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ELIZABETH QUEIM OF BOHEMIA.

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LIVES

PEINCESSES OP ENGLAND,

THE NORMAN CONQUEST.

MARY ANNE EVEEETT GREEN,
EDITOR op the
"LETTEES OE EOYAL AND ILLUSTRIOUS LADIES."

VOL. V.

LONDON :
PUBLISHED FOE, HENRY COLBURN,
BY HIS SUCCESSOBS, HURST & BLACKETT,
GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET.
1854.

PRINTED BT HARBISON AND SONS,
LONDON GAZETTE OFFICE, ST. MARTIN'S LANE-

ADVERTISEMENT.

In apologizing to her readers for the delay in the
appearance of the present volume, the Author begs to say
that it has been occasioned by unavoidable circumstances.
The immense mass of contemporaneous correspondence,
during the periods of the Stuarts and the Commonwealth,
renders investigations tedious. Those at the State Paper
Office alone occupied some months; from this source,
indeed, ,the principal part of the life of the Queen of
Bohemia is compiled. Whenever a letter or dispatch is
without reference, it will be found under its proper date
in the German or Holland correspondence in the State
Paper Office ; this general statement avoids the necessity
of burdening the notes with perpetual references to that
office. It is matter of regret that the concluding chapter
of the Queen of Bohemia's life cannot be introduced into
the present volume, without adding too much to its bulk ;
but it is confidently expected that the sixth volume,
which is to conclude the work, will be published within
six months from the present date.

7, Upper Gower Street,
Feb. 6th, 1854.

CONTENTS

THE FIFTH VOLUME.

Page
Mary, Third Daughter of Henry VII, Chapter I. . . 1
Mary's picturesque character — Birth and early education —
Presence at court — "Wooed by the Prince of Castile — Mar
riage treaty — Popular ballad — Betrothal — Public rejoicings
— Prince Charles's love-letter — Accession of Henry VIII.
— Courtly revels — Meeting of Henry VIII. and Charles of
Castile — Charles Brandon — His attachment to Margaret of
Savoy — Preparations for Mary's marriage — Postponement —
Description of Mary— She breaks off the match — Forms an
attachment to Charles Brandon — Louis XII. proposes for
her — Her reluctant consent — Betrothal — Impatience of her
bridegroom — Her letters to him — Marriage trousseau — She
sails for France — Reception — Marriage at Abbeville — Her
suite dismissed — She complains — Wolsey interferes in vain
— Mary's court — Her exemplary conduct. — Coronation —
Entry into Paris — Tourneys in her honour — Suffolk's
bravery— French jealousy— Mary dines in the city — Re
ceives a deputation from the university — Domestic concord
— Portraits — Illness of Louis — His letter to Henry VIII. —
Death.
Chapter II  73
Mary retires to the Hdtel de Clugny — "Wolsey cautions her
against re-marriage — Her reply — Francis I. wishes her to
re-marry in France — Mary reveals her attachment to Bran
don, which he promises to aid — Brandon returns to France
— His interviews with Francis and with Mary — They plead
permission to marry — Opposition of English Council — Their
private marriage — Suffolk reveals it to Wolsey— Reply of
Wolsey— Deprecatory letters to Henry VIII— Claims made
for Mary's dower— Bribes offered to conciliate Henry VIII
—Suffolk and Mary return to England — Their reception —
Public marriage — Portraits — Ballad — Large payments to
Henry VIII.

CONTENTS OP THE FIFTH VOLUME.

Chapter III  109
Mary in private life — Sends for her step-daughter — Pleads for
her sister Margaret — Visits Suffolk — Christens a ship-
Birth and baptism of her son — At court with her sister
Margaret — Visits Butley Abbey — Her husband sued for debt
— They retire from court — Their household — Letter from
Mary to Henry VIII. — She attends Queen Catherine to
"Walsingham — Attempt at match-making — They return to
court — Birth of a daughter Frances — Fetes to French am
bassadors^ — Illness of Mary — She goes to London — Visit of
Charles V. — Field of the cloth of gold — Breach with France
— Mary's dower embarrassments — Brandon heads an army
to France — Falls into disgrace — Restored to favour — Mary's
son made Earl of Lincoln — Commissioners sent to France,
who obtain her dower arrears — Her letters to Francis I. —
"Wolsey — Montmorency — and Mdlle. de Popincourt — Pic
nics at Butley — Mary's sympathy for Queen Catherine —
Obtains a confirmation of her own marriage — Her death —
Funeral — Descendants,
Catherine, Fourth Daughter of Henry VII  144
Elizabeth, Eldest Daughter of James I. Chapter I. . . 145
Elizabeth the cause of the Thirty Years' "War — Her birth —
Baptism — Early training; — Journey from Scotland to England
— Falls in love with the dauphin's portrait — Lord Harrington
made her tutor — Combe Abbey her residence — Her house
hold — Visit to Coventry — Early letters — Gunpowder-plot —
Elizabeth at court — Attachment to her brother — Corre
spondence with him— Her early promise — French match
spoken of — Her daily rides with the prince — Court ballets
— Visit to the Tower — Elizabeth's love of animals — Gives
the prizes at a tourney — Court fetes — Her love of literature
— Sonnets upon her— Wooed in vain by Gustavus Adolphus,
the Prince of Savoy, and the King of Spain — Frederic Prince
Palatine — His early training — Makes overtures for Eliza
beth — Treaty is negotiated — Queen's opposition — Wither's
address to Elizabeth — Frederic sets out for England — His
arrival and reception— Familiar intercourse with the prin
cess— Their mutual attachment — Illness and death of Prince
Henry — Stanzas by Elizabeth — Frederic's attentions to her
— The union opposed — James I. persists in it— Expenditure
of the princess— Frederic made Knight of the Garter —
Betrothal — New Year's gifts — Frederic's pastimes — His
letter to the king — Anxious to return to Germany — Chap
ter of the Garter — Pageant on the Thames — Marriage cere
mony—Rejoicings, masques, and epithalamia— Poverty at

CONTENTS OF THE FIFTH VOLUME. IX
Page
court — Frederic's present to his bride — His University
honours — Tilting — Preparations for their departure — They
go to Greenwich and Rochester — Elizabeth's parting with
her parents and brother — Her letters — Storm-bound in Kent
— Sets sail for Germany.
Chapter II  226
Elizabeth's voyage to Holland — Reception — Letter to King
James — Arrives at the Hague — Entertainments there —
Presents — Travels towards Germany — Embarks on the
Rhine — Welcomed in the Palatinate, and at Heidelberg
— Festivities there — Hunting-parties — Elizabeth's dower
settled — Her establishment — Fracas of servants — Death of
two Lords Harrington — Disturbances in Elizabeth's house
hold — Her life at court — Birth of a son — General rejoic
ings — His baptism — Congratulations — Elizabeth's facile dis
position — She runs into debt — Schomberg marries her maid
of honour — Frederic reaches his majority — Attends a meet
ing of princes at Heilbrunn — His illness — Elizabeth writes
to the king — Contests for precedence — Domestic regulations
— Jewels missing — Explanations — Heidelberg gardens —
Visit to High Palatinate — Suspicions entertained against
Schomberg — I loath of his wife— Letter of Elizabeth —
Assembly at Wirtemberg — Discussions on precedency —
Death of Schomberg — Arrival of Lady Harrington — Birth
and baptism of Charles Louis — Projected visit to England —
Present of monkeys — Threatened assassination — Birth of
Elizabeth — Death of Anne of Denmark — Arrival of Don-
caster, English ambassador — Elizabeth's love of literature.
Chapter III  297
State of Germany — Election of Emperor Ferdinand— Bohe
mian crown offered to Frederic — He appeals to England for
advice — Elizabeth urges him to accept it, and prevails —
She prepares to accompany him to his Kingdom — Farewell
to Heidelberg— Enthusiasm of the English Nation — King
James's coolness — Journey of Frederic and Elizabeth to
frontiers of Palatinate — Bohemian Deputies meet them —
Formal acceptance of the crown— They go on to Prague —
Joyous reception— Palace of Prague — Coronation ceremo
nies — Frederic goes to Nuremberg — Writes to Elizabeth —
Disturbances at Prague— Presents to the Queen — Birth of
Rupert — Baptism — Succession to crown settled on Eliza
beth's son — She writes to her father— Public affairs — James
I. refuses aid— Appeal of the Dowager-Electress— Elizabeth
writes to her brother — James I. levies troops— Spinola
attacks Palatinate— Prague threatened— Elizabeth is urged

5 CONTENTS OF THE FIFTH VOLUME. Page
to remove — She refuses to leave her husband — Frederic joins
the army — Letters to his wife — English ambassadors arrive
at Prague — Frederic's letters — Battle of Prague — Retreat
of king and queen to Breslau — Elizabeth goes to Custrin —
Defection of Frederic's subjects — Birth of Maurice — Poli
tical alliances — James I. obtains from Frederic a pledge of
submission — Prohibits him and his daughter coming to Eng
land — They are invited to the Hague — Journey.
Chapter IV  360
Sir Dudley Carleton, English ambassador at the Hague, wel
comes the king and queen — Public entrance— Queen's
cheerfulness— James 1. urges Frederic to submission' — ¦
Elizabeth remonstrates in vain — Her private life — Melan
choly state of Palatinate — Frederic's depression — -He joins
the Dutch army — James compels his return — Disasters in
his dominions — James I. vainly treats for peace — Sends
Elizabeth money — English enthusiasm in her favour — Dis
trust between king and Parliament — Frederic goes in
disguise to Palatinate — Count Mansfeldt — Elizabeth's
domestic life — Pleads for Van der Myle — Obtains money
from England — Birth and baptism of Princess Louise —
Christian of Brunswick — Campaign in the Palatinate —
James urges Frederic to cease from war — He hesitates —
Retires to Sedan — Correspondence with Elizabeth — Duke
Christian loses an arm - Heidelberg lost — Frederic returns
to Hague — James I. promises to arm — Spanish diplomacy
— Loss of Manheim — Frankenthal given to the infanta
by James — Dismay of Frederic and Elizabeth — Prince
Charles's visit to Spain— Elizabeth's anxiety for him — King
and queen visit Breda, &c. — Establish their children at Ley
den — Duke Christian refuses imperial pardon — James com
pels Frederic to accept a truce — Spanish marriage broken
by refusal to restore Palatinate — Prince Louis born —
Fetes at the Hague— Visit to Culenburgh — Spain proposes
terms of peace— Frederic objects — Parliament votes money
for Palatinate — General rejoicing— Elizabeth accused of
colleaguing with Buckingham against James I. — Defends
herself— Domestic particulars — Want of money— Elizabeth
beloved by Puritans — Faux-pas of Duke Christian— Mans
feldt levies troops in England— Death of Prince of Orange
and of James I.

Chapter V.

440

Position of Charles I.— His efforts to aid his sister— Want of
money — Tour of the king and queen in North Holland 
They give fetes in honour of King Charles's marria»e 

CONTENTS OF THE FIFTH VOLUME. XI
Page
Discontents of Parliament — Supplies for Palatinate refused —
Buckingham's manoeuvres — Charles I. attempts a general
Protestant alliance — Partially succeeds — Parliament attacks
Buckingham — Is dissolved — Frederic's despondency — Death
of Duke Christian — Birth of Princess Henrietta Maria —
Elizabeth ill — Lord Carleton leaves Hague— King and
queen visit Dutch army — Christening of Prince Orange's
son — Marriage of Lord Strange — Death of Mansfeldt — Low
state of Frederic and Elizabeth — Charles I. pays their
debts — Queen's obliging temper — Her correspondence —
Political affairs — Death of Buckingham — Frederic builds a
country house at Rhenen — Family portrait group — The
queen's family— Death of her eldest son — Condolences — She
removes to Rhenen — Endangered by Spanish troops —
Visits army at Bois-le-duc — She and husband ill— Pecu
niary embarrassments — Charles privately negotiates peace
with Spain — Distress of Frederic and Elizabeth - Charles's
explanations — Electoral diet — Elizabeth's resignation —
Birth of Prince Charles of England — And of Princess
Sophia — Death of Princess Charlotte — Visit of Duke de
Vend6me — Gustavus Adolphus and the Marquis of Hamil
ton — King of Sweden asks aid from England for German
war — Charles I. in treaty with emperor — Elizabeth's strong
remonstrances — Charles offended, but reconciled — Queen's
letter to Roe — Birth of Prince Gustavus — Frederic joins
Swedish army — His movements — Correspondence with his
wife — ¦ Vane's embassy — Queen's letters to lain — Policy of
Gustavus -His death at Lutzen — Dismay of Frederic —
He has the plague — His death — And character.
Chapter VI. ... . . 510
Elizabeth's emotions on her husband's death — ¦ Letter of
Charles I. to her — Her reply — Letter of her children —
Embassy of condolence — Invitation to England declined —
Burial of Frederic — State of his affairs — Pecuniary arrange
ments — Charles Louis recognized Elector — Elizabeth ad
dresses the States of Holland — German Politics — Nether-
sole's plot to gain money for the Queen — He is disgraced
by Charles I. — Elizabeth's sons — Difficulties in England —
Nethersole's anger — He is sent to the Tower — The Queen
intercedes for him — Elizabeth's political activity — Sheclaims
her grandmother's inheritance — But fails to obtain it —
Swedish Policy about the Palatinate — Elizabeth suspected
of leaning to France — Her private life — Fortitude — Illness
— Visited by Oxenstiern — Correspondence with Laud —
Charles Louis and Rupert sent to England — Rupert projects
an expedition to Madagascar— Elizabeth prevents it— At
tempts made to change his religion — They fail -King of

XU CONTENTS OF THE FIFTH VOLUME. Page
Poland wooes the Princess Palatine — She refuses to become
a Catholic — Match broken off — Emperor totally excludes
Elizabeth's children from succession— She appeals to Eng
land — Charles I. temporizes — Arundel's embassy — Eliza
beth opposes half measures — Distress in the Palatinate —
Failure of Treaty — Charles Louis sues for aid — Partially
granted — Death of Emperor, and election of his successor
Elizabeth anxious to have her son in action — Charles I.
assists him — Mary de Medici visits the Hague — Charles
Louis defeated, and Rupert imprisoned — Hamburgh treaty
— Charles Louis wishes to head a German army — Is taken
prisoner on his route through France — But liberated —
Imperial diet — Charles Louis returns to England — Parlia
mentary aid promised — Compromise with Emperor proposed
— Rupert liberated — He and Maurice go to England — Eliza
beth gradually withdraws from public life.
Appendix ........ ... 57ff "

ILLTJSTEATIONS.

Elizabeth Queen op Bohemia, from a family group,
painted by Honthorst forCharles I  Frontispiece-
Mary Tudor and Charles Duke of Suffolk, from their *
marriage portrait, in possession of Lord Grenville  Vignette.
Fac-simile signature of Mary Tudor  p. 143
Fac-simile subscription and signature of the Queen of
Bohemia  p483

MAEY,
THIRD DAUGHTER OF HENRY VII.

CHAPTER I.

Mary's picturesque character— Birth and early education — Presence at
court — Wooed by the Prince of Castile — Marriage treaty — Popular
ballad — Betrothal — Public rejoicings — Prince Charles's love-letter —
Accession of Henry VIII. — Courtly revels — Meeting of Henry VIII.
and Charles of Castile — Charles Brandon — His attachment to Mar
garet of Savoy— Preparations for Mary's marriage— Postponement —
Description of Mary— She breaks off the match — Forms an attach
ment to Charles Brandon — Louis XII. proposes for her — Her reluct
ant consent — Betrothal — Impatience of her bridegroom — Her letters
to him — Marriage trousseau— She sails for France — Reception — Mar
riage at Abbeville — Her suite dismissed — She complains — Wolsey
interferes in vain — Mary's court — Her exemplary conduct. — Corona
tion — Entry into Paris — Tourneys in her honour —Suffolk's bravery —
French jealousy — Mary dines in the city — Receives a deputation from
the university — Domestic concord — Portraits — Illness of Louis — His
letter to Henry VIII.— Death.
Few characters in history are invested with more of the
fascination of romance than Mary Tudor. Uniting to the
majestic dignity which characterized her race, a graceful
simplicity and winning frankness of manner>J3«Iiant in
beauty, sparkling in wit, and elegant in accomplishment,
she was long the brightest star in the galaxy of female
loveliness which charmed the court of Henry VIII. Her
moral character also stands out with singular freshness, in
contrast to the cold selfishness and heartless ambition of
the grasping politicians by whom she was surrounded.
During her brief but adventurous career, she challenged an
vol. v. B

2 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
amount of admiration rarely equalled, and in later times
she has formed the theme cf many a romantic lay and
legend, in French as well as English literature.
Mary Tudor was the third daughter of Henry VII. and
Elizabeth of York. The exact date of her birth is uncer
tain, but it probably took place in March, 1496 ; since the
earliest document which makes mention of her records a
payment to her nurse for one quarter, ending in June that
year: as such payments were usually made half-yearly
and not quarterly, the deduction is that the nurse's services
were not called into requisition before the March, the pre
sumed date of the princess's birth.1 This coincides with,
the account given by Erasmus, who visited the royal;
children at Eltham, in 1500, and speaks of the Princess
Mary as a sportive child of four years.2 The details of her
childhood are neither numerous nor interesting. Her*
nursery abode was the rural palace of Eltham, and her
companions, her sister Margaret and her two younger ;
brothers Henry and Edmund. A wardrobe warrant of
1499 orders for "my Lady Mary" a gown of green vel
vet, edged with purple tinsel, and lined with black buck
ram ; a gown of black velvet, edged with crimson ; kirtles
of tawny damask and black satin, edged with black velvet;
and two pairs of knitted hosen.3 The following year a
dress of crimson velvet, requiring 4t- ells of material,
one of blue velvet, and another of black, furred with
ermine, &c, are named.4 About this time a separate
establishment was formed for the princess :5 she had her
suite of waiting-women and gentlewomen, &c, a ward-
1 Calendar Privy Seal Bills Henry VII. Rolls House. The entry in
qnestion is from Brevia de privtoa sigillo de Termino Paschse, Anno xj
regis nunc: Anne Skeron nutrici domince Mariie, l a. pro quarterio;
unius anni, finiti ad festum Sancti Johannis Baptistse ultim., Johanna*
Colyng, Fredeswidse Putenham, Marjerias Gower, Johanna? Cacc, A visas!
Skidmore et Alicia? By wimble, cuilibet earum xxxiijs. iiijrf. [per annum],
pro attendenciis suis, nutrici ducis Eboracensis et sororum suarum, per
medium annum, ad finem predictum .... vii/. xs.
2 Knight's Erasmus, p. 69.
2 W'ardrobe Indentures, Henry VII. Queen's Remembrancer Office.
* Wardrobe Account, 15 Hen. VII. Chapter House Books, A. 6,25.
ff. 16,55. Rolls House.
s Wardrobe Indentures, Hen. VII. 21st Nov. 18° Queen's Remembj
Office.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 3
robe-keeper and a schoolmaster, receiving each 665. 8d. a
quarter,1 and a physician who had a salary of Is. od. per
day.8 Much care was bestowed upon her education, which
comprised the French and Latin languages, and the ac
complishments of music, dancing and embroidery.3 The
king presented her with a lute, upon whieh instrument, as
well as upon the clavichord and regals, she was a graceful
performer. The only notices of her occurring in the
wardrobe book of her mother, Queen Elizabeth, are pay
ments of twenty pence to a tailor who made her a black
satin gown, and twelve pence for her " letter of pardon for
the jubilee,'"4 — a certificate of her participation in one of
those extraordinary indulgences granted every twenty-
fifth year by the See of Rome, — the jubilee transpired in
the year 1501. Her health appears to have been delicate, for
we find payments made to the royal apothecary, Eichard
Babham, for medicines dispensed to her, from the year
1504 to 1509, during the whole of which time she seems
to have been under medical surveillance."'
After her mother's death and the departure of her sist?*
Margaret to the Scottish court, Mary was thrown into
intimate association with her sister-in-law, Catherine of
Aragon, then Princess of Wales.
The first distinct mention of her in her father's court,
occurs in connection with the visit ofthe King and Queen
of Castile in 1506. Joanna, Queen of Castile, was the
elder sister of the Princess Catherine ; both being daugh
ters of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile. On
the death of Isabella, Joanna succeeded to the Castilian
crown, having previously married the Archduke Philip of
Austria, who thus became titular King of Castile. He
was already acquainted with Henry VII, for in the year
1500, that monarch and his queen being on a visit to
Calais at a time when the plague raged in London, the
archduke met them outside the walls of the town, and
there they had several conferences. One subject which
1 Book of the King's Payments, temp. Hen. VIII. Chapter House
Books, A. 5, 16, ff. 240, 280. Rolls House.
2 xbid. f. 33. 3 Ward, fragments ut sup.
' Edited by Sir H. Nicolas, pp. 29, 89, and notes, p. 204.
' Volume of Miscellaneous Privy Seal Bills, Rolls House, No. 33.
B 2

4 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
then came under discussion was the feasibility of a_ future
union between the Lady Mary and Charles, Prince ot
Castile, eldest son of Philip and Joanna, afterwards the
emperor Charles V.1
The introduction of King Philip to the royal circle at
Windsor Castle is thus recorded by a herald chronicler: —
" And when the king heard that the King of Castile was coming, he
went to the door of the great chamber and there received him, and
desired him to t
not have taken s
together went through
from thence to an inner chamber, where was my lady princess, and my
Lady Mary, the king's daughter, and divers other ladies. And after the
King of Castile had kissed them, and communed with them, and com
muned awhile with the king and the ladies all, they came into the king's
dining-chamber, where danced my lady princess, and a Spanish lady
with her in Spanish array ; and after she had danced two or three
dances, she left ; and then danced my Lady Mary and an English lady
with her ; and ever anon, tbe lady princess desired the king of Castile
to dance, which, after that he had excused him once or twice, answered
that he was a mariner, " and yet," said he, " you would cause me to
dance ; " and so he danced not, but communed still with the king. And
after that my Lady Mary had danced two or three dances, she went and
sat by my lady princess on the end of the carpet, which was under the
cloth of estate, and near where the king and the King of Castile stood.
And then danced one of the strange lords and a lady of England. That
done, my Lady Mary played on the lute, and after upon the claregalls,2
who played very well, and she was of all folks there greatly praised,
that in her youth, in everything, she behaved herself so very well."3
This was on Sunday, February 1st; on Tuesday, the 10th
the Castilian queen arrived from the sea-coast, where she
had remained to recruit, after the fatigues ofthe voyage ; she
also was welcomed by " my lady princess," her sister, and
the Princess Mary. The next day the royal party broke'
up, and the princesses Catherine and Mary departed for
Richmond, where King Henry joined them on the Thurs
day ; and, on the following Monday, the King of Castilej
arrived, and was greatly delighted with the beauties of the
sylvan palace, where he tarried for a week, entertained
with tilt and tournament, and every description of courtly
festivity.4 A commercial treaty between the two sove-
' %mer\ Pcedera, vol. v. p. 26. * So in MS. clavicords or regahi ii
3 Cotton. MS. Vespacian C. xii. f. 239 b.
1 Hall, p. 501. Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies, by M. A. E.
Wood. 8vo, London, 184G. Vol. i. p. 137.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 5
reigns Was concluded at Windsor, on the 9th of February.1
In this treaty no reference was made to the projected
marriage of the royal children ; the Prince of Castile
being at that time involved in a matrimonial engagement
with the Lady Claude of France; but in the course of
events, this engagement was broken off, and his union with
the English princess again became the subject of nego
tiation. The death of his father and the mental incapacity of his
mother, placed young Charles under the tutelage of his
two grandfathers. Ferdinand of Aragon, his mother's
father, assumed the regency of Castile; whilst the Emperor
Maximilian, his paternal grandfather, succeeded to that of
the Netherlands, appointing his own daughter, the cele
brated Archduchess Margaret, Duchess-Dowager of Savoy,
to fulfil the active duties of the office, and to take the per
sonal superintendence of her youthful nephew. Under
her auspices the matrimonial treaty was set on foot.2
Henry Vii. was a willing listener to any proposition which
brought him into friendly contact with the house of
Austria, since he was a suitor for the hand of the twice-
widowed Lady Margaret, who was only in her twenty-
ninth year.3 A meeting at Calais, between himself and
the archduchess, had been proposed by King Henry, in
order to arrange the marriage of his daughter with the
Prince of Castile : this meeting Henry was obliged to
postpone, on account of indisposition ; but he suggested
that, in the meantime, commissioners should discuss the
business parts of the treaty, so that when they did meet,
they might have more leisure " to devise of and upon
other pleasant and comfortable matters!"4 Hatred to France
'.Cotton. MS. Titus, B: i. f. 2.
2 The motives of it are detailed in the following lines from a poem
entitled " Romaigne Abrege" par Nicole Ladan, dit songeur, demourant
a Bappalmes, chevaucheur ordinaire de 1' ecurie de tres excellent et
redoubts' Prince Charles, Par la Grace de Dieu Prince des Espaigucs,
Archiduc d'Austrice." Harl. M.S. 1131, f. 4 b.:—
" L' archeduc, lors petit, Avoit des fins voisins,
Et hors son appetit, Des querelleux cousins :
Dout pour garder sa terre, Fiancha par conseil
Marie d'Angleterre, Qui puis fist ung resveil."
3 Bacon's Henry VII. p. 107.
4 Cotton. -MS. Vespasian C. vi. f. 309, date May 24. Printed iu Ap-

rt MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
was a rooted principle in the heart of the Lady Margaret.
In her girlhood she had been shamefully deserted by
Charles VIII., after being brought up in his court as
future Queen of France, and receiving all the honours due
to his affianced bride, up to the very moment of his mar
riage with the heiress of Brittany ; and this insult was
never forgiven.1 Consequently, though she might not
desire a union with the King of England, then sickly, and
in declining age, she always cultivated political amity
with the potent rival of France, and to the utmost of her
power promoted the alliance between her nephew and the
Lady Mary.
In the autumn of 1507, commissioners, with full cre
dence from the Emperor and the Lady Margaret, were ap
pointed to meet commissioners, authorized by Henry VIL,
at Calais, and there to treat of the projected marriage;
with authority, also, to contract the espousals " per verba
defuturo." On the 21st of December they signed a treaty
by which it was agreed, that about the ensuing Easter,
deputies from the Prince of Castile should be sent into
England, to betroth the Lady Mary by proxy, and that
within forty days of his completing his fourteenth year,
fre*h commissioners should complete the marriage "per
verba de presenti;" the consent of the princess was pledged
by her father's commissioners, and the prince held him
self engaged, if King Henry wished it, personally to go
through the betrothal ceremony, in presence of deputies
sent from England.2 On behalf of Henry it was promised,
that within three months after the ceremony, the princess
should be conveyed in all honour, to Helvoet Sluys, at his
expense, and that within eight days after her arrival, the
true marriage should be solemnized: 25,000 crowns of gold
were promised as her marriage portion, for the payment
of which not only was the king to pledge his English
dominions, but the magistracy of Calais, on whom tho
pendix to Chronicle of Calais, published by the Camden Society under
date 1508 ; it appears rather to belong to the preceding year, from the
proposal for a meeting of commissioners, which took place in December,
J <>07> 1 Lettres de Louis XII. 12mo. Brunswick, 1712, vol. i. preface.
Cotton. MS. Yitell. C. xvi. f. 233.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 7
prince could much more easily make good his claim, were
to stand bound for its discharge.1 For the perform
ance of the prince's share in the agreement, the emperor
and the Archduchess offered their solemn oath, as did also
the princes and towns of Flanders.2 It was arranged that
a fine, equal to the amount of the portion, should be paid
in case of failure on either side, unless it were occasioned
by the death of one of the parties. The dower of the
princess was to be the same as that enjoyed by her great
aunt, Margaret, late Duchess of Burgundy, to be aug
mented in fitting proportion, when the prince should suc
ceed to the full possession of his hereditary kingdoms and
estates. The day on which the treaty was signed, St.
Thomas's-day, December 21st, was commemorated with
great joy in Calais ;3 and throughout the commercial dis
tricts of Flanders. The following is a translation of a
popular ballad composed on the occasion:4
" Arouse yourselves, ye sleepy spirits —
Whoever are friends of the English ,
Let us sing Ave Maria !
" Dame Mary shall join the fleece of gold,
And the enclosure5 of the castles, eagles, and lilies,
Arouse yourselves, &c.
" Mary, daughter of the true lily,
Henry the Seventh, that king of worth, ,
Prince over all princes, Arouse yourselves, &c.
1 Fcedera, vol. v. p. 139, et seq. Addit. MS. 11576, f. 87. Cotton.
MS. Titus, B. vi. f. 40.
- Foedera, vol. v. pp. 235, 237-9.
J Chron. Calais, p. 7, edited by J. C. Nichols, Esq. for the Camden
Society. * From the prominence given to Henry VII. it seems to have been
written by an inhabitant of Calais, which was then an English posses
sion, and greatly the gainer by the union of England and Flanders.
The verses, in the original French, are printed in Ellis's Letters, 1st
series, vol. i. p. 1 ID, as a Parisian ballad sung on tlie marriage of Mary
with Louis XII. of France ; but the mention of the Flemings and
Burgundians, subjects of Charles of Castile, as the parties benefited by
the union— of Henry VII. as still living— and of the Golden Fleece, the
castles, and the eagles — the armorial insignia of the empire, Castile, and
Flanders — definitely assigns it to this earlier nuptial occasion.
5 i. e. The heraldic enclosure, impaling the arms.

8 MARY, THIRD, DAUGHTER OF
" Shall deliver all Flanders
From the great annoyances of its enemies,
Eeinstating the churches-r Arouse yourselves, &c.
" Rejoice again I say —
Sing Burgundians, all unitedly,
At this lofty marriage —
Arouse yourselves, &c.
" For during ten thousand years from this
There will not be, nor has been in the country,
Such a peace, such an alliance —
Arouse yourselves, &c.
" We all pray, great and small.
That the kings may be all good friends,
And peace through all the world —
Arouse yourselves, &c. •'
" And that at last in Paradise
All may sing
With voice and heart purified —
Arouse yourselves, &c."
On the arrival in England of the tidings that the treaty
was completed, Henry VIL, doubting not that his true
subjects would be joyful to understand' " such matters as
redound to the great honour, exaltation, universal weal,
surety, and restfulness of us and this our realm," issued
letters to the mayor and aldermen of London and other
cities and considerable towns, informing them that by his
" great labour, study, and policy, this great and honour
able marriage" was concluded. He reminded them of
the noble lineage of the Prince of Castile, as descended
from the greatest kings and princes in Christendom: of
the " numerous regions, lands, and countries, wherein by
rightful inheritance he shall succeed," rendering his alli
ance peculiarly advantageous to commerce ; " so that by
means thereof, and the other alliance which we have with
our good son, the King of Scots, this our realm is now
environed and in manner closed oh every side with mighty
princes, our good sons, confederates, and allies." He
requested them therefore, " with all convenient expedi
tion, to cause demonstrations and tokens of rejoicing and
comfort to be made in sundry places within our city," by
bonfires and otherwise, " so that thereby it may be evi- j
dently known what gladness and rejoicing is generally

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 9
taken." * The royal orders were obeyed : bonfires blazed
in every direction, and fountains flowed with wine for all
who chose to partake.2
The marriage-contract received the imperial confirma
tion on February 22nd, 1508,3 and at the same time a
treaty of perpetual peace was signed, but sundry prolix
ratifications and confirmations were deemed necessary
before the affair could be brought to a satisfactory conclu
sion. In July 1508, an imperial ambassador arriving in
England, was very handsomely received and entertained ;4
and matters were gradually brought to the point at which
diplomatic prudence on both sides deemed it safe to act
decisively. In the month of December, 1508, deputies
arrived to conclude the espousals. These were the Lord
de Bergues, Imperial Chamberlain and Knight of the
Golden Fleece ;6 the Governor of Bresle ; a certain
Doctor Sploncke, in great favour with the emperor ;
Jehan le Sauvage, President of Flanders, a man of "great
wisdom, learning and authority ;" and four other officials,
with whom many lords, not belonging to the embassy,
associated themselves, for the sake of visiting the English
court, and being introduced to their future sovereign lady.
They were received at Dover by the Prior of St. Augus
tine's, Canterbury, and by Sir Edward Poynings, who
escorted them to Canterbury, where they were welcomed
by the mayor and aldermen. At Dartford the Earl of
Shrewsbury, seneschal, the Bishop of Worcester, Sir
Thomas Brandon, and others, met them and accompanied
them towards the city of London, which they entered on
December 5th, passing through streets lined with repre
sentatives of the bodies of traders and merchants, to the
sumptuously furnished lodgings prepared for them. Two
1 Dated from Richmond, Deo. 28th, 1507. Hail. MS. 293, f. 93.
Cotton. MS. Titus, B. i. f. 5, unfinished. Ou the 29th the king an
nounced the marriage to the French queen and Cardinal Amboise.
Bethome, MS. 8485,/. 11.
2 Chron. Bernard, Andreas, Cotton. MS. Julius, A. m.f. 11.
3 Fcedera, vol. v. pp. 139, 146.
4 Bernard Andreas, Cotton. MS. Julius, A. in. f. 54.
s This nobleman had previously visited England as the bearer to
Henry VII. of the insignia of the Golden Fleece from Archduke
Philip, the father of Charles. Fcedera, vol. v. p. 150,

10 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
days were given to repose and to the reception of the
civic magistracy. On the third they were summoned to
Greenwich Palace, and proceeded thither in a splendid
aquatic procession. King Henry, with the Prince of
Wales at his side, received them, in a full court of lords
temporal and spiritual, and after the recital of their com
mission, to which the Chancellor Archbishop of Canter
bury made a suitable reply, the king held a long and
familiar conversation with the strangers.
The following day a strict investigation was made into
the confirmations of the marriage treaty, which they had
brought over : these corresponded with the previous agree
ment, and it was formally declared that,
" By the premises it is manifest and open that this alliance and affinity
is by so great foresight and deliberation surely established and knit on
both parts, that it cannot be dissolved nor broken, unless it be by death
of any of the both parties contracting ; which God defend. Howbeit
the amity, nevertheless, shall stand in full strength and vigour. And it
is of truth and undoubted, that there was never amity or alliance here
tofore made and concluded, betwixt any princes, with better will and
mind, without colour or dissimulation, than this that now is taken betwixt
the said emperor and the king's highness, which at this day is the most
noble alliance and greatest marriage of all Christendom."
On the 16th of December the whole party adjourned to
Richmond, for the solemnization of the espousals*1 Splen-
1 Solemnities and- triumphs done and made at the spousals of the
Lady Mary to the Prince of Castile, printed by Pynson, and reprinted
in fac-simile by Sir Henry Ellis for the Roxburgh Club ; the greater
part of it is also in Archeeologia. vol xviii. pp. 33-9. Several pages
unfortunately are missing from the only copy of this tract known to be
in existence, and therefore from the reprint also. A Latin version of it
is to be found among the Douce MSS. in the Bodleian Library, No. 198,
ff. 145, 157, which is identical with the Carmeliani Carmen ; a version,
more copious than the English, which was also printed by Pynson, and
a unique vellum copy of which exists in the Grenville library. From
this source, we are enabled to fill up the blank caused by the missing
leaves, and to give many details which are omitted in the English copy.
To show the superiority of the Latin over the English tract, the para
graph from each giving an account of the festivities in London, is sub
joined : —
" The saide Sondaye night also, in reioysynge this feest and triumphe,
fyres were made in diverse and many places through the cytie of London,
with other demonstracions and signes of joye and gladnesse."
" Eadem die Dominica, civitas omnis Londoniarum invicem gaudens,'
his tam celeberrimis & memorandis triumphis, ad omnia festivitatis et

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 11
did preparations were made- the great hall was huno-
with silk, and decked with plate and costly ornaments ; the
altar of the chapel, where mass was to be performed, was
decorated with images of saints of gold or silver gilt, be-
studded with gems. To the princess's use was devoted the
reception room, previously occupied by her mother, which,
as well as the king's presence chamber, was draped with
hangings of cloth of gold, and adorned with costly furni
ture of every description. In the latter room, soon after
sunrise on the appointed day, Saturday, December 17th,
the Flemish nobility, attired in their most splendid cos
tumes, gathered around the king, and preceded by him,
went to the apartment of the princess, where many peers
and peeresses were already assembled. The king seated
himself on his couch of state, and passed the time in dis
courses with the ambassadors, till the arrival of the bride-
elect. She was ushered in attended by her sister-in-law,
the Princess Catherine, and followed by the noblest ladies
of England. The chronicler of the proceedings, who
seems to have been an eye-witness, thus continues his
account, —
" Now to declare and announce in words the splendid beauty of this
princess, the modesty and gravity with which she bore herself, the
laudable and princely gestures, befitting so great a princess, which, at
that time, were found in her, would be out of my power to make com
prehensible by any word or page. I will pass it by therefore, only saying
that never could there be any, or only the most splendid, comparison
with any other virgin princess, in so tender an age ; for she was about
eleven years old ;' her regal courtesy, and noble and truly paternal
gravity were shown before all. Sueh was the composure of her dress,
habit, and manners, that I may truly affirm that no princess, longer
exercised in these great mysteries, would show so many splendid and
royal virtues- Whatever in short of reverence, or humble subjection,
of gravity, and respect was due to her most serene father, whatever of
leticiae signa se convertit ; nocturnos ignes, pyrasque & lignorum altas
congeries succensas erigens : organis, tympanis, lyris, eatharisque et
crotalis, ac musicis quibusque instrumentis undique resonantibus :
innuptis virginibus ac nuptis, pueris, juvenibus, & grandaevis largos ignes
circumeuntibuSjChoreasque, sonore ac jubilo cautu admixtas, ducentibus;
dulci mero, et saccaro conditis aromaticis nonnunquam se reficientibus ;
donee nox intempesta ad quietem somnumque eundos invitaret."
1 A slight inaccuracy ; from the authorities previously quoted in
reference to the date of her birth, she must have been upwards of twelve
years old.

