claim to Pemba, 26 ;
take fort from Sa'id, 27 ; chiefs
captured by Sa'id's agents, 28 ;

344

INDEX

Mazaru'i — continued.
sent to Mombasa, 55 ; go to
Zanzibar, 60 ; governor assassi
nated, 60 ; set up Sultan Omar, 61 ;
turned out of Pate, 67 ; secret
treaty with Pate against Lamu,
72 ; continue building Lamu fort,
73 ; their plot discovered, 74 ;
turned out of Lamu, 75 ; attack
Lamu, 76 ; repulsed, 76 ; their
fort claimed by Sa'id, 79 ; their
fort taken by Sa'id, 81 ; governor
at Pate, 84 ; ejected, 85 ; defeated
by Sa'id's Ameer in Pemba, 86 ;
turned out of fort, 89 ; retake fort,
91 ; lost it for last time, 91 ; bones
at Shela, 158
Mazeras, 174, 179, 187, 188, 289
Mazindigali, 86
Mazioiya, 245
Mbagathi stream, 264
Mbatian, 208, 209, 219, 224; his
prophecies, 224, 225, 226, 267
Mbelezoni Canal, 177
Mbuyuni, 106, 181
Mbwana (Yao chief), 108
Mea, 29, 44
Medicines of Swahili, 126, 127;
Kikuyu, 252 ; Ogiek, 276
Medina, 168
Melo Pereira, 18
Menelik, 204
Menengai crater, 208, 281
Menouthesias, Isle of, 5
Meru, 254, 257, 258, 261
Mesopotamia, 6
Metumi, 240
Mewahib, nickname of Kilwa Sultan,
11
Mgao coast, 45
Middle Pools, 231
Midgans, 175, 176, 274
Miembeni, 106
Mimi, Mwana, 33
Mines, of Sofala, 28 ; Monomotapa,
19; Cornwall, 133
Mkanda, 5, 57, 58, 69, 148, 159, 160
Mkilio, 56

Mkumi (Makoa chief), 108
Mkunumbi, 100, 149, 171
Mkuu bin Abubakr, his travels, 45 to
48 ; comes to Pate throne, 49
Mkuu bin Abubakr, Bwana, Sultan
(of Pate), 56; dies, 57
Mkuu bin Abubakr, Bwana (the
second), 51 ; dies, 51
Mkuu bin Fumomadi, Bwana, 71, 75
Mkuu bin Muhammad, 52 ; taken to
Goa, 53
Mkuu wa Shehi, Bwana, 169
Mlango wa Kiungani, 77
Mnyampara, 195
Mogadishu. See Mukadisho.
Mokka, 16, 17
Mombasa, 2, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 17, 19,
20, 21, 23, 25, 44, 49, 60, 77, 79,
80, 86, 89, 90, 137, 296 ; fort built,
18 ; garrisoned by Sef bin Sultan,
22 ; fort retaken by Portuguese,
22 ; lost to Portuguese, 22 ; Ahmed
obtains document declaring fort
belongs to Imam, 24 ; treaty with
British, 26 ; not ratified, 26 ; fort
taken by Sa'id, 27 ; submits to
Sa'id's rule, 28 ; built by Abdul
Malik, 29 ; reason for name Mvita,
45 ; leased from Zanzibar, 91 ;
description of island, 103; origin
of name Mvita, 103; fort, 104;
climate, 106; Shambas, 112; Jins
at, 124 ; bridge, 186
Mongoni, 97
Monomotapa, King of, 16; lost to
Portuguese, 19
Monsoons, 137, 138, 139
Months, Swahili names for, 111
Moyali, 287
Mozambique, 2, 13, 14, 16, 18, 20,
170
Mpokomoni, 44
Mponda (Yao chief), 108
Mrima, 37, 38, 45, 107, 146
Msama, 234
Mtangawanda, 38, 50
Mtende tini, 162
Mtepe, 57, 140, 141, 142, 143, 150, 169