12 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
courtesy and affability to the orators, that she showed forth, like a most
wise princess."
The Lady Mary was conducted to an elevated dais, placed
beneath a canopy, the Princess of Wales remaining near
her, but in a lower" position. There she stood, whilst after
a brief silence, the Archbishop of Canterbury pronounced
a long and flowery oration on the dignity of the prospec
tive match, the nobility of the parentage On both sides,
&C.1 At the close of his speech, the president of Flanders,
Jehan le Sauvage, took up the strain, and harangued for
some time ; after which the Lord de Bergues, appointed
to act as proxy for the young prince, produced his autho
rity to complete and confirm the marriage. The king
then conducted de Bergues and the other orators to the
chair of state, near which the princess stood ; after a pro
found reverence, the lord proxy, with great earnestness,
assured her of the strong affection which the young bride
groom entertained towards her; and taking her right hand
pronounced the espousal oath, which was dictated in
French by the President of Flanders.
The princess then taking his right hand in hers, uttered
her betrothal vows distinctly and without mistake, but at
long intervals, as if excited by the importance of the scene;
her demeanour was so affecting as to draw tears from
many of the spectators. The oath, also pronounced in
French, was as follows : —
" I Mary, by you John, Lord of Berg, commissary and procurator of
the most high and puissant Prince Charles, by the grace of God Prince
of Spain, Archduke of Austria, and Duke of Burgundy, (fee. hereto by
his commission and special procuration constituted and ordained, by
your means and signifying this to me — take the said Lord Charles to my
husband and spouse, and consent to him as to my husband and spouse.
And to him and to you for him, I promise that henceforward, during
my natural life, I will have, hold, and repute him as my husband and
spouse ; and for this I plight my troth to him and to you for him."2
As soon as the princess had spoken these words, the
Lord Bergues pressed a nuptial kiss upon her lips and
placed on her middle finger the bridal ring, as the pledge
of the union. A ratification of the ceremony was then
signed by the contracting parties, and certified by the
1 Carmeliani Carmen. Grenville Library.
2 Fcedera, vol. >'. p. 205.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 13
numerous assemblage, including, besides the foreign em
bassy, one archbishop, four bishops, one duke, nine earls,
and eleven barons of the English court ; after which
trumpets, clarions, and innumerable other instruments
of music, gave forth a peal of exultation. Wishing to
shorten a scene of so much excitement to his child, King
Henry retired with the ambassador and his party to the
Chapel Royal, where high mass was performed by the
Bishop of London.1
The party then adjourned to the dining-hall, to partake
of a banquet : the chiefs of the embassy dined at the
king's table, and the remainder sat down with the peers of
the realm.
" I shall not rehearse," writes our chronicler, " what solemnity and
order in service, what delicate and sumptuous meats, what diversity of
pleasant wines, what plate of gold and silver gilt, the king's grace had
and was served with, that day ; but this is certain, that there was no salt-
cup or laver, that that day was set on the board, but it was of fine gold,
great and large, preciously garnished with pearls and stones ; nor yet no
dish nor saucer, but it was gilt and as bright as gold."
After the feast the company retired to the gallery,
where they found the Lady Mary, now styled Princess of
Castile, with the Princess of Wales, and a train of fair
ladies, assembled to witness the chivalric sports which
were to ensue. Opposite this gallery, a stage was erected
for the heralds who regulated the proceedings, and for the
royal musicians ;2 and 'gallantly the knights broke lance
and spear in honour of the fair young bride. Nor were
festivities confined to the royal circle. In London fires
of rejoicing were kindled : organs, timbrels, harps, and
drums sounded in the public places; whilst troops of
youths and maidens, old men and children, surrounding
the blazing piles, danced and sang, and partook of wine
and sweets provided at the royal expense, till night put
a stop to their revellings.3
The jousts at Richmond lasted three days, the knights
each day wearing a richer suit of apparel. " And finally,
on the last day, was also a goodly tourney, and certaiuly
all the said lords, knights, and men of arms, acquitted
1 Douce MS. No. 198, ff. 145, 157, Bodleian Library, Oxford.
2- P. Carmeliani, carmen, ut sup. 3 Ibid.

14 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
themselves so valiantly, as well in joust as in tourney,
that they attained and had marvellous great praise both
of strangers and others.''1 These sports were diversified
with bull-fights, bear-baitings, hawking, and stag-huntings
to the great entertainment of the ambassadors. At the
close of the third day, a banquet still more splendid was
prepared, to which was admitted a select number, of
ladies, including, of course, the Princess of Castile, whose
courtly behaviour and that of her sister-in-law, the
Princess Catharine, another historian tells us he cannot
sufficiently praise.2
" The said ambassadors delivered three goodly and right rich tokens
and jewels to my said Lady Mary, one from the emperor, containing an
orient ruby and a large and a fair diamond, garnished with great pearls ;
the other from the young prince, which was a K. for Karolus, garnished
with diamonds and pearls, wherein these words were written — " Maria
optimam partem eligit quae non auferetur ab ea"3 — and the third from the
Duchess of Savoy, wherein was a goodly balas,4 garnished with pearls."
In compliance with a request from his son-in-law, King
Henry promised speedily to make him a knight of the
garter, and to send over the insignia of the order. The
ambassadors completed their commission by pawning to
Henry, on behalf of the emperor, a valuable jewel called
"le.richefleur de lys,"5 for the sum of 50,000 crowns, after
which, declining the king's earnest invitation to remain
till Christmas, they took their departure, laden with costly
presents. The king and his son,' the Prince of Wales,
received letters of cordial greeting from their new ally;
the Lady Mary also was addressed, in terms of conjugal
endearment, "with as kind and loving words as can be
devised to be written."
The ^following epistle is a specimen of his correspond
ence with his fair fiancee :
" My good mate,
" With good grace and as cordially as I can, I recommend myself to
1 Solemnities and triumphs, ut sup.
Bernard Andreas, Cotton. MS. Julius, A . i v. f. 15.
3 Mary has chosen the better part, which shall not be taken away from
her. '
1 A sort of ruby.
5 Fcedera, vol. v. p. 264. An authenticated inventory of the jewels
contained ui this ornament is in Addit. Charter, 1262, British Museum.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. ]5
you. I have charged the Lord of Bergues, and my other ambassadors
ordered to your country, to inform you of the good condition of my
person and affairs, begging you to believe the same and to let me know
by them of your health and good tidings, which is the thing I most
desire, as knows the blessed Son of God, whom I pray, my good mate,
to give you by his grace your heart's desires. At Malines, the 18th day
of December. " Your good husband, " Chakles.''
'¦' To the Lady Mary, my good mate."1
The expenses incurred in the arrangement of this
marriage were still fresh in the recollection of Henry
VIL, when he made his will a few months afterwards : he
recorded that as, at his right great cost the Lady Mary,
his daughter, had been openly and solemnly espoused to
the Prince of Castile, the marriage should in due time
be completed ; but if, by death or otherwise, it were
dissolved, then, with the consent of his council or exe
cutors, she should be married to some noble prince out
of the realm of England, still receiving 60,000/. as her
dower.2 In the spring of 1509, the princess lost her father, and
her brother, Henry VIII., was raised to the throne. Sable
garments were provided for her at the young king's ex
pense,3 and when the court went out of mourning, he pre
sented her with dresses, kirtles, boddices, sleeves, &c, of
coloured velvet ; gifts of similar kind were frequent during
the few years ensuing.4
Ambassadors from the Prince of Castile were sent
to congratulate the monarch on his accession,5 and to
them and the rest of the foreign ambassadors then in
' Cotton. MS. Galba, B. in. f. 93, French.
" Nicolas, SirH. Testamenta vetusta, vol.i. p. 34.
3 " George Atcliffe, for the Frincess of Castile, two mantlettes in
Paris, at 20s. the piece, 40s. Item, two mantlettes at 26s. 8d. the piece,
Liijs. iiijrf. Item, six kerchiefs at 9s. the piece, i.iiiis."
" For the princess of Castile
Item, a new saddle with a pillion, both covered in black velvet, price the
saddle with workmanship, 10s. and for the workmanship of the pillion
with the harness, 7s." — MS. Privy Purse Account vi possession qf Sir
Thomas Phillipps., Middlehill.
1 The Wardrobe Accounts of Henry VIII. abound with these entries,
and a parcel of wardrobe warrants, in a private collection, contains
numerous orders on behalf of the princess.
1 Book of Payments, Hen. VIII. A. 5, 16, ff. 20. 21, Rolls House.

16 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
London, a magnificent banquet was given in the parlia
ment chamber at Westminster, on Shrove Sunday, Feb
ruary 13th, 1510.
Henry VIII. was the first king who set the example of
the amateur theatricals, which in course of time prevailed
in almost every court of Europe. Handsome and chival-
ric, he was proud of exhibiting himself to advantage in
presence of his nobles, and especially of the representa
tives of foreign princes. On this occasion, after giving a
welcome to his guests, he withdrew for a few moments,
and re-appeared with sundry of his courtiers apparelled
in Oriental costume, and leading in a band of mummers or
maskers, who performed their parts greatly to the amuse
ment of the visitors. The disguises being then laid aside,
the banquet was served : this ended, the dancing com
menced; again several of the company retired, and by-
and-by the assembly was surprised by the entrance of
six gentlemen, fantastically clad in garments of blue and
crimson, accompanied by six ladies in Egyptian costume,
wearing "marvellous rich and strange attires on their
heads," and having their faces, necks and arms covered
with thin black gauze. They mingled in the merry
throng, and by their quaint appearance and graceful move
ments, added to the picturesqueness of the dance; at
length it was discovered that the king and his lovely young
sister, the Princess of Castile, were among the maskers.
The following July we find the princess, rusticating
alone at the palace of Eltham, whither a hart was sent to
her as a present from the king ; but more generally, she
was the companion of her brother, at Greenwich, Wind
sor, Westminster or Eltham.1 Henry was greatly attached
to his sister, and found her so joyous a sharer in all his
frolics and festivities, that he seldom permitted her absence
from a court of which she was the loveliest ornament.
Political interests, meanwhile, were strengthening the
bonds of alliance between Mary's brother and her be-
1 Her offerings made in conjunction with the king at high mass are
recorded at Greenwich ; Good Friday, 1511, and Twelfth Day, 1512; at
Westminster, on Candlemas, February 2nd ; at Green wich, Easter Sunday
and Trinity Sunday, 1512, Candlemas, Whit Sunday, and Trinity Sunday,
1513 ; at Windsor, Christinas, 1513 ; Greenwich, Good Friday, 1514 ;
Eltham, Whit Sunday. — Book of Payments, Hen. VIII. ut sup. sub datis.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 17
trothed lord. In 1511, Henry VIII. lent a company of
1500 English archers to the Lady Margaret, to assist in
defending the dominions of Prince Charles from the in
cursions of the Duke of Gueldres and other allies of
France ;' — an obligation which still further increased the
atttachment of the archduchess to England. Indeed, her
father, the emperor, several times reproached her for
being too forward in her intercourse with that power, and
he attempted, though without success, to remove the
young prince from her guardianship and allure him into
Germany. Margaret was equally anxious to maintain the
prince in the interests of England, and constantly wrote
and spoke of the Lady Mary as his future wife.2 That
Charles was no less in earnest would appear from the fre
quent letters which, after his betrothal, he sent to his
English relatives.
An alliance against France being concluded between
the Emperor, the Kings of Aragon and England, and
the Prince of Castile, in the summer of 1513, Henry
led his army to the siege of Terouenne. He landed
at Calais, on the 30th of June : on July 8th he was
greeted by the ambassadors of the Emperor Maximilian
and the Archduchess of Savoy, and on the 13th by envoys
from King Ferdinand of Spain ;3 on the 21st he departed
for Terouenne, and was there joined by the emperor,
who, with chivalric courtesy, offered his services as a pri
vate officer in the army of his royal ally.4 The battle of
Guinegate, called in scorn the battle of the spurs, from
the rapidity with which the French army took to
flight, was fought on August 16th, a day which, in
its results, proved of the utmost importance to the Lady
Mary ; for whilst at the time, it seemed to bind move
closely the links of connection with her Castilian lover, it
gave rise to another event — the imprisonment in England
of the French Duke de Longueville — which materially
influenced her future destiny. But we must not anticipate.
1 Hall's Chron. p. 523. Chron. Calais, p. 8.
2 Cotton. MS. Galba, B. in. f. 67 b. Margaret to Henry VIII. ; an
entreaty for the admission of a footman into the service of the Princess
Mary. 3 Chron. Calais, p. 13. 4 Ibid. p. 14. Hall, pp. 544, 548-9.
VOL. V. C

18 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
The Lady Margaret and the Prince of Castile sent a
humble request to King Henry that he would come and
repose after the fatigues of battle, in their town of Lisle.
He accepted the invitation, and the king, the emperor, the
archduchess, and the prince, shared together the plays and
banquets, masques and comedies, of the Burgundian court.
A few weeks afterwards, when Henry VIII. had besieged
and taken Tournay, wishing to return the courteous enter
tainment of the Lady Margaret, he invited her and the
prince to visit him in the captured town. On their ap
proach Henry went out to meet them, and conducted them
into the place. Joustings, followed by a sumptuous
banquet of 100 dishes, were the welcome given to the
princely guests ; J and as Lisle was but twelve miles from
Tournay, they exchanged visits and courtesies with King
Henry during the remainder of his stay. The king was
much gratified by the conversation and deportment of his
brother-in-law elect.2
At this period a match was projected which, had it
transpired, would have deprived the Lady Mary of many
years of domestic happiness. Her future husband, Sir
Charles Brandon, held a post of honour and favour near
the person of the king. His father, Sir William Brandon,
had been the standard-bearer of Henry VII. at the field
of Bosworth, and had lost his eldest son in the fight. To
compensate him for his fidelity, that monarch took into
his service his youngest son Charles, born about 1485, and
made him one of the familiar attendants on Prince Henry,
when Duke of York. Similarity of tastes' gave rise to a
cordial friendship between them, and on the accession of
Henry VIII. to the throne, Charles was appointed an
esquire of the body,3 and chamberlain of the princi
pality of Wales. His gallant performances at the feasts,
1 Hall, p. 566.
2 "Lejone Prince se humilioit, le faisant bien honnestement, le roi
d'Angleterre larmyoit de joie, de veoir son petit nepveux sy'tres bien
endoctrinat."— Macquereau, recueil de la maison de Bourgoyne, kto. Louv.
1765, p. 81. In a letter to the pope, dated Tournay, October 12th,
Henry relates the arrival of the prince, and expresses himself as
wonderfully pleased with his wit and grace in speaking.— Vatican
Transcripts, vol. 37, /. 4. 6
3 Lodge's Portraits, vol. ii. Patent Roll, 1 Hen. VIII. pt. 2, in. 8.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 19
consequent on the accession, are detailed at length by Har
dinge. The richness of his attire, the graceful ease with
which he rode his mettled steed, and the dauntless bravery
which, in tilt and tourney, won the prize from almost
every competitor, rendered him a favourite alike with
the monarch and in the drawing-room of the ladies.
In early life, he was privately contracted in marriage to
Anne, daughter of Sir Anthony Browne, lieutenant of
Calais, but either repenting of his juvenile attachment, or
hoping to raise his fortunes by alliance with a nobler
family, he married Margaret, daughter of Neville, Marquis
Montacute, and widow of Sir John Mortimer.1 This lady-
was distantly related to his former fiancee, and the father
of her late husband was the brother of Brandon's grand
mother. The obstacle of relationship alleged against the
union, Brandon treated lightly, professing, though falsely,
to have obtained a dispensation in his favour ; but, after
the lapse of a short period, he felt the stings of a reproach
ing conscience for the part he had acted towards the young
and innocent girl who was the object of his first attach
ment, and considering that perseverance in crime would
augment his guilt, he brought the Lady Margaret before
the Archdeacon of London — the judge of matrimonial
affairs in that diocese — and obtained from him a solemn
decree that his marriage was invalid. Sentence of divorce
was pronounced, not on the ground of former faith violated,
but on that of some third or fourth degree of consan
guinity, in the case of Lady Mortimer. Brandon then did
what he could to repair his first infidelity, by fulfilling his
early contract with Mistress Anne Browne. She died a
few years afterwards, leaving him two daughters, Anne
and Mary.2 King Henry, who bestowed lavish tokens
of regard upon his favourite,3 had previously given him
the wardship of the Lady Elizabeth Grey, sole heiress of
1 She was his wife in 1507, when a portion of the Montague estates
was adjudged to them. Patent Roll, 23 Hen. VII. pt. 1, m. 13.
- These important particulars will be found in a document printed m
Appendix No. II.
3 The offices of keeper of the park of Wanstead, ranger of the new
forest, steward of the royal castles and manors in Wales, steward of
the lands of the Earl of Warwick, now in the king's hands, were given
, to Brandon between 1511 and 1513. Patent Polls, 3 £ 4 Hen. VIII.
0 2

20 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
John Grey, Viscount Lisle ; 1 and now that Brandon was
a widower, the king wished to advance his fortunes by
uniting him to his heiress-ward, and in consideration of
this prospective marriage, he conferred upon him the title
of Viscount Lisle.2 .
In the campaign of 1513, Brandon accompanied hie
royal master to the Continent, where his noble person and
graceful accomplishments won the regards of no less a
person than the Lady Margaret of Savoy, Archduchess of
Austria. He was first introduced to her notice by Philippe
de Brezilles, her agent in the English camp, then before
Terouenne. Writing to his mistress on the 17th of August,
1513, Philippe says:3
" Madam, — The grand esquire, my Lord Lisle, has come to me, to
beg me to give you his most humble compliments, and that he heartily
desired to serve you. I think you are well enough aware that he is a
second king, and it seems to me that you would do well to write him a
courteous letter ; for it is he who does and undoes."
The suggestion was adopted ; in the subsequent meet
ings of the two courts, personal intercourse took the place
of written communications, and she, the daughter of an
emperor, whom kings were proud to woo, fell in love with
the son of an English knight. It soon became evident to
all that she " favoured him highly," and none were more'
conscious of the fact than Brandon and King Henry.
Eager to avail himself of the good fortune thus thrown
in his way, Brandon urged his suit both at Tournay and
Lisle, and his royal master condescended not only to ad
vance arguments in his behalf, but also to be his interpreter'
with the fair lady, who spoke chiefly French. Versed in
the knowledge of politics, the archduchess was well aware
of the difficulties in which her predilection would involve
her ; the only concession, therefore, which could be ob
tained from her, even when the majesty of England vouch
safed to turn intercessor, was a promise that she would not '
marry_ before his proposed return into that country the
following year.4 Brandon made a similar pledge of non-
1 In 1512. Patent Roll, 4 Hen. VIII. pt. 2, m. 2.
2 May 15th, 1513, Pat. Roll, 5 Hen. VIII. pt. 1, m. 13.
3 Cotton. MS. Galba, B. in. f. 196.
4 See two very curious letters from the archduchess to the English
ambassador resident at her court, printed in the Appendix to the

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 21
espousal, and with this sort of negative troth they parted ;
but anxious to keep up in the archduchess a constant
remembrance of himself, Brandon sent his elder daughter
to be trained and educated in her court, and also induced
her to take charge of a protegee of his, a little girl,
whom he had been the means of rescuing from a watery
grave.' By a treaty signed October 15th, 1513, it was deter
mined that on the 15th of July following, the royal family
of England should meet the emperor, his daughter Mar-
garet, and his grandson, the Castilian prince, at Calais,
and there solemnize the nuptials of the Princess Mary with
her young betrothed, who would then have reached the
stipulated age of fourteen years.2 The archduchess also
obtained a verbal promise from the childless monarch, that
in default of direct heirs, he would settle the succession to
the crown upon the Lady Mary, and procure her recogni
tion, as heiress, by the English parliament ;3 a condition
to which the king was the less loath to accede, since the
attack of the Scots on his realm during his absence, ter
minating in the battle of Flodden field, rendered him
little disposed to regard their queen, Margaret, his eldest
sister, or her son, as his successor.
The Princess Mary had passed this summer of 1513 at
the court of her sister-in-law, Queen Catherine, happily
unconscious how deeply her future was involved in the
busy transactions that were taking place abroad. On his
return to England, the king began to make immediate and
expensive preparations for her bridal. A messenger was
sent over to the Lady Margaret, to inform her that,
" Forasmuch as the king's pleasure is that my lady the princess's
apparel for her person shall be according; to the fashion and manner of
these parts, the king's grace hath provided all cloth of every sort for
her, praying her-to devise for the making thereof, after such manner as
shall best please her."

Chronicle of Calais, pp. 68, 76, which contain details of this wooing.
See also Letters of Royal Ladies, vol. i. p. 170, note e.
1 P. de Brezilles to Margaret, May 1514, Galba, B. in. f. 308.
2 Fcedera, vol. vi. pt. i. p. 52. Cotton. MS. Galba, B. in. f. 90.
* Margaret of Savoy to Henry VIII. Lettres de Louis XII. vol. iv.
p. 239.

22 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
The messenger was charged with a book containing a,
full list of the apparel of the princess, the number and
attire of her officers and attendants, &c, which the arch
duchess was requested to look over, and to point out any
deficiency she might notice, when such should immediately
be rectified.1 A copy of this book is still in preservation,
from which it appears that the attendants of the princess
were to be a hundred and two in number; two ladies, five
gentlewomen, three chamberers, twelve gentlemen, three.
chaplains, fifteen yeomen, twenty grooms, five pages, and
thirty-six servants. Her chairs, cushions, tapestries,
chapel and bed furniture;2 her litters, chariots, and pal
freys ; her coronals, girdles, necklaces, and chains ; and
her plate of various descriptions, were all to be provided
on the same scale of royal splendour. The list was drawn
out in a business-like form, containing marginal memor
anda as to whence the goods were to be obtained, whether
from the princess's own stores, from those of the king, or
by purchase.3
But presently, from an unexpected quarter, a check was
given to the progress of arrangements. King Henry
received a communication from the Archduchess Margaret,
informing him of her great annoyance, at finding it cur
rently rumoured that she was to become the bride of
Charles Brandon. She said that should this report reach
the ears of her imperial sire, it would excite his serious
displeasure ; and prudence having now got the better of
love, she wrote to urge the necessity of Brandon's com
pleting his marriage with the Lady Lisle, before the
approaching meeting at Calais ; since, were he then
1 Cotton. MS. Galba, B. v. f. 10.
2 A Wardrobe Warrant, dated November 23rd, 1513, orders the
purchase of priestly vestments of crimson velvet and purple, with a
cross of silver tissue on the back ; a travers or private pew of crimson
sarcenet, three yards by nine in dimensions ; a mass-book of fair print,
price 6s. Sd. &c. for the chapel of the princess of Castile. — Wardrobe
Warrants, sold by Puttick and Simpson, January 3rd, 1852.
3 The list is printed in the Appendix to the Calais Chronicle,'-
pp. 54, 66, from a copy in Cotton. MS. Vitellius C. xi. f. 145. A
large portion of another copy, or more probably the original, is
in a volume of Accounts aud Inventories, A. 1, 6, ff. 137, 146, Rolls
House.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 23
unmarried, she should feel much embarrassed in her con
duct towards him. Probably Margaret was not awmv
that the Lady Lisle was still a child of only nine years of
age,1 and that compliance with her wishes was therefore
out ofthe question.
In order to lessen the disproportion of rank between the
archduchess and her suitor, the king had raised Brandon
at one step to the highest dignity in the realm, by creating
him, in February, 1514, Duke of Suffolk;2 and he was
preparing to send him to her court in great state, as resi
dent English ambassador. This intention, however, was
abandoned, at the urgent entreaty of the archduchess ; and
Henry promised to punish those English merchants who
had circulated in the Low Countries the reports of which
she complained. As to the point of the Duke's speedy
marriage, he agreed to hasten its accomplishment as much
as might be, but represented that it would be unfair to
fetter the duke with ties which the little Lady Lisle would
have the power of throwing off, when she became old
enough to choose for herself.3 In spite of these rebuffs, it
was strongly surmised that the ambitious lover by no
means despaired of ultimate success, and when he appeared
at a royal tourney in new and glittering armour, bearing
very conspicuously the motto, " Who can hold that will
away," it was whispered that the allusion was to his reso
lute wooing ofthe Lady of Savoy.
The rumour of his daughter's marriage with an English
peer at length came to the knowledge of the emperor, and
so irritated him that for a long time he refused even to
write to the archduchess.4 Henry endeavoured to pacify
him by assurances of his eagerness to punish all persons
guilty of spreading the report, adding, that he believed it
1 She was born in 1504. See Chron. Calais, p. 69.
2 Lansdowne, MS. 285, f. 204 b. Addit. MS. 6363, Repert. orig.
HarL MS. 6074, f. 54. lt has been said that this dignity was granted
to Brandon by the king, in hope of making him his brother-in-law.
Stow, p. 496. The date of the creation proves that it was rather in
connection with the proposed imperial alliance.
3 Brezilles to Margaret, May 1514, Lettres de Louis XII. voh iv.
p. 308.
« Wingfield, Spinelly, and Knight, to Henry VIII. May 15th, 1514,
Galba, B? in. f. 190.

24

MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF

to be circulated only with a view of sowing dissension be
tween them.1 This attempt to promote a better under
standing failed;2 and Margaret of Austria pressed upon
her father in vain the fulfilment of the marriage between
his grandson and the Lady Mary; urging its necessity for
the security of the Low Countries ; reminding him of the
heavy fines contingent upon a breach of the engagement,
and assuring him that frivolous excuses and delays would
not be accepted ; and that either the marriage must take
place as pre-arranged, or a rupture with England must
ensue.3 Maximilian and Ferdinand had recently negociated a secret
peace with France, one article of which was the union of
Charles of Castile with a French princess;4 yet the em
peror dissimulated, professing still to desire the English
marriage, but to be deterred by fear of the plague, from
attending at Calais on the appointed day. The inconvenient
smallness of that town for such an assemblage of noble per
sons was objected, and Malines or Antwerp proposed as the
place of the meeting; the latter end of September was
named as its date.5 Ferdinand was less insincere : he
openly declared his opposition, and threatened that if Charles
1 Lettres de Louis XII. vol. iv. p. 274.
2 The emperor made a doubtful answer when Wingfield moved him
for the solemnization of the marriage, Cotton. MS. Vespas. F. xvii.
date May 26, 1514. Hall writes that "the king, at this season, sent
again into Flanders for the performance of the marriage of the young
Prince of Castile and the fair Lady Mary his sister, and showed how he
had prepared all things necessary and convenient for such an high estate,". ;;
and that " the council of Flanders answered that they would not receive,
her that year, with many subtle arguments, by reason whereof the per-
feet love between England and the Low Countries was much slacked."
— Chronicle, p 568.
3 Margaret to the Emperor, March 10 and 28, April 28, 1514. Let
tres de Louis XII. vol. iv. pp. 270, 296, 304. In historic research ma
terials are often fonnd where least expected. The collection of Lettres
de Louis XII. gives more information than any other printed work
of the movements of the archduchess, and the rupture of the uniou
between Prince Charles and the Princess Mary.
4 Wingfield and others to Hen. VIII. April 9, 1514, Galba, B. m.
f. 174. 5 Henry VIII. to Spinelly, Feb. 27, and to Margaret, May 5, 1514,
Lettres ut. sup. vol. iv. p. 253.
6 Spinelly, &c. to Henry VIII. April 9, May 2, August 1, Galba,
B. in. ff. 174, 185, 165.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 25
married the English princess, he would disinherit him from
the succession to the Spanish dominions, and transfer the
right to his younger grandson, Ferdinand.1 Many of the
lords and burgesses of Flanders coincided with Ferdinand
in wishing to see their prince united to a daughter of
France, and, except when in the immediate presence of the
archduchess, he was so surrounded by French influence,
that even the English envoys resident in the Low Coun
tries, deemed it desirable for their princess that the match
should be broken off;2 more especially as, without the
consent of Ferdinand, her dower could not be definitely
settled, and King Henry "would not send his sister wildly,
without a dower assured." 3
Henry VIII. was highly indignant at the manner in
which he had been cajoled, and showed his resentment by
refusing to purchase, as he had stipulated, the dignity of
vicar-general of the Roman Empire, for the sum of 30,000
crowns.4 This was touching the emperor in a tender
point, and his ambassadors were ordered to try to soothe
and conciliate the royal lion of England. They first
visited him on board a new ship, which he had taken the
queen and the Princess Mary to inspect, and were politely
received by each of the royal party. They afterwards
had a longer interview with the king at Eltham. He com
plained bitterly of the manner in which he had been
exposed to the ridicule of all Europe, by preparing for
the marriage of his sister and then finding her slighted ;
spoke of the expenses he had incurred ; and reminded
them that however lightly the emperor might think of
him, he was not without power yet. The ambassadors
resorted to extenuation and prevarication, and assured the
king that the marriage must not be regarded as broken
off, but only delayed by unforeseen casualties, &c. &c. In
their despatches home, they urged the importance of
adhering to the engagement and of taking speedy steps
for its completion, since no fault could be found with the
' ' Spinnelly's demands, June 29, 1514, Galba, B. in. f. 118.
2 Knight to Wolsey, May 2, 1514, Galba, B. in. f. 131.
'. 3 Hall, p. 567.
* Henry VIII. to Margaret of Savoy, June 14 and 15, 1514, Lettres
^de Louis XII. vol. iv. pp. 318, 320.

26 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
Princess Mary, who, they declared, had not her equal in
Christendom. " Madam," wrote one of the envoys to the archduchess,1 " I have
not chosen to write you anything of my lady princess, until I have seen
her several times. I assure you she is one of the loveliest girls that
could be seen : I think I never saw one so beautiful ; she is extremely
graceful, and has the most charming manners possible, in games, dancing,
or anything else, and she is not at all melancholy, but quite sportive. I
think, had you but seen her, you would never rest till she was with you.
I assure you that she is well educated ; and she must always have heard
Monsieur2 very well spoken of, for by her words and manner, and by
what I hear from those who are about her, it seems to me that she loves
Monsieur extremely. She has a picture, in which he is sadly misrepre
sented, and 1 am assured that there is not a day in which she does not
look at it ten times over ; it seems to me that the way to please her is
to talk to her about Monsieur. I thought that she had been tall and
portly, but she will be of mediocre height, and better proportioned in
age and figure to Monsieur's age than I heard she was, before having
seen her ; better indeed than any other princess that I know of in
Christendom ; she looks quite young, and as though she were not so
womanly by two years as Likerke or Fontaine," (maids of honour in
Margaret's court).
Notwithstanding the predilections which Mary is here
represented as entertaining for her princely bridegroom,
she had enough of the woman about her to resent any
slight in a point so nearly touching her honour. ' The
state of affairs being represented to her, doubtless with
aggravations, by those who, for the furtherance of other
objects, were anxious to rouse her to indignation, she
acted at once with spirit and dignity. Summoning to the
manor of Wanstead, where she was then staying, the ;
Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, Wolsey, then Bishop of j
Lincoln, the Bishops of Winchester and Durham, and the
Earl of Worcester, with Sir Ealph Verney, her great
chamberlain, she signed a formal declaration, in presence
of them all, that as she was informed, that the nearest
relatives and counsellors of the Prince of Castile were
constantly endeavouring to inspire him with dislike and
hatred, towards herself; and her royal brother,3 she was
1 Lettres de Louis XII. vol. iv. pp. 328, 335.
" The Prince of Castile.
3 A contemporary diary, Cotton. MS. Vesp. F. xvii. under the date
of April 3rd 1514, records that Prince Charles's servants desire to hinder
his marriage with the Lady Mary.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 27
firmly resolved never to fulfil her contract of marriao-e
with the prince. She also declared, though probably the
assertioa was rather the result of wounded feeling than
the truth, that she had never entertained any wife-like
affection towards him, but had long been waiting an
opportunity to throw off the nuptial yoke, and gladly
seized the first that offered. This resolution, she said, was
made independently of the persuasions or threats of any
person whatever, and was her own sole act and deed ; and
that she had summoned the nobles present, not only to
obtain their attestation, but also to entreat their interces
sion with her royal brother, that he would regard what
she had done in good part, and not be displeased with her
on account of it ; since in all things she was ever ready to
obey his good pleasure.
This singular scene took place on the 29th of July,
1514.1 It was a bold and spirited step to be taken by a
girl of eighteen, and required the impulse of some potent
motive. To this motive the after conduct of the princess
lends a ready clue : it was doubtless the incipient attach
ment between herself and the gay cavalier, Brandon,
Duke of Suffolk, which, notwithstanding the difference in
their age and position, had taken strong hold upon her
youthful heart, and lent her energy to act in a manner so
decisive. Her efforts to free herself from the bonds of
political matrimony were however unavailing. By a sin
gular coincidence, on the very day which witnessed Mary's
renunciation of the Castilian' prince, another suitor came
forward to claim her hand, no less a person than the
King of France, Louis XII.2 The Duke de Longueville,
taken prisoner at the Battle of Spurs, as before men
tioned, and, in consideration of his rank, admitted to
association with the court of England, had sent to his
relative and sovereign such glowing accounts of the beauty
and accomplishments of the Lady Mary, whose portrait
also was transmitted to him, that Louis, then a widower
and without a son, became enamoured of the princess, and
made overtures to solicit her hand in marriage.3 King
> Fcedera, vol. vi. pt. i. p. 63. ' '• 2 Ibid. p. 62.
j 3 Hist, de Louis XII. par le pere Humbert de Vellay, MS. Bethune,
4 61,Bibliotheque Nationale.

28 MARY-, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
Henry discussed with the Duke de Longueville the pro
posals of the French King; and, as the basis of his consent,
demanded the yearly payment of 100,000 crowns, in
discharge of a million crowns, the arrears of a ^pension
formerly paid by the French monarchs to those of England,
in lieu of their pretended rights to the crown of France.1
This important point was ceded;2 on which, Henry— pro
fessing to be influenced by a desire to knit more closely
the bonds of friendship, and to be moved by the " sincere
love which the most Christian king bears to the most
illustrious and noble Lady Mary, our most beloved sister, •
who is adorned with every virtue, and with splendour of
beauty " — agreed to send ambassadors to France3 for the
arrangement and conclusion of a peace, &c. In an in
terval of time, much shorter than was usually occupied in
such negociations, the treaty of marriage was completed.
The terms stipulated that within ten days after its date,'
August 7 th, 1514, the espousals should be contracted by
mutual proxy, "per verba de prcesenti," and within two
months afterwards, the princess should be conducted, at
her brother's expense, to Abbeville, where her marriage
should be solemnized. Her portion was to be 200,000
golden crowns, with an equal sum for her equipments
the whole 400,000 to be deducted from the sum of one
million crowns, the ancient debt above referred to.4 The
dowry ofthe princess was to be equal to that enjoyed by
the late Queen of France, Anne of Bretagne, and her
predecessors ; and in case of her husband's death, she was
still to possess it, whether resident in France or not, and
also to retain all her bridal equipage, with such furniture
and jewels as the queens-dowager of France were wont
to possess for life.5
Amidst his careful arrangements of matrimonial pre--
1 See in AppendixNo. 1, a curious letterfrom Henry VIII. to Wolsey,-
written entirely by the king, which records the early progress of the'
negociation. It is unfortunately much injured by fire. ^
2 Fcedera, vol. vi. pt. i. p. 62-3. |
3 Carton, J. 650, No. 6, Archives du Royaume, Paris.
* Foedera, p. 70. The original contract is in the Archives du Royaume,
Carton, J. 650, No. 10.
6 Fcedera, ut sup. p. 69, Cotton. MSS. Vitellius Cxi. f. 163, and C. xvi.
f. 234.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 29
liminaries, King Henry paid little regard to the feelings
of the royal bride ; who could not, without great repug
nance, contemplate a union with a husband more than
three times her own age, whom failing health rendered
still older in constitution than in years, and for whose
sake she was expected to forego the happy home of her
girlhood, and all the associations which had hitherto
rendered life delightful.' She knew and felt that she was
to be a state victim ; but, on the other hand, she was to be
placed on one of the first thrones in Europe, whose
monarch burned with a lover's impatience to make her its
sharer ; and that monarch was a man whose domestic
virtues were as exemplary as his public conduct was
judicious, and whose patriotic rule had entitled him to the
honourable epithet of "father of his people." The temper
of the Lady Mary was energetic and determined. When
the match was urged upon her, she made her consent con
ditional upon a solemn pledge to be given by her brother,
that if, in this instance, she acted according to his wishes,
in case of her liberation from matrimonial fetters by the
death of her husband, she should not again be constrained,
but should be permitted to marry wherever she pleased.2
1 In Roully's " Famous Chronicle of Henry VIII." the French
ambassador is represented as holding the following dialogue with
Wolsey : —
" But hath your grace yet moved his highness's sister,
For kind acceptance of our sovereign's love V
" I have, and by the king's means finished it ;
And yet it was a task, I tell ye, lords,
That might have been imposed to Hercules,
To win a lady of her spirit and years,
To see her first love crowned with silver hairs,
As old king Lewis is, that bed-rid lies,
Unfit for love or worldly vanities."
'' In a letter written in April, 1515, when this contingency had
actually transpired, Mary thus reminds her brother of this agreement : —
" Dearest brother, I doubt not but that you have in your good remem
brance that whereas, for the good of peace and for the furtherance of
your affairs, you moved me to marry with my lord and late husband,
King Louis of France, whose soul God pardon ; though I understood
that he was very aged and sickly, yet for the advancement of the said
peace, and for the furtherance of your causes, I was contented to con
form myself to your said motion, so that, if I should fortune to survive
the said late king, I might, with your good will, marry myself at my

30 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
The required promise was given; and having once re
solved upon the sacrifice, which regard for her brothers
interests demanded from her, Mary allowed no sign of
reluctance to appear, but set herself in good earnest to
act her part, and was careful to observe the rules of eti
quette, which required her to speak and write to and of
her future lord with reverence and affection, and to
profess her earnest desire for the accomplishment of the
nuptials. On the 13th ofthe month of August, the betrothal was
performed in the state apartment at Greenwich palace,
with ceremonies closely resembling those by which, six
years previously, the princess had plighted her troth to
Charles of Castile.1 The deputy of Louis XII. was
Louis d'Orleans, Duke de Longueville,2 who exchanged
with the Lady Mary a signed copy of the words of the
engagement undertaken by each. To confer upon the
ceremonials a character of still greater irrevocability, the
princess, changing her court dress for a magnificent desha
bille, retired to a couch of state ; and her proxy bride
groom, putting off one of his red boots, took his place by
her side for a few moments, and touched her leg with his
bare foot.3 Henry VIII. and Queen Catherine were pre
sent, with a brilliant assemblage of the English nobility,
including the Duke of Suffolk, who, in the course of a
few weeks, had seen his future bride renounce one royal
husband, only to be contracted still more closely with
liberty, without your displeasure. Whcreunto, good brother, you con
descended and granted, as you well know, promising unto me that in
such case you would never provoke or move me, but as mine own heart
and mind should be best pleased ; and that wheresover 1 should dispose
myself, you would wholly be contented with the same. And upon that
your good comfort and faithful promise, I assented to the said marriage,
which else I would never have granted to, as at the same time I showed
unto you more at large."— Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies, vol.i-
p. 204. 1 The Spanish ambassador was not poi-mitted to be present, on
account of the affront King Henry had received in reference to the
Prince of Castile. — Guicciardini Hist, sui temp. vol. ii. p. 131.
- He was appointed to act as such, by a commission dated August 8th.
Fcedera, vol. vi. pt. i. p. 71.
3 Italian Letter from a Courtier of Louis XII. to the Bishop of Asti,
dated Poisy, August 18, 1514, Harl. MS. 3462, f. 142

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 31
another.1 Despairing of at present obtaining his master's
consent to his own union with a princess at whose feet
was laid the proudest crown matrimonial of Europe, he
became one of the most active promoters of her marriage
with the French king ; flattering himself probably with
the hope that, at no distant period, age and disease would
liberate the lady of his affections from her ties. In con
junction with Wolsey, Brandon was the leader of a partv
at court which possessed a stronger hold upon the heart
of their sovereign than the old aristocracy, who in vain
sought to supplant the influence of an upstart priest and
peer. Louis himself did not hesitate gratefully to ac
knowledge his obligations to Suffolk and Wolsey, for their
exertions in securing to him his bride, and with the latter
he was on terms of familiar correspondence.2
On the 22nd of August, Mary, styling herself Queen of
the French, and sister of the most illustrious King of
England, issued- her letters patent, signed by herself, and
sealed with her own seal, declaring, that as in the stipula
tions of the marriage-treaty, made between her very dear
brother and the most christian King of the French, her
most beloved husband, it was arranged that, after she had
contracted marriage with the procurator of the said King
Louis, which she had willingly done, on the 13th of
August, Louis also should be contracted to a procurator,
duly authorized by herself ; she, earnestly desiring the ac
complishment of the marriage, deputed Charles, Earl of
Worcester, to act as her proxy in France.3 Accordingly,
on the 14th of September, a ceremony similar to that
already performed in England, took place at the Church of
the Celestines in Paris, Louis personally plighting his
troth to the male representative of his fair bride.4 On
1 Fcedera, utsup. p. 72. " Ibid. pp. 74, 81.
• Her original letters of authorization, with the seal annexed, bearing
the arms of France and England impaled, surmounted by a coronet of
Fleur-de-lys, is in the Archives du Royaume, Paris, Carton, J. 650, No. 8.
The Earl of Worcester was accompanied by the Prior of St. John of
Jerusalem, and Doctor Nicholas West. King Henry's Credentials to
Louis XII. on their behalf, are in Bethune, MS, 84'6G, f. 38. Bibliotheque
Nationale, Paris, date August 24.
4 Fcedera, vol. vi. pt. i. pp. 70-7. Carton. J. 650, No. 10, Archives du

32 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
Wednesday, the 16th, amidst the clang of trumpets and
cymbals, peace with England was solemnly proclaimed
from the marble table in the great hall of the Palais
Royal.1 The rapidity and secrecy which characterized this nego-
ciation puzzled the continental powers,3 for King Henry,
in retaliation of their breach of engagement, had not com
municated his intentions to his former allies. The agents
of the Archduchess Margaret suspected some transaction of
importance with France, on account of the arrival in Eng
land of Doctor John de Selva, president of the parliament
of Normandy ; and Margaret sent a commissioner on pur
pose to fathom the secret ; still in hopes that the object
contemplated was a union between Louis and Henry's elder
sister, the Queen of Scotland. Her envoy was instructed
to allude, with professions of utter incredulity, to the re
ports of the Princess Mary's French marriage, and to assure
King Henry that preparations for the fulfilment of her
contract with the Castilian prince were rapidly advancing.
He was privately to ascertain whether it was Wolsey and
Suffolk, or the counter party, which favoured the French
alliance; and whichever it proved to be, to seek the in
fluence of their opponents in subverting it.3 On the dis
covery that the negociation with France had progressed
too far to be impeded, Margaret of Austria gave way to
a burst of sorrow, so violent as to occasion fears that it
might prove injurious to her health. Her dignity was
sorely wounded ; and though she could not but be con
scious that the first default lay in her own party, yet she
thought the English monarch much too precipitate in
breaking off the match.4 Her sorrow at last vented itself
Royaume. Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, vol. iv. pt. i.p. 195. Frederick
Leonard, Recueil des Traites, vol. ii. p. 110.
1 Gaguin, Chroniques de France, 4 Paris, 1515, f. 240.
* As late as August 1st, six days before the betrothal, they were
evidently ignorant of it : on that day Henry's agent in the low countries
wrote to him about the retention of a female attendant whom it was
desirable to enlist into the service of the Lady Mary, on her arrival
thither as Princess of Castile. Galba, B. in./. 165.
3 Instructions to Sieur de Castres, Lettres de Louis XII vol.iv.
p. 349.
4 Spinelly, &.c to Henry VIII. Galba. B. in. ff, 199. 212, 214. 1

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 33
in indignation : she reproached Henry with having broken
his kingly word, and brought dishonour upon his charac
ter; and threatened, by publishing his former promises, to
expose his infidelity to the world. The king coolly re
plied that if she made known his promises, he would do
the same with hers, and she would thereby be involved in
still greater discredit: he explained that his breach of
faith resulted solely from the conduct of the imperial party,
in contracting peace with France, and in delaying the
celebration of the marriage; which rendered it improper
for hiin to be longer deluded by false expectations and thus
to deprive his sister of an alliance so splendid as that with
the French king.1 "The Dutchmen," quaintly writes
Hall, "were sorry, and repented them that they received
not the lady; and spake shamefully of this marriage, that
a feeble, old, and pocky man should marry so fair a lady ;
but the voice of the people lets not prince's purposes."2
The English court was now engaged in preparations for
the departure of the Queen of France, as the Princess
Mary was designated; and the earnestness with which
these were advanced, on both sides, proved that this time
her marriage-name was not likely to prove a mere empty
title. Immediately after the nuptials, the proxy bride
groom, Louis, Duke de Longueville, set out for France,
to report the issue of his mission ; he was accompanied by
the other French commissioner, Sir Thomas Bohier,
general of the Norman finances. Whilst at Canterbury,
en route, they received letters from King Louis, the con
tents of which they recorded in notes to Mary, whom they
addressed as " the Queen, my Sovereign Lady." Bohier
thus wrote :
" Madam : My Lord, the Duke de Longueville, has received in this
city of Canterbury, I being in his company, letters from the king, by
which he greatly desires to know of your welfare, and yet more to see
you, and lets you know that he will be at Abbeville very early to receive
you, and that you will be most welcome.'"
1 Henry VIII. instructions to Wingfield, Lettres de Louis XII.,
vol. iv. p. 355. 2 Chron. p. 569.
3 Miscel. Letters, 3rd series, vol. i. p. 128, State Paper Office. The
letter ofthe Duke de Longueville, of the same date, August 16th, and
of similar purport, is printed in the Fcedera, vol. vi. pt. i. p. 73, from
Calig. D. vi. f. 137.
VOL. V. D

34 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
On the arrival of the commissioners at Etampes, near
Chartres, where Louis was then on a visit to his daughters,;
the descriptions they gave of the grace and loveliness of
his fair fiancSe still further fired his imagination. He
urged Wolsey to fix as early a date as possible for her
arrival at Boulogne ; ' sent her most loving letters ; and,
at the same time, de Longueville and Bohier both wrote
to her, entreating that she would address her kingly lover
with her own hand, in order to diminish the impatience
which he felt at her necessary detention in England,
during the conclusion of preparations for her voyage.2
" I assure you, madam," wrote the former nobleman, " that the king
is very much disconcerted,3 that you do not write to him of your wel
fare, and that your affairs' over there are not dispatched as quickly as
he wishes them to be ; wherefore, madam, I entreat you most humbly
to have the goodness to- write to him, and to do whatever in you lies to
come as soon as possible, for you can do him no greater pleasure in this
world." With the former part of the request, the queen com
plied ; and as several of her epistles are in preservation in
the national library of Paris, we have the pleasure of pre
senting our readers with a specimen of a royal love letter
of the sixteenth century :
" Sir : Very humbly I recommend myself to your good grace. I have
received the letters which it has pleased you to write to me with your
own hand, and heard what my cousin, the Duke de Longueville, has
told me from you, in which I have taken great joy, felicity, , and
pleasure ; for which, and for the honour which it has pleased you to do
to me, I hold myself ever indebted and obliged to you, and thank you
as cordially as I can. And because, by my cousin, you will hear how all
things have taken their end and conclusion, and the very singular desire
that I have to see you and to be in your company, I forbear to write to
you a longer letter, for the rest, sire, praying our Creator to give you
health and long life.
" By the hand of your humble companion, " Mart."4
1 Bohier to Wolsey, August 28th, Champollion lettres des rois,
reines, &c. 4to. Paris, 1847, vol. ii, p. 542, published among the " docu-
mens inedits" lately issued by the French government.
2 Duke de Longueville to Mary, September 2, Cotton. MS. Calig.
D. vi. f. 142. Bohier to same, same day, Miscel. Letter, ut sup.
p. 129.
3 " Que le roy s'ennuye fort;" the passage does not admit of close
translation. 4 Letters of Royal Ladies, vol. i. p. 172.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 35
In compliance with the urgent and repeated entreaties
of King Louis, Wolsey did his utmost to expedite the pre
parations of the queen's wardrobe; and her future lord
was highly gratified by the employment of two of the re
tinue of his late ambassador, for the purpose of superin
tending the dress-making department, that it might be
arranged " a la mode de France."1 The labour and expense
lavished upon his favourite sister, by the splendour-loving
Henry VIII., resulted in the completion of a trousseau
perhaps unequalled in the category of royal extrava
gancies. Her dresses, jewels, plate, chairs, tapestries,
beds, chapel-furniture, chariots and horses, liveries, and
attendants, were all prepared with a sumptuousness
worthy of her present and future dignity. A few brief
details must suffice. Sixteen dresses of most costly mate
rial, including the bridal robe of white cloth of silver,
were made in the French fashion; six in the Italian style,
in compliment to Louis, as titular sovereign of the Mi
lanese ; and eight in the fashion of England.2 Her jewels
consisted of carcanets, decorated with diamonds and rubies;
golden bracelets, rings and girdles ; aiguilettes ; an M. of
crown-gold, with a great ball and a diamond ; pearls
for her frontlets, and a variety of imitation flowers, in
cluding fleur-de-lis, and roses made of the most costly
gems set in gold ; also her great silver seal, engraved with
the arms of England and France, and her privy seal of
gold, bearing a crown with four roses. Her plate was
principally of gold or silver-gilt, many pieces being
' Louis to Wolsey, Fcedera, vol. vi. pt. i, pp. 74, 81. Champollion
Lettres, &c. vol. ii. p. 544-5. In Cotton. MS. Vitell. C. xvi. f. 145, is
a holograph letter on the subject, from Louis to Wolsey ; it is yet un
published, and has suffered much from fire. He writes, " Faites mes
recommendations au roy mon bon frere, votre maistre, and luy dictes
que je luy prye menvoyer sa seur le plus tost que faire se pourra, et qu'il
me fera, en ce faisant, singulier plaisir."
2 The material and colour of each dress are separately named.
Chapter House Historic Documents, 1st series, No. 676. An inventory roll
of the whole of the queen's equipments was taken on the 10th and 1 1 th of
October, and two authenticated copies, signed by Wyat, the jeweller
of Henry VIII., and by the officials of Louis XII., were made, to be
kept by the respective monarchs. The English copy is not known to
be in existence ; the French is in beautiful preservation in the Archives
du Royaume, Carton, I. 650, No. 2.
D 2

36 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
studded with sapphires, pearls, and other gems ; the ser
vice for her chapel was equally rich, comprising images,
silver-gilt, of St. Edward the Confessor, St. Ihomas of
Canterbury, St. Catherine, St. Margaret, St. Mary Mag
dalen, and St. George and the Dragon, whilst altar-cloths,
chasubles, and hangings of the richest cloth of gold, served
to surround her, even in her devotions, with the emblems
of a dignity, all unavailing in the presence of Him who
regards with equal eye the loftiest and the lowliest of his
worshippers. The number, weight, and richness of these
treasures are fully set forth in a long inventory, of which
the above is only the briefest summary.1 Heralds were
busied to supply the fitting armorial distinctions— banners
of saints ; bannerolles for the queen's litter, with the arms
of Henry VIL and Queen Elizabeth, and of Edward IV.
and his consort; an azure canopy of state, wrought with
a figure of our Lord, sitting in a rainbow, attended by
the four evangelists, the valence bearing the queen's word
or motto, in letters of cloth of gold, relieved on black sar
cenet, — "La volenti de Dieu me suffif — hatchments with
the queen's word; scutcheons wrought with gold; and 2,500
more on paper royal of metal.2
Meanwhile Queen Mary was busily engaged in study
ing the language of her future spouse. It had formed
part of her early education, and we have already seen
her, at the age of twelve, pronouncing in French her
betrothal vows to the Prince of Castile ; but now a gram
mar, the first written with the object of teaching French
to the English, was composed expressly for her use by her
French master, John Palsgrave, a native of London, but
a graduate at Paris.3 A letter which she addressed to
1 Roll in Archives du Royaume, ut sup. Copies also exist in the
Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. vol. 49, Chambrev du Levant, entitled
Negotiations d'Angleterre ; in Brienne, MS 36, f. 123, and in Fontanieu
PortefeuiUe, 158-9. Raumer has translated it in his Beitrage Europai-
sehen Geschichte, vol. ii. p. 409. Additional details are given in a
list preserved in the Chapter House, Excheq. Documents, 1st series,
art. 539.
2 Memorandum for the French Queen, MS. I. 3, f. 85, College of
Arms. 3 The book is entitled " Eclaircissemens de la langue Francaise ''
It wus not published till 1531. The author first offered it for the

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 37
King Louis is subjoined, as affording a specimen of her
French in its original orthography ; the style it should be
premised, though quaint and a little uncouth, belongs to
the age, and is precisely that in which French was spoken
and written three centuries asro. o
" Monseigneur, Bien humblement a vostre bonne grace, je me recom-
mende. Monseigneur, jay par Monseigneur levesqne de Lenoeln1 receu
les tres affectueuses lettres quil vous a pleu naguaires mescripre, qui
mont este a tresgrantjoye et confort : vous asseurant Monseigneur,
quil nya riens que tant je desire que de vous veoir. Et le Roy
Monseigneur et frere fait tout extreme diligence pour mon aler de-la
la mer, qui, au plaisir de Dieu, sera briesve, vous suppliant Mon
seigneur, me vouloir cependant pour ma tressinguliere consolation
souvent faire scavoir de voz nouvelles, ensemble voz bons et agreables
plaisirs pour vous y obeir et complaire, aidant, nostre Createur, qui vous
doint Monseigneur bonne vie et longuement bien prosperer. De la
main de " Vre bien humble compaigne,
" A Monseigneur." "Marie."2
A third letter from Mary to Louis before marriage
is also in existence, in the same strain as those already
given.3 Every post from France brought presents from
him to his bride.4 His letters to Wolsey were full of en
treaties for the queen's speedy transmission ; and in one
of them he adds, —
" As to what you say in your letters of the pleasure it affords my
wife to hear of my welfare, and of her great desire to see me and enjoy
my society, I entreat you, my good friend, my Lord York, to tell her
from me that my desires and wishes are the same as hers, and that I
earnestly desire to see her as soon as possible ; that I long to hear of
her welfare as often as possible, and will send her news of mine." 5
Nothing could surpass the ardour of the royal lover, to
gratify the object of his affections. Through the influence
of the Duke de Longueville, a French maid of honour,
Jeanne de Popincourt, formerly in the service of Queen
Elizabeth of York and Queen Catherine of Aragon, and
therefore intimately associated with the Princess Mary,
approval of Queen Mary and her husband, and they encouraged him to
present it to the king, under whose auspices it appeared.
1 Wolsey, then Bishop of Lincoln.
2 Ellis's Letters, 1st series, vol. i. p. 113.
3 Printed, from Bethune MS. 8480, in Letters of Royal Ladies, vol. i.
p.;i7i. 4 Jewel Inventory, Carton, I. 650, No. 11, utsup.
s Fcedera, vol. i. pt. i, p. 81.

38 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
had been placed in her service : some offence of which she
was guilty led to her abrupt dismissal ; and Louis was so
irritated with her misdemeanors, that he declared his
willingness to have her burnt alive I1
On the 23rd of September, Henry VIII. issued a patent
deputing the Duke of Norfolk, Marquis Dorset, Earl Sur
rey, and Bishop of Durham, along with the Earl of Wor
cester, the Prior of St. John's and Dr. Nicholas West,
who were already at the French court, to attend the Lady
Mary to Abbeville; to witness her marriage with the
King of France ; receive his acknowledgment for the
200,000 crows, at which her trousseau was valued ; and to
make arrangements concerning those of her servants who
were to remain in attendance upon her.2 Towards the
end of the month, all preparations were completed. The
channel was scoured by English cruisers, as a guard
against all danger of interception to the passage of the
royal bride ;3 and the king, with his queen and the whole
court, accompanied her to Dover, whence she was to set
sail. There they were detained several days by high
winds and troublesome weather. When these subsided
and propitious gales arose, the wardrobe and valuables of
the young queen were shipped, and her suite went on
board ; but she herself lingered till the last moment. She
took an affectionate leave of Queen Catherine in Dover
Castle, and on the 2nd of October, as soon as daylight
dawned, her brother led her down to the beach. As they
stood on the shore, just previous to her embarkation, he
endeavoured to soothe her distress by the repetition of his
promise, that if she only complied with his wishes in her
present nuptials, she should never, in future, be called to
make any such sacrifice;4 then fondly kissing her, he
"betook her to God and to the fortune ofthe sea, and to the
governance of the French king, her husband." Comfort
ing herself as she best could, with hopes whose realization
must depend on the death ofthe spouse to whom she was so
soon to be united, the princess went on board ; but she had
' Earl of Worcester to Wolsey, Oct. 3, Calig. D. vi. f. 196. Ellis's
Letters, 2nd series, vol. i. p. 236.
2 Fcedera, ut sup. pp. 78-9 'Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. f. 222.
" Letters of Royal Ladies, vol. i. pp. 187-8.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 39
scarcely set sail, when the weather suddenly changed, the
sea again became stormy,and ofthe small fleet that attended
her, some ships were driven into Flanders ; some succeeded
in making the harbour of Calais ; the princess's vessel alone
was, with great difficulty, brought into Boulogne. At the
very entrance of the harbour it was run ashore, and, for a
few moments, all on board felt themselves in jeopardy ;
boats, however, were at hand, into which they descended ;
but even these could not be drawn on to the beach, and
the queen was borne in the arms of Sir Christopher Gar
nish, a knight of her train, who, wading knee-deep in
the water, deposited his fair burden on the shores of that
realm, which was ready, with acclamations of joy, to hail
her as its queen.1 The delight of Louis on hearing of her
arrival, is amusingly detailed by the Earl of Worcester, in
a letter to Wolsey, dated October 3rd :
" My lord, I assure you he hath a marvellous mind to content and
please the queen ; and since he heard of her landing, which was this
morning, there is nothing can displease him, and is devising new collars
and goodly gear for her. There was in his chamber but my lord of
Paris, Robertet and the general, and I, where he showed me the good
liest and the richest sight of jewels that ever I saw. I would never
have believed it if I had not seen it ; for I assure you all that ever I
have seen is not to compare to 56 great pieces that I saw of diamonds
and rubbies, and seven of the greatest pearls that I have seen, besides
a great number of other goodly diamonds, rubies, balais, and great
pearls ; and the worst of the second sort of stones be prized and cost
2000 ducats. There is 10 or 12 of the principal stones that there hath
been refused, for one of them, 100,000 ducats. And when he had
shewed me all, he said that all should be for his wife. And another
coffer also was there, that was full of goodly girdles, collars, chains,
bracelets, beads of gold, and other divers goodly jewels ; but, merrily
laughing, he said, ' my wife shall not have all at once, but at divers
times ;' for he would have many and at divers times kisses and thanks
for them. I assure you he thinketh every hour a day, till he seeth her ;
he is never well, but when he heareth speaking of her. I make no
doubt but she shall have a good life with him, with the grace of
God.2 "
By the command of Louis, the Dukes of Vendosme and
de la Tremouille were the first to greet the young queen
on her landing. Mary remained at Boulogne several
days, to recover from the fatigues of her stormy passage,
and also to await the arrival of her suite, many of whom
1 Speed, p. 756. Stow, p. 494. Hall, p. 570.
5 Ellis's Letters, 2nd series, vol. i. p. 236.

40 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
had saild in the other missing vessels. At length, atten
ded by a body guard of English horsemen and archers, she
set forth, by slow stages, southward. When within a day's
journey of" Abbeville she was met and welcomed by the
Duke of Alencon, and others of tbe French nobility ; and
on the following morning the first peer of France, Francis,
Duke of Valois and Bretagne, and Count of Angoul6me£c
—generally styled the dauphin, as being heir presumptive
to the crown,1 — gave her the meeting,2 and accompanied
her in the continuance of her route.
The procession, increased by so many accessions, was
brilliant and imposing. First came 2000 English horsemen
and 200 archers on horseback, in the royal liveries; then
numerous English gentlemen, and the English nobility
paired with those of France ; next followed the queen,
mounted upon a white palfrey, accoutred with splendid
trappings ; a canopy of white satin, embroidered and
richly fringed, was borne over her by four of the princi
pal citizens of Abbeville : she wore a robe of white cloth
of silver, with a short riding coat of cloth of gold, and
a coif blazing with jewels and a profusion of costly orna
ments.3 Her ladies and maidens, upwards of thirty
in number, followed her on horseback, attired in crimson
velvet, or other material equally rich, wearing their jewels,
and guarded by 100 archers. Then came the queen's
litter,covered with cloth of gold embroidered with fleur-de-
lys ; and her three chariots, two covered with cloth of gold
and a third with crimson velvet, with the arms of France
and England emblazoned upon them, and her horses capa
risoned en suite.* The rear was brought up by a long
train of chariots, bearing her wardrobe, tapestries, plate,
1 Afterwards well known as the chivalric Francis I. The various
appellations given to this prince by different authors are likely to create
confusion . His hereditary title was simply Count of Angouleme :
Louis resigned in his behalf the duchy of Valois; and in right of liis
marriage with the Princess Claude, he became Duke of Bretagne.
2 Chronique de Louis XII. and Francis I. by Robert de la Marck,
MS. St. Victor, No. 1098, Bibliotbeque Nationale, Paris.
3 Gaguin, Chronique de France, f. 240.
4 Chroniques de Bretagne, fol. black letter. This detail, evidently
given by an eye-witness, exactly coincides with the list of the princess's
chariots in the inventory roll before alluded to, Carton, J. 650, No. 11,
Archives du Royaume.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 41
and furniture. As they rode, Francis of Valois reined
in his charger to keep pace with the queen's palfrey, and
entertained her with conversation.
When they approached within a short distance of the
town, they were met by a troop bf 1 500 French horse, at the
head of whom was King Louis. Unable longer to restrain
his impatience, he had set out on pretence of hawking ;
but taking care to direct his course whither he knew the
cortege of his bride would approach : he fell in with her at
St. Nicholas des Essarts, a mile and a half from Abbeville.
On their meeting, the queen prepared to alight and do
reverence to her lord, but he would not permit it. With
out dismounting from his horse, he kissed her and whispered
a few words of affectionate greeting, and then gallopped
off to the town, with his train ; not choosing to join her
suite, lest his presence, by dividing the homage of the
inhabitants of Abbeville, might diminish the eclat of the
queen's reception.
Approaching the little church, called Notre Dame de la
Chapelle, near the gates of the town, the queen dismounted
from her palfrey, and entered her litter, which was thrown
open, in order that she might be seen by the admiring
throng. About five o'clock the procession came within
sight of the city walls ; its appearance was announced by a
loud blast of triumphant music from upwards of a hundred
trumpets and clarions ; and in response, all the artillery
from the ramparts discharged its rolling thunders in re
peated volleys. The train passed through the gate Mar-
cade ; and in the Chaussee Marcade, and the several streets
in the route, rich tapestries were hung out, triumphal
arches spanned the road, and scaffolds were erected, on
which were represented mysteries or moralities, specially
devised to do honour to the queen, " who," writes an En
glish chronicler, " looked more like an angel than a human
creature," and he adds, " the French so gazed at their new
queen's beauty, as they could not cast their eyes from her
attractive rays."1
At the church of St. Wulfran the queen alighted, and
was received by the dean and chapter, who led her to the
1 Speed, p. 75-6.

42 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
high altar, to adore the host, and thence she was conducte§
to the Hotel de la Gruthuse, the temporary residence of
the king. Here, surrounded by the princes and peers of
France, Louis was in waiting to receive his bride. There
were present the dauphin, the dukes of Alencon, Longue
ville, and Albany; Alfonso, prince of Naples, son ofthe
late King Frederick, deposed by Louis XII. ; Louis de
Bourbon, Prince de la Boche-sur-Ion, Rene de la Tre-
mouille, Prince of Talmond, and others of the inferior
nobility, amounting in number to forty-four, comprising all
the officers of state, and, in addition, two cardinals and
other ecclesiastics of the highest rank. Never had such a
concourse been assembled at Abbeville since Philip of
Valois there mustered his peers around him, on the eve of
the battle of Crecy.
In the presence of this brilliant band, the queen was
formally presented to her royal spouse by the Duke of
Norfolk. She offered a humble salutation ; after returning
which, the king listened to a long harangue, delivered hy
the Duke of Norfolk on behalf of Henry VIII. This
ended, King Louis entertained his bride and a small com
pany of his own peers at a magnificent banquet; and
meanwhile, all the English nobility were led off by
Francis, Duke of Valois, to an entertainment at his own
hotel.1 His professions of devotion to their royal master
were fervent in the extreme: he said that as he could not
in person go to the King of England, they were to bear
his heart to him, and assure him that he was entirely at
his service, and would, with permission of his own sove
reign, aid him in his wars against any prince in Chris
tendom.2 On their return they found preparations for an
ensuing ball : Mary was already in the dancing room, and
the entertainment lasted several hours. When it was
ended, she took her leave, and retired along a tempo
rary gallery raised across the gardens and the street,
leading from the Hotel Gruthuse, to the apartments
destined for her present reception, which were in a noble
1 See Grands Chroniques de Bretagne, ut sup. Lanson, Hist. Geneal.
des Comtes de Ponthieu and Mayeurs d' Abbeville, p. 620.
2 Worcester and West to Henry VIII., Ellis's Letters, 2nd 'series.
vol i. p. 240.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 43
house at the corner of the street leading from the Castle
of Pontheiu to the Rue St. Gilles.
The following day, Monday, October 9th, the festival
of St. Denis, the patron saint of France, was appointed
for the celebration of the marriage; and in order to
enable the nobility to witness the spectacle, its perform
ance was arranged to take place, not in the church, but in
the saloon of the Hotel Gruthuse. This room, where
many a sovereign of France and England has been re
ceived, was paved with costly mosaics, the ceiling richly
carved and gilded, and the windows painted with re-
sentations of the deeds of St. Wulfran, the patron
saint of Abbeville;1 it was luxuriously furnished, and
the walls were hung with cloth of gold. The monarch
and his principal nobles, attended by the Archbishop of
Rouen, the Bishop of Amiens, two cardinals, and many
foreign ambassadors, occupied one side of the raised dais,
in the centre of which stood the nuptial altar.2 Louis
was attired in cloth of gold, furred with martins, and
wore the collar of the order of St. Michael. The covered
way through which the queen had to pass to the hotel was
lined with English archers ; she rode to the door on her
palfry, and was led in by the Duke of Norfolk and the
Marquis of Dorset. She was dressed in the French
fashion: a French chronicler, who was an eye-witness,
declares that she was " right goodly to behold," and that
this costume suited her much better than that of English
fashion, which she wore the preceding day. Her robe
was cloth of gold, furred with ermine and blazing with
diamonds ; her fair hair hung over her neck and shoulders
in long and profuse tresses, and she wore a coronet of
gems so costly that it was said to be unequalled in Europe,
—a crown not being permitted by custom to a Queen of
France until her coronation. The queen was followed by
her ladies, all in attire more splendid than that which they
had worn the previous day, and the English nobility ac-
1 Le Roi des Ribauds by the Bibliophile Jacob. This novel by an
eminent historical antiquary of France, has been written with so much
accuracy of detail as to excite a regret that it is not characterized by
purity of thought as well as antiquarian skill.
2 Lanson, Hist. Geneal. ut sup. pp. 620-1. Chron. Rob. de la Marck,
ut sup.