INDEX

345

Mtiti, Bwana, 49
Mturi, 234
Muanza rice, 178
Muhammad the Prophet, 112
Muhammad bin Abubakr, Sultan (of
Pate), 51 ; imprisoned and dies, 52
IMuhammad bin Ahmad, Sultan. See
Bwana Fumomadi the Great.
• Muhammad bin BwanaMkuu, Sultan
(of Pate). See Bwana Fumomadi
the second.
Muhammad bin Bwana Mkuu. See
Bwana Simba.
Muhammad bin Hassan, 97
Muhammad bin Ismail, 21
;Mukammad bin Mbaruk, 21
jMuhammad bin Nasir, 81
Muhammad bin Nasir (of Pate), 89,
90, 91
iyrnbflrnma.fi bin Nasir (Sa'id's liwali),
91
Muhammad bin Omar, Sultan (of
Pate). See Fumomadi the Great.
Muhammad bin Osman, 23
>Muhammad bin Suleiman, first
i Sultan of Pate, 31 ; his sons, 31
SMuhammad, Sheikh (of Siu), 95, 96,
I 97
jMuhammadan, Era, dawn of, 5
Muhammadan law, carried to East
Africa, 6
Muhoroni, 289
Mukadisho, 7, 8, 10, 16, 22, 38, 45,
174; mosque at, 11; baboons
take possession of, 12 ; taken by
Sa'id, 27 ; built by Abdul Malik,
29 ; origin of name, 29
Mukengeria, 258
Mumias, 292
Mumoni, 261, 262
¦Munyonyo, 296, 298
(Muragala, 259
Murchison Falls, 296
Musical instruments of porters, 199,
200
Muthafar, Imam, 30
Mutungura, 243
Mvita. See Mombasa.

Mwali Muhammad bin Sheikh, 94
Mwea Plain, 261
Mwenyi Baenyi, 53
Mwenyi Sa'id Mohothar, 93
Mwenyi Shehi Ali, 76
Mzee Sefu (Liwali of Faza), 170
Nabahans, 30, 31, 32, 33, 38, 43, 45,
49, 60, 61, 65; arrival on coast,
30 ; last of great, 67, 81, 84, 99,
166, 171
Nairobi, 185, 190, 192, 196, 223, 228,
233, 234, 253, 265
Naivasha, 206, 211, 269, 278, 280, 282
Nakuru, 207, 281
Namindi, 254, 256
Nandarua, 234, 267, 272
Nandi, 204, 213, 274, 276, 277, 292,
295, 303
Nasur, Imam, 21
Natron, Lake, 280
Nazua, 20, 21, 59, 60
Ndambwe, 69
Ndao, 29, 38, 149
Ndao Mwathi, 170
Ndao Pate, 164, 170
Ndurugu E., 234
Ng'andu, 161
Ngaziza. See Comoros.
Ngoji, 43
Ngong Fort, 229, 264, 265; Forest,
265
Ngong Mountain, 206, 207, 209, 211,
223, 264
Nguzeru, 234, 244, 259, 272
Ngwatha, 244
Nhaya, 14
Nile, 8, 173, 204, 213, 285 ; plan to
turn into Eed Sea, 15 ; Victoria,
296
Nilotic people, 204, 205, 213, 289
Nimule, 296
Njehu, 236, 240, 248
Njira Wanjohi, 246
Njohi, 239
Njoro, 295
Njorugi, 234
Nose ornaments, 123, 154

346

INDEX

Ntayu, 76
Nuno de Cunha, 15
Nyamtupi, handless chief of Makoa,
108
Nyanza, Victoria, 290, 295 ; depth
of, 295 ; meaning of, 290
Nyasa, Lake, 291
Nyasaland, 108, 291, 298
Nyebuyu Faki, 76
Nyeri, 211, 233, 244, 246, 254, 258,
259
Nyumba ya Kitao, 43
Nzoia E., 292
Oarfi, 274
Ogieg. See Ogiek.
Ogiek (or Wandorobo), 176, 204, 206,
208, 213, 237, 261, 268, 271, 272,
273, 274, 275, 276
Olbollossat swamp, 279
Ol doinyo Lamwea. See Ngong Mt.
Ol doinyo Lolaisir. See Ngong Mt.
Ol doinyo Ngiro, 282
Ol doinyo Sapuk, '212, 230, 231, 244,
251
01 Lebusi, 282
Ol-oitoktok, 211
Ol-onana, 209, 211, 213, 223, 264,
267 ; his kraal, 224 ; fights with
Sindeyo, 226, 227, 228
Oman, 6, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 30, 59, 80,
137
Omar Madi, Sultan (of Witu), 101,
171
Omar, Sultan (of Pate), 38 ; institutes
kikanda tax, 43 ; conquests, 44 ;
begets son, 44 ; conquers all
Swahili coast, 45 ; dies, 45
Omar Wenyikae, Sheikh, 98
Omari, Sultan (of Pate), 61 ; turned
out by Mwana Khadija, 61 ;
returns and is killed, 61
Ommyades, 6
Omo Eiver, 283, 308
Omwi, 29
Ongoni, 100
Ophir, supposed to be Sofala, 2
Ophthalmia, 306