44 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
companied them. The marriage service was performed at
nine o'clock by the Cardinal de Brie; the Dukes ot
Angouleme and Alencon holding the canopy over the
royal pair : the celebration of high mass succeeded the
ceremony; after which the bride and bridegroom advanced
to pay their offerings, which were first given to them on
the knee by the most distinguished of their cortege. That
of Louis was presented to him by Francis of Valois,_ as
premier peer of the realm ; the Duchess Claude, his wife,
performed a similar office for her royal step-mother ; "and
I assure you," adds our chronicler, " that the said Lady
Claude was marvellously sorrowful, for it was but lately
since the queen, her mother, had died, and she was
now obliged to perform for another the service she had
been accustomed to offer to the queen, her motheri"1
Claude of France, the reader may be reminded, was the
eldest daughter of Louis XII and Anne of Bretagne.
The same reason which influenced King Louis in the
choice of his first wife, viz., the hope of permanently
annexing the Duchy of Bretagne to the French crown, had
induced him to unite their daughter to the heir presump
tive, Francis of Valois^ when, by the death of the duchess-
queen, her mother, without sons, she became heiress of
the duchy. Her nuptials had been performed whilst the
court was in the deepest mourning for her mother ;2 and
now, before the wound occasioned by the bereavement
could have had time to heal, — nine months only having
elapsed since the decease of the late queen, — she was called
to share in the festivities which welcomed a successor to the
crown matrimonial of France and to the ardent affection of
its monarch, in a step-mother younger than herself.
Under these circumstances, it can hardly be matter of
surprise that the clouded brow and tearful eyes of the
Lady Claude should excite the attention and draw forth
the sympathy of the spectators.3
The proceedings were terminated by a state-dinner, at
which were served dishes and entremets of every conceiva
ble variety ; the king presided at the centre table, and
1 Mareschal de Fleurange, Godefroy, vol. i. p. 750. Rob. de la
Marck, ut sup. - Queen Anne died on January 9th, 1514,
3 Chron. Rob. de la Marck, ut sup.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 45
during the repast, French and English musicians alter
nately lent their skill to entertain the party.1 The queen,
according to etiquette, kept state apart during the day, in
her own chamber, the princesses of the blood-royal of
France dining at her table.2 The banquetings and rejoic
ings were kept up till a late hour ; after which, according
to the usual custom in France, the ceremony ofthe bene
diction of the nuptial bed was performed, and the assembly
dispersed.3 A poet of Abbeville, Valerand de la Varenne,
wrote a Latin epithalamium, in which he dilates magnilo-
quently upon the honour conferred on the good town of
Abbeville, that whilst nobles were striving in emulation
to prepare a fitting place, as the theatre of a union which
should allay discord and warfare, and bring back peace
and repose, none was found so suitable as the capital of
Ponthieu. The very day after her marriage, an unexpected trial
befell the young queen. In his eagerness to concentrate
all her thoughts and affections upon himself, her husband
became violently jealous of her English attendants, and
particularly of her chief lady of honour, Lady Guildford ;
a person who had occupied a confidential position in the
household of Henry VIL, had attended upon the princess
from childhood, and had been expressly solicited by Henry _
VIII. to quit the seclusion into which she had recently
withdrawn, in order to accompany his sister into France :
her intimate acquaintance with the language rendering her
a most suitable chaperone. In addition to Lady Guildford,
the queen's suite included six maids of honour, and two
chamber women, four lords, six bannerets, seventeen
knights, and eight esquires, besides fifty officers of her
household, her usher, serjeants-at-arms, almoner, secretary,
physician, and two chaplains. She was also accompanied
by Sir Thomas Wriothesley, garter-king-at-arms, by the
Duchess of Norfolk, the Marchioness of Dorset, and the
1 Journal de ce qui s'est passe" dans Fiance, depuis Pan 1513, jusques
' a 1'aiL 1517, MS. Colbert, 9707-10, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.
- In the course of the day, the king presented her with a marvellous
great pointed diamond, with a ruby almost two inches long, without foil,
which by some was esteemed to be worth 10,000 murks {^-Worcester and
West to Henry VIII. Ellis's Letters, 2nd series, vol. i. p. 240.
1 3 Lanson, .M ay curs d 'Abbeville, p. 622

46 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
Countess of Oxford; but these were only temporary
companions, who were to return with the English em
bassy.1 . . .
Louis Xn. had been accustomed to great simplicity -in
his domestic habits: even amidst the splendours of his court,
he was wont to spend his happiest hours in the bosom of
his family ; and he was dismayed to find his new queen
hedged in by rank after rank of officials, and not well
pleased either with such a crowd of pensioners, high-born
as well as menial, whose expenses would have to be dis
charged from his exchequer.2 He complained petulantly
to the Duke of Norfolk, that Lady Guildford, from the
very time of Mary's landing in France, had usurped undue
authority over her ; that she insisted on being present, and
hearing every word that was spoken, when the French
princes and princesses visited her ; and that even when he
went to take pastime in his wife's apartments, the persever
ing lady mistress still remained by the side of her young
charge. To her, therefore, and to all such of the qeeen's
servants as he presumed might exercise any sort of control
over his wife, Louis decidedly objected, and insisted on
their removal. The Duke of Norfolk opposed no obstacle
whatever to the wishes of the king, because the queen's
attendants, being chosen by Wolsey and Suffolk, belonged
to the faction in the English court opposed to that of the
old nobility, of which he was the head. The obnoxious
persons were consequently dismissed; and the queen's
suite, thus reduced, consisted only of her almoner, Doctor
Denton, her chaplain, Robert West, a master of the horse,
a physician, three pages of honour, a master ofthe pantry,
cup-bearer, carver, usher, groom of the robes, four maids
of honour, and two chamberwomen.3 To supply the
absence of her senior female attendants, Louis placed near
1 Douce MS. 198, ff. 197-9. Leland's Colleet. voLii. p. 701.
2 Worcester and West to Henry VIII. Oct. 13, Calig. D. vi. f. 199.
From the time of their arrival at Abbeville, the charges were defrayed
by King Louis. Each knight had allowance for four servants : a baron
received twice as much as a knight ; an earl as much as two barons ;
and a duke the portion of two earls. — Leland's Collectanea, vol. ii. p. 702.
3 The list, thus changed, was approved and signed by Louis. It is
printed in the Appendix to the Chronicle of Calais, p. 76, Cambden
Society publications.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 47
his bride his daughter, the Lady Claude, wife of the
dauphin, and Madame d'Aumont ; the latter of whom was
to occupy Lady Guildford's place, and to sleep in the
apartment of the queen, whenever she did not share the
royal couch.1
At first Mary keenly felt this change, and privately
complained of it to her brother in the following letter :
" My good brother,
" As heartily as I can I recommend me unto your grace, marvelling
much that I never heard from you since our departing, so often as I have
sent and written to you. And now am I left almost alone in effect ; for
on the morn next after the marriage, my chamberlain, with all other
men servants, were discharged ; and in likewise my mother Guildford,
with other my women and maidens, except such as never had experience
nor knowledge, how to advertize or give me counsel, in any time of need,
which is to be feared more shortly than your grace thought, at the time
of my departing, as my mother Guildford can more plainly show your
grace, than I can write ; to whom I beseech you to give credence. And
if it may be by any means possible, I humbly require you to cause my
said mother Guildford to repair hither once again. For else, if any
chance happen other than well, I shall not know where, nor of whom, to
ask any good counsel, to your pleasure, nor yet to my own profit.
" I marvel much that my Lord of Norfolk would, at all times, so
tightly grant every thing at their requests here. I am well assured
that when you know the truth of everything, as my mother Guildford
can show you, you would full little have thought I should have been
thus entreated : would God, my Lord of York had come with me, in
the room of Norfolk ; for then am I sure I should have been left much
more at my heart's [ease] than I am now : and thus I bid your grace
farewell, with [as much honour] as ever had prince ; and more heart's
ease than I have now. [From] Abbeville the 12th day of October.
[I pray you to] give credence to my mother Guildford.
" By your loving sister,
" Mauy, Queen of France.'' -
The queen wrote on the same day, in a similar strain,
to Wolsey.3 The receipt of these letters excited some com
motion in the English court. It was suspected, though
seemingly without sufficient ground, that Lord Norfolk
and his son had originated the dismissal of the queen's
suite, and this suspicion made Wolsey the more anxiousto
procure their reinstalment.4 Without betraying to Louis
1 Chron. Rob. de la Marck, MS. St. Victor, 1098, Bibliotheque
Nationale. Hugo, France Historique et Monument., vol. iv. p. 347.
Varillas Hist, de France, vol. i. p. 16.
2 Ellis's Letters, 1st series, vol. i. p. 117- 3 Ihid. p. 119.
1 In a letter to Wolsey, Suffolk says : " You shall well perceive, by

48 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
the fact of Queen Mary's complaint to her brother, he
wrote him a confidential letter of remonstrance, penned as
though he had heard the tidings from some private quarter,
of which the following is an extract :
" Since the king, my sovereign lord and master, your good brother,
had ordered, on account of the true, perfect, and entire confidence
which he had in Mrs. Guildford, that she should be with the queen, his
sister, your wife, on account of the good manners and experience which
he knew her to have, and also because she speaks the language well ; in
order also that the said queen, his sister, might be better advised, and
taught by her, how she ought to conduct herself towards you, under all
circumstances ; — considering, moreover, that the queen, his said good
sister, is a young lady, and that when she should be abroad, not under
standing the language perfectly, and having no acquaintance with any of
the ladies there, to whom she might disclose such feelings as women are
given to, and that she had no one of her acquaintance to whom she could
familiarly tell and disclose her mind ; that she might find herself deso
late, as it were, and might thereby enteitain regret and displeasure;—
which, peradventuie, might cause her to have some sickness, and her
bodily health to be impaired, which God forbid ; and should such an
accident happen, I believe, Sire, that you would be most grieved and
displeased. And whereas, Sire, I have known and understood, that the
said Mistress Guildford is at Boulogne, on her return here, and that she
was entirely discharged ; doubting lest the king, my master, should he
know it, might think it somewhat strange, I have ventured to write to
the said lady, to tarry awhile at the said town of Boulogne, until I had
written you my poor and simple opinion on this subject, which, Sire, I
now do. And by your leave, Sire, it seems to me that you should retain
her for some time in the service of the queen, your wife, and not dis
charge her so suddenly ; seeing and considering that the king, your said
good brother, has taken her from a solitary place, which she had never
intended to quit, to place her in the service of the queen, his said good
sister. And I have no doubt, Sire, that when you know her well, you
will find her a wise, honourable, and confidential lady, very desirous
and earnest to follow out in all things possible to her, your wish and
pleasure, in all that you may order and command, whatever report has
been, or may be made to the contrary."1
Wolsey wrote also to the Earl of Worcester, who was
already at the French court, and urged him, in his capacity
of ambassador, to interfere ; which he could do with the
the handling of these matters, what my Lord of Norfolk and his son
mean ; and, as I take it, they have been the chief causes that the queen's
servants be put from her, because they were of your choosing, and not
of theirs. My lord, if the queen should not be well entreated, she may
blame you and me, and so it shall be laid in our [default] by these that
be the causers, and loves neither you nor me." — Cott. MS. Calig. D. vi.
/. 147, Holoy.
1 Orig. French, Bethune MS. 84C6, f. 61, Bibliotheque Nationale.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 49
more hope of success, as the Duke of Norfolk and his son,
the Earl of Surrey, with their ladies and attendants, had
set forth on their return to England. Worcester, in a
letter to the cardinal, thus gives the result of his conversa
tion with Louis on the subject :
" My good lord ; as touching the return of my Lady Guildford I have
done to my power, and in the best way that I could, to the French king ;
and he hath answered me that his wife and he be in good and perfect
love, as ever any two creatures can be, and both of age to rule them
selves, and not to have servants that should look to rule him or her. If
his wife need of counsel, or to be ruled, he is able to do it; but he was
sure it was never the queen's mind nor desire to have her again ; for as
soon as she came to land, and also when he was married, she began to
take upon her, not only to rule the queen, but also that she should not
come to him, but she should be with her ; nor that no lady nor lord
should speak with her but she should hear it ; and began to set a murmur
and banding among ladies of the court ; and then he swore that there
was never man that better loved his wife than he did, but ere he would
have such a woman about her, he had liever be without her ; and he
said that he knew well when the king, his good and loving brother, knew
this his answer, he would be contented, for in no wise he would not
have her about his wife. Also he said that he is a sickly body, and not
[willing,] at all times that he would be merry with his wife, to have any
strange woman with her, but one that he is well acquainted withal, afore
whom he durst be merry ; and that he is sure the queen, his wife, is
content withal ; for he hath set about her neither lady nor gentlewoman
to be with her for her mistress, but her servants, and to obey her com
mandments. Upon which answer, seeing he in no wise would have her,
I answered him again so that he was content ; and so I make no doubt
but the king's grace would be, for the answer was well debated, ere I gave
it. My lord, the French queen told me that she loved my Lady Guild
ford well, but she is content that she come not, for she is in that case that
she may well be without her, for she may do what she will. I pray God
that so it may ever continue to his pleasure."1
As his sister professed to be content, Fung Henry was
compelled to express himself the same,2 notwithstanding
the dolorous complainings ofthe discarded suite; many of
whom, for the sake of attending upon the queen, had quit
ted lucrative situations, and all hoped to reap honour and
pleasure to their heart's content, in her service. A con
temporaneous chronicler gravely tells us that some died,
and some fell mad with disappointment ; " but there wa«
1 Ellis's Letters, 2nd series, vol. i. p. 244-7.
° Wolsey to Louis XII. Nov. 15th, 1514. Bethune MS. 84G0, f- 110.
Bibli. Nationale.
VOL. I. E

50 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
no remedy." l Mary offered them the only compensation
in her power. One of her few acts as queen-consort of
France, was to send an order to her treasurer to deliver
600 French crowns to a goldsmith of London, in payment
for a number of jewelled ornaments, which at her command
he had delivered to certain ladies and damsels of England,
closely connected with her ; but whose names she declined
to mention ; probably from motives of delicacy, lest her
husband might suppose that she too keenly regretted
their absence.2 She also pleaded with Wolsey for a bene
fice to be bestowed on John Palsgrave, her dismissed
chaplain.3 The shadow cast upon the path of the queen by this
temporary cloud rapidly flitted away. The female asso
ciates who now surrounded her might well compensate for
the loss of her former companions. Among them was the
Dauphin's sister, the brilliant and beautiful Marguerite de
Valois, whose grace and poetic talents gained for her the
appellation of the tenth muse ; her mother, Louisa of
Savoy, afterwards the distinguished regent of France;
and Mary of Luxembourg, mother of the Count de Ven-
dome and St. Paul, usually styled Madame de Bourbon,
who, by her charitable virtues, obtained the honourable
soubriquet of "mother of the poor." The king was lavish
in attentions and gifts, to his lovely bride. Acting upon
the plan previously announced to the Earl of Worcester,
he presented to her, almost daily, some one or other of
the costly ornaments laid up in store for her. The day
after her marriage, the gift was an immense ruby, which
being without flaw, was considered of inestimable value.
The following day it was a diamond tablet, with a large
pendant of pearls, and then rings and other trinkets set
with valuable stones.4
1 Hall's Chronicle, p, 570, edit. 1809. The wrath of Lady Guildford
was partially softened hy the grant of a pension for life of 20/.— Fcedera,
vol.vi.pt. i.p. 87-
¦ Letters of Royal Ladies, vol. i. p. 178.
* She wrote two letters on his behalf; one, dated Nov. 13th, 1514, from
Paris, is in Royal Letters, vol. B. in. f. 57, Rolls House; the second,
written the following April, is printed in Letters of Royal Ladies, vol. i.
p. 202.
1 Worcester and West to Henry VIII., Ellis's Letters, vol. i. p. 240.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 51
Meanwhile, the French and English officials were en
gaged in transacting various matters of business, amongst
which not the least important was the completion of the
lengthy inventory already mentioned, of the personal
property of the queen. They visited her private chamber,
and duly catalogued and described her bed of state with
its blue velvet counterpane embroidered with roses ; her
tapestries of cloth of gold, embroidered in white and
crimson; her chairs and couches, of cloth of gold and
purple, fringed with crimson silk, &c, &c. The men of
business even found it necessary to visit the person of the
royal lady, in order to note down the numerous jewels
with which she was decorated.1 On October 13th, Louis
issued his letters patent, declaring that as King Henry,
according to treaty, has " transmitted our beloved consort
to Abbeville, adorned with costly equipments and jewels,
&c, most honourably, sumptuously, and splendidly, we
acquit the said king and his heirs of the 200,000 crowns
which should have been paid in the year 1514, considering
the aforesaid jewels as full recompense." *
The king's departure from Abbeville was retarded by
an attack of the gout, a complaint from which he had long-
suffered. The queen proved a gentle and attentive nurse ;
she was constantly with him, and she herself declared that
'•" he made as much of her as it was possible for any man
to make of a lady."3 On the 18th, and again on the 20th
of October, at the request of her husband and the Dukes
of Valois and Longueville, she wrote to King Henry, to
solicit the release of a Frenchman, whom Lord Darcy had
taken prisoner in his skirmishes with the Scotch. She
urged her petition on the ground of her obligations to the
two dukes for their courteous entertaiment during her
journey. " I assure your grace," she writes to Wolsey,
"they made me, and the noblemen of my company, great
cheer from Boulogne forth ;" adding, by way of further
argument, "somewhat I would that my lord the king
and both the dukes, to whom I am much bound, should
1 Marginal Memoranda in the Inventory Roll, Carton, J. 650, No. 11,
Archives du Royaume, Paris.
2 Fcedera, vol. vi. pt. i. p. 84.
3 Worcester and West to Henry VIII., Ellis's Letters, ut sup.
E 2

52 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
think he should be the more favoured for my sake."1.,
The result of the petition does not appear.
About the 24 th of October, the king and qucendeparted
from the ancient city which had witnessed their union,
and on the 26th entered Beauvais. On the same day,
the Duke of Suffolk made his appearance at Beauvais,
accompanied by the Marquis of Dorset, who, with himself,
was hastening to Paris, to take part in the jousts which
Francis of Valois had caused to be proclaimed, in honour
of the anticipated arrrival of the young queen.
Suffolk had been seriously apprehensive lest the machi
nations of Norfolk in the French court should work upon
the jealousy of King Louis, and either procure his recall
from France or prevent his obtaining any private audience;2
but the influence of Queen Mary prevailed, and secured
him a most courteous reception. His interview with the
royal pair was recorded by himself, in a letter written to
Henry VIII.
" Please it your grace, so it is that, on this Thursday, the 26th day of
October, my Lord Marquis Dorset and I came to Beauvais, where the
king and the queen was both ; and so we were brought unto our lodging;
and so as soon as we had made us ready, the king sent Cleremont for
me, and showed me that the king's pleasure was that I should come to
his grace, myself, alone, and so 1 did. And when I came into the court,
I was brought straight into his chamber, where he lay in his bed, and
the queen sitting by his bedside ; and so I did my reverence, and kneeled
down by his bedside ; and so he embraced me in his arms, and held me
a good while, and said that I was heartily welcome ; and asked me ' how
does mine especial good brother, whom I am so much bound to love
above all the world ?' and, Sire, I showed his grace that your grace
recommended you to him, as unto your most entirely beloved brother;
and further I showed him that you commanded me to give unto him
thanks on your part, for the great honour and love that he had showed
unto the queen, your sister. And upon that, his grace said that there
should pie nothing] that he will spare, to do your grace's pleasure, or
service, with as hearty manner as ever I saw a man : and, Sire, I said
unto him that your grace would do unto him in like case, and he said,
' I doubt it not ; for I know well the nobleness, and trust so much in
your master, that I reckon that I have of him the greatest jewel that
ever one prince had of another ; ' and so I rose up, and made my
reverence unto the queen, and made your grace's recommendations
unto her, and the queen's also. And, Sire, I assure your grace that
there was never queen nor lady that ordered herself more honourably
1 Letters of Royal Ladies, vol. i. pp. 174-7.
2 Suffolk to Wolsey, Calig. D. vi. f. 147.

IIENRY THE SEVENTH. 53
nor wiser, the which I assure your grace rejoiced me not a little ; your
grace knows why : for I think that there was never queen in France that
hath demeaned herself more honourably, nor wiselier ; and so says all
the noblemen in France that have seen her demeanour, the which
letted not to speak it ; and as for the king, [there was] never man that
set his mind more upon [woman] than he does on her, because she
demeans herself so winning unto him, the which, I am sure, [will be n]o
little comfort unto your grace." '
From the tone of significance in which Suffolk alludes
to the conjugal virtues of the queen, it is evident that he
feared lest any neglect or indifference on her part towards
her husband would have been ascribed to her previous
attachment to himself. His statement, perhaps, may be
suspected of partiality, but the Marquis of Dorset pro
nounced an eulogium equally warm upon the queen's
demeanour, which, he declared, was "as wise and good as
could be." 2 Henry expressed his gratification in a letter
to his brother-in-law of France, in which, after thanking
him for the courtesies shown to the queen, he says : —
" We have heard how she conducts herself towards you, in all humility
and reverence, so that you are well content with her, and we have con
ceived very great joy, pleasure, and comfort, in hearing and understand
ing this And our will, pleasure, and intention is, that in so acting, she
should persevere from good to better, if she wish and desire to have our
love and fraternal benevolence ; and thus we gave her advice and
counsel, before her departure from us, and we make no doubt that you
will, day by day, find her more and more all that she ou^'ht to be to you,
and that she will do everything which will be to your will, pleasure, and
contentment." 3
Quitting Beauvais, the royal party travelled leisurely,
and by short journeys, through the towns of Picardy, the
inhabitants of which were everywhere eager to do honour to
their beloved sovereign and his English bride. In each place
through which they passed, Queen Mary exercised the
sweetest prerogative of royalty, that of releasing all the
prisoners from confinement.4 In the beginning of Novem
ber they reached St. Denis, in the immediate vicinity of
Paris, and were received by the clergy of the cathedral
and most of the inhabitants.8 Here the queen remained
1 Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. f. 149, Holograph, much burnt, date Oct.
25th, 1514. 2 Cotton. MS. ut sup. f. 190.
3 Bethune, MS. 8485, f. 10, Bibl. Nationale, Original, date Oct. 2fl,
1514 * Lanson, Hist. Geneal. p. 622.
1 Gaguin, Chroniques de France, p. 241.

54 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
several days, in consequence of an arrangement that
she should not enter the capital till after her coronation,,
which was fixed to take place on Sunday, November 5th,
at the Cathedral of St. Denis. The king, meanwhile,
went on to Paris to transact some necessary business.
There he gave another private audience to the Duke of
Suffolk, who had preceded him thither with letters of
credence from his royal master, concerning some affairs of
importance to be transacted between them; but Louis,
already occupied with arrangements for the approaching
jousts, and also for a meeting proposed to take place the
ensuing spring, between himself and the King of England,
declined to enter into other matters until these were satis
factorily concluded.1
On the morning of November 5th, the English am
bassadors in Paris received a summons to be early in
attendance at the cathedral of St. Denis, that they might
take their appointed places, before the less privileged spec
tators of the coronation ceremony arrived. About ten
o'clock, a flourish of trumpets announced the cortege of
Queen Mary ; and the royal train, preceded by the peers
and peeresses of France, began to appear. Francis of
Valois led the queen by the hand to a cushion placed
before the high altar, where she kneeled for several
minutes. The Cardinal de Brie then advanced, anointed
her with the sacred oil, and placed the sceptre in her right
hand, the rod of justice in her left, a ring upon her finger,
and the crown matrimonial of France upon her brow;
after which the Duke of Valois conducted her to a chair
of state, placed beneath a canopy, on the left side of the
high altar. Mass was then sung, during which the duke,
standing behind his royal mistress, gently supported the
crown, the weight of which pressed too heavily on her
head. Again approaching the altar, the queen presented
1 Suffolk to Wolsey, Nov. 1514, Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. ff. 153,
157, 158. The Marquis of Dorset, writing to Wolsey, Nov. 9th, men
tions the details of their journey to Paris, during which they chased two
wild boars, let loose for their entertainment by the dauphin. Two
other letters, from Suffolk to Henry VIII. and Wolsey, Nov. 4th, in
Letters to King and Council, vol. v. f. 94, and Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi.
f. 55, speak of the cordial union between himself and the Earl of Wor
cester, and their zealous co-operation in the king's affairs.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 55
her offering, and received the sacrament ; after which she
returned to her temporary palace,1 and was joined by tlie
king, who had been a private witness of the scene. Early
the next morning, he preceded her to Paris, where,
during more than two months, every possible preparation
had been making to receive with honour their vounn-
queen. After many discussions of order and precedence, scarlet
robes versus black, and parliamentary versus civic autho
rities, it was finally resolved to conduct the entiy on the
precedent of that of Mary's predecessor, Queen Anne of
Bretagne.3 At nine o'clock in the morning, the queen left St. Denis,
and came on to dine at the Chapelle St. Denis, near the
barriers, whither a long train of officials, the civic, legal,
mercantile, and parliamentary representatives of the good
city of Paris, had already arrived to greet her.4
A deputation, consisting of the provost, sheriffs, and
a small suite, went to the lodging of the queen to bid
her welcome ; the provost acting as spokesman. She re
ceived them in state, surrounded by the princesses of
France. Not venturing to trust her own ability to reply
in intelligible French, Mary requested the Archbishop of
Paris to assure the company of her thanks, and to offer
them her good services with the king, in anything she
could do for the city.8 They then retired, and a deputa
tion from the courts of parliament appeared, headed by
their president, Anthony du Prat, who " well and gravely"
offered their compliments ;6 to their greetings also, the
queen replied through the medium of the Archbishop of
Paris. The whole train then defiled in order before
her, and from each company, as it passed, she received a
' English Ambassadors to Henry VIII. Nov. 7th, Ellis's Letters,
2nd series, vol. i. p. 251.
2 As early as August 23rd, the municipal authorities had been adver
tised of the projected entry by King Louis, and ordered to receive her
as became the sister and daughter of a king.— Godefroy, Ceremonial
Francois, vol. i. p. TAT.
3 Extracts from Registers Pari. Brienne, MS. 968, f. 28, Bibliotheque
Nationale. • Godefroy, Ceremonial Franc, vol. i. p. 732. " Ibid. p. 743.
' Felibien, Paris, vol. iv. p. 631.

56 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
hearty welcome to France, and congratulations on her ap
proach to the city.1
The queen then set forth in full array to make her
entree. First, a guard of Swiss archers, with the heralds-
at-arms of France and England, and those of all the peers
of France, wearing the several liveries of their masters ; the
princes of the blood, with their pages of honour, and the
king's maitre d'hotel ; next were led a royal courser and the
queen's palfrey, both magnificently accoutred ; and after
these came the royal bride, seated in her litter of state,
wearing her crown, and attired in a robe of cloth of gold
so covered with gems, that its value, and that of the rings,
and of the jewels composing her carcanet, could not be
estimated. Francis of Valois rode by the side_ of the
queen's litter, and held frequent conversation with her:
the French princesses followed, also on horseback ; and
the state carriages of the queen brought up the rear. This
brilliant cortege entered Paris by the Porte St. Denis, and
as soon as it defiled from beneath the portals, a company of
the burgesses approached, with a canopy of cloth of gold,
embroidered with lilies - and roses, which was borne over
the young queen. Along the whole of her route, the
streets were hung with tapestry, and crowded with specta
tors, whilst at certain intervals were disposed several of
the "mysteries," or allegorical representations, then so
popular. A full description of these pageants exists among
the Cottonian MSS.,2 being the identical volume presented
to the queen, by the author, Pierre Grignor ; who pre
faces it with the remark, that as others have written
accounts of the ceremonies merely from hearsay, he con
siders himself much better fitted for the task, having been
employed by the treasurer of France, and the provosts of
the city of Paris, to invent and compose these mysteries
prepared for her entertainment ;3 but, he adds, that he will
omit any description of the nobility who attended, and
leave out the applause due to her gravity, courtesy, and
1 Godefroy, ut sup. p. 732. Gaguin, Chron. de France, f. 241 b.
2 Vespasian, B. ii.
"¦ This was not an empty boast. A comparison of this account with
that given by Godefroy in his Ceremonial Francois, the best that is in
print, proves its decided superiority.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 57
grace, which attracted the love of the populace, confining
himself solely to the ceremonies of her reception, which
took place on the 6th of November, 1514.
At the porte of St. Denis was a tapestry-covered scaf
fold, on which appeared a spacious vessel, with the four
winds blowing might and main upon it: on the deck were
emblematical figures of Ceres and Bacchus, and of the city
of Paris holding the helm ; whilst sailors on the masts
chanted the following strophe of welcome ; J
" Noble lady — welcome be to France !
Through thee we now shall live in joy and pleasure,
Frenchmen and Englishmen live at their pleasance ;
Praises to God, who sends us such a treasure ! "
After which, an " expositor " addressed the queen, to un
fold, what otherwise would not be very clear — the meaning
of the allegorical figures, and the welcome symbolized
thereby. Within the gate she was met by the sheriffs
and merchants, attended by the principal citizens, four of
whom, in turns, carried a rich canopy over her head, sur
mounting the one previously borne. At the fontaine du
ponceau, situated between the Rue du Ponceau and Rue
St. Denis, was another mystery, more graceful than the
former : a beautiful fountain scattered its waters over two
plants, a lily and a rose-tree, emblems of France and
England, which were tended by three graces in elegant
costume. Near the Trinity convent, a device taken from
scripture was exhibited : the queen was depicted present
ing to her husband a pax ; the stanzas and exposition
drew comparisons between her arrival and the visit of the
Queen of Sheba to King Solomon. Other shews, of a
similar character, were exhibited at the Porte aux Peintres,2
and at the church of the Holy Innocents. Before the
Chatelet de Paris,3 then the seat of legal jurisdiction, a
large scaffold, twenty yards high, was erected, on which
1 " Noble dame, bien soit venue en France ;
Par toi vivons en plaisir et en joye,
Francoys, Angloys, vivent a leur plaisance ;
Louange a Dieu du bien qu'il nous envoye ! "
2 In the Rue St Denis ; it was demolished a few years subsequently.
Dulaure, Hist, de Paris, vol. iv. p. 353.
3 Opposite the Pont du Change. It is now destroyed, and the site
occupied by the Palais du Chatelet.

58 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
justice descended in a cloud from an azure sky, and was
met by truth climbing up from below ; these were sur
rounded by the twelve peers of France, who, in full
armour, guarded a royal croWn. Several allegorical figures'
occupied the foreground, among which the queen was
represented, under the name of " Stella maris," " star of
the sea ;" this most poetical of the numerous epithets of
the virgin, the French loved to apply to their young queen
Mary. At the Palais Royal, or Palais de la Cite,1 was
depicted the salutation of Gabriel to the virgin ; then the
king and queen, between justice and truth ; and beneath,
were shepherds and shepherdesses, singing :
" Since erst by means of the Virgin Mary,
Peace was made betwixt God and men ;
So- now are we Frenchmen relieved of our loads,
For Mary is married amongst us again."2
From the palace the queen proceeded to the cathedral
of Notre Dame, where she was to pay her devotions;
she was met by tho rector and all the doctors of theology,
law, and medicine, the masters of arts of the University
of Paris, &C, all wearing their richly furred state robes.
A venerable doctor, selected for the occasion, welcomed
her in an eloquent harangue. In the cathedral, cardinals,
abbots, bishops, and other ecclesiastics, in their rich
canonical robes, were assembled, and no sooner had she
decended from her litter, and crossed the portals of the
church, than the bells rang, the organ peeled forth, and
the whole body of the clergy chanted a solemn Te Deum.
Queen Mary advanced to the high altar, and bending the
knee, with all her company, offered a silent tribute of
thanksgiving. The archbishop reverently raised her, say
ing, "Dearest Lady, most welcome are you into this
realm."3 She took graceful leave of the prelates, and
1 Now rebuilt and known as the Palais de Justice. It was the city
residence of the French kings at a time when the Louvre Palace was in
the outskirts of Paris.
2 " Comme la paise entre Dieu et les hommes,
Par le moyen de la Vierge Marie,
Fut jadis faicte, ainsy a present sommes
Bourgoys Francoys, deschargez de nos sommes,
Car Marie avecque nous se marie."
3 Godefroy, Ceremonial Francois, vol. i. pp. 735-6.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 59
remounted her litter ; but so much time had been occu
pied in these ceremonials that it was six o'clock before the
wearied queen arrived at her city palace,1 the building now
transformed into the Palais de Justice: yet she was still
doomed to hold a court, and sup in public with all the people
of rank, the president and councillors of Parliament, the civic
authorities, and the deputies of the trades who had borne
her canopy, and who were honoured with seats at a table
provided expressly for them.2 The scene of entertainment
was the grande saile, a magnificent apartment, 222 feet
long by 84 broad, built in the Doric order, and surrounded
with effigies of the kings of France, from Pharamond
down to the reigning sovereign.3 It was hung with rich
tapestry, and around the pillars were sideboards laden with
gold and silver plate ; the supper was served up in the
greatest variety and abundance ; whilst from temporary
orchestras, trumpets and clarions sounded forth so melo
diously, that, says our author, " one seemed rather to be
in a little paradise than in the said room." The queen's
seat was upon the celebrated table of marble, from which
all decrees and proclamations were issued; the Lady
Claude, the Duchesses of Alencon, Nevers, and Angou-
leme, attended her ; whilst her English friends and the
other French peeresses dined at a table near at hand. The
supper was closed by a variety of entremets, in which
mechanical as well as culinary skill was displayed: a
phcenix, which by beating its wings lighted the fire that
consumed it ; a cock and hare jousting against each other
in the lists ; a St. George on horseback, leading a damsel,
&c. The repast concluded, the queen gave a silver alms-
dish, and other plate to the value of 200 crowns, to the
French heralds and musicians, who cried her largesse.
Several " pastimes and diversions to rejoice the said lady
and her company " followed ; after which Mary, having
fully satisfied tho loyal Parisians by the courtesy with
which she did honour to their entertainments, took her
leave of them, and retired to her own apartments.1 The
following day the queen attended morning mass at the
1 Eng. Ambass. to Henry VIII., Ellis's Letters, vol. i, p. 254.
2 Godefroy, ut sup. pp. 743, 74fi.
3 Dulnurr, Hist, de Paris, vol. iii. ' Godefroy, ut sup.

60 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
palace chapel, when she was favoured with an exhibition of
all the relics ; and in the afternoon rode in great state to
the Hotel des Tournelles, whither her husband had already
retired.1 On the morning of Thursday, November 9th, an assem
bly was held at the Hotel de Ville for the purpose of
inspecting a magnificent present, prepared for the queen
by the City of Paris ; consisting of a piece of plate, silver-
gilt, valued at upwards of 6,000 francs. On the Saturday,
the provosts and merchants waited upon the queen at the
Hotel de Tournelles, to offer their gift, and at the same
time, to request that she would honour the city with her
company at a banquet which they wished to give her, on
some day of her own selection. Mary received the depu
tation in person, and in response to their request, ordered
her maitre-d'-h6tel to signify her grateful acceptance^ of
their present ; to assure them of her cordiality of feeling
towards the good City of Paris ; and to promise that she
would name a day for her visit to them, as soon as she had
consulted with the king.2
At present, however, the court was so occupied in pre
parations for the jousts, that no leisure remained for other
entertainments. The challenge had been issued in Paris
on the 14th of September, the day of the proxy espousals,
and proclaimed, in due form, from the marble table in
the City Palace: the reasons assigned for the tourney
were, that " as noble knights ought to meet, to encourage
mutual affection, and also to avoid laziness, the mother
and nurse of vice," King Louis, willing to keep up the
good customs of his ancestors, and also to show the prowess
of the French nation, permitted the Duke of Valois, with
nine gentlemen of rank, to hold this trial of arms, as soon
as possible after the arrival of the young queen. On the
28th of September, Mountjoy, principal king-at-arms of
France, arrived in England with the challenge, which was
1 This building, with its turreted walls, its long galleries, splendid
reception-rooms, and extensive gardens, was a favourite abode of Louis
XII. It was demolished by Catherine de Medici, and its site is now
occupied by the uniform but picturesque buildings of the Place Royale.—
Dulaure Hist, de Paris, vol. iii. p. 346.
2 Registers of the Hotel de Ville. Godefroy, ut supra.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 61
proclaimed at Canterbury by Garter, king-at-arms ;v but
as King Henry complained of the brevity of the time
allowed for preparation, the 13th of November was ulti
mately appointed for the opening of the tourney. The
lists were erected in the park of the Hotel des Tournelles,2
leading into an open part of the Rue St. Antoine. On a
triumphal arch, supported by five large pillars, were
attached the five shields upon which the challenges were
to be struck ; each of which signified a combat with a par
ticular kind of weapon, and the touching of which with the
point of a lance, denoted readiness to engage in the species
of combat indicated. Above the pillars were the shields
of the princes challengers, surmounted by those of the
king and queen, and below, the shields of the princes and
lords who had accepted the challenge. A lofty stage for
the accommodation of the royal party was erected in the
centre of the space allotted to the spectators. Louis, ill and
feeble, was unable to occupy his chair of state, and reclined
upon a couch. His beautiful bride was constantly near
him, and from time to time she stood up to receive and
acknowledge the enthusiastic acclamations of the people,
—charmed alike with her loveliness and her condescension.
She was attended by the Lady Claude and the Duchesses
of Bourbon, Angouleme, Alencon, and Nevers, and by many
other ladies and damsels, whose husbands, brothers, or
sons, were to engage in the strife of chivalry.3 A formal
announcement on the part of the heralds opened the viro-
ceedings.4 The king-at-arms, attended by the other
1 Account of the Jousts by a contemporary herald, Brienne MS.
ff. 125, 179. Another copy of this account, transcribed for the Duchess
de Bourbon, is in MS. 9714, Bibl. Nationale.
2 See Felibien, Paris, vol. ii. p. 1090.
3 Hall's Chron. p. 572. Brienne MS. 271, ut sup. Bibl. Nationale.
Account drawn up by Montjoy, the French king-at-arms.
4 Its purport was as follows :— " By the high and most puissant prince,
the Duke of Valois and Bretagne, for the joyous advent of the queen
to the said Paris ;— my said lord had had published through the king
doms of France and England, by Mountjoy, first and r-overeign king-at-
arms of the French, and by the order of the most Christian king our
sovereign lord, to let all princes, nobles, and gentlemen know, the five
enterprises proposed, attached and signified by five shields ; viz. the
silver shield, the golden shield, the black shield, the tawny shield, and
the grey shield ; the enterprises arc declared according to the roll which

62 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
heralds of France and England, was the first to enter the
arena, and was followed by a great number of squires*
then came the Duke of Valois, with the other challengers
and their squires and lance-bearers. The Duke of Suffolk
and the Marquis of Dorset appeared as the champions of
England. In this order they made two tours around the
list, and in passing before the king and queen, as they
bowed their salutations, their lofty plumes were bent
almost to their saddle-bows, " so that it was pleasure to
see them." The Duke d'Alencon, with his suite, then
entered, and the first day's lists were opened. Suffolk
was the hero of the day : he ran fifteen courses, in thirteen
of which he was challenger, with various success, but
mostly favourable ; and on one occasion, though no lances
were broken, he succeeded in detaching his adversary's
plumed hat, which, according to the opinion of the judges,
was equivalent to a broken lance. The Duke of Valois
ran only ten courses, when he received a wound in the
hand, which unfitted him to take any further part.
The second day, the lists were similarly opened, the
challengers, Monsieur de Bourbon and the Duke of Lor*
raine, leading the challenged. On this day, only three
courses of the Duke of Suffolk are recorded ; two of whieh
were run so gallantly as to elicit the distinguished appro
bation of Mountjoy, king-at-arms. On the third day, the
Comte de St. Pol and the Prince of Aragon stood forth as
the challenged. Suffolk ran six courses almost succes
sively, and then did no more that day, nor the next, when
the tiltings were principally amongst persons of inferior rank.
On the 18th of November, after a day's respite, the lists
were re-opened, and now the sword, as well as the lance,
was to be used. In this more dangerous game, Suffolk
again obtained great honour, fighting three rounds, and
each time unhorsing his antagonist. The contests of the
19 th were chiefly confined to inferiors, as also were those
of the day following.
The gallant conduct of the English knights, and par
ticularly of the Duke of Suffolk, which drew forth bursts
my said lord gave to the said Mountjoy, who has published them as
aforesaid ; wherefore, through the said publication, many princes, lords*
and gentlemen, have touched (the shields), as hereafter may be seen,"

HENRY THE SEArEXTH. 63
of admiration on every hand, excited some jealousy in the
mind of the Duke of Valois. A passionate admirer of
female beauty, — the exceeding loveliness of his youthful
stepmother had made an impression upon his heart, the
more deep, because his own wife, the Lady Claude, was
plain and ungainly in her appearance. It needed all the
restraints of his prudent counsellors, and of his mother, the
celebrated Louisa of Angouleme, and all the dignified
coolness of the high-minded beauty herself, to lead him to
keep within due bounds the demonstrations of his enthu
siastic regard.1 Whether, with the jealousy of a lover, he
already suspected a similar attachment on the part of the
Duke of Suffolk, is uncertain ; but he was extremely
mortified to find the honours of the chivalric contest,
which he had himself provoked, borne away by his rival,
and that before the very face of the queen. He was,
therefore, anxious that when the lists were again opened,
an antagonist should be at hand sufficiently strong and
skilful to encounter Suffolk to advantage. Hall intimates
that there was unfairness in the French mode of proceeding.
He thus writes :
" The next day after, began the fight of the barriers ; and because the
dauphin was not present, the Duke of Suffolk and the Lord Marquis
Dorset that day began the field, and took the barriers, with spears iu
hand, abiding all comers. The dauphin brought a man secretly, which,
in all the court of France, was the tallest and strongest man ; and he
was an Almayne, and put him in the place of another person, to have
had the Duke of Suffolk rebuked. The same great German came to the
bars fiercely, with his face hid, because he would not be known ; and
bare his spear to the Duke of Suffolk, with all his strength ; and the
duke him received, and for all his strength, put him, by strong strokes,
from the barriers, and with the butt end of the spear, strake the
German that he staggered ; but for all that, the German strake strongly
and hardly at the duke, and the judges suffered many more strokes
to be foughten than were appointed ; but when they saw the German
reel and stagger, then they let fall the rail between them." After a
short respite" tlie fight was renewed, greatly to the disadvantage of the
German, who at its close was conveyed away by the dauphin, ' lest he
should be known.' Thus," concludes Hall, " was these enterprises
finished, to the laud of all parties, and the Englishmen received much
honour, and no spot of rebuke, yet they were privily set at, and in
many jeopardies."2 
1 Chronique de France, MS. 1656, B. f. 292. Supplement Francais
Bibliotheque Nationale. ' 2 P- 572, Ellis's edition, 1809.