Oryx, 176, 181
Ostrich, 286
Owen, Captain, 26
Ozi Eiver, 29, 44, 66, 77, 95, 177
Pakomo, 177, 178, 179
Pangani, 45, 137
Participation of Africa, 28
Pate (Historical), 2, 16, 17, 18, 22,
23, 25, 60, 82, 83 ; punished by
Portuguese, 20 ; shakes off allegi
ance to Oman, 24 ; besiege Mom
basa, 24 ; expedition to Barawa,
24 ; records of, 29 ; built by Abdul
Malik, 29 ; Nahabans arrive at, 30 ;
handed over to Nabahans, 31 ;
Intrigue against i Sultan Ahmad
bin Suleiman, 32 ; war with Paza,
35, 36, 37 ; trouble with Manda,
38 ; Manda taken by, 41 ; ex
peditions against Malindi, 44,
and Mombasa, 45, 103 ; fight
Mrima, 45 ; customs commenced,
48 ; break into Siu, 49 ; attacked
by Portuguese, 50, 52 ; trade trans
ferred to Lamu, 56 ; makes allegi
ance to Imam, 57 ; war with
Lamu, 57, 58 ; internal disorders,
61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66 ; Fumomadi
restores order, 66 ; Fumoluti's
intrigue, 70; combine with
Mazaru'i against Lamu, 72 ; attack
Lama with Mazaru'i, 76; repulsed,
76 ; famine, 86 ; Sa'id's soldiers
put in, 86 ;_Jamine, 89 ; breaks
from Sa'id's allegiance, 89 ;
attacked by Sa'id, 91 ; fight with
Siu, 94, 95
Pate (Modern), 148, 149, 166 ; birth
place of Swahili language, 118 ;
description of, 160; origin of
name, 160; old quarters of, 161,
162 ; old buildings in, 163 ; tombs
in, 163
Payva, 12
Paza. See Faza.
Peacock, mentioned in Bible, 3
Pedro Alvares Cabral, 8, 13

INDEX

347

Pedro Leytam de Gamboa, 19
Pemba, 2, 8, 10, 15, 18, 23, 60, 72, 86,
98, 133, 136, 138, 144; punished
by Portuguese, 20 ; captured by
Sa'id's governor, 26
Periplus, the, of the Erythean Sea, 4,
133, 140
; Persia, 2 ; Shah of, 19
I Persian Gulf, 7, 8, 19, 107, 137, 139,
151
Persian monastery, 154 ; settlements,
164
Persians, driven out of Hormuz, 32 ;
invade Oman, 23 ; build towns on
east coast, 30
Phoanicians, 132, 143, 151, 164;
given port on Eed Sea, 3
Pigmies, 225
Pilgrimage, 112
Ploaria Ehapta, 140
Poets, Alikoti, 89 ; Liongo, 44
Pompeii, 159, 161
Pongwa rock, 48
Port Durnford. See Burakao.
Port Florence, 290, 298
Porter, caravan, 194, 195, 196 ;
names of, 197 ; superstitions of,
198, 199; music of, 199, 200;
stories and games, 200, 201, 202
Portuguese, records, 12 ; on east
coast, 12 to 22 ; come to Pate, 48 ;
start customs Pate, 48 ; Wafamao
said to be descended from, 49 ;
conquer Swahili coast, 49 ; insist
on tax, 50 ; fight with Pate, 50 ;
turn out Sultan Muhammad, 51 ;
attack Lamu, 51 ; attack Pate, 52 ;
turned out of Mombasa and all
coast towns, 55 ; guns left by, 57 ;
in Swahili language, 118 ; chapel
at Shela, 158 ; wells at Siu, 165 ;
arrival at Faza, 167 ; types at
Faza, 169
Portuguese East Africa, 308
Pottery, 155
Ptolemy (geographer), 5, 133
Ptolemys, the, 4
Pyralaon, Isles of, 5