64 MABY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
The following is an extract from an account of tlie
tournay, which was sent by Dorset to Wolsey :
" On Tuesday, the 21st day of this said month, the fighting on foot
began ; to the which they brought an Almain, that never came in the
field before, and put him to my Lord of Suffolk, to have put us to shame
if they could— but advantage they got none of us, but rather the con
trary. I forbear to write more of our chances, because I am party
therein. I ended without any manner hurt. My Lord of Suffolk is a
little hurt in his hand.
" The queen's grace has said to my Lord of Suffolk and me, that the
king her husband said [to] her that my Lord of Suffolk and I did shame
all France, and that we should carry the prize into England. On
Sunday the 26th day of November, the prizes shall be given.
" My lord,'' continues Dorset, " the queen's grace continueth still
in her goodness and wisdom, and increaseth in the same, so that she
loseth no ground, and daily increaseth in the king her husband's favour,
and in the [favour] of his privy council, which I pray God to continue,
which I trust shall daily increase."1
In no instance does the pure-minded womanliness of
Mary Tudor shine forth more conspicuously than in the
pains she took to soothe and gratify her husband. The
strong affection with whieh King Louis regarded her made
him sensitively jealous of her affections, since he could
not but be aware that in his enfeebled condition, often
confined to his couch with a painful disease, he was an ill
match for a young and buoyant girl of eighteen. Mary
adopted the best possible means of securing his confidence,
by enlisting as her advisers the men who had long been
the principal counsellors of her husband.
In a letter to Wolsey, dated from Paris, November 18th,
Suffolk thus writes :
" My lord, it was so that, three days before my lord chamberlain
went, the queen showed to me and to my lord marquis divers things,
the which we will show you at our coming. Whereby we perceive
that she hath need of some good friends about the king ; and so we
called my lord chamberlain, my lord of Saint John's,2 and Doctor West,
and showed them part of the matter ; and we showed unto them that
we thought it best that we should send for my Lord Longueville, the
Bishop of Saint Paul's, Robertet, and the General of Normandy ; and
showed unto them that the queen had sent for us and desired us that
we would send for them, and desire them, on her behalf, and in the
name of the king our master, that they would be good and loving to
1 Cotton. MS. Caligula, D. vi. f. .
2 The Earl of Worcester and Dockray, prior of St. John's, who,
with AY est, were sent to France to complete the nuptial arrangements.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 65
her, and that they would give her counsel from time to time, how she
might best order herself to content the king : whereof she was most
desirous, and in her should lack no good will. And because she knew
well they were the men that the king loved and trusted, and knew best
his mind, therefore she was utterly determined to love them and trust
them, and to be ordered by their counsel m all causes ; for she knew
well that those that the king loved must love her best, and she them ;
and so we did. And when we had showed them all this on the queen's
behalf, they were Very well contented, and said that they would make
report unto the king what honourable and loving request she had made ;
the which, they said, would content him very well, and they thanked
her grace for her good mind toward them, and said that they would do
in everything her request, and to accept and take her as [their lady and
mistress] to counsel her on every behalf to the best of their powers, to
do the [things that should please] the king their master ; of which
matters they have promised us to assure [her their aid] whensoever it
shall be her pleasure."1
The success of this line of conduct appears from the
following extract of a letter, from Mary to her brother :
" My most kind and loving brother,
" I recommend me unto your graee, and I thank your grace for your
kind letters, and for your good counsel, the which, I trust to our Lord
God, I shall follow, every day more and more. How lovingly the king
my husband dealeth with me, the lord chamberlain, with other of your
ambassadors, can clearly inform your grace, whom I beseech your grace
heartily to thank, for their great labours and pains that they have taken
as here for me 5 for I trust they have made a substantial and a perfect
end."2 The English knights and nobles, who, for several weeks,
had been entertained by their French compeers with such
profuse hospitality, that they were permitted neither to
dine or sup in their own quarters, now returned home
wards ; their expenses, as far as Calais, being defrayed by
King Louis.3 The Duke of Suffolk alone remained, as
ambassador extraordinary, to transact with the king the
"secret business" already alluded to-; "which charge,"
writes a contemporary French historian, "he undertook
willingly, for, as far as I can ascertain, he did not wish ill
to the sister of his master.
On the 23rd of November, the day after the jousts were
closed, the king and queen removed to St. Germains-en-
Laye, where Louis wished to entertain his bride with the
1 Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. f. 156, Holograph, much burnt.
2 Letters of Royal Ladies, vol. i, p. 181.
' Lanson, Hist. Geneal. &c. p. 622. Chron. Rob. de la Marc, ut sup.
VOL. V. F

f>f> MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
pleasures of the chase.1 Just as she was leaving Paris,
Mary gave an intimation that on the following Sunday
she would dine in the city, in compliance with the invita-
tation previously received. The time allotted for prepa
ration was brief, yet so determined were the citizens to
give her an entertainment worthy of themselves and of
her, that all the cooks, fruiterers, and poulterers of Paris
were put into requisition, and by their united exertions a
most sumptuous feast was prepared. About noon, on the
appointed day, the royal cortege arrived. The queen
was on horseback, preceded by the Duke of Bourbon, the
Duke of Suffolk, and other nobles ; the Dauphin rode by
her side, and the princesses of France and a number of
ladies of rank followed. An unexpected hindrance occurred
when the party reached the Hotel de Ville; the front
gates were crowded to such an excess that it was impos
sible for the queen's guard of English archers to force a
passage for her, without using personal violence. This
Mary would not permit ; and after waiting some time in
vain, she went into the conciergerie of the hotel, and was
conducted through a narrow private staircase to the
register room, and thence made her way into the ban
queting room, where the Parisian ladies were assembled
to receive her. The provisions for the royal table had
been cooked in an apartment appropriated expressly to the
purpose, and were served up in due form ; but so crowded
was the building, that many dishes belonging to the inferior
tables never reached their destination. The entremets
were more fortunate, and it was well they were so, as
they had been constructed with great skill, and contained
the devices of the king, the queen, Madame de Bourbon,
and the other ladies.
At the close of the repast, the queen went into the
council-chamber, when a present of various kinds of costly
spices in coffers was offered for her acceptance. Six of
those she sent to Madame Renee, the younger daughter of
King Louis, who had spent some time with her in Paris,
and was now residing at the Bois de Vincennes.2 In tho
' Journal, &c. 1514, 1517, Colbert. MS. 9707-10.
2 Registers lintel de Ville, Supplement Godefroy, Bibl. Nationale.
Colbert MS. 252, f. 63.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 67
course of the day she received, at the Hotel des Tour
nelles, a deputation from the University of Paris, the
object of which was to secure her good offices with the
king. The original copy of their oration, beautifully
written and illuminated, probably the one which, according
to custom, was presented to the queen, is still in preser
vation.1 The frontispiece exhibits the reception given by
Mary to the learned doctors of the University. She is
depicted standing in front of a chair of state, in an
embroidered robe of cloth of gold, furred with ermine,
wearing on her head a simple black coif, edged with white
lace, and surrounded by her ladies, officers, and chaplains,
before whom enter the " rector, deans, doctors, and
masters," the foremost bearing a crown, whilst many of
the- inferior attendants are on bended knees. In the open
ing of their address they style her "highest and most
excellent queen," their " most Christian mother and
sovereign lady," and speak of the university of which
they are representatives as the "mother and queen of
studies, the fine and clear sun of Christendom, and the
eldest daughter of the king ; " they represent themselves
as commissioned to salute her according to the command
of St. Paul to the Romans : " salutate Mariam, qua mul-
tum labnravit in vobis" which they take license to trans
late : " salute the most noble Queen Mary, who has right-
well deserved it." They go on to draw a comparison,
which doubtless would strike the young queen as exceed
ingly just, between her position and that of Abishag, who
was chosen to comfort King David in his old age ; and
this is followed by one less reverent, between her and the
Virgin Mary, who was so honoured as to be the chosen
spouse of heaven. In offering their crown, which is
bordered with three fleurs-de-lis, three white and as many
red roses, they inform her that the first of the red roses
1 MS. 9715, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. It is thus entitled :—
" La proposicion et oraison faicte de par l'universite- de Paris aux
Tonrnelles, par maistre May Dubreul, docteur et regent en theologie,
a treshault, tres excellente, et tres vertueuse princesse, Marie d'Angle-
terre, royne de France ; le vingtsixiesme jour de Novembre, l'an 1514."
A copy in a contemporaneous hand is in Harl. MS. 1757, and another
in Hist, de France, depuis l'an 1514, jusqu'a l'an 1521, MS. 96, Fouds
Oratoire Bibl. Nationale.
F 2

88 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
is to represent her beauty, which is the admiration of
France, and in particular her " fair and brilliant colour,
clear complexion, and the good form and features of her
noble face ; "—the lugubrious portrait in the frontispiece
shows that the learned doctors could describe it better
with the pen than the pencil.— They then multiply quo
tations from Solomon, Ovid, Galien, and Virgil, upon
the excellence and the fragility of beauty. The second
rose they compare to her virtue and grace, and compli
ment her on her "becoming modesty, composure of
manner, and sweet and amiable looks," adding a compa
rison to Queen Esther. The third allegorizes her wisdom :
this rose, which is not yet fully blown, bears the three buds
of humility, piety, and devotion, all which they hope to
see expanded with her increasing age. The fleurs-de-lis
are compared to the conjugal love, clemency to his people,
and sovereign nobility, of the king. The three white roses
are gathered from the garden of England : the first shows
the antiquity and nobility 'of the royal house of England ;
and here they congratulate the queen on being at once
the daughter, sister, wife, and aunt,1 of a king, and enter
into a long genealogical detail of the connection between
the royal families of England and France. The second
white rose is to indicate the perfection of the English
in the learned sciences, — as theology, in which they enu
merate a list of divines, commencing with the venerable
Bede ; and also in the arts. The third is to represent
the great fertility of England in corn and fruits, its
abundance of metals, its pleasant climate, &c. In con
clusion, the university offers to the queen, for the support
of her most noble crown, not gold or silver, but gifts far
more precious ; viz. : first, its " most great and excellent
learning, science, and wisdom — unequalled in the world;"
secondly, "continual orisons and special and particular
prayers, holy meditations, devout contemplations, divine
lectures, and fruitful predications ;" thirdly, processions,
general, universal, and solemn, of all its members, on
whatever day she may please to appoint, in sign of great
joy, gladness, and congratulation, at her joyous and trium-
1 In allusion to her nephew, the infant King James V. of Scotland.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 69
phant arrival. This long-winded oration ends with three
petitions : a request to recommend the university to the
favour of the king — to recognize it as her eldest daughter,
and ever continue an advocate for the preservation and
tension of its privileges — and to evince maternal love, not
only towards this establishment, but towards all virtuous
and learned persons.
In the evening of the day, Queen Mary returned to St.
Germains, to amuse her lord with a description of her
varied adventures. The rural abode of St. Germains-en-
Laye, fourteen miles distant from Paris, is situated on a
lofty hill, at the foot of which flows the river Seine. The
castle, as it then stood, was old and almost ruinous — the
present edifice having been built by Francis I. — but the
beauty of the adjoining park and forest rendered it a
favourite place of resort.1 Here a few weeks were passed
in tranquillity : the king became daily more attached to his
beautiful wife, and was so profuse in his liberalities, that
had she chosen to take advantage of his love she might
have accumulated half the jewels of the crown. Mary
performed her conjugal duties with gentle assiduity : she
devoted her whole energies and powers of pleasing to cheer
his hours of sickness, and rarely left him except, at his
request, to pay visits to families of rank, who gave enter
tainments in her honour. Her voice and lute were often
in requisition to revive his drooping spirits ; and she was
a willing listener to the tales of his past exploits in Italy,
and of the troubles of his early career. Her exemplary
conduct and the affection of the king secured to her the
homage of the nobility ; for it was soon found that none
could so successfully request a favour as those who had
her influence on their side.2
It was probably in this interval of retirement that
Queen Mary sat for the two portraits which were taken
during the period of her short-lived regality. One repre
sents her with a full face of great attractiveness, and long
hair hanging in graceful curls, confined by a band of
1 Dulaure, Hist, des environs de Paris, vol. ii. p. 160.
' Epltre de la reine Marie, Bouchet, Epistres Morales et Familieres,
f. 17. This epistle, though fictitious, is remarkably minute in its details,
and was penned by an author who was at court.

70 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
pearls; her dress open in front, with a falling ruff, and
necklace of pearls, the full sleeves caught up with a jewelled
clasp, and over the whole an ermined mantle.1 The other,
which is engraved, pourtrays her as equally beautiful, the
-hands peculiarly delicate and finely formed : she wears a
hood of black, edged with gold, and a dress of violet-
coloured velvet, furred, over a petticoat of amber satin,
fringed with gold.2
In the middle of December the king and queen returned
to the Palace des Tournelles. It became increasingly
evident to those who surrounded him, that the health of
Louis was irrecoverably shattered.
" He had wished," says a contemporary French writer, " to act the
gallant companion to his wife, but he deceived himself ; he was not a
man for such a thing, for he had long been very sickly, especially with
the gout ; and five or six years before, he had been expected to die of it,
and was given up by his physicians. And he had been compelled to
live by a marvellously strict regime, which he broke through with his
wife ; although his physicians told him that if he did so, he would die."
Louis had been accustomed to rise early, dine at ten
o'clock, retire at six, take frequent exercise, and avoid all
excitement. After the arrival of the queen, he strove to
conform his habits more nearly to hers, and mingled, as
freely as he cpuld, in the constant routine of gaiety and
festivity with which she was welcomed,3 and, in conse
quence, his strength declined rapidly; but the trustful
and well-merited love which he entertained for his wife,
became but the more intense. The Duke of Suffolk had
recently returned to the English court, and he spoke so
warmly of the kind treatment which Queen Mary ex
perienced from her husband, and also of the favours which
the monarch was pleased to bestow upon himself, that
King Henry wrote especially to thank his brother-in-law.
The last letter of Louis XII., now remaining, written
only three days before his death, was in acknowledgment
of this epistle :
" By which," he says, " I understand the pleasure you have to hear

MS. 1251, Sup. Frangais Bibliotheque Nationale.
Galerie Frangaise de Femmes Celebres par M. Sante\
Hugo, La France Hist. &c. vol. iv. p. 348.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 71
of my welfare, from my cousin the Duke of Suffolk, and the satisfaction
that I have with the queen, my wife, your good sister ; who has hitherto
conducted herself, and still does, every day, towards me, in such a
manner that I cannot but be delighted with her, and love and honour
her more and more each day ; and you may be assured that I do, aud
ever shall, so treat her, as to give both her and you perfect satisfaction ;
and as to the reception and good cheer which my cousin of Suffolk tells
you that I have given him, and for which you thank me, it needs not,
my good brother, cousin and compeer, that you should render many
thanks ; for I beg you to believe that, independent of the place I know
he holds with you, and the love you bear him, — his virtues, manners,
politeness, and good condition, deserve that he should be received with
even greater honour.'"
No stronger evidence than the expressions contained in
this letter can be needed to prove the delicate propriety
with which the queen had comported herself; since not
the slightest jealousy of the Duke of Suffolk was ever
entertained by her husband.
The New Years Day of 1515 concluded the brief period
of eighty-two days, during which the crown matrimonial
of France was worn by Mary of England. On that clay
the good King Louis, the father of his people, died at his
palace in the Hotel des Tournelles ;
" On which day," writes Robert de la Marc, " was the most horrible
weather that ever was seen ; and I swear to you on my faith, that
it was for sorrow for his death, and that he did not recover ; for he
was a " gentil prince," who had done many fine things in his time, and
the most part in person ; wherefore his chronicles will be marvellously
fine."2 The royal corpse was laid in state, robed, crowned, and
sceptred, in the great hall of the Tournelles, and when the
body could no longer remain exposed, an effigy took its
place. On the 10th of January it was conveyed, through
streets hung with black, to Notre Dame, and thence to
St. Denis, where it was interred with the greatest mag
nificence.3 The sculptured monument erected to his
memory, by far the most splendid and imposing in the
cathedral, testifies the honour paid to Louis XII. by his
1 Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. f. 146.
* Chron. de Louis XII. &c. Du Puy.MS. 107, Bibl. Nationale.
3 Cimber, Archives Curieuses, vol. ii- p. 61. A funeral service for
the deceased king was performed at St. Paul's, London ; the choir being
hung with black cloth, and a hearse and mourners forming part of the
ceremonv.— Addit. MS. 14294,/. 80

72 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
successor,1 but he was still more worthily enshrined in the
love and veneration of his people.2
1 Felibien's St. Denis, pp. 562-3, contains an elaborate description of
the tomb, which is still considered one of the first works of sculpture
in France ; it was shared by his queen, Anne of Bretagne, whose effigy
is placed side with side with that of the king. Imbard has published a
folio volume of etchings made from the tomb.
1 In 1785, the character of Louis XII. was proposed as a subject for
composition in the French Academy : three of the " doges,1" that of M.
l'Abbe' Noel, which obtained the prize, and those of Messrs. de la Croise
and Florien, are published ; and all strongly show the estimation in
which the monarch was held.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 73

MAEY,
THIRD DAUGHTER OF HENRY VII.

CHAPTER II.
Mary retires to the Hotel de Clugny — "Wolsey cautions her against re
marriage — Her reply — Francis I. wishes her to re-marry in France —
Mary reveals her attachment to Brandon, which he promises to aid —
Brandon returns to France — His interviews with Francis and with
Mary — They plead permission to marry — Opposition of English
Council — Their private marriage — Suffolk reveals it to Wolsey —
Reply of Wolsey — Deprecatory letters to Henry VIII — Claims made
for Mary's dower — Bribes offered to conciliate Henry VIII — Suffolk
and Mary return to England — Their reception — Public marriage —
Portraits — Ballad — Large payments to Henry VIII.
Etiquette required that a royal widow of France
should keep her couch for six weeks in a darkened apart
ment, lighted only by wax tapers,1 and attired in white cos
tume, which gave rise to the epithet of la reine blanche; the
place usually resorted to was the Hotel de Clugny, in the
Rue des Mathurins St. Jaques. Thither, accordingly,
Queen Mary retired, on the 2nd of January, after having
received a visit from Francis of Valois, who gave strict
orders for her honourable entertainment.2 The Hotel de
Clugny, built on the site of the Roman baths,3 and origin
ally an abbey of Cluniac monks, is now the most beautiful
Gothic monument remaining in Paris, and an object of
general interest and resort, from the valuable museum of
mediasval antiquities, collected in this fitting receptacle by
the taste of the late M. du Sommerard. The apartments
are neither large nor numerous ; that which is still called
the " chambre de la reine blanche" is among the hand-
1 Chron. de Louis XII. MS. St. Victor, No. 1098, ut sup.
' Hist, of the 1st and 2nd years of Francis I. by Jean Barillon, secre
tary to the Chancellor Du Prat, Bethune MS. 8618, f. 26, Bibl.
Nationale. 5 Du Laure, Hist, de Paris, vol. i. p. 1 1 2.

74 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
somestrt In this place, attended only by a few of her
ladies, the widowed queen occupied her couch, feeling
doubtless the solemn impression which the near approxi
mation to death creates in every thoughtful mind, and
assuming the aspect of a grief still more profound.
The literature of France hastened to offer its tribute of
consolation to the young widow. John Benedict Moncetto
of Chatillon, vicar-general of the holy see in France, ad
dressed to her a long epistle in Latin.2 It opens with
compliments to her as excelling every preceding queen of
France, in beauty, wit, and virtue : the author states that
he dare resort only to one of the many usual sources of
consolation, that which his knowledge of philosophy sup
plies to him ; which theme he still is diffident to enter
upon, with one so fond of the society of learned men. He
praises much her judgment in cultivating their society,
talking with one, and reading with another, so as to have
her mind thoroughly informed in the things best worth
knowing, and thus becoming the refuge and main assistant
ofthe learned. The introductory epistle occupies four folios,
and then comes the theme, thrown into the form of an
imaginary conversation between the queen and the author,
Mary expresses her doubts of the wisdom of some of the
arrangements of divine Providence, particularly referring
to the death of good men ; she quotes multitudinous ex
amples, from Anaxagoras downwards, of men who have
borne with fortitude the loss of their dearest relatives, con
trasted with others who have sorrowed intensely, and asks
the reason of the difference in their emotions. The reply
1 Du Sommerard, les Arts au Mogen Age, lOme. serie. Ibid. Atlas.
plates i. to xvii. Nodier, Paris Historique, vol. ii. Carrozet, Antiquite's
de Paris, p. 148. In the queen's apartment are now preserved the state
bed of Francis I., with two knights in full armour, lance in hand, stand
ing at his pillow. At a little distance, two knights are seated at a chess-
table ; the chess-men, made of amber and crystal, and mounted in gold,
being those presented to St. Louis in the Holy Land by the Prince of
the Assassins. " Really," writes Madame de Saint Surin, in her elo
quent description ofthe HStel de Clugny, "we cannot answer for it
that many illustrious shades do not assemble in the twilight, in the
chamber of the reine blanche ; such an impression do these Gothic asso
ciations make ou the mind."
2 The original presentation copy, with illuminated frontispiece, initials,
and coats of arms, forms Addit. MS. 15221. British Museum.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 75
induces a philosophical dialogue on the principles of the
Stoics, the queen arguing very logically against their pro
fessed indifference to human emotions, and bringing forward
examples of men, otherwise celebrated, who were yet the
subjects of warm feeling. After hearing all that could be
urged in alleviation of her sorrow, she still pleads its aggra
vations ; her late illustrious position, the splendour of her
marriage festivals, which, amidst the fogs of autumn, spread
cheerfulness and peace throughout the world, the magnifi
cence of her reception in Paris, &c. ; and contrasts these
with the mourning robes, the sorrow and misery which
have ensued ; cursing the day of her birth, and wishing
herself dead before such a calamity had overtaken her.
Her counsellor then leads her to the Scriptures : brings
forward the example of David, and adverts to the passion
of our blessed Lord, comparing her sufferings with his,
and showing how they had all been borne by Him in far
greater intensity. He concludes with a dissertation on
the transitory nature of all human glory, making its loss
the less to be regretted. The last page contains a com
plimentary stanza to Mary's almoner, Doctor Denton.
Jean Bouchet, the poet-historian of France, at the
request of the Prince of Talmond, son of the Comte de
la Tremouille, wrote an epistle in verse, purporting to be
from the queen to her brother in England, which is rather
a descriptive poem on France and on Louis XII. than an
expression of the sentiments of the queen.1 She is made
to declare that for three months she has been unable to
write to her brother, as her tears spoiled the paper when
ever she began. Then follows an eulogium upon King
Louis: the queen relates minute particulars of their
domestic felicity, of the care with which she nursed him
during his illness, her excessive emotion on receiving the
' It is entitled " Epistre de tres Noble et tres illustre Dame, Madame
Marie, royne douairiere de France, au tres puissant roy d'Angleterre,
son frere, touchant le trespas du tres chrestien roy de France, Loys,
douziesme de ce nom, son espoux." Signed "Le Traverseur. " The
pseudonyme of Bouchet was " Le traverseur des voyes perilleuses" ; see
memoir of Bouchet in Goujet's Bibl. Frangaise, vol. xi. p. 242. This
letter was published separately, folio, Paris, 1517 ; it is also inserted in
Bouchet's Annales d'Aquitaine, p. 341, edit. 1644, and in his Epistres
Morales and Familieres, folio, Poicton, 1545, 2nd part, f. 17.

76 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
tidings of his death, for a description of which she rum
mages classical antiquity, and quotes the examples of
Helen, Briseis, and Dejanira; and ends with a courtly
compliment to Francis- of Valois, whose kindly attentions,
and those of his wife, she represents to be her greatest
comfort in her distress.
Three original charters of Mary, as queen-dowager of
France, given when she was at the H6tel de Clugny, and
signed February 12th, 23rd, and 27th, are in existence; all
are orders to the treasurer-general of her finances to pay
monies to her attendants. One of the_ hussars of her
chamber was recompensed above his ordinary wages, for
his unusual zeal and assiduity ; another servant, a female,
had 100 crowns assigned as a wedding portion.1
Queen Mary's position on the death of her husband
was extremely delicate and critical. The subsequent
disposal of her hand brought the interests of France and
England into direct collision. Could Francis I. arrange
some feasible alliance for her in France, he would avoid
the necessity of returning her valuable trousseau and
marriage-portion, and might possibly evade the payment
of the large revenue to which, as Queen Dowager of
France, she was annually entitled. On the other hand,
Henry VIII. was so intensely anxious to prevent the pos
sibility of his sister's forming any union, excepting under
his control, that during King Louis's illness, but before
his death, Wolsey thus addressed her:
"[Madame] In my most humble wise, I commend me unto [your
grace] whereas I have lately had knowledge of the extreme [peril] and
danger that the king, your husband, is in, and that there is likelihood,
ere this time, he is departed to the mercy of God ; I thought expedient,
for the service and good mind that I have always and do bear unto your
most noble grace, to write unto the same, letters, as well of consolation,
as also of counsel, how your grace shall demean yourself, being in this
heaviness, and amongst strangers ; far from your most loving brother
and other your assured friends and servants. And as touching your
consolation, I most heartily beseech your grace, with thanksgiving to
(iod, to take wisely and patiently [this] breach and visitation of
Almighty God, against whose ordinance no earthly creature ever may
be ; and not, by extremity of sorrow, to hurt your noble person. As
suring your grace, that the king, your most loving brother, will never
1 Addit. Charters, 43, f. 24 and 25, Brit. Museum ; copied into Brc-
qnigny's MSS. vol. 86, Bibl. Nationale, Paris.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 77
forsake, but most fastly stick unto you, in all your needs. Wherefore,
Madam, for the old service that I have done unto your grace, I most
humbly beseech the same never to do anything but by the advice of his
grace ; referring all things to him whatever fair promises, words, or
persuasions, shall be made to the contrary ; having always a special
regard to his common honour, and letting nothing pass your grace's
mouth whereby any person in those parts may have you at any advan
tage. And if any motions of marriage or other thing fortune to be
made unto you, in no wise give hearing to the Tsame \. And, thus doing,
you shall not fail to have the kmg fast and loving to you, and attain to
your [own heart's] desire, [and to return] then again into England, with
as much honour as [ever woman] had. And for my part, to the effu
sion of my l[ife and the haza]rding of my goods, I shall never forsake
nor leav[e to do what be]st seemeth, intending that which may be [for
the accomplishment of your -desire, honour, wealth, and s[afety.'"
To this letter, after the death of King Louis, Mary
wrote the following reply :
" Mine own good lord,
" I recommend me to you, -and thanking you for your kind and loving
letter, desiring you of your good continuance and good lessons that you
have given to me. My lord, I pray you, as my trust is in you, for to
remember me to the king my brother, for such causes and business asi
have for to do J for as now I have no other to put my trust in, but the
king my brother and you. And as it shall please the king my brother
and his counsel, I will be ordered. And so I pray you, my lord, to
show his grace, seeing that tlie king my husband is departed to God, of
whose soul God pardon. And whereas you advise me that I should
make no promise,— my lord, I trust the king, my brother, and you will
not reckon in me such childhood. I trust I have so ordered myself,
since I came hither, that I trust it hath been to the honour of the king
my brother and me, since I came hither ; and so I trust to continue. If
there be anything that I may do for you, I would be glad for to do it in
these parts ; I shall be glad to do it for you. No more to you at this time,
but Jesus preserve you. Written at Paris, the 10th day of January.
" By your loving friend,
" To my lord of York." " Mauy, Queen of France."2
This correspondence could not have reference to fears
entertained lest Mary should unite herself precipitately
with the Duke of Suffolk, as that nobleman was in England,
and it was optional with King Henry to detain him there.
Great emphasis should be laid upon this fact, as it
affords full contradiction to the insinuations frequently
made by modern writers, that Francis I. thought it neces
sary to keep a strict watch over the queen and Brandon,
lest the birth of a surreptitious heir to tlie crown should
1 Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. j. 268, Holograph draft, much burnt.
* Ellis's Letters, 1st series, vol. i. p. 120.

78 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
blight his prospects of regality. Robert de la Marck, one
of the most accurate contemporary historians, makes the
following statement :
" About three weeks or a month after the death of the late King
Louis, Monsieur d'Angoulesme, dauphin, asked the said queen if he
might consider himself king, because he knew not whether she were
enceinte or not. Whereupon the said lady answered him that he might,
and that she knew of no other king than he, for she had no idea of
having any offspring that could prevent."1
The real bearing of the cautions of Henry and his
council is elicited from the letters of Spinelly, the Eng
lish agent in the low countries ; who, in terms of deep
concern, mentions the determination of the French monarch
not to allow the beautiful queen-dowager to leave the
kingdom, but to marry her to a husband of his own choos
ing. The Duke of Lorraine was at first supposed to be
the favoured suitor ;2 but it soon appeared that he was
affianced to the daughter of the Duke of Bourbon. Francis
then lent his influence to Charles, Duke of Savoy, a
prince of twenty-eight years of age, whose attachment he
was anxious to secure, and who promptly obeyed a sum
mons to the French court, to further his own cause.3 So
firm was the resolution of Francis supposed to be, that the
emperor even offered his assistance to King Henry to
recover his sister by force of arms, presuming that to be
the only alternative to rescue her from the impending
danger of a second French marriage.4 Henry, however,
adopted a wiser policy. Acting upon his knowledge of
the strength of his sister's character and the state of her
affections, he determined to place Brandon at the head of
an embassy which he proposed to send into France, to
1 A remarkable passage occurs in a letter from Wingfield to Henry
VIII. date Jan. 14, 1515, in Letters to King and Council, vol. vii. f . 63
State Paper Office, strongly confirmatory of the general surmise that the c
marriage between Queen Mary and her sickly husband was never con
summated. 8 " The bruit is in the court," writes the English ambassador to
Henry VIII. Feb. 10th. " that la reine blanche, so they call the queen's
grace your sister, shall be married to the Duke of Lorraine."— Ca%
D.vi.f. 216.
3 Spinelly to Henry VIII. Feb. 13, Galba, B. in. f.289.
4 As late as the 2nd and 7th of March, Spinelly records that the
French council are resolved not to give up the queen, but to marry her
after their own mind. — Cotton. MS. Galba, B. m.ff. 295, 297.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 79
compliment the new king, and to condole with the widowed
queen, and escort her home to England. At the same
time he exacted from Brandon a solemn promise, made in
the presence of Wolsey, and confirmed by an oath, that
he would not take advantage of his position, to obtain any
undue influence over the royal widow, nor induce her to
plight to him an unsanctioned troth.1
Kumours reached the queen that Henry reverted to
the union formerly contemplated between herself and the
Prince of Castile, and that the design of Suffolk's embassy
was only to lure her into England, that she might then be
compelled to accede to that alliance.2 The constant
anxiety and painful suspense which she endured in refer
ence to her future destiny, made her ill as well as sorrowful.
She suffered from severe hysterical affections, by which,
added to the pangs of tooth-ache, her nerves were com
pletely unstrung.
Her distress was increased by ascertaining that the
French king was about to solicit Henry's consent to her
marriage abroad. She still assured her brother that
she would never yield to the entreaties of Francis,
expressed an earnest desire to know when she might
return to England,3 and entreated him not to forget all
the promises he had made her; declaring that if she were
driven to extremity, rather than be compelled a second
time to a union opposed to her wishes, she would retire
to end her days in a convent.
" I assure your grace," she writes, " that [my mi]nd is not there
where they would have me, and I trust [your grace] will not do so to me
that has always been so glad to fulfil your mind as I have been : where
fore I beseech your grace for to be good lord and brother to me ; for,
Sire, an if your grace will have gran[ted] me married in any place,
1 Spinelly to Henry VIII. Jan. 29, Feb. 3 and 6, 1515, Galba, B. in.
ff. 278, 283, 285. Wolsey to Suffolk, March, 1515, Miscel. Excheq.
Documents, 1st series, No. 1213. Henry wrote to one of the ministers
of Francis I. to express his joy that Louis has left so virtuous a suc
cessor, who will comfort his good sister, at present so greatly desolated,
and treat her in every respect as a mother ; yet he adds, that thinking it
proper also to send some of his faithful servants to console her, he has
chosen his dear cousin, the Duke of Suffolk, Nicholas, West, and
Richard Wingfield, for whom he requests countenance and advice.
Galba, B.i 1 1./. 227.
2 Letters of Boyal Ladies, vol. i. p. 201. 3 Ibid. p. 185.