Eabai, 18, 180
Eas al Had, 94
Eashid (Mazaru'i governor), 27,
28
Easini. See Faza.
Eatibuni, 162
Eavasco, 14
Eavine, the. See Eldama ravine.
Eejaf, 296
Eendile, 206, 207, 237, 283, 285, 286,
287, 303
Eeserves, Masai, 210; game, 211;
native, 320
Ehapta, 5, 141
Ehaptus, 141
Ehino, 201, 261, 275
Eice, 178
Eider Haggard, 152
Eift Valley, 206, 207, 209, 210, 230,
265, 268, 273, 278, 280; 284, 289
Einderpest, 208, 241
Eipon Falls, 296
Eoan antelope, 289
Eobertii, Grant's gazelle, 279
Eodrigo de Lima, 12
Eogers, Mr., 101
Bomans, withdrawal from Arabia, 5
Eoque Borges, 20
Bowles, Captain, visits Zanzibar, 18
Eudolf, Lake, 4, 282, 283, 284
Euero, E., 234
Eufiji, E., 5, 141
Eupee, 106, 112
Euy Freire Andrade, 20
Saadani, 45, 137, 144
Sabaki, E., 9, 56, 174, 175
Sacrifices and sacrificial spots, 127,
243, 259
Sagana. See Tana, E.
Sahari, 59, 79
Sa'id bin Ahmed, Imam, 24; dies,
25
Sa'id bin Hamed, 98
Sa'id bin Sultan, Seyid, 25, 26, 78,
133, 165, 166 ; his kingdom, 28 ;
attacks Mombasa, 27 ; attacks Siu,
27 ; puts soldiers in Lamu, 78 ;

348

INDEX

Sa'id bin Sultan — continued.
claims Mombasa fort, 79 ; origin
of claim, 80 ; Mazaru'i refuse, 81 ;
takes fort, 81 ; Pate breaks from
his allegiance, 89 ; takes Mombasa
fort, 89 ; at Zanzibar, 89, 90, 91 ;
loses Mombasa fort, 91 ; retakes
it, 91 ; imprisons Fumobakari, 92 ;
defeated at Sui, 93 ; returns
Maskat and dies, 94.
Sa'id Sudi, 97, 98 ; put out of office,
98
Saida Musa, Sherif, 165
Salambini, 161
Salem bin Sultan, Seyid, 25
Samburr, 206, 237, 273, 275, 285,
286
Santiago, fortress of, 14
Sanya, 175, 176, 262, 274
Sara Kedong, 267
Sarambini, 50
Sataspes, 4
Schweinfurth Falls, 261
Sclater road, 266, 278
Seasons, 137, 138, 173
Sedana. See Tana E.
Sef bin Ahmed, 24
Sef bin Khalif, 23
Sef bin Sultan, 21, 22, 57
Sef bin Sultan bin Sef, 22, 23
Sef bin (thu) Yezin, 6
Sefs, the seven, 56
Sefu Muru, Liwali, 94
Selafi, 108
Senna, 16 ; Portuguese captain of,
eaten by Zimba, 17
Sepoys, 101
Seringeti Plains, 181
Sese Islands, 298
Seven Forks, 262
Seyid, or Sayid, meaning of, 25
Shafi'a sect, 11, 107
Shah of Persia, 19, 29
Shaka, 29, 44; Mzungu, 50; la
Simba, 100
Shakari, Sheikh, 170
Shakwa, Bwana, Sultan (of Faza),
35