80 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
[sav]ing whereas my mind is, I will be there whereas your grace no
no other shall have any joy of nie : for, I promise your grace, you sha
hear that I will be in some religious house, the Which I think your grac
would be very sorry of, and all your realm." '
Francis I. left no means untried to conciliate his juvenil
mother-in4aw, as he always styled her,*— on account of he
being step-mother to the Lady Claude, his wife. He pai(
her frequent visits, dismissed her remaining English ser
vants, and placed her entirely under the charge of French
men; and every influence was strenuously exerted t(
conquer her reluctance to a union with the Duke of Savoy
Mary evaded, hesitated, and represented the impropriety
of acting without her brother's permission; but all hei
arguments availed not to free her from his solicitations.
The Duke of Suffolk was expected speedily to arrive in
France : the report was current in court circles that he
was a suitor for the queen's hand, and Mary feared lest,
in his anxiety to promote her union with another, Francis
should seek to injure her English lover. She therefore
took the resolution of frankly avowing the state of
her affections, and throwing herself upon his generosity.
" Sire," she said, " I beseech you that you will let me
alone, and speak no more to me of the matter ; and if
you will promise me, by your faith and truth, and as you
are a true prince, that you will keep it counsel and help
me, I will tell you my whole mind." Francis gave the
required pledge, not only to secrecy, but to assistance, and
she then told him of her attachment to Brandon, and of
the promises made by King Henry to leave her choice
altogether unfettered, in reference to her second nuptials;
and entreated him not to blight her only hope of happi
ness.2 This appeal to the chivalric feeling of the king
was successful : he engaged to forward the match to the
utmost of his power, and to write with his own hand to
ask the consent of his brother of England. He begged her
never to reveal the efforts he had made to detain her in
France. He now willingly permitted her to dismiss the
retinue whom he had placed about her, and to restore to
their posts her former attendants.8
1 Letters of Koyal Ladies, vol. i. pp. 188 and 189.
2 Suffolk to Wolsey, Calig. D. vi. f. 163, Holograph, much burnt.
3 Spinelly to Henry VIII. Galba, B. in. f. 289.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. SI
Francis I. was solemnly crowned at Rheims, on the
28th of January, nearly a week before the arrival of the
Duke of Suffolk in France. After his coronation he
went on to Compeigne, where three envoys from England,
the Duke of Suffolk, Doctor West, and Sir Richard Wing
field, waited his upon him.1 He welcomed them with much
cordiality, and they presented their letters of condolence
and congratulation. Writing to their royal master an
account of their interview with the French king, they
said :
" According to our instructions, we gave him thanks, on your grace's
behalf, for the singular comfort that he hath given to the queen your
sister, in this her great heaviness, reciting how lovingly he had written
to your grace, by his last letters, that he would neither do her wrong
nor suffer her to take wrong of any other person, but be to her as a
loving son should be to his mother ; praying him of continuance.
Whereunto he answered that he might do no less, with his honour,
seeing that she was your sister, and a noble princess, and married to
his predecessor ; and how lovingly he had behaved him to her he said
he trusted that she would make report herself to your grace.*2
Francis took an early opportunity of holding a private
conversation with Suffolk, in order to ascertain how much
he was willing to confess of his hopes and designs relative
to Queen Mary. The interview is detailed by the Duke
in a letter to Wolsey : 3
" My very good lord,
" 1 recommend me unto you — and so it is, I need not write you of
none thing [but only of] a matter secret, for all other matters you shall
perceive by the letters sent to the king, the one from me, and the other
from my fellows and me. My lord, so it was that the same day that
the French king gave us audience, his grace called me unto him, and
had me into his bed-ehamber, and said unto me — ' My Lord of Suffolk,
so it is that there is a bruit in this my realm, that you are come to
marry with the queen, your master's sister ; * and when I heard him say
1 " Amongst the different ambassadors who were in attendance," says
a contemporary chronicler, " were the Duke of Suffolk and the Dean of
Windsor, from England ; which dean made an oration quite long enough,
deploring the death of King Louis, and requesting the continuance of
the alliance and treaties, and commending the cause of Queen Mary.
The king received them well, and said he should soon make his entry
into Paris, whither they went at once, to pay reverence to the queen,
(Claude,) and also to see Queen Mary, who was called 'la Royne Blanche." "
— Guicciardini Hist, sui Temporis, vol. ii. p 143.
* English Ambassadors to Henry VIII. Feb. 3, Calig. D. vi. f. 207.
3 Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. f. 172, Holograph, much burnt.
VOL. V. G

82 MARY, Tt-IIRD DAUGHTER OF
so, I answered and said that I trusted his grace would not reckon so
great folly in me, to come into a strange realm and to marry a queen of
the realm, without his knowledge, and without authority from the king
my master to him, and that they both might bo content ; but I said I
assured his grace that I had no Mich thing, and thnt it was never
intended on the king my master's behalf, nor on mine — and then he
said it was not so ; for then (since) that 1 would not be plain with him,
he would be plain with me, and showed me that the queen herself had
broken her mind unto him, and that lie had promised her his faith and
truth, and by the truth of a king, that he would help her. and to d[o
what was possi]bly in him to help her to obtain [her heart's desfjre.
' And because that you shall not th[ink that 1 do] bear you this in hand,
and that [she has not spo]ke her mind, 1 will s[hew, you some wor]ds
that you had to her [grace,]' and so showed me a ware word, the which
nonealive could tell them but she ; and when that then I was abashed,
and he saw that, and said, ' because for (that) you shall say that you have
found a kind prince and a loving, and because you shall not think m[e
other], here I give you, in your hand, my faith and truth, by tho word
of a king, that I shall never fail unto you, but to help and advance this
matter betwixt her and you, with as good a will as (I) would for mine
own [self.]' And when he had done this, 1 could do none less than
thank his grace, for the great goodness that his grace intended to show
unto the queen and mo, and by it I showed his grace that 1 was like to
be undone, if this matter should come to the knowledge of the king my
master : and then he said, ' Let me alone for that ; I and the queen
shall so instance your muster that I trust that he would be content (
and because I would gladly put your heart at rest, I will, when I oomo
to Paris, speak with the queen, and she and I both will write letters to
the king your master, with our own hands, in the best manner that can
be devised.'
" My lord, these were his proper words ; | an 1] do advertise you; not
intending to hide [this or] any other matter from you ; praying yon,
with all the haste possible, send nie your best [counsel, what yo]u shall
think best that I shall [do in this mat Iter : and if you shall think good
| to advertise hi ]s grace of this letter, I pray you [also to give mi]ne
assurances to his highness, that I had [rather, an 1 dared, have written]
unto him myself.
" My lord, after mine opinion, I find myself much [bound] to God,
considering that he Unit I feared most is contented (obe tlie doer of this
uel himself, and to instance the king my master in Ihe same [wherejby
his grace shall be marvellously discharged [us well] against his council,
as all the other noble men of his realm. Ami thus, mine own good lord,
I bid you most heartily farewell, trusting to hear from you in all tlie
I msto (possible). My cousin Winglield has put me in remembrance of
your affairs, which be not forgotten, as you shall well know, by my next
letters ; and of one thing be you assured, that the amity going forth
between the two princes, that we both shall tie us well entreated of tho
king here as ever any two in England. By your's assured, written]at
some haste 10 leagues from I'aris, the tlriiil day of February,
" To my Lord of York. " CiiAiaiiS fcjui-roi.K."

HENRY The seventh. 83
To this letter Wolsey sent the following reply : '
" My Lord — In my most hearty manner I recommend me unto your
good loi'dship ; I have received your letter, written with your own hand,
dated at Paris the iij day of this month, and as joyous I am as any
creature living to hear, as well of your honourable entertainment with
the French king, and of his loving mind towards you for your marriage
with the French queen, our master's sister, as also of his kind offer made
unto you, that both he and the said French queen shall effectually write
unto the king's grace, for the obtaining of his good will and favour unto
the same. The contents of which your letter I have, at good leisure,
declared unto the king^s highness ; and his grace marvellously rejoiced
to hear of your good speed in the same, and how substantially and dis
creetly you ordered and handled yourself, in your words and conversa
tion with the said French king, when be first secretly broke with you of
the said marriage. And therefore, my lord, the king and I think it good
that you procure and solicit the speedy sending unto his grace of the
letters from the said French king and queen, touching this matter :
assuring you that the king continueth firmly in his good mind and pur
pose towards you, for the accomplishment of the said marriage : albeit
that there be daily, on every side, practises made to the let" of the same,
which I have withstood hitherto, and doubt not but so to do, till you
shall have achieved your intended purpose.'1
Full of eager hope, Suffolk, with his associates, has
tened on to Paris, where they arrived on Sunday, Feb
ruary 4th, and the following morning waited on Queen
Mary at the Hotel de Clugny.
In a letter to Henry VIII., they thus recount the
interview :
" Sire, Sunday, the 4th day ef this month, we came to Paris, and on
Monday, before noon, we went to visit the queen's grace your sister,
whom after your hearty recommendations in due form made, and deli
verance of your most honourable letters, — with the best words that we
could devise, we comforted, on your grace's behalf ; and according to
our instructions, we made overture to her, at length, of your grace's
mind and pleasure, as well touching that she shall not consent to any
motion of marriage in these parts, as also that she shall not determine
her mind to make her abode here, but to apply herself to follow your
mind and pleasure in that behalf; whereunto, like a wise, substantial,
and Christian princess, she discreetly answered, first giving your grace
most hearty thanks that it pleased you, so like a loving brother, to send
to her, in this her heaviness, my Lord of Suffolk and us your good ser
vants, as well to comfort her, as also for the obtaining of her dower,
and other things of right appertaining to her. Wherefore, she said, she
was au unkind sister if she shall not follow your mind and pleasure in
any behalf; for there was never princess so much beholden to her sove-
1 Miscel. Exchequer Documents, 1st series, No. 1669. Corrected
draught, Rolls House. ; Hindrance. G 2

84 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
reign and brother, as she is to your grace ; and therefore, as touching
consent to any marriage in these parts, she trusteth that your grace
knoweth her mind therein ; and albeit she hath been sore pressed in
that matter, as well by the king as others, yet she never consented, nor
never will, [were she to]' suffer the extremity of death, and as touching
her [tarrying there] how she uerer was nor is minded thereto, for she
[thinketh] every day an hundred till she may see your grace." '
After a little further discourse, the ambassadors were
entertained at dinner, in a chamber adjoining that in which
etiquette confined the royal lady. They then returned
to her, and conversation was renewed with her and her
ladies ; during which time Suffolk contrived to hold a con
fidential interview with the queen. As much of what
passed between them as he thought fit to communicate, is
given in a letter to Henry VIII.
" So when I had been there awhile, I was in hand with her grace, and
asked her how the French king did with her grace, and how she found
him ; and she said, at the beginning, he was in hand with her of many
matters, but after he heard say that I was come, he said unto her grace
that he would trouble her no more with no such matter, but be glad to
do for her as he would do for his own mother, and prayed her that she
would not be a known of none thing that he had spoken to her, neither
to your grace nor me, for because your grace should take no unkindness
tnerein. And further he said that wheresoever her mind was for to
[mar]ry, he would be glad to help her thereto [with all] his heart ; and
so since, he never med[dled otherwise, but as he that would be to her
as [a son to his m]other. And so, Sire, I perceive that he had [regard]
to your grace, for I think he [would be loath] to do any thing that should
discontent [you or that your] grace should think any unkindness, in
w[hich I assure] your graee that I think that you shall find him [either]
a fast prince, or else that he is the most [false] man that is ; and not he
only, but all the men of France ; for I cannot devise to have spoke better
than they do nor (more) to your honour, which is not a little comfort to
me, your poor servant." 2
Thus far Suffolk made a candid disclosure of the inter
view, but he did not tell the whole truth. Mary relieved
her oppressed spirit by unburdening to her lover the
weight of her cares and sorrows; she told him of the perse
cutions she had endured from Francis, from which she was
now happily freed, and with still greater feeling mentioned
the report, that she was about to be conducted into Eug- i
land only in order to be married to the Prince of Castile, j
Her tears flowed passionately as she declared that she ;
1 Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. f. 209.
s Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. f. 161, much burnt.

Henry the seventh. 85
would rather be torn in pieces than suffer such a destiny.
Suffolk reassured and comforted her, discoursed of their
mutual love and future prospects, and expressed his confi
dent hopes that King Henry would consent to their union,
on their arrival in England ; but the queen was full of
fears lest if she returned unwed, she should again be com
pelled to become a state victim. Suffolk assured her that
his vows would be plighted to her at once and joyfully,
were it not for the fear of displeasing his master.1 They
consulted upon the probability of obtaining his consent:
but well aware of the royal favour towards them both,
they yet dreaded the opposition of the English council.2
The next day, February 6th, found the ambassadors
again at the H6tel de Clugny, where they supped with two
of the maids of honour, and took pastime with the queen.
These hours of unfettered intercourse were well improved
by Suffolk, in deepening and strengthening the hold he
already possessed upon the affections of the royal widow.
The lovers became increasingly anxious to secure the
formal consent of the king to their immediate union, and
requested the assistance of their confident and counsellor,
Wolsey. " My lord," wrote Suffolk to him, « the'king here and the queen both
are ready to write with their own hands to the king my master, after
such form as I can think best ; but I do put it off, till I may have your
advice, how you think best the said king and queen should write, most
to the honour of my master; in the which I beseech you that you will
• give me your counsel, from time to time ; for I will not do anything
without your advice ; for I know well you will advise me all ways to
order myself to the pleasure and honour of my master, the which I pro
mise you that I shall never do nor think thing to the contrary, to [my
latest] day."3
By Wolsey's advice, Queen Mary penned an epistle,
detailing her former interview with the French king, in a
manner sufficiently cautious to be laid before the English
privy council.4 It is as follows :
" Pleaseth it your grace, the French [king], on Tuesday night last
[was sennight], came to visit me, and [had] with me many diverse [dis-
coursin]g, among the which he demanded me whether I had [ever] made
1 Cotton. MS. f. 180 b. Letters of Royal Ladies, vol. i. p. 201.
* Mary to Henry VIII. Letters, &c. vol. i. p. 199.
3 Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. f. 186.
1 Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. f. 256, Holograph.

86 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
any promise- of marriage in any place, assuring me upon his honour, and
upon the word of a prince, that in case I would be plain [with] him in
that affair, that he would do for me therein to the best of his power,
whether it were in his realm or ont of the same. Whereunto I answered,
that I would disclose unto him the [secret] of my heart in hu[mili]ty,
as unto the prince of the world, after your grace, in whom I had m[ost
trust] ; and so declaimed unto him] the good mind [which], for divers
considerations, I] bear to my Lord of Suffolk, asking him not only [to
grant] me his favour and consent thereunto, but [also] that he would, of
his [own] hand, write unto your grace, and to pray you to bear your like
favour unto me, and to be content with the same ; the which he granted
me to do, and so hath done, according as shall appear unto your grace
by his said [letters]. And, Sire, I most humbly beseech you to take this
answer which I have [made u]nto the French king in good part, the
which [I did] only to be discharged of t[he ex]treme pain and annoyance
I was i[n, by reason] of such suit as t[he French kin]g made unt[o me,
not according with mine honour, [the whi]ch he hath clearly left [off].
Also, Sire, I feared greatly [lest, in] case that I had kept the matter from
his knowledge, that he might have not well entreated my said Lord of
Suffolk, and the rather [for] to have returned to his [former] malfantasy
and suits. Wherefore, Sire, [sinc]e it hath pleased the said king to
desire and pray you of your favour and consent, I most humbly and
heartily beseech you that it may like your grace to bear your favour and
consent to the same, and to advertise the said king by your writing of
your own hand of your pleasure : [and] in that he hath ac[ted after] mine
opinion [in his] letter of request, [it] shall be to your great honour
. . nem to content w[ith all] your council, and [with] all the other
uo[bles of , the] realm, and agr[ee thereto] for your grace a[nd for all]
the world ; and therefore I eftsoons requi[re you], for all the love that
it liked your grace to bear me, that you do not refuse, but grant me your
favour and consent, in form before rehearsed, the which if you shall
deny me, I am well assured to [lead] as desolate a life as ever had
creature, the which I know well shall be mine end. Always praying
your grace to have compassion of me, my most loving and sovereign lord
and [brother, where]unto I have [entreated] you, beseeching [God
al]ways to [preserve your] most royal [estate. Written] at Paris the 1 5th
day of February.
" [I mo]st humbly beseech your grace to consider, in case that you make
difficulty to condescend to the promises [as IJ wish, the French king
will take new courage to renew his suits to me ; assuring you that I had
rather to be out of the world than it so should happen ; and how he
shall entreat my Lord of Suffolk, God knoweth, with many other incon
venience, which might ensue of the same, the which I pray our Lord
that I may ne[ver ha]ve life to see.
" By your loving sister and true servant,
" Mary, Queen of France." '
The queen's letter was accompanied by one from Francis
I., which gave a version of the interview very similar to
1 Letters of Eoyal Ladies, vol. i. pp. 190-2.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 87
hers, and entreated the English King Henry to gratify
him by consenting to the marriage : ' Suffolk also ven
tured to address his royal master, urging humbly but
earnestly, that the interference of the French king on his
behalf would afford Henry a most plausible excuse to
allege to his council, as justifying his consent to a match
so unequal :
" Wherefore now, Sire," he adds, " I beseech your grace, in my most
humblest wise, to be to me good lord, as you have been always ; and that
you will write unto him (Francis) again, with your own hand, that you
are content with this matter, at his request ; the which shall bind him.
And, Sire, if your grace should not, he shall be at his liberty, and again
in his former suits, the which I know the queen had rather be out of the
world than to abide. And, Sire, as for me, your grace not offended, I had
rather be out of the world than to see her in that case. Sire, as my poor
mind is, there can be none way that should stand more with your honour
than to consent, by desire of him ; seeing that you are so special good
lord unto me, that I should obtain the same ; as knows God, who pre
serve your grace, and send you life, with as much honour as your heart
can desire.
" Touching all your other affairs, and the queen's, your grace shall
understand them by a letter that I and my fellows did write unto your
grace. And Sire, as touching the coming home of the queen, she shall
larry no thing but on your pleasure, for she may come whensoever your
grace and she will ; and therefore, Sire, her grace and I both beseech
yon, for the passion of God, to send for her as soon as you may possibly :
and as for her affairs, we shall be well aware ; and if there should be any
tarrying, there may be left others that shall do it, as well as [if] she were
present her self : and therefore, Sire, for the reverence of God, send for
her as soon as you may possibly. Sire, as touching the meeting of the
French king and you, I assure your grace that he has no other joy but to
talk of it, and therefore, Sire, you must make you ready. And, Sire, I
trust that you will not let me tarry here, but that I may come to your
grace, and make me ready : where[fore] I beseech your grace that you
will send for the queen, as soon as you may, and that you will send us
your pleasure to the queen's grace, as soon as is possible, that we may
prepare for our coming away as soon as we may.2
At the close of a despatch to the king, written a few
days later, Suffolk again alluded to the subject nearest his
heart :
"Sire, as touching the queen's matter and mine, I have written [unto
your grace] and the queen also, and [the French king, according] unto
his promise. [He liketh this match] better than other, and also my
lady his [mother]. I beseech your grace that you will advertise me of
1 Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. f. 256, Holograph.
2 Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi.

88 Mary, third daughter of
your pleasure, in all these affairs, as shortly as it may be your pleasure.
And, Sire, if it might stand with your pleasure, I would beseech that
the queen may come home, as shortly as may be ; for her grace and I
shall never be merry till we may be with your grace ; and, therefore, I
beseech your grace that she and I may be in your remembrance.
" Sire, the queen's grace, your sister, [in her best] wise recommends
her unto your grace, [and entreats your] grace that you will hold her
excused that s[he writes] not unto your grace herself at thi[s time, for]
she was sick ofthe mother.* Also, sire, s[he beseeches] your grace that she
may be recommended to the queen's grace, and to all the ladies. And,
sire, I beseech your grace that I may be so too, and to all mine old fel
lows, both men and women" 2
The course of true love, however, did not run so smoothly
as Queen Mary and the duke had began to hope for. The
prospect ofthe alliance between the upstart Duke of Suffolk
and the sister of his sovereign, herself a queen, and enjoy
ing a revenue as large as that of any dowager in Europe,
was most galling to the ancient aristocracy of England ;
and the nobles left no stone unturned to defeat his purpose,
and to undermine the king's warm affection towards hiri.
Their machinations extended even to the queen, whom
they privately endeavour to prejudice against her lovef.
Suffolk, in a letter to Wolsey, written soon after his arrival
in Paris, thus exposes their wiles : \
" [My Lord,
'' In m]y most hearty wise, I recommend me unto you ; letting you
to understand that, among other communications had with the queen,
she shewed me that Friar Langley hath been with her, and one day
among the others, desired her to be shriven of him ; whereunto she
answered not to be disposed for that time. And then the said friar
shewed her that he had the same day said mass ; and he sware, by the
Lord, that he had the same day consecrated, and that under benedicite 3
he would shew her divers things which were of truth, and of the which
he had perfect knowledge, desiring her to give him hearing, and to keep
the same to herself.
" And first said unto her, that it was said in England that she should
be married to [me] advising her to beware of me, of all men ; for he
knew well that you and I meddled with the devil. And by the puis
sance of the said devil, we kept our master subject to all that [we could
1 The hysterical affection above referred to. The term is thus use
by Shakespeare .
Lear. — " Oh, how this mother swells up toward my heart !
Hysterica passio ! down, thou climbing sorrow,
Thy element's below." — King Lear, Act n. Scene 4.
2 Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi.
3 That is under the sanction of the confession.

HENRY THE SEVENTH, 89
de]vise ; and that I specially ; for I had [gotten] the disease of Comp-
ton's leg. And [that he did] know the premises well ; and t[hat she]
should not doubt but the same w[ere true]. And said that he [knew
no remedy] but an she would h[mder] my voyage.1 My lord, it seemed
the queen [gave him] small comfort, and so departed to  After
my counsel, this friar ha[th not] made this overture without a school
master, for] I am well assured neither you nor the queen [gave] him
cause to have like saying. After mine opinion it shall be well done to
find some secret means, by your wisdom, for his return. And, in the
mean season, it shall by right necessary that you end[eavour your]self
to knit a sure amity between the two princes, the which done, we shall
n[ow], God willing, continue in the fa[vour] of our master, in despite
of all that [be to the] contrary."2
The opponents of Suffolk were unable to obtain a pro
hibition of his marriage with the French Queen, but
they prevented Henry from giving any distinct pledge of
approbation. His replies to Francis and the queen were
friendly, but ambiguous ; so much so that, at Mary's re
quest, the French monarch wrote a still more earnest
petition on behalf of herself and the duke.3 This uncertain
policy increased her fears : dreading lest, on their return
to England, some royal mandate might be obtained which
should separate them for ever, she proposed to seize the
present golden opportunity, and put it out ofthe power of
angry king or jealous peer to sever those whom God had
joined together. Suffolk hesitated and trembled : he re
called his own solemn pledge; remembered his many
obligations to his sovereign ; thought of the handle such a
step would afford to his enemies : but the royal beauty
declared, that if he meant to marry her, the time must be
of her own choosing, and that if they were not united within
four days, she would discard him for ever.4 Thus tempted,
he could no longer resist.
In the little oratory chapel of the Hotel de Clugny, in
the profoundest secrecy, and with only such attendants pre
sent as were necessary to attest the nuptials, an obscure
priest joined the hands of the loving pair whose hearts had
been so long united. Ten persons only were privy to
the nuptials ; one of these was the king of France him
self.8 Despairing of prevailing on his young mother-in-
1 That is, hinder his coming to France. 2 Calig. D. vi. f. 187-
2 Calig. D. vi. f. 258. J Letters Royal Ladies, vol. i. p. 201.
s This participation of the monarch was a secret, even in France. A

90 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
law to marry for his pleasure ; fearing that, were she to
return to England unmarried, her brother mighty compel
her to a state match in the rival house of Austria ; and
sympathizing too in the troubles ofthe lovers, he con
sented privately to assist them.1 The queen carefully
concealed her secret from West and Wingfield, lest they
should attempt to diSsuade Suffolk from venturing upon so
bold a step.2 The other parties present were members of
her household, on whose fidelity she could rely. The
exact date of the marriage is uncertain. The only con
temporary authority that gives the day, is a French chron
icle, which names March 3rd.3 Brandon confesses it in a
letter of March 5th ; but an expression in that letter leads
to the presumption that it had taken place some little time
before.4 He alludes on another occasion to being married
in Lent, which in 1515, began on the 21st of February;
the marriage was probably but a few days later. The next
question was, how this important secret should be most
judiciously communicated to King Henry. Mary, with
much tact, took upon herself the whole responsibility of it,
in order to shield the duke, whose position rendered him
amenable to the laws, from which she felt herself exempt.
minute contemporaneous chronicler, Robert de la Marck, says that when
apprized of the marriage, he sent for the Duke of Suffolk, and thus
addressed him : " I am advertised of this thing : I did not think yon
had been so base, and if I chose to do my duty, I should, this very hour,
have your head taken off your shoulders ; for you have failed of your
faith ; and, trusting to your faith, I have not had watch kept over you.
You have secretly, without my knowledge married Queen Mary."
Whereto the said Duke of Suffolk, being much afraid and in great
terror, answered and said, ' Sire, may it please you to pardon me ; I
confess that I have done ill ; but, sire, I supplicate you to consider the
love which has made me so do ; I commit myself entirely to your com
passion, praying you to have mercy upon me.' Whereon the king told
him that he would not have mercy on him, but would keep him fast till
he should have advertised the King of England thereof; and if it
pleased him, then he too would be content. Nevertheless,' he adds,
' some suspected that the king had done it through cunning, for fear
the King of England should contract a great alliance for her elsewhere."
—Chron. Louis XII., Du Puy MS. No. 107.
1 See page 103, infra.
2 Suffolk to Henry VIII. Cotton, MS. Calig. D. vi. f. 181 b.
3 Fontanien Portefeuille 158-9, Bibliotheque nationale, Paris.
4 He expresses a suspicion that the queen is already pregnant ; but
the supposition was unfounded.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 91
Henry VIII. had not yet set the example of laying the
heads of queens upon the block.1 Brandon made his
first confession to Wolsey, on whose interest he mainly
relied to support him in an emergency so critical. He
thus wrote :2
" My lord of York, I r[ecommend] me unto you, and so it [is that I
know] well that you have been the chief man [before aljl that has been
tlie helper of me to that I am [now ;] next God and my master ; and
therefore I will never hide none thing from you, trusting that you will
help me now, as you have done always. My lord, so it is, that when
I came to Paris, I heard many things which put me in great fear, and
so did the queen both ; and the queen would never let me have no rest,
till I had granted her to be married. And so, to be plain with you, I
have married her heartily." " My lord, I am not in a little sorrow,
lest the king should know it, and that his grace should be displeased
with me: for I assure you that I had rather have died than he
should be miscontent ; and, therefore, my own good lord, since you
have brought me hitherto, let me not be undone now ; the which, I fear
me, I shall be, without the special help of you. My lord, think not
that ever you shall make any that shall be more [forwa]rd to you, and,
therefore, mine own good lord, [give me] help." 3
" My Lord," for to induce5 the queen's matter and mine unto the
king's grace, I think best, for your first entry, you should deliver unto
him a diamond, with a great pearl ; which you shall receive with this from
the queen his sister, and require him to take it worth ; assuring his
grace that whensoever she shall have the possession of the residue, that
he shall have the choice of them, according unto her former writing.
" My lord, she and I both remit this matter all to your discretion,
trusting that in all haste possible, we shall hear from you some good
tidings touching our affairs, wherewith I require you to dispatch this
bearer, and that he tarry for no other cause. J3y yours,
Charles Suffolk.6
" The v day of March, at ten o'clock at night."
" To my Lord of York."

1 Grove's Life of Wolsey, vol. ii. p. 257. Letters Ladies, vol. i. p.
. 188. 2 Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. f. 176. 3 Ibid, f. 176.
4 This paragraph, though evidently a postcript to the foregoing, has
[[[[[ been separated from it, and is now in a totally different receptacle,
Such is the unfortunate confusion in which our early state papers at
, , , , , present are found, owing to their being broken up, and scattered in dif
ferent places.
s Introduce.
" Endorsed, " Charles Brandon, the duke of Suffolk's letters, and the
French queen's to Cardinal Wolsey— both of his negociation with the
1 French king, and of his marriage with the French queen."— Exchequer
Documents, 1st series, No. 1218, Holograph.

92 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
Suffolk's letter was accompanied by a brief note from
Queen Mary, urging her brother, as she had done several
times before, to send for her to England-.
" My most kind and loving brother,
" I humbly recommend me unto your grace, thanking you entirely of
your comfortable letters, beseeching your grace, most humbly now, so
to continue toward me and iny friends, as out special trust is in your
grace, and that it may like you, with all convenient diligence, to send
for me, that I may shortly Bee your grace, which is the thing that I
most desire in this world, and I and all mine is at your grace's com
mandment and pleasure. At -Paris, the vj . day of March.
" To the king's grace this be By your loving
delivered.'" Sister, Mary." >
In anxious suspense the wedded pair awaited the reply
in which so much of their future happiness was involved ;
when, to their dismay, they received from Wolsey the
following thundering epistle : 2
" My Lord,
" With sorrowful heart, I write unto you, signifying unto the same
that I have, to my no little discomfort and inward heaviness, perceived
by your letters, dated at Paris the vth day of this instant month, how
that you be secretly married unto the king's sister, and have accom
panied together as man and wife. And albeit you, by your said letters,
desired me in no wise to disclose the same to the king's grace, yet
seeing the same toucheth not only his honour, your promise made to his
grace, and also my truth towards the same, I could no less do but, in
continent upon the sight of your said letters, declare aud shew the
contents thereof, to his highness; which, at the first hearing, could
scantly3 believe the same to be true ; but after I had showed to his grace
that, by your own writing, I had knowledge thereof, his grace, giving
credence thereunto, took the same grievously and displeasantly ; not
only for that you durst presume to marry his sister without his know
ledge, but also for breaking of your promise, made to his grace in his
hand, I being present at Eltham ; having also such assured affiance in
your truth, that for all the world, and to have been torn with wild horses,
you would not have broken your oath, promise, and assurance, made to
his grace, [by] which he doth well perceive that he is deceived of the
constant and assured trust that he thought to have found in you. And,
for my part, no man can be more sorry than I am that you have so done;
and so his grace would I should expressly write unto you, being so in-
cholered therewith that I cannot devise nor study by the remedy thereof,
considering that you have failed to him which hath brought you up of
low degree, to be of this great honour ; and that you were the man in
all the world he loved and trusted best, and was content that, with
1 Cotton. MS. Vespasian, F. m. Art. 39, fol. 33. Holograph.
2 Miscel. Exchequer Documents, 1st series, No. 1213. Corrected
draft. 3 Scarcely.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 93
good order and saving of his honour, you should have in marriage his
said sister. Cursed be the blind affection and counsel that hath brought
you hereunto, fearing that such sudden and unadvised diligence shall
have sudden repentance.
, " Nevertheless, in this great perplexity, I see no other remedy hut
first to move your humble pursuits, by your own writing, causing also
the French king, and the queen, with other your friends, to write ; with
this also that shall follow, — which, I assure you I write unto you of mine
own head, without knowledge of any person living, being in great doubt
whether the same shall make your peace or no — notwithstanding, if any
remedy be, it shall be by that way. It shall be well done that, with all
diligence possible, you and the queen bind yourselves by obligation, to
pay yearly to the king, during the queen's life, 4,000/. of her dower ;
and so you and she shall have remaining of the said dower 6,000/. and
above, to live withal yearly. Over and besides this, you must bind your
selves to give unto the king the plate of gold and jewels which the late
French king had. And whereas the queen shall have full restitution of
her dote, you shall not only give entirely the said dote to the king, but
also cause the French king to be bound to pay to the king the 200,000
crowns which his grace is bound to pay to the queen, in the full conten-
tation of the said dole, de novissimis denariis, and the said French king to
acquit the king for the payment thereof, like as the king hath more at
the large declared his pleasure to you, by his letters lately sent unto
yon. " This is the way to make your peace : whereat, if you deeply con
sider what danger you be and shall be in, having the king's displeasure,
I doubt not both the queen and you will not stick, but with all effectual
diligence, endeavour yourselves to recover the king's favour, as well by
this means as by other substantial, true, ways, which, by mine advice,
you shall use, and none other, towards his grace ; whom, by colourable
drifts and ways, you cannot abuse. Now I have told you mine opinion
hardily. Follow the same, and trust not too much to your awn wit, nor
follow not the counsel of them that hath not more deeply considered the
dangers of this matter, than they have hitherto done.
" Thus I have, as a friend, declared my mind unto you, and never trust
to use nor have me in anything contrary to truth, my master's honour,
profits, wealth, and surety, to the advancement and furtherance whereof
no creature living is more bounden ; as our Lord knoweth, who send you
grace to look well and deeply upon your acts and doings, for you put
yourself in the greatest danger that ever man was."
The expressions of the king's good-will, frequently
quoted in the course of this correspondence, prove, beyond
the shadow of a doubt, that Henry really iooked with an
approving eye upon Suffolk's suit: his displeasure was
therefore, only that of finding himself circumvented.
The English council strenuously advised their master to
put to death the ambitious upstart, who had presumed to
pluck for himself the fairest rose on the princely stem of

94 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
Tudor. The idea was suggested to the mind of the king
that Francis I. had gained Suffolk over to his interests, and
was endeavouring, by his means, to make _ an advantageous
treaty with England ; against this formidable opposition
was the counteracting influence of Wolsey alone.1 To
remove the suspicions of his sovereign, and to calm down
his feelings of displeasure, the duke addressed to him the
following letter.
[" Most dread]est sovereign lord,
" With the most sorrowful and [afflicted] heart I, your most poor
subject, beseech you, most [dear]est lord, of forgiveness of mine offences,
now made un[to you], for this said marriage, the which I acknowledge I
have [done grea]tly amiss. Where[fore], Sire, for the passion of God,
let it not be in your heart against me, but promise me rather death, prison,
or otherwise, as may be your pleasure. For, Sire, rather than you should
have me in mistrust in your heart, that I should not be true to you, as
this may [  cut] off my head, and let me not live. Alas,
Sire, my Lord of York hath written to me, in two letters, that it should
be thought that the French king would make his bond with your grace,
and that he would occupy me as an instrument thereunto. Alas, Sire,
that ever it should be thought or said, that I should be so ; for, Sire, your
grace not offended, I will make good against all the world, to die for it,
-that if ever I thought any such thing, ©r ever thought thing, or did thing,
saving the love and marriage of the queen, that should be to your dis
pleasure — I pray God, let me die a shameful death as ever died man.
Alas that ever I did this ! for, afore this done, I might have said that
there was never man that had such a loving and kind master, nor there
was never master that ever had a truer servant, than your grace has had
of me, and ever shall have, whatsoever your grace shall think of me, or
any man else. And thus, I make an end, with the most sorrowful heart
that ever had man, and not without cause, seeing mine unhap, to use
myself so [ill unto] so noble and so gracious a master, whose favour [for
long tim]e I had so sure and so largely, that an I had been [master]
of ten realms, I should never[have deserved, as k|~nows God, who] send
your grace long life, with [as] much h[onour as you can] desire.'"
1 On an important occasion in his after life, Suffolk gave way to a burst
of momentary irritation, because Wolsey and Campeggio would not
fulfil the wishes of his master in reference to his divorce from Catherine
of Aragon, and in vehement terms exclaimed against the worthlessness
of cardinals ; when Wolsey, referring to this crisis of the duke's history,
replied, with a severe glance — " Sir, of all men within this realm ye
have least cause to dispraise or be offended with cardinals, for if I, simple
cardinal, had not been, you should have had, at this present, no head
upon your shoulders wherein you should have a tongue to make any such
report in despite of us.''— Cavendish's Wolsey, p. 166. Gentleman's
Magazine, vol. xxv. p. 106.
2 Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. f. 184, Holog. burnt.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 95
A few weeks later, he wrote another letter of explana
tion,1 which failing to produce the desired effect, was fol
lowed up by a third.
" Most gracious sovereign lord,
" So it is, that I am informed divers ways, that your whole council —
my lord of York excepted — with many other, are clearly determined
to tempt your grace that I may either be put to death, or be put in
prison, and so to be destroyed. Alas, I may say that I have a hard
fortune, seeing that there was never none of them in trouble, but I was
glad to help them, to my power, and that your grace knows best ; and
now that I am in this no little trouble and sorrow, now they are ready
to help to destroy me. But, sire, I can no more, but God forgive
them, whatsoever comes on me ; for I am determined ; for, sire, your
grace is he that is my sovereign lord and master, and he that has
brought me up out of nought, and I am your subject and servant,
and he that has offended your grace, in breaking my promise that
I made your grace, touching the queen, your sister; for the which,
with most humble heart, I will yield myself unto your grace's
hands, to do with my poor body your grace's pleasure ; not fearing
the malice of thein, for I know your grace of such nature, that it
cannot be in their powers to cause you to destroy me for their malice;
but what punishment soever I have, I shall thank God and your grace
of it, and think that I have well deserved it, both to God and your
grace ; as knows our Lord, who send your grace your most honourable
heart's desire, with long life, and me, most sorrowful wretch, your
grace's favour, what sorrow soever I endure therefor." 2
Suffolk and Mary thought it advisable not to inform
the French king of their correspondence with England,
until their affairs should take a more favourable turn,
and they led him to believe that their secret had not
transpired. King Henry unconsciously aided the con
cealment, by still retaining Suffolk as head of the English
embassy to France. Its principal object was to obtain,
according to the stipulations of the marriage treaty, full
possession of the dowry, plate, and jewels of the French
queen. In reference to her dower revenues there could
be no dispute : they had been clearly and specifically
assigned to her, by her late husband, from lands in the
south of France usually conferred on the queens con
sort;3 including the power of nomination to all offices
1 Calig. D. vi. f. 180 b. Letters Royal Ladies, vol. i. p. 201.
" Cotton. .MS. Vespasian, F. xm. Art. 153. fol. 90, Holograph.
3 Ou October 8th, at Abbeville. Fcedera, vol. vi. p. 83.

96 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
in the countries thus placed under her control.1 _ One of
the first acts of the new king was to confirm this assign
ment. But other points were less easily settled. The
marriage treaty specified that the queen was to. be allowed,
for life, the use of all such plate and furniture as were
generally appropriated to the queens-dowager. To this
Francis objected, unless Mary remained in France ; stating
that it was inexpedient for the property of the crown to
pass out of the kingdom. Another demand on the part of
the English ambassadors, met with still more vehement
opposition ^ they required permission for the queen to con
sider as her own property, and carry away with her, all
the plate, jewels, and other valuables, which her late hus
band had lavished upon her as gifts, during the few months
of their union. This was opposed on the ground that, by
the customs of the realm, the personal property of a sove
reign was devoted to the discharge of his debts,, and there
fore the queen could have part of the property, only on
condition of discharging part of the debts.2 Entertain
ing a strong and well-founded suspicion that the debts
amounted to more than the value ofthe property, Suffolk
a»d his associates were too wary to. fall into sucb a snare,
and by strenuously pressing their claim, they obtained a
promise of the half of the plate and jewels ; but it was
granted as matter of favour, not ceded as a right.3
1 Bethune MS. 8618, f. 36. * Ibid. 8618, f. 116.
3 Suffolk thus reports their success to Wolsey : —
" My lord,
" I recommend me unto you, and so it is that I send you this letter
in all the haste possible, according as you advertised me to send to yon,
what might be gotten to content the king's grace, of the plate of gold
and jewels. My lord, I trust that you shall see, by such letters as shall
come to the king from us, that we have done the best in us, and you
shall perceive how it stands, and the which is past my learning; and
therefore, as touching whether she have right or no, I cannot tell, for
it is past my learning ; but, my lord, when I saw that there was so
great difficulty, I made the best friends that I could about the king, to
persuade him, if so were that she had none right, that he, on his
honour, might depart (share) with her, so that the king might see that he
dealt not to the extremity. And so, my lord, in conclusion, I am
assuredly advertised that he will be content to give her the one half of
the plate of gold, the which is in value 50,000- crowns — for the whole is
but 100,000 crowns-^and also he will be content to give her in jewels to

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 97
Another point to be discussed was the sum which
Francis should allow for the queen's expenses as far as
Abbeville, on her coming into France ; the return of
which was stipulated in case of her surviving her hus
band. The amount demanded by King Henry was so
high, — so much beyond the cost which it was thought pro
bable could have been incurred in the space of a few days,
— that the chancellor declined to pay it ; and after much
disputing, offered, in lieu, the sum of 30,000 crowns. The
English ambassadors wrote :
"' Considering we could bring him to no greater a sum, and in what
necessity the queen was, not having one penny towards her charges ;
seeing also the exclamation of the merchants and other victuallers, and
her servants for their wages, and especially of them that be now warned
out of (service), we were, by force, driven to consent to the said offer,
and could not otherwise make shift to furnish her charges, which be
exceeding great, as you shall know hereafter, to your no little marvel.'"
Thus far, all seemed promising, but ere the negotiation
terminated, Francis found out that the queen dowager had
already in possession a precious diamond, called le miroir
de Naples, one of the most treasured gems of the French
crown, and some other Crown jewels of value. The mon
arch, who presumed that all had been delivered up to him,
according to his orders, at the death of Louis, was con
founded at the discovery, and at once declared that, unless
these gems, or at least the miroir de Naples, were returned,
he should refuse to give Queen Mary either plate or
jewels; nor could representations, nor even implied threats,
on the part of the English envoys, move him from his
position ; he said that he would not have parted with that
diamond for 30,000 crowns, and that the other jewels in
the queen's hands were worth 10,000 more.2 Suffolk,
the sum of 50,000 crowns, the which, by as far as I can perceive, shall be
the one half of the jewels. My lord, this he will do upon the condition
that the king's grace and all his council shall see that she has no right,
and that he does it on his own good will, and for the love of the king's
grace, and for hers ; for he will not that it should be thought, an she
had right, but that she should have all. — Wolsey Corresp. vol. xi. p. 2,
/• 77. Holog.
1 English Ambassadors to Wolsey, Calig. D. vi.
5 Suffolk to Wolsey, Wolsey Corresp. vol. xi. pt. 2, p. 79. Mary'?
Jewel Acknowledgment, Calig. D. vi. f. 226. Henry VIII. Instructions
to Ambassadors, Ibid. f. 238.
VOL. V. H

98 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
fearing that the wrath of Henry VIII. might be excited
by this contretemps, entreated Wolsey to place the matter
before his master in its true light, and to assure him of his
own freedom from blame.1 The restoration of the trea
sured gem on the one part, and of the plate and jewels
claimed on the other, were the subjects of much discussion
for months afterwards ; but neither party gained their ob
ject.2 The enemies of Suffolk, ready to avail themselves of
any plea to ruin him, plainly intimated their belief, that he
was acting in collision with the French king, in reference
to the question of the valuables, and would, doubtless,
make his own profit out of it. This insinuation had the
greater shew of probability, because Queen Mary had
already, by a formal document, made over to her brother
the gold plate, and the choicest jewels she expected to re
ceive,3 and was prepared to relinquish the remainder to
him, as one of the bribes to' secure his consent to her
marriage, and, therefore, she and her husband had nothing
to lose by the refusal. Suffolk thus addressed his royal
master on the subject.
" Sire, so it is that I understand that it is thought that, an I had done
my devoir, or would do my devoir, that the queen should obtain all her
stuff and jewels. Sire, as touching that, an if I have not done the best
therein, and will not do the best therein, never be good lord to rae, and
that I report (refer) me to my fellows. Alas, Sire, if I should not do
the best, it were pity I lived, for I find you so good lord to me that there
is none thing that grieves (us) but (that) she nor I have no more to
content your grace ; but, Sire, as she has written unto you of her own
hand, she is content to give you all that her grace shall have, by the
right of her husband ; and if it come not to so much as your grace
thought, she is content to give your grace what sum you shall content
to ask, to be paid on her jointure, and all that she has in this world.
Alas, Sire, as I understand, it should be thought that I should incline
too much to the French king's mind; Sire, if ever I inclined to him,
in thought or deed, otherwise than might stand with your honour and
profit, according to my truth, let me die for it ; and if ever I meddled in
1 Suffolk to Wolsey, April 17, Wolsey Corresp. vol. xi. pt. 2, f. 79.
2 West to Henry VIII. April 21 and May 12, Calig. D. vi.ff.228and
233 b. Henry VIII. Instructions to Wingfield,I bid. f. 239. Reply of
Francis I. to Master William, the envoy of Suffolk and Wolsey, Ibid.
f. 270. Bapaume to the French queen, Nov. 6, Addit. MS. 1 1718, f. 9 b.
3 Chapter House Hist. Documents, 1st series, No. 785, Holograph,
dated 9th Feb.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 99
any matter, in word or deed, with him, other than her [grace's busin]ess,
never be good lord to me." ]
The queen also expressed to her brother her regret at
the difficulties thrown in the way of the restitution of her
effects. " Pleaseth it your grace to understand that whereas I wrote unto
your grace touching my jewels and plate, which I promise your grace,
such as I have shall be at your commandment, ever while I live ; how-
beit, it is not so well as I would it had been, for there is much stickling
thereat. Howbeit, I doubt not but I shall have it at the length, with
the good help of your grace and of your council that be here. Sire, I
think my Lord of Suffolk will write more plainlier to your grace than
I do, of these matters, and then, when yourself and the[y are] agreed
with your grace that I have them, I will give you my part of them.
" Sire, the French king [often] speaks many kind words unto me,
and [assures] me that he ha[th most] special mind to have peace with
your grace, before any prince Ch[ristian]. And, Sire, I would beseech
your grace that it might so be, if it stood with your favour and pleasure ;
for by the means and favour of your grace, I have obtained as much
honour in this realm as was possible to any woman to have, which
causes me to write to your grace in this matter. Over and above this,
I most humbly beseech your grace to write to the French king, and also
to your ambassadors here, that they make all the haste possible that I
m[ay come] to your gr[ace, to my most] singular de[light and comfort,
seeing I des]ire [to come to] your grace above [all thi]ngs in this
world, as knows our Lord, who ever preserve your grace,
" By your loving sister,
" To the king's grace, my brother." " Mary." 2
From the letters of his faithful friend, Wolsey, the duke
was encouraged to hope that the golden bribe had had its
effect, and that the wrath of the Tudor lion was subsiding.
He wrote, therefore, still more urgently, to entreat per
mission for himself and the queen to return home.
" I beseech your grace to have tbe queen, your sister, in your re
membrance, to have her highness and me, your poor servant, home ¦
which, I think, shall never come home if [she] shall tarry here long ;
for I assure your grace she is never a day whole since I came to Paris." 3
He also declared that he was never a day whole since
he parted from his his royal master, nor should be till
he heard good tidings from him.4 King Henry loved
his sister and her husband, with all the fondness of which
his intensely selfish nature was capable; and their tastes
1 Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. f. 179, Holograph, burnt at the edges.
1 Calig. D. vi. f. 247, Holograph, much burnt.
' Ibid. f. 183. " Ibid- f- I81-
H 2

100 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
coincided so closely with his own, that they were impor
tant adjuncts to his daily amusements ; and at length he
condescended to testify his pleasure that they should
return to England.
All reluctance to deliver up the royal dowager having
vanished with her second nuptials, Francis I. had good
feeling enough to rejoice sincerely at the reconciliation,
brought about, partially at least, through his influence,1
and he hastened to make preparations for her departure.
He paid the stipulated sum for the "expenses of her jour
ney as far as Abbeville, carefully returned the whole of
the plate and jewels which she brought with her, and
received from her a written acknowledgment of the money,
and also, an acquittance of 200,000 crowns, the half of
her dower. This document, dated Hotel de Clugny,
April 14th, Mary signed, in presence of Suffolk, West,
and Wingfield, as witnesses ; Suffolk, in his right as her
husband, having previously given her a written power of
signature.2 In compliance with the wishes of Francis, tbe
queen permitted him to transfer to the grand master,
Boisy, the nomination of royal offices in her dower-lands.3
Two days later, on the very day of her departure, Francis
further required her to sign, under the attestation of the
English ambassadors, a formal acknowledgment of her
possession of the Naples diamond, with its pendants of
pearl, and of twenty other diamonds, enchased for a head
dress, eight large pearls for sleeve loops, eighteen more
for a carcanet, and several ornaments of lesser value, given
to her by the late king.4
On the 16th of April, Queen Mary bade a final adieu
to the city which had received her with such magnificence.
She was attended by her husband, the Duke of Suffolk,
many of the French nobility, and her suite of English ser
vants ; and Francis I. accompanied her as far as St. Denis.
He had promised her a parting gift, but as he still owed
1 La Mark's Chron. MS. St. Victor, 1098.
" Liasse I. 650, No. 14, Archives du royaume, Orig. Brienne MS. 36,
f. 144. 3 BethuneMS. 8618. f. 21.
4 The queen's receipt is in Cotton. MS. Calig. D. vi. f. 226, date
April 26.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 101
her a grudge, for keeping the coveted diamond and jewels,
his present consisted only of three or four paltry
rings.1 The Dukes of Alencon, Nevers, Bourbon, and
Vendome, with their duchesses, attended the queen to
Montreuil, near Boulogne, where they arrived on April
22nd, and they parted from her with regret, for her grace
and loveliness had captivated the hearts of all.2
The marriage of queen Mary, though known in the
diplomatic circles of England and France, had not been
openly acknowledged.3 It was thought advisable, however,
that she should enter England, if not as the avowed wife,
yet as the fiancee of Suffolk, and on her arrival at Calais,
she wrote, under Wolsey's direction, a formal letter to
her brother, couched in terms fitted to meet the public
eye. After alluding to his former promises, to permit her
to marry as she pleased, in case of King Louis's death, she
added :
" Now that God hath called ray said late husband to his mercy, and
that I am at my liberty ; dearest brother, remembering the great
virtues which I have seen and perceived heretofore, in my Lord of
Suffolk, to whom I have always been ofgood mind, — as you well know, —
I have affixed and clearly determined myself to marry with him ; and
the same, [I] assure you, hath proceeded only of inineown mind, without
any request or labour of my said Lord of Suffolk, or of any other person."
She then went on to entreat his sanction and favour ;
and stated her intention to remain at Calais, till she
should hear the welcome tidings of his approval ; adding :
" And to the intent it may please you the rather to condescend to this
my most hearty desire, I am contented, and expressly promise and bind
me to you, by these presents, to give you all the whole dote (dowry)
which was delivered with me, and also all such plate of gold and jewels
as I shall have of my said late husband's. Over and besides this, I
shall, rather than fail, give you as much yearly part of my dower, to as
great a sum as shall stand with your will and pleasure ; and of all the
premises, I promise, upon knowledge of your good mind, to make unto
1 West to Henry VIII. April 21, 1515. Ibid. f. 228.
' Ibid. Macquere, Recueil delamaison de Bourgoyne, f. 95. Barillon's
Chron. Bethune MS. 8618, f. 21.
1 It had been whispered at the Burgundian court, and Spinelly in
formed Henry VIII. that the house of Austria was well contented
therewith.— Letters to king and council, vol. iv. f. 73. State Paper Office,
date April 5th.

102 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
you sufficient bonds. Trusting, verily, that in fulfilling of your said
promise to me made, you will shew your brotherly love, affection, and
good mind to me, in this behalf, which to hear of I abide with most
desire ; and not to be miscontented with my said Lord of Suffolk, whom
of mine inward good mind and affection to him, I have in manner
enforced to be agreeable to the same, without any request by him made ;
as knoweth our Lord, whom I beseech to have your grace in his merciful
governance." '
Under these circumstances, the council no longer thought
it advisable to exasperate the brother-in-law of their sove
reign : the favourable reply of King Henry was not long
delayed, and the queen and her husband took their depar
ture for England. The particulars of the arrival are thus
recorded by Wolsey and Suffolk, in their instructions to
an agent, styled "Monsieur William," whom they deputed
to convey to Francis I. the tidings of the reception.2 He
was to inform the French monarch that —
" Touching the arrival of the said lady queen at Calais, she did not
make any long stay there, but within a few short days, the time being
fine, good, and suitable, took her passage, and arrived at Dover, which
is the place from whence she set sail when she went abroad.3 At which
place she was met by many honourable personages, as well lords as
ladies, and by them conducted and accompanied to a place which is
called Saint Saulve de Grace ; 4 and about two leagues from the said
country of the said Saint, she was met and received by my said lord the
Archbishop of York, and from thence, also accompanied, he conveyed
her, taking the way to Barking, which is a fine manor, where was our
said lord the king ; and before she arrived at the said place of Barking,
the king, accompanied by many great princes and lords of this kingdom,
in good and great number, met her, a mile from the said place of
Barking, and bid her welcome as cordially and affectionately as he
possibly could, rejoicing greatly in her honourable return, and great
prosperity ; and from the place of the said meeting, his highness con
veyed her to the said manor of Barking, at which place it was appointed
that the king and she should stay all the day next ensuing."
It is evident from the continuation of this document, —
which, being hitherto unpublished, we quote at length, —
that Francis I. supposed the English king to be ignorant of
the actual performance of the nuptials in France. With
1 Printed in Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies, vol. i. pp.204-6,
from a draft corrected in Wolsey's handwriting. Miscel. Exchequer
Documents, 1st series, No. 1213. Rolls House.
* Du Puy MS. No. 462, Art. 1, Original, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.
3 Stow says she sailed on the second of May. Chron. p. 496.
4 So in the MS.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 103
more ingenuity than truthfulness, therefore, Wolsey and,
Suffolk thus continue their instructions :
" Item, after this, the said Monsieur William shall say that the same
evening that the said queen arrived at the said place of Barking, — after
many communications and devices had between the king and her,
touching her affairs, — she, amongst other things, made overture and
declaration to the king, our said lord, that the marriage for which
the king, her son-in-law, had before written very earnestly, by letters
of his own hand, to the king, our said lord, for the marriage between
her and the Duke of Suffolk, was not only concluded and determined,
but was secretly perfected, finished, and solemnized, in the kingdom of
France, in Lent last past ; to the doing of which the king, her son-in-law,
was alone privy : desiring, therefore, with the greatest possible humility,
the king, our said lord, to take and accept it in good part, and to be
well content at it, and not to object, nor lay any blame on the said
Duke of Suffolk ; since this proceeded entirely on her own wish, and
the very singular love that she bore him, and that it proceeded not all
from his procuration or pursuit.
" Which overture and declaration was at first strange and very dis
pleasing to the king, nevertheless, recalling the very urgent prayer and
request that the king, his said good brother and cousin, had heretofore
made him upon this, by his said letters, written with his hand, for the
accomplishment of the said marriage, with the very humble mediation
and good aid of my said Lord of York, the anger of the king was
appeased and somewhat modified.
" And, considering that the said marriage had been contracted in a
prohibited time and season, and without bans asked and celebrated, by
a priest not having authority from the ordinary therefor, also to avoid
the danger wbich might ensue from the illegitimation of such children
as might be procreated between them two, and in part to guard the
king's honour and hers, and also to accomplish and comply with the
desire of his said good brother and cousin the king, — although the king
might well have shown more displeasure, which might have been for
his own dignity and tbat. of his kingdom, — nevertheless, for the causes
and considerations above declared, and that his said good brother, the king,
might assuredly know and understand that the kiug would incline and
be conformable to all his reasonable desires, his highness not only con
sented, but it seemed to him to be good and expedient,— to avoid all
danger and to establish the thing more perfectly, — that the said mar
riage should be openly solemnized in England, and performed in due
form and manner, with the publication of bans, and all otiier cere
monies herein requisite and expedient, according to what has been and
is accustomed to be done, in such cases.
" Wherefore, after all preparations serving for the purpose were
completed, and the said bans openly and solemnly asked, the said mar
riage between the said lady queen, the king's good sister, and the said
Duke of Suffolk, was solemnized at the manor of Greenwich, the 13th
day ofthe month of May last past; where were present the kiug, the
queen, and manv other noble and honourable personages, us well
spiritual as temporal, of the kingdom of England, being at that time in

104 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
the court ; and all the estates of the kingdom have been and are well
content and Very joyous thereat." '
Queen Mary and Suffolk were very anxious that the
secret of their previous union, which was known to very
few, should not further transpire, now that its revelation
was rendered unnecessary by a more formal ceremonial.
Their agent was, therefore, instructed to represent to
Francis I., that —
" Seeing that there is no other person or creature living beyond the
sea, who is knowing or cognizant of the said marriage, which took place
in secret, except the king's said good brother and cousin; — and here,
none but the king, to whom the said queen and duke have told and
secretly declared it ; the said Monsieur William shall say to the king's
said good brother and cousin, that his highness begs him, and has also
good and entire confidence in him, that, to guard the honour of the said
lady, and to avoid all ill reports which on the occasion might arise, that it
would please him to keep the matter for ever secret to himself alone,
without ever repeating or letting it be known, nor ever making privy or
participant thereto any creature living, as the king, on his part, has well
determined to do the like."2
To this, the only detailed and authentic account yet dis
covered of this far-famed love-match, we may add, that its
date is confirmed by an entry in an account book of
Henry VIII., recording the offerings presented by the
king on May 13th, at the marriage of the Duke of
Suffolk.3 " Against this marriage," writes Hall,4 " many men grudged, and said
that it was a great loss to the realm, that she was not married to the
Prince of Castile : but the wisest sort was content, considering that if she
had been married again out of the realm, she should have carried much
riches with her ; and now, she brought every year into the realm 9,000
or 10,000 marks ; but whatsoever the rude people said, the duke
behaved himself so that he had both the favour of the king and of the
people, his wit and demeanour was such."
To grace the nuptials, a brilliant tourney was held, in
which the king and the bridegroom took a distinguished
part.5 At this time were painted the portraits of the duke and
duchess-queen, from which the vignette of the present
1 Du Puy MS, No. 462. Art. 1. ' Ibid., ut supra.
3 Book of Payments of Henry VIII. A. 5-16, f. 377, Rolls House.
The Contemp. Diary iu Cotton. MS. Vesp. F. xvii. gives the same date ;
as does Stow, p. 496. * p. 582.
« Cotton. MS. Vesp. F.xvu. under date May 13th, 1515.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 105
volume is taken. The style of the drawing shows that
they were bridal portraits. The regal globe in the queen's
hand is ingeniously formed like an artichoke, with a caduce
or Mercury's wand on the top ; a scroll on the side of the
picture bears the following stanza, said to be composed by
Suffolk, in allusion to his unequal union, and containing a
fitting precept for himself and his wife.
" Cloth of gold, do not despise,
Though thou be matched with cloth of frize ;
Cloth of frize, be not too bold,
Though thou be matched with cloth of gold." '
The history of the gallant Suffolk and his queenly wife
has afforded many a theme for poet and romancer. It
has been sung in ballads, woven in tapestry,2 delineated
on canvas, and even in later days wrought up into novels.3
We shall quote a few stanzas from a ballad, written not
contemporaneously, but in the same century, descriptive
of Brandon's wooing; and winning.
" ' I am at love, fair queen,' said he,
' Sweet, let your love incline ;
That, by your grace, Charles Brandon may
On earth be made divine :
If, worthless, I might worthy be
To have so good a lot,
To please your highness in true love,
My fancy doubteth not.
" ' Or if that gentry might convey
So great a grace to me,
I can maintain the same by birth,
Being come of good degree.
If wealth, you think, be all my want,
Your highness hath great store;
And my supplement shall be love, —
What can you wish for more ?
" ' It hath been known, when hearty love
Did tie the true-love knot ;
,' There is another portrait of the duke on the east side of the
picture gallery in Woburn Abbey. — Dodd's Woburn Abbey, p. 53.
2 In the Wardrobe Inventory of King Charles I. is named " six
pieces of goodly arras hangings, of the history of Charles Brandon;"
the total length of which was nearly 70 yards ! MS. No. 137, in the
Library of the Society of Antiquaries.
1 Le roi des Ri bauds alluded to before, and " Marie d'Angleterre,
reine Duchesse," by Mdlle. Lanzan.

106 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
Though now, if gold and silver want,
The marriage proveth not.'
The goodly queen hereat did blush,
But made a dumb reply ;
Which he imagin'd what she meant,
And kiss'd her reverently.
" ' Brandon,' quoth she, ' I greater am,
Than would I were for thee ;
But can as little master love,
As them of low degree :
My father was a king, and so
A king my husband was ;
My brother is the like, and he
Will say I do transgress.
" ' But let him say what pleaseth him,
His liking I'll forego,
And choose a love to please myself,
Though all the world say no !
If ploughmen make their marriages
As best contents their mind,
Why should not princes of estate
The like contentment find ?
" ' But tell me, Brandon, am I not
More forward than beseems ?
Yet blame me not, for, love, I love
! Where best my fancy deems.'
' And long may live,' quoth he, ' to love,
Nor longer live may I,
Than when I love your royal grace,
And then disgraced die.
" ' But if I do deserve your love,
My mind desires dispatch,
For many are the eyes in court,
, That on your beauty watch ;
But am not I, sweet lady, now
More forward than behoves ?
Yet for my heart, forgive my tongue,
That speaks for him that loves ! '
" The queen and this brave gentleman
Together both did wed,
And after, sought their king's good will,
And of their wishes sped :
For Brandon soon was made a duke,
And graced so in court ;
Then who but he did flaunt it forth,
Amongst the noblest sort! '"
1 Evans's Old Songs, vol. iii. pp. 84-9.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 107
The terms on which Henry VIII. consented to receive
Brandon as his brother-in-law, reflect no credit upon his
disinterestedness. To some natures generosity is a more
facile virtue than justice. We have seen the king contem
plating the bestowal of his sister's hand upon his favourite,
as an act of condescending grace, and yet indignant in the
extreme when that hand was won without his consent.
We have noted the prodigality with which lands and
offices, titles and revenues, were lavished upon him by his
royal master, yet now we shall perceive that that same
master could not brook that his protege should enjoy
wealth obtained without his concurrence, and ample enough
to make him independent of future favours. On the 1 1th
of May, two days before tbe public celebration of the nup
tials, an indenture was concluded between Henry, on the
one part, and Suffolk and Mary, on the other, by which the
latter humbly besought the king to accept the sum of
£24,000, to be paid into his treasury at Calais, from the
queen's French rents, at the rate of ,£1000 each half-year,
in compensation for the large sums, exceeding the portion
allotted to her by her father, which the king had expended
upon her marriage portion, and in conveying her back to
England, " to her great and singular comfort, and at her
especial desire and request," and also in repayment of a
debt of £5000 due from Suffolk to the king. Moreover,
the dowry of 200,000 crowns, which Francis I. engaged
to return to the queen, was to be paid to King Henry,
and she pledged herself to grant her quit-claim for it to the
French king, whenever her brother should have received
the money. All the plate and jewels and costly array,
bestowed upon her as part of her marriage portion, were
to be handed over to her brother, and, as already noted,
she was to resign to him all those which she received from
her late husband, and also such as by the laws and customs
of France, or by an agreement to be made with the French
king, she was allowed to retain for life. Thus by this
hard-driven bargain, Henry not only escaped the onus of
making any provision for his sister, but obtained a large
addition to his plate and jewel stores. By the same inden
ture Brandon resigned into his master's hands the wardship

108 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
of the young lady Lisle, so long regarded as his intended
bride.1 Wolsey had over-estimated the value of Mary's revenues
when he placed them at £10,000, and suggested the relin
quishment of £4000 to the king : their real annual value
was only £6200, and therefore the proportion of £2000
promised to King Henry, left only £4000 a-year to the
queen ; and this income was entirely contingent upon the
fidelity and honour of a foreign prince.2 Suffolk, therefore,
anxious to place his wife in independence both of her sup
plies from France, — which in case of war might be uncer
tain, — and of the capricious liberality of her royal brother,
settled upon her, by Act of Parliament, from his own
lands in Suffolk, a life-jointure, as ample as his circum
stances permitted ; which was to be considerably increased
when the death of the Earl of Surrey threw into his hands
certain possessions held by that nobleman, as husband of
the late Princess Anne, daughter of Edward IV., the rever
sion of which was promised to Suffolk.3
1 Miscel. Excheq. Documents, 2nd series, No. 717. Rolls House ;
Rymer, Supplement, vol. ii. No. <i2 .
2 Nine livres tournois, or francs, were equivalent to a pound sterling,
and one franc, nineteen sous, made a French crown ; as appears from a
contemporary calculation, Calig. D. vi. f. 222, by which estimates 20,000
crowns were equal to 39,000 francs, or 6,500 marks English. Hall
gives the queen's dower at 9,000 or 10,000 marks, equal to 6,000/. or
6,666/. 13s. id. Herbert names 30,000 crowns, which amounts exactly
to the latter sum.
3 Statutes of the Realm, vol. iii. p. 196, Journ. Commons, vol. i. p. 566.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 109

MARY,
THIRD DAUGHTER OF HENRY VII.

CHAPTER III.

Mary in private life — Sends for her step-daughter — Pleads for her sister
Margaret — Visits Suffolk — Christens a ship — Birth and baptism of
her son — At court with her sister Margaret — Visits Butley Abbey —
Eer husband sued for debt — They retire from court — Their household
— Letter from Mary to Henry VIII. — She attends Queen Catherine
to Walsingham — Attempt at match-making — They return to court —
Birth of a daughter Frances — Fetes to French ambasaadors — Illness
of Mary — She goes to London — Visit of Charles V. — Field of the
cloth of gold — Breach with France — Mary's dower embarrassments —
Brandon heads an army to France — Falls into disgrace — Restored to
favour — Mary's son made Earl of Lincoln — Commissioners sent to
France, who obtain her dower arrears — Her letters to Francis I. —
Wolsey — Montmorency — and Mdlle. de Popincourt — Pic-nics at
Butley — Mary's sympathy for Queen Catherine — Obtains a confirma
tion of her own marriage — Her death — Funeral — Descendants.
Having traced Queen Mary through the bright though
changeful scenes of her early career, we shall now follow
her into domestic life, and see how the daughter, sister,
widow, and aunt of kings, accommodated herself to her
new position, as the wife of a private nobleman. Her first
recorded act was prevailing upon her lord to send for his
elder daughter, the Lady Anne Brandon, who had resided
for some time at the court of the archduchess, Margaret of
Savoy. Feeling her responsibilities in reference to her
husband's motherless children, and loving them for his sake,
Mary wished to have them under her own surveillance.
At her entreaty, therefore, Sir Edward Guildford was
sent to the Low Countries, with an earnest request that

1 1 0 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
the Lady Anne might return to England with him. "I
had intended," wrote Suffolk to the archduchess, " to leave
her permanently with you, since I know no place where
she could better be, but the queen has so urged and prayed
me to have her, that I could not contradict her."
A few months afterwards, we find Mary addressing the
Duke of Albany, and influencing Suffolk to do the same,
on behalf of her sister, Queen Margaret, and her young
nephews. She had been introduced to the duke at the
court of France, and availed herself of this" acquaintance
to solicit his kindly influence. Albany sent a courteous
reply ; he assured her of his affection towards her nephews,
and added, in a postscript, that as to the Queen of Scots,
her sister, he has done, and will ever do her all the honour
and service possible, and that she shall ever be to him aa
another self.2
The Duke of Suffolk, at this time, was as high in favour
of his royal master as ever. He joined in the romantic
Maying of 1515, in which a mock Robin Hood and his
merry men entertained the king, the two queens, and their
ladies, at a pic-nic breakfast, under the trees at Shooter's
Hill. In the summer, the king took a journey westward,
and during his absence, Brandon and Mary availed them
selves of the - opportunity to visit their estates in Suffolk,
They passed three days at Yarmouth, where the loyal
burgesses received the sister of their sovereign with such
courtesy and good cheer, that she professed great satisfac
tion, and promised to use her influence in prevailing on
the king to visit the town.3 On the return of King Henry,
the duchess-queen and her husband bent their course
townward, and resumed the occupation of their London
residence, which was in Bath Place ; thence, on October
20th, Mary accompanied her brother and sister-in-law to
Greenwich, in the king's great galley.
About this time Henry was so much occupied with ship
building that the suspicions of ihe French ambassador were
aroused, and he closely questioned both Suffolk and
1 Suffolk to Margaret, Addit. MS. 14840, Art. 1, date May 30, 1515,
Original. 2 Cotton. MS. Calig. B. u. f. 367.
' Bloomfield's Norfolk, vol. xi. p. 390.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. Ill
Wolsey, as to the design of the vessels lately constructed ;
tie was answered by assurances that they were intended
only for the pleasure of the king and the amusement of his
wife and sister. On Thursday, November 1st, King
Henry gave a magnificent entertainment, on board a new
vessel, which was to be christened by his sister : it was a
large ship of 207 guns, with accommodation for nearly a
thousand troops ; the monarch himself acted as galley-
master, appearing in the costume of a sailor, made in cloth
of gold of frize, and wearing a golden whistle, tlie response
to which, when he blew it, was melodious music from ' a
band of trumpets and clarions. Mass was performed on
board by the Bishop of Durham, and then the king led
forward his royal sister, who gave the vessel the name of
" la pucelle Marie.'n
On Sunday, November 18th, Suffolk and Mary were
guests at a splendid banquet given by Wolsey in his own
palace, on the important occassion of his receiving the
cardinal's hat.2
The following record gives an account of the advance
ment of Queen Mary to maternal honours, and of the bap
tismal ceremony which closely followed the birth of her
infant son; its incidental allusions exhibit the princely
scale on which her household was formed.
" In the year of our Lord God, 1516, the seventh year of our sove
reign lord, Henry the Eighth, the 11th day of March, being Tuesday,
betwixt 10 and 11 of the clock in the night was born, at Bath Place,
the son of Mary, Queen of France, and Charles, Duke of Suffolk ;
whose christening was deferred unto the Thursday next following. The
provision whereof was ordered in this manner following ; that is to say,
from the nursery to the hall door was well gravelled, and above that,
well rushed of a meetly thickness, and railed round about from the
nursery to the hall door, whereat was made a goodly porch of timber
work, substantially builded, which porch was hanged without with cloth
of arras, and within, hanged with cloth of gold. And also the hall
richly hanged with cloth of arras."
Then follows a description of the altar, with its plate
and decorations; the travers, or pew of state, prepared
for the king, the cushions for the sponsors, and the font
covered with red silk, under a canopy of crimson satin,
1 Dispatch of M. de Bapauines, French ambassador, to the Queen of
France, date Nov. 6, 1515. Addit. MS. 11,718, ff, 3, 7, b.
2 Cavendish's Wolsey, vol. ii. p. 301, Appendix.

112 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
fringed and embroidered with the red and white roses of
the house of Tudor.
" And for the keeping of the Raid font was appointed two esquires,
with their aprons, and their towels about their necks, to see the water
surely strained and kept lukewarm. Also, at the other end of the hall, on
the left hand, was set a travers for the young lord to be unarrayed in,
and for the keeping of the said travers was appointed a gentleman usher
and a groom of the chamber, and they to see a fire kept without smoke.
And also, to stand within the same hall, was appointed 12 gentlemen,
with 12 torches, to stand on both sides of the hall : and from the porch
of the hall door to the nursery was appointed to stand, on both sides of
the rails, 100 torches, borne by the queen's servants. And in this
order the young lord was conveyed to the porch from the nursery, with
many noblemen as esquires, knights and lords. Then followed the basin,
borne by Thomas Bourser, the taper borne by Anthony Saint Amand,
the salt borne by lord Cobham, and my Lady Elizabeth Gray bearing the
chrysom ; my Lady Anne Gray bearing the child, the young lord, was
assisted by the Lord Dacres, chamberlain to the French queen, and the
Lord Edward Gray ; — the Lord Dacres at the head, and the Lord Gray
at the foot, and the train borne by Sir Humphrey Banister, the chamber
lain, and four torches borne about the young lord by four esquires.
" Then followed the Lady Shelton, lady mistress,1 and the nurse some
what behind her. And so after them, other ladies and gentlewomen,
every of them in their degree, to the number of forty ; they all well
and richly apparelled ; the king's grace, the lord cardinal, the Lady
Catherine,2 godfathers and godmother at the font — the Bishop of Dur
ham, godfather at the bishoping,3 the king giving the name Henry. The
bishop that did the ceremonies at the christening was the Bishop of
Rochester, assisted with divers other prelates."
The serving up of spice and wine then followed in
fitting state, after which,
" They returned to the nursery in like manner as is afore rehearsed ;
the king's gift borne next afore the child by Sir John Peter, that is to
say, a salt of gold and a cup of gold ; the lord cardinal's gift borne by
his steward, which was two flagons of silver and gilt ; the Lady Cathe
rine's gift borne by her chamberlain, the which was two plain pots of
silver and gilt ; the Bishop of Durham's gift borne by his own Serjeant,
which was two pounsed4 pots of silver and gilt. And all other returned
in hke order as they did toward the church ; and when they came to the
nursery again, where they paused awhile, then the young lord, with
1 She afterwards filled the same post in the household of Henry VIII.
Letters of Royal Ladies, vol. ii. p. 254. > i
2 Catherine, Countess of Devon, daughter of Edward IV. and aunt of
Queen Mary.
3 Tbe confirmation ; a ceremony that followed immediately after the
baptism. 4 Pierced with boles, and used as sci-nt boxes.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 113
such company of lords above rehearsed, with the rich gifts, was pre
sented to the queen his mother."1
Mary had hardly resumed her place in the court-circles
when she had the pleasure of welcoming to England her
sister Margaret, Queen of Scotland. A singular succes
sion of coincidences marked the lives of these royal ladies ;
they had both married kings much older than themselves,
had been left young widows, had formed love-matches
with noblemen of inferior rank, and had become mothers :
but here the similarity ceases. In the gentler graces of
the female character, and above all in the unwavering
steadfastness of her attachments, Mary Tudor bore as
strong a resemblance to her mother, Elizabeth of York, as
in her turbulent irritability and vengefulness, did the more
talented but wilful Margaret to her brother, Henry VIIL
After taking part in the brilliant festivities that wel
comed the arrival of the Scottish Queen, Mary and her
husband retired from court, and went down to their
estates in Suffolk.2 In the month of June we find the
queen paying a visit to Butley Abbey, the particulars of
which are minutely and carefully recorded in a latin
chronicle of the abbey, preserved in the Bodleian library,
Oxford.3 " This year, 1-516, June 13th, the most excellent Lady Mary, Queen of
France, the most beautiful and beloved sister of our most invincible King
Henry VIIL, and wife of the most excellent Charles Brandon, Duke of
Suffolk, was received, with as much honour as we religiously could. First,
a stool was placed with a silken covering and two silken cushions, opposite
the gates of our cemetery : then the prior and convent, in silken copes,
preceded by the cross-bearer, taper-bearer, and incense-bearer, marched
to the said stool ; where, when the prelate had arrived, he first knelt
down with his servants, then sprinkled holy water over her chaplain,
then over himself, and lastly, over the said queen. Then he censed
her, and last of all gave the kiss of peace to the said chaplain ; the
chaplain wearing all the time his prelatical mitre on his head. This
ended, the precentor began the antiphone ' Regina coeli,' with which he
entered the church, even to the high altar."
Mass being performed, the queen presented a golden
noble as her offering, and then retired to apartments pre
pared for her within the convent : the following day she
1 Wood MS. No. 8495. F. 33, f. 45, Ashmolean library, Oxford.
: Alen to Shrewsbury, May 31, 1516, Lodge's Illustrations, vol. i.
v. 19. > Tanner MS. No. 90, f. 20 b.
VOL. V. J

114 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
was again present at high mass, offered another noble, and
departed; having, by her courtesy and liberality, pro
duced a most favourable impression upon the good monks
of Butley.
Towards the close of 1516, the exchequer of King
Henry ran very low, and Wolsey was obliged to seek ex
pedients for furnishing the supplies which were requisite
to indulge the expensive pleasures of his royal master.
Amongst other plans he instituted a rigorous inquiry after
all debtors to the king ; and of these delinquents, one of the
foremost was the Duke of Suffolk. His personal debts to
Henry amounted to a heavy sum, in addition to the 5000/.
which he had bound himself to discharge from the dower
of Queen Mary, by instalments wbich still remained un
paid ; since, after all his strictness in exacting terms, the
king had not pressed their fulfilment upon his favourite.
Now, however, as the demand for payment was urged;
Suffolk and Mary determined to withdraw from court, and
to live in a seclusion which would enable them to econo
mize their resources, and free themselves from embarrass
ment.1 Their departure was delayed by the indisposition
of the queen, of which Suffolk thus writes to Wolsey :
" Sir, — The chief cause of my writing unto your grace at this time
is to advertise your grace that the French queen's grace cannot depart
from the court so soon as was appointed ; for, Sir, it hath pleased God
to visit her with an ague, the which has taken her grace, every third
day, four times very sharp ; but by the grace of God she shall shortly
recover ; for, Sir, the king's grace's physicians takes marvellous good
heed unto her grace, and also specially his grace comforts her, so like a
good and loving sovereign lord and brother, that it takes away a great
part of her pain." 2
In a few weeks Mary was sufficiently recovered to be
her husband's companion in the retired and rural life
which they were now to lead. Their principal residence
was a stately mansion called Westhorpe, within a few
miles of Botesdale, in Suffolk. Its handsome chapel, and
1 Goodwin's Henry VIII. fol. 1616, p. 17. Among the Talbot papers
in the College of Arms, are two letters from Suffolk to Shrewsbury,
apologizing for being unable to repay more than 100/. out of 200/. bor
rowed from him, on account of the great payments he was making to
the king, and requesting further delay till monies received from France
should enable him to discharge the remaining hundred. Vol. P.ff. 71,93.
2 Chapter House Historical Documents, 1 series, No.1208, Holograph.'