Shanga, 29, 33, 38, 149, 167
Shark flesh, 9, 137 ; fat, 136
Sharpey, Captain, visits Pemba, 18
Shaving of head, 35
Sheba, kingdom and Queen of, 3, 204
Sheep, fat-tailed, 216
Sheikh bin Fumoluti, Bwana, 64
Sheikh bin Fumomadi, Bwana,
Sultan (of Pate), 84 ; put on
throne, 86 ; removed from throne,
88
Sheikh, Bwana, Sultan (of Witu),
101
Sheikh Fakihi Mansuru, 159
Shela, 57, 72, 172, 149, 151, 152, 156 ;
Kitao people go to, 43, 44 ; battle
of, 76, 77 ; origin of inhabitants,
157 ; dialect of, 157 ; description
of, 157, 158
Shendambe, 170
Sherifs, come to Pate, 50 ; at Sui, 93
Shimba Hills, 174
Shindakasi, 50, 95
Shindayua, 165
Shindoni, 50, 161
Shiraa, 114, 153
Shire Eiver, 291
Simba, Bwana, 95
Simba Uranga, 146
Simbara, 234
Sindeyo, 209 ; fights with Lanana,
226
Situtunga, 290, 298
Siu, 18, 25, 27, 33, 37, 49, 61, 66, 76,
77, 85, 86, 88, 89, 92, 93, 95, 96,
97, 114, 141, 149, 160, 163; de
scription of, 164; origin of name,
164 ; mosque of, 164 ; fort and
wells, 165 ; history, 166 ; dialect,
166 ; dress of women, 167
Siyu. See Siu.
Skeleton Plain, 266, 279
Sleeping sickness, 290, 295, 297, 298
Small-pox, 267
Smith, Fort, 209, 267
Snuff, 215, 250
Sobat, E., 173
Socotra, 6, 8, 9

INDEX

349

Sofala, 2, 7, 8, 10, 13, 14 ; supposed
to be Ophir, 2 ; visited by Covil
ham, 12
Sogota, Lake, 282
Solai, Lake, 281
Solomon, King, trading ships of, 2
Somali, 101, 107, 118, 153, 155, 165,
168, 169, 176, 179, 196, 205, 206,
214, 216, 218, 254, 275, 285, 286,
287, 303, 304 ; gutturals, 286
Somaliland, 139, 175, 205, 207, 274,
287; called "country of Ber
bera," 7
Sotik, 274, 295
Speke, 133
Spirillum tick, 297
Spitting, 236
Stephanie, Lake, 207, 283
Stewart, Sir Donald, 210
St. George, H.M.S., 133
Sudanese, 81, 101, 233, 284, 307
Sudi faction, 73
Suk, 204, 274, 285
Suka, 256, 257
Sukari binti Kae, Mwana, 62
Suleiman bin Muthafar, Imam, 30
Suleiman bin Suleiman, Imam,
30 ; goes to Pate, 30 ; dies, 31
Suleiman, Bwana (Sa'id's Wazir),
96
Suleiman Hassan, 11
Sultan bin Ahmed, 24 ; becomes
Imam, 25
Sultan bin el Mohassen, 21
Sultan bin Hamed, Imam, 78, 79 ; at
Mombasa, 80
Sultan bin Malit, 21
Sultan bin Marshid, 23
Sultan bin Sef, 22
Sumbukoni, 162
Superstitions, 260
Swahili, 304 ; pronunciation of letter
"t," 104; huts, 105; religion,
107 ; trading caravans, 108 ; time,
111; month, 112; unlucky days,
112; what he is, 116; language,
116; words, 117; dialects of, 117;
birthplace of, 118; dialects, 118;

Swahili — continued.
dialectic differences, 119; old
language, 120 ; characters, 120,
121 ; origin of name, 122 ; dress
of, 122 ; superstitions of, 123, 124,
125 ; medicines and charms, 126,
127, 128; houses of, 129; character,
130 ; of Lamu, 153 ; dress of, 154,
155 ; Unyago, 155 ; connection
with Wanyika, 179 ; superstitions,
181, 182; as porters, 195, 196;
superstitions, 198, 199
Syria, 205
Syrians build coast cities, 29
Taka, 29, 42, 43, 44, 156, 158 ; Sheikh
of, 159
Takaungu, 89, 107
Talismans, of Mtepe, 141
Tamu, Bwana, the Great, 55 ; dies,
56
Tamu, the younger, Bwana, 23, 57 ;
trouble with Imam, 59 ; assassi
nated, 59
Tana Eiver, 141, 149, 169, 172, 175,
177, 178, 179, 212, 235, 246, 251,
253, 254, 256, 258, 261, 262, 274,
287
Tanga, 45
Tanning skins, 171
Taru Desert, 10, 173, 174, 177, 180
181, 182, 289
Tauthe, Bwana, 69
Taveta, 181
Taylor, Eev. W. E., 29
Teleki, Count, 282, 283
Ternan, Fort, 289
Tetanus, 222
Tete, 17, 133
Thika E., 234, 240, 261
Thiririka E., 234
Thuen, Sayid, 94, 102
Tikuni, 141
Toddy, 156
Topi, 171, 176, 289
Torobo. See Ogiek.
Trajan, 4
Tristam da Cunha, 15

350

INDEX

Trout, 272
Tsetse, 296
Tugen, 273
Tukutu, 29, 44
Tula, 29, 38, 89
Tumal, 218
Tundwa, 170
Tungi, 29
Turkana, 202, 204, 284, 285
Turkey, Sultan of, 17
Turki, Sayid, 98
Turks take Egypt, 16
Tutwae nipole, 162
Twavae, 29
Uasin. See Guas.
Uganda, 173, 183, 187, 209, 281, 289,
297, 298 ; coinage in, 112
Uganda railway, 103, 185, 264
Ukamba, 241
Underground passage, made by
Portuguese, 48
Unguja, 143. See also Zanzibar.
Ungwi, 58
Unyago, 155, 175
Unyamwezi, 195
Uthiwa. See Uziwa.
Utiro, Sheikh, 170
Utuku kuu, 162
Uvondo, 149, 170
Uziwa, 29, 38
Van Caerdan, 18
Vasco da Gama, 13, 105 ; second
voyage, 14
Vasco Homen, 16
Victoria, Lake, 173, 178, 290, 295;
depth of, 295
Vidal, Captain, anchors off Mom
basa, 26
Voi, 181, 185, 189, 190
Volcanoes, 280, 282
Vumbi, 29
Vutila, 168
Wabarawa, 51. See also Barawa.
Waboni. See Boni.
Wachaga, 183

Wachoni, 175, 176
Wadigo, 180
Waduruma, 180
Wafamao, 49
Wages, 308
Wajoli, 179
Wakamba, 181, 202, 208, 218, 241,
246, 254,256,262, 263,308
Wakatwa, 56
Wakilio, 168
Waller's gazelle, 181, 286
Wambugu, 246
Wandenge, 233
Wandorobo, origin of work, 274.
See also Ogiek.
Wangi, 29, 94
Wanjohi, 246, 271
Wanyamwezi, 10, 195, 196, 199, 202
Wanyika, 179, 188 ; help recapture
Mombasa fort, 24 ; kilt of women,
180
Wapari, 183
Wapatha, 34, 163, 166. See also Faza.
Warde, 179, 287
Wasanya. See Sanya.
Wasegeju, allies of Malindi, 18
Wasini, 29, 45
Wataita, 181, 183, 308
Watamu, 29
Watikau. See Bajuns.
Watoro, 97, 171
Watui, 34
Watumwa, 153
Waungwana, 153
Wazir bin Tama, Bwana, 83, 89
Webbe Shebeli, 9, 174
Wembi, 256, 257
Weng'andu, 43
Witchcraft, 76
Witu, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 149, 171,
172
Xerxes, 4
Yahia, massacre by, 6
Yakut, 9
Yao, 16, 118, 154, 303, 307 ; chiefs,
108

INDEX

351

Yaya, 38
Yemen, 6, 9, 20 ; conquered by
I Abyssinia, 5
fYorubi Imams, 21, 22, 23, 30, 55, 57,
> 59,79
Yumbe, 45, 161, 163
lYusuf bin Sultan Ahmad, 19, 20
Zahidi Mgumi, Bwana, 69, 70, 73, 74
Zaire or Congo, discovery of, 12
Zambezi E, 7, 16, 17, 132, 133
Zanzibar, 2, 5, 7, 14, 15, 18, 20, 21,
24, 26, 28, 37, 45, 60, 78, 89, 90, 92,
94, 96, 98, 101, 102, 107, 132, 133,
134, 136, 137, 138, 166, 170, 187 ;
inhabitants embrace Islam, 10 ;
visited by Vasco da Gama, 13 ;
visited by Sa'id, 27 ; empire, 28 ;

Zanzibar — continued.
built by Abdul Malik, 29 ; bom
bardment of, 101, 133 ; women's
dress, 123; local builds of ships,
139, 143, 144 ; derivation of name,
143
Zeid bin Ali, 6
Zeila, 10
Zena faction, 73
Zenj. See Zinj.
Ziba E., 254, 256, 258
Zika E. See Thika.
Zimba, 17, 18
Zimbaze, 16
Zing, 6, 7, 9, 11; King of , 10
Zinjibar, King of, 9
Zingis. See Zinj.
Zingium. See Zinj.

BBADBUBT, AGNEW, 4, OO. LD., PBINTEBS, LONDON AND IONBBDD«E.

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