HENRY THE SEVENTH. ] i 5
many of the battlements and carvings of the house, with
several ornamental chimney-pieces and much of the fur
niture, remained long in preservation and were only de
molished towards the close of the last century.1 The
household of the noble pair consisted of two knights, one
esquire, and forty men-servants, including one Frenchman,
probably brought over by the queen; also seven female
servants. The yearly outlay in wages was 327 1.2
The tone of the following letter, written by Mary to the
king, in September, 1516, seems to imply that this tempo
rary removal from court had not been without painful feel
ing, since an interview between her husband and brother
was a matter of so much thankfulness and gratulation.
" My most dearest and right entirely beloved lord and brother,
'' In my most humble wise, I recommend me unto your grace ; showing
unto your grace that I do p[ereeive], by my lord my husband, that you
are pleased and contented that he shall resort unto your presence, at such
time as your grace shall be at his manor of Donnington ; whereby I see
well he is marvellously rejoiced, and much comforted that it hath liked
your grace so to be pleased ; for the which your special goodness to
1 Topographer for 1790, vol. iii. p. 53. These interesting relics were
unfortunately destroyed, about 1785, by the workmen who rebuilt the
house. If we are to credit the testimony of Sir Francis Bryan, one of
the privy chamber of Henry VIIL, who translated into English, with
alterations, a Spanish tract, entitled " A Looking-glass for the Court" —
the advantages of this retirement were of a very tempting kind. He
devotes a chapter to prove that " tbe rustical life is more quiet and
restful, and more beneficial than that of the court." One convenience
is, that country gentlemen are not troubled with the crying of pages,
plaints ofthe stewards, babbling of the cooks, <fcc. Another, that they have
leisure to study, visit their friends, &c, and that they " may go alone
from place to place, without to be noted to fall from gravity ; they need
no mule nor horse with a foot-cloth, nor page to wait of my lord, nor
demoiselle to wait upon my lady ; and that were scornful to do in the
court alone." Another chapter states, that in the village " the days
seem more long, and the air more clear, and the houses more restful
than in the court," and " commonly the inhabitants of the villages be
more happy than courtiers." " Another commodity in the village is,
that there are no young physicians nor old sickness ; and contrary to
this, the courtier is constrained there to part his goods in four parts,
the one part to flatterers, the other to men of law, another to apothe
caries, and the fourth to physicians ! " The Spanish author was Bishop
Anthony de Guevarra, chronicler to the Emperor Charles V. Bryan's
translation was published in 1575.
' Subsidy Roll of the Princess Mary and the Duke of Suffolk her
husband, 15 Henry VIIL, Queen's Remembrancer Office.

116 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
him, showed in that behalf, and for sundry and many other your kind
ness, as well to me as to him, showed and given in divers causes, I most
humbly thank your grace ; assuring you that for the same I account my
self as much bounden unto your grace, as ever sister was to brother ; and
according thereunto, I shall, to the best of my power, during my life,
endeavour myself, as far as in me shall be possible, to do the thing that shall
stand with your pleasure ; and if it had been time convenient, and your
grace had been therewith pleased, I would most gladly have accompanied
my said lord in this journey. But I trust that both I and my said lord
shall see you, according as your grace wrote in your last letters unto my
said lord, which is the thing that I desire more to obtain than all the
honour of the world. And thus, I beseech our Lord to send unto you,
my most dearest and entirely beloved brother and lord, long and pros
perous life, with the full accomplishment of all your honourable desires;
most humbly praying your grace that I may be humbly recommended
unto my most dearest and best beloved sister, the queen's grace, and to
the Queen of Scots, my well beloved sister, trusting that she be ascer
tained from your grace of the prosperous estate and health of my dearly
beloved ne[phews] the princes, to whom I pray God send long life,
From Letheringham, in Suffolk,1 the 9th day of September, by the
hand of " Your loving sister, " Maby, Queen of France.'' %
A few months later, in March, 1517, we find Mary and
her husband entertaining Queen Catherine at one of their
country residences, and attending her on a pilgrimage to
the far-famed shrine of St. Mary of Walsingham. But
with part of the company forming their suite, devotion
was not the sole business of the journey. An amusing
letter from Suffolk records a scene that took place en
route. "' My very good lord,
" In my most heartiest manner I commend me unto your good lord
ship, evermore thanking you for the good mind that you have borne unto
me, beseeching of your good continuance in the same. So it is, my lord,
according to your advice, 1 met with the queen, my mistress, on Friday last
past at Pickenham Wood, and, as my duty was, awaited upon her grace
to Walsingham, and also, according to your advice, the French queen did
meet with the said queen, my mistress and hers, at the next place that
was convenient, nigh unto our lodging, and such poor cheer as we could
make her grace, we did, with as good heart and mind as her own ser
vants, according to our duties. Farthermore, my lord, as yesterday,
Monday, the 16th day of March, Mistress Jerninghain came to the
French queen my wife, at dinner time, before the queen my mistress's
coming thither, and after that she had been with the said queen my wife,
she took her daughter-in-law aside with her, and called young Berkeley
1 A priory of Austin canons.
2 Cotton. MS. Calig. B. vi. f. 106. Ellis' Letters, 1st series, vol. i. p. 123.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 117
unto them — and there privily ensured1 the said Berkeley unto the Lady
Anne Gray, one of the queen my wife's ladies and mine ; which is no
little displeasure unto me, seeing he is the king's ward, and that it
pleased his grace to put him to my rule and guiding I had liever have
spent a thousand pounds than any such pageants should have been done
within the queen's house and mine.
" My lord, I heartily desire and pray your good lordship, that if any
misinformations be made unto the king's grace hereof, that it will please
you to shew his grace hereof, as I have written unto you, lest his grace
should give credence unto some other light informations herein ; which
I would abide by upon my honour ; and that it will please you to stay
the matter, unto my coming to London. Also, that it would please your
lordship so to order this matter, that it may be an example to all other,
how they should make any such mysteries, within any nobleman or
woman's house hereafter, and in especially with one of theking's wards.
And thus fare you well, my very good lord, and I beseech Jesu to send
you long life and good health. From the manor of Rising, the 17th day
of March. " By your assured,
" Charles Suffolk."
" To my lord cardinal's good lordship." "-
The match-making lady was disappointed in her object,
as the projected union was never realized, and King
Henry does not appear to have blamed Suffolk in the affair.
The king found his wonted pastimes dull without the pre
sence of his chivalric favourite, and an intimation was
given that he intended to summon Brandon again to town.
Not even the fascinations of the court could induce Suffolk
willingly to submit to a separation from his beloved queen,
and he penned the following letter of ingenious special
pleading to obtain permission for her to accompany him.
Its probable date is the spring of 1517.
"Sire, " In the most hnmble wise I recommend me to your grace ; and,
She, so was it at the last time I was with your grace, I went through,
with my lord cardinal, for such debts as the queen your sister and 1 am
in, to your grace ; for the which it was thought by your grace's council
learned, that the queen your sister and I both must confer divers things,
before your judges, according unto the law ; and, Sire, I beseech your
grace that she may come up, to the intent that she may do all such acts,
according as be devised, or shall be devised, most for your grace's surety ;
1 Betrothed.
1 Wolsey Correspondence, vol. xi. pt. i. f. 22, endorsed, " The Duke
of Suffolk against Mistress Jerningham, for making a contract of mar
riage with the Lord Berkeley's heir." The date of the letter, from the
mention of Monday falling on March 16th, must be either 1517 or 1523.
Tlie earlier date appears, on several grounds, the more probable.

118 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
to the intent, Whatsoever shall happen of me, that your grace may be-
in surety, and that it shall not be said but it is her deed and free-will,
the which your grace shall well perceive that it is done with good mind
and heart ; and, Sire, the coming up of her to see your grace shall
rejoice her more than the value of that, if it should be given to her.
" Sire, it is so that I have heard, by my Lord Morley and others, that
your grace intends to have some pastime this May, and that your grace's
pleasure is that I shall give mine attendance on your grace, the which I
shall be as glad to do as any poor servant or subject that your grace has
living. Howbeit, Sire, I am somewhat unprovided of such things as
belong to that business ; wherefore, if it may stand with your grace's
pleasure, I would bring up the queen your sister against Easter, to both
plays, and then to remain, till she and I may know your grace's further
pleasure, to the which she and I shall obey with humble heart, according
to her duty and mine, as knows God, who preserve your grace in long
life, with as much health and honour as your most noble heart can
desire, which is both her and my daily prayer.
" By your most humble subject and servant,
"Charles Suffolk."1
The petition was granted, and in a few weeks Mary was
once more the centre of attraction in her brother's festive
court. In May, 1517, she shared in the intercessions
offered by her royal sisters, Catherine Queen of England
and Margaret of Scotland, for the lives of the unfortunate
apprentices who had rendered themselves obnoxious to law,
by the crimes and disorders committed on " Evil May
day." 2
In June, the Duke of Suffolk took a prominent part in
an entertainment provided by King Henry for the foreign
ambassadors then in England. A joust was proclaimed,
in which the King, at the head of twelve gentlemen,
offered the challenge, and Suffolk, attended by twelve
others, acted in defence. The duke and his party were
attired in dresses of white velvet and crimson satin
lozenged, and set full of the letters C. M., the initials of
Charles and Mary, made of gold.
At the termination of the ceremonies, Suffolk and the
queen retired to Bishop's Hatfield, where, on St. Francis'
day, July 16th,3 between two and three in the morning,
Mary gave birth to a daughter, who afterwards became the
1 Cotton. MS. Titus, B. i. f. 69.
2 See vol. iv. p. 254, of this work.
3 The Herald's Account names Thursday, July 17th; but in 1517i
Thursday fell on the 16th, which is the anniversary of St. Francis of
Assisi, founder of the friars minors.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 119
mother of the unfortunate Lady Jane Grey. The child was
christened on the following Saturday, but with much less
state than was observed at the baptism of her brother.
The rite was performed in the church at Bishop's Hatfield,
which was hung with tapestry embroidered with the his
tories of Holofernes and Hercules. The porch and chancel
were hung still more richly with cloth of gold of tissue, and
the font was placed under a canopy of crimson satin, wrought
in needle-work with red and white roses and fleur-de-lys,
and with the arms of the royal mother in the corners.
The sponsors were the queen and the young Princess
Mary, represented by Lady Ann Boleyn and Lady Eliza
beth Grey ; the Abbot of St. Albans stood as godfather.
The infant, preceded by the bearers of the basin, tapers,
salt, and chrisom, and surrounded by eight gentlemen with
torches, was carried in the arms of Lady Verney, assisted
by Lord Powis, to the church, which was lined with eighty
yoemen bearing torches. Ladies and gentlemen, to the
number of eighty, brought up the rear of the procession.
The officiating clergy were Sir Oliver Poole and other
chaplains of the duke, and the child was named Frances,
in honour ofthe saint on whose fete-day she was born.1
In 1518, an embassy from France was sent to the court
of Henry VIII, to negotiate sundry matters, more espe
cially a projected marriage between the young dauphin,
son of Francis I., and the Princess Mary of England, both
mere infants. At the head of the embassy was Bonnivet,
lord-high admiral of France, attended by the Archbishop
of Paris, and " many young fresh gallants of the court of
France," to all of whom Queen Mary, of course, was per
sonally known. She came, with her husband, to the court
at Greenwich, to greet her old acquaintance ; and whilst
the heads of the embassy were daily occupied in consulta
tions with the royal council, " the other gentlemen danced
and passed the time in the queen's chamber, with ladies
and gentlewomen.'"2 When the terms of the treaty were
arranged, in token of rejoicing, high mass was solemnly
sung at St. Paul's; and in the evening of the day, Wolsey
gave a splendid banquet to the French ambassadors. After
' Addit. MS. 6113,p. 110 ; Egerton MS. 985, f. 62 b.
* Hall's Chronicle, p. 594.

120 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
the feast, minstrels were in attendance, and at the sound
of their music twelve ladies and twelve gentlemen, wear
ing masks, and attired in a uniform of green satin, decor
ated with cloth of gold, entered the apartment. The
head-tires of the ladies were of damask, with long fringes
of white gold. They paired with the gentlemen, each
couple being attended by a knight bearing a lighted
torch. A graceful dance was performed by the maskers ;
when it was finished, they advanced to greet the company,
and throwing off their visors, the delighted spectators
found that the foremost couple were the king and his
sister, the French queen ; and the second, the Duke of
Suffolk and the Lady Daubeney :
" The admiral and lords of France heartily thanked the king that it
pleased him to visit them with such disport, and then the king and his
company were banqueted, and then they departed, every man to his
lodging." *
The principal ambassadors soon returned home; but
four nobles, one of whom was Anne de Montmorency^
afterwards constable of France, remained behind, as host
ages for the performance of the French king's engagements
in reference to certain promised payments. On March 7th,
a fete was given to these hostages in the great chamber at
Greenwich, which was elaborately adorned, and a scene
was enacted, similar to that described above. First the
king and queen, the Duke of Suffolk and Queen Mary,
with the hostages, and many of the English nobility,
entered, in their own characters, as spectators of a comedy
called Plautus ; which being concluded, the King, Suffolk,
and Queen Mary retired, and with great expedition changed
their dress. Mary robed herself in an Egyptian costume
of black velvet, bordered with gold, and hooped from the
waist downwards, the sleeves ruffled with the finest cam
bric. Seven ladies similarly attired, accompanied her,
and they walked round the room in pairs. Then appeared
eight gentlemen in costume to match ; and when the com
pany had been kept a sufficient time in suspense, the visors
of the party were removed, and the identity of each dis
played to view.2
The Easter of 1518 was passed by King Henry at
1 Hall's Chronicle, p. 595. ' Ibid. p. 397.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 121
Abingdon, and Suffolk wrote to ascertain from Wolsey
how the " French queen," the title by which he generally
designated his wife, " shall be ordered touching her coming
unto the king's grace, the which," he says, " shall not fail
to be followed."1 What the instructions were is not re
corded ; but Mary and her husband, with Shrewsbury,
the lord-steward, joined the royal circle on the 1st of
April.2 Quaint and amusing as are the details of courtly festi
vities three centuries ago, they become wearisome in
repetition. Omitting, therefore, the masks and disguisings,
the tournaments and banquettings of the following year,
we pass on to the spring of 1520.
The health of Queen Mary, which had never fully rallied
from the results of anxiety she endured during her brief
widowhood, was at this period much affected.
" My lord," writes Suffolk to Wolsey, " whereas I, of a certain space,
have not given mine attendance upon your lordship in the king's council,
according to my duty, I beseech your lordship to pardon me thereof.
The cause why, hath been that the said French queen hath had, and yet
hath, divers physicians with her, for her old disease in her side, and as
yet cannot be perfectly restored to her health. And, albeit I have been
two times at London, only to the intent to have waited upon your lord
ship, yet her grace, at either time, hath so sent for me, that I might not
otherwise do but return home again. Nevertheless, her grace is now
in such good amendment, that upon Tuesday or Wednesday next
coming, I intend, by God's grace, to wait upon your lordship. From
Croydon, the 16th day of March.3
After struggling with her indisposition for some months
the queen sent for Master Peter, the court physician. He
failed to give her relief, and as she fancied that a visit
to London would be of essential benefit to her, Suffolk
addressed Wolsey on the subject. In an age when senti
ment was little indulged, the tenderness with which
Suffolk mentions the sickness of his wife is most unusual.
" My lord,
" So it io that the French queen has been sick, and so upon that, she
sent for Master Peter, to [whom] she had a, great mind unto, and so
since, she is worse than she was before ; insomuch that now she has
taken such a phantasy that she thinks that she should not do well, with-
' Wolsey Correspondence, vol. xi. pt. 1, f. 225.
2 Ibid. vol. ix. Art. 69, Pace to Wolsey.
* Wolsey Correspondence, vol. xi. pt. 1, f. 206.

122 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
out she should come up to London for remedy ; insomuch that she
weeps every day, and takes so on that I am afraid it should do her harm ;
and for the eschewing thereof, I intend, with all diligence possible, to
bring her up ; and, my lord, I insure you it is need, for her disease
sheweth that it must ask great counsel, as you shall know at her coming
up. "My lord, now since it is so far that she must needs come up, I
beseech you, as her and my only trust is in you, that you will be so good
lord unto her and me, as to be means unto the king's grace, that she may
have a lodging in the court ; — an it be but one chamber, — because it
shall not be said that she is now in worse favour than she was at her
departing. My lord, all her trust and mine is in you, and therefore she
nor I will make none further labour for this matter." '
With this letter the queen sent the following epistle to
her brother :
" My most dearest and best beloved brother,
" I humbly recommend me to your grace. Sire, so it is that I have
been very sick, and ill at ease, for the which I was fain to send for
Master Peter the physician, for to have holpen me of the disease that I
have. Howbeit, I am rather worse than better. Wherefore I trust
surely to come up to London with my lord ; for and if I should tarry
here, I am sure 1 should never aspear2 the sickness that I have. Where
fore, Sire, I would be the gladlier a great deal to come thither, because
I would be glad to see your grace, the which I do think long for to do;
for I have been a great while out of your sight, and now I trust I shall
not be so long again ; for the sight of your grace is to me the greatest
comfort that may be possible. No more to your grace at this time, but
I pray God send you your heart's desire, and shortly to the sight Of
you. " By your loving sister,
"Maby, the French Queen."8
The health of the queen improved so rapidly that she
was able to take part, with her usual gaiety and animation,
in the festivities of the court, during a period fraught to
her with the deepest interest, since it recalled so many
associations of her past life, for the year 1520 was dis
tinguished by interviews with royal personages who had
largely influenced her past and present destinies. On the
26th of May, Charles V., the newly elected emperor of
Germany, formerly Prince of Castile, and Mary's affianoed
lover, landed at Dover, on a visit to his royal brother of
England, whilst en route to claim the imperial crown.
When his coming was first talked of,. it was noticed that
Queen Mary was unwontedly busy in preparations to
1 Wolsey Corresp. vol. xi. pt. i.
2 Mount above, from the French aspirer.
3 Hail. MS. 6986, Art. 6, Original.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 123
make a brilliant appearance. She clothed anew her ladies
and gentlewomen, and her own toilette and wardrobe re
ceived special attention. She had enough of coquetry1 about
her to indulge the design of displaying herself to the best
advantage before the eyes of one whose slighting treatment
of her in early life had not been forgotten. King Henry
met the prince at Dover, and pressed him to advance as far
as Canterbury, where the court then was. Many motives
induced him to yield consent ; his desire to oblige the
king and to counteract the predominance of French influ
ence ; his wish to see his aunt, Queen Catherine ; but if
we may believe some historians, a still more powerful
motive was a strong anxiety to see Queen Mary, his early
betrothed. At their first interview, he was so struck by
her beauty, that he hardly knew what he said ; and at the
evening ball he sat moodily apart, and refused to dance, his
eyes everywhere following the form of the lovely being
whom, but for the impediments of state politics, he might
have called his own. For four days he lingered, detained
by her charms from the possession of an empire, to which
he was hastening. At length he took his departure, and
the same day, June 1st, the English royal family sailed
for Calais,2 on their way to the place appointed for the
meeting of the sovereigns of France and England, known
in history as the " field of the cloth of gold." In prepara
tion for this event Suffolk wrote to Wolsey, sending in
reply to an inquiry made by him on the subject, an exact
list ofthe train of servants and horses which Mary intended
to accompany her to France.3
The number of these attendants allowed is not specifi
cally named ;4 but in the temporary erection provided for
the meeting, three large rooms, situated between the
apartments of Queen Catherine and Cardinal Wolsey,
were built for her accommodation.5 The details of the
interview are well known to the historical reader, and our
1 Hall, p. 600. * Lancy, Hist. d'Angleterre, vol. ii. p. 138.
3 Wolsey Correspondence, vol. xi. pt. i. f. 216.
' Suffolk had five chaplains, eleven gentlemen, fifty-five servants, and
thirty horses. Lambeth MS. 285.
5 Appendix to Chron. Calais, p. 80. Edited for the Camden Society,
by J. G. Nicols, Esq.

124 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
limits forbid enlargement in the description of scenes in
which Mary was, for the most part, only a gratified spec
tator; though deriving great pleasure from the meet
ing, both from her intimate acquaintance with the chief
persons of both courts, and from the exultation with which
she displayed, before Francis I. and his assembled peers,
the high position which her husband held in the favour of
her royal brother. In one scene she took a prominent part.
The etiquette prescribed to the two kings by the jealousy
of their courtiers was, that neither should trust himself to
visit the camp of the other, unless, as a hostage for his
safety, his brother monarch, at the same time, came to
his camp, so that the visits of the kings could not be to
each other, but to their respective queens. In the last of
them, which was on the 24th of June, Queen Mary
accompanied her brother to the French court. Henry
was attired in the dress of Hercules, and his sister wore a
Genoese costume of white satin, ornamented with crimson
satin and cloth of gold, with a square head-tire and
flowing veil. Mounted on horses trapped with white and
yellow velvet, and followed by nineteen lords and ladies,
they rode from Guisnes to Ardres, the head quarters of the
French court. En route they met Francis I. and his band
of maskers, on their way to the Court of Queen Catherine,
at Guisnes ; but passed without any formal recognition.
Queen Claude of France was ready to receive them,
and at her urgent request the masks were removed, and
the royal party feasted and danced together the whole
day, returning to Guisnes the same evening. On their
way home they again met the French King and his suite,
but this time the two monarchs put off their masks,
held a friendly conversation, and exchanged parting
tokens, this being the last day of the " field of the cloth
of gold."1
The following day, the 25th of June, the English party
returned to Calais ; on July 10th, they removed to Grave
lines, to visit the Emperor Charles V. and his aunt, the
Archduchess Margaret. It must have been with peculiar
feelings that Mary of England looked round upon this
group of assembled royalty. There was the imperial
1 Hall, p. 614.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 125
lover, who had first sued for and then rejected her hand as
a girl ; there was Margaret of Savoy, whom her father,
Henry VIL, had vainly wooed to become his queen and
her step-mother, — who had used all her influence to make
Mary her niece, by uniting her to Charles V., and whose
brief, but passionate attachment to Charles Brandon, had
well nigh deprived her of the husband of her heart.
Four days were passed at Gravelines and Calais, in
constant intercourse which, if it boasted less of splen
dour, was characterised by far more heartiness and free
dom from suspicion than that with the monarch of
France.1 The bonds of amity with Austria were gra
dually strengthening ; Charles V. held out to Cardinal
Wolsey a potent lure, in giving him hopes of the fulfil
ment of his life-long dream, — the possession of the papal
tiara. The minister was thus won over, and a second
visit of Charles V. to Henry VIIL, in 1522, completed
the estrangement of the latter from France, and cemented
his alliance with his imperial guest.
Amidst the gorgeous festivities which welcomed the
arrival of Charles, and in which Queen Mary and her
husband bore a part, they must have veiled much anxiety
under the external semblance of gaiety. The preser
vation of amity between England and France was a point
of the greatest interest to them, since from the latter
country the queen's revenues were derived ; and though
King Henry had been graciously pleased to make a
proviso that the annual instalments which he was to
receive from her dower should cease, in case of non-pay
ment from France, yet failure in that quarter would
throw both herself and her husband into serious pecuniary
difficulties. From the close of 1521, nearly four years
elapsed,1 during which war with France prevented the
queen from receiving any portion of her accustomed
revenues.2 The greater part of the interval was passed
in retirement from court. Incidental notices occur of
visits paid by the Duke of Suffolk and Queen Mary to
1 Hall, p. 621.
' She received payment, as usual, in December, 1521. In March,
1522, Francis I. ordered her revenues to be retained.— Hall, p. 632.
A small amount was paid in May, 1522. See p. 131, infra note.

126 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
various country towns and religious establishments, and
to the gentry in the vicinity of their estates in the eastern
counties. They passed the greater part of their time at
their mansion of Westhorpe, Suffolk. In the gardens and
pleasure-grounds Queen Mary gave scope to ihe indul
gence of her continental tastes, ordering the French style
to be adopted in their arrangement and cultivation.1
West Stow Hall, in the same county, a baronial residence,
now used as a farm-house, formerly belonged to the Duke
and Duchess of Suffolk, and was occasionally inhabited by
them : all traces of its original appropriation have disap
peared, with the exception of Mary's armorial bearings
over the entrance-porch.2 They frequently visited St,
Edmundsbury, and at the fair, annually held in that town,
a tent was erected, in which the queen was wont to re
ceive in state such of the neighbouring gentry as flocked
to pay their homage to her.3 A dateless letter from
Suffolk to Wolsey records that he and the French Queen
are visiting one Thomas Grimpson, their friend, whom he
therefore excuses from attending a summons to appear
before Wolsey ; on the ground that as they had but just
arrived, and were strangers in the country, the absence of
their host would be a great inconvenience.4
The society of her husband, which she was now able to
enjoy far more uninteruptedly than when at court, proved
a compensation to Mary for the brilliant pleasures of
which her seclusion deprived her. Her reluctance to be
parted from him, in addition to the claims of his business
affairs, led Suffolk to decline an invitation to attend upon
the king at the festival of St. George; he forwarded,
through Wolsey, a humble apology for his absence, coupled
with expressions of his unvarying devotion to the good
pleasure of his sovereign.5
In July 1523, King Henry partially supplied his sister's
necessities by settling on her and her husband and their
heirs, several manors in Suffolk, forfeited by the Duke of
Buckingham,6 and the following month Suffolk was sent
1 Wodderspoon's Historic Sites :— Suffolk, 12 Ipswich, 1841. p. 30,
2 Ihid. '¦' Yates's Edmundsbury, 4to, Lond. 1805, p. 161.
4 Wolsey Corresp., vol. xi. pt. 1, f. 208. » Ibid, f. 205.
" Repert. Originalia, Addit. MS. 6364, f. 31, b.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 127
to head a gallant army in a war against France. The
details of the campaign are not important. The duke
showed himself alike humane and brave in the conduct of
the expedition : several towers and castles yielded to his
his arms ; but at length the extreme severity of the winter,
which caused great distress to the soldiers, induced him to
send an urgent request for permission to disband his
army. Calculating on tbe success of his application, and
anxious to avoid needless suffering on the part of the
troops, he ventured, at his own risk, to withdraw the
strong restraint by which alone the men could be kept
together ; and when his messenger returned with letters
from the king, ordering him still to retain them, and pro
mising fresh succours, the army was already broken up,
and many of the soldiers were on their return home. The
duke made vain efforts to reassemble them, but finding
that he could not muster one fourth part of the army, he
was compelled to abandon the attempt, and with a heavy
heart, retired to Calais. Some time elapsed before the
intercessions of his wife and friends could obtain leave for
him to return to England, and even then he was not
allowed to approach the royal presence. At length,
however, the displeasure of the king was appeased, and
Suffolk restored to his former position of favour.1
On the occasion of his first reappearance at court, in
March, 1524, he narrowly escaped a casualty that might
have cost him his liberty, if not his life. At a jousting
held on that day, the king and Suffolk were appointed to
run against each other. Henry wore a new suit of armour,
and by a heedless chance had forgotten to lower his vizor.
Suffolk, whose sight was impeded by his head-piece, did
not perceive this, and ran forward with his spear fully
aimed against the brow of the king. In vain the specta
tors, who saw the danger, cried out "hold, hold!" the
duke neither heard them, nor saw the peril of his master,
till his spear was broken in shivers upon the king's helmet,
within a hair's breadth of his exposed forehead. When he
saw what had transpired, his consternation was extreme.
He threw off his armour, flung himself at his sovereign's
feet, entreating the king's pardon, and swore that, having
1 Hall's Chron., pp. 671-2.

128 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
escaped so fearful a hazard, he would never more consent
to run against him. Henry generously acquitted him of
all fault, declaring that .none was to blame but himself;
and then lowering his vizor, and taking spear in hand, he
ran six courses with his wonted skill, to testify to his loyal
subjects that he was sound and unharmed. " But if the
king had been a little hurt," writes Hall, "the king's ser
vants would have put the duke in jeopardy."1
The following year Suffolk was again in imminent peril,
from a popular insurrection. He was the commissioner
appointed for the county of Suffolk, to levy the subsidy of
a sixth for the king ; which, in spite of his " gentle hand
ling," pressed so heavily on the lower orders, that they rose
in tumult. The duke ordered their weapons to be taken
away ; but 4000 men stood up in arms to oppose him, and
even threatened his life. His tenantry and vassals mus
tered for his defence ; at the same time they told him
plainly, that whilst they would guard him from danger at
the peril of their lives, they would not fight against their
neighbours. The tact and moderation of the duke put an
end to the commotion, and, at their joint entreaty, the
king not only pardoned the insurgents, but remitted the
oppressive tax.2
The year 1525 was more auspicious for the duchess-
queen. On the 18th of June, she had the gratification of
seeing her only son Henry, a promising child of nine years
old, created Earl of Lincoln.3 The honour was conferred
amidst a brilliant assemblage of nobles, gathered to witness
the elevation of the king's natural son, Henry Fitzroy, to
the dukedom of Richmond and Somerset ; " great feasts
and disguisings" marked the occasion.
The leading event of this year was the battle of Pavia,
fraught with consequences so important to Europe, and
in its remote bearings, reacting upon the interests of
Queen Mary and her husband.
The disasters which befell the French monarchy in the
utter defeat of their armies and the imprisonment of their
king, rendered the regent, Louisa of Angouleme, desirous
1 Hall's Chron. p. 674. 2 Ibid., pp. 699-701.
3 Ibid. p. 703. Hall names the child as being only two years old;
but this does not correspond with the date of his birth, 1516.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 129
to obtain peace with England. As one of the preliminaries,
King Henry instructed his ambassadors specially to —
" Remember the matter of the queen's dower, taking such order that
special clauses may be passed for that purpose, as well for the yearly
payments in time to come, as for the arrears passed in these wars ;
alleging therein that, neither by law, honour, nor conscience, she may
be avoided from her said dower, considering that she is in no blame nor
fault, of any war depending between the two realms ; and that also the
same was granted peaceably, to enjoy into what place or country soever
she do divert unto."
It was deemed advisable that Queen Mary should have
commissioners constantly resident in France on her behalf.
Antonius Spinelly, at first deputed to act, was declared by
Clarencieux herald, wh6m she wished to nominate as his
companion, to be " so false a fellow" that he could not co
operate with him.1 The queen, therefore, having requested
letters of authorization from her brother and Wolsey,2
made out a fresh commission, empowering her almoner
and chancellor, Dr. Denton, with Francis Hall, a trusty
servant of her husband, to go over to France and prose
cute her affairs. She sent to Wolsey the following letter
of recommendation on their behalf: 3
" My lord, — In my most hearty wise, I commend me unto you.
Whereas it hath pleased the king, my dearest brother, and you, to be
contented that I should send, by sufficient authority, certain trusty
persons into France, as weE for surveying of my dote and dowry
there, as for redressing of such enormities as are or may unto them
appear to be within the same ; I intend, as now, to send thither, by
virtue of my commission, Doctor Denton my chancellor, and my trusty
servant, Francis Hall, for the ordering of my said causes there. Never
theless, for as much as your lordship hath always taken pain in all my
causes, and have advertised me evermore with your best advice and
counsel in the same, which I have always gladly followed, to my great
comfort, and so intend to do, and for that it lieth in you much to prefer
mine honour and profit in this behalf : — I have sent unto you my said
servant, Francis Hall, which, because the whole commission were too
tedious for your lordship, shall inform you of the effect of the same
commission ; to whom I pray you to give audience, and to advertise
him therein, as your lordship shall think best. And that I may have
' Clarencieux to Lord Chamb. Miscel. Letters, 3rd series, vol. ii. f. 69.
State Paper Office.
2 Wolsey Corresp. vol. xi. pt. 1, f. 238.
3 Boyal Letters, B. in. 4, f. 53, Bolls House. Suffolk's letters of
recommendation to Denton and Hall, written the same day, are in
Wolsey Corresp. vol. xi. pt. 1, p. 240. State Paper Office.
VOL. V. K

130 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
your favourable letters unto the Madame and admiral of France, by the
which I doubt not but that I shall the better obtain my right there
with favour. And in case the said admiral do advance mine affairs
there, as I trust he will, the rather for your sake, if there be anything
within my said dowry that may do him pleasure, your lordship shall
order me therein, as you shall think reasonable. From Leystone
Abbey;1 the 10th day of September.
" To my lord cardinal's " By your assured,
good lordship.'' " Mart, the French Queen."
The queen's request was courteously heard.2 By
Wolsey's advice, she issued her letters patent of com
mission, dated October 5th, 1525, styling herself Mary
of England, Queen Dowager of France, Duchess of
Suffolk, &c, authorizing her envoys to retain all rents
and revenues due to her, &c.3 On the queen's first
return to England, in 1514, the gathering-in of monies
from domains so distant was attended with so much
trouble and expense, that when the close of the first year
had enabled Suffolk and Wolsey to form an accurate
calculation of their value, they had declared themselves
willing to let them out in farm to the French government,
on condition of an annual payment of 6150Z.4
To discharge this sum, with its accumulated arrears,
the queen regent pledged herself to pay down at once
5000 crowns of gold, and 5000 more in each succeeding
November and May, till the whole was discharged, after
which, future payments should be made with punctuality.5
She was as good as her word, for the queen's receipt of
the first 5000 crowns bears date October 12, 1525 ;6 the
future payments were discharged with tolerable precision.7
1 In Suffolk. The patronage of this abbey had been in the Brandon
family for several generations.
2 Suffolk to Wolsey, Wolsey Corresp. vol. xi. pt. 1, f. 239.
" MS. Sub. B. 9. No. 132. Nasmyth Catalogue, Corpus Christi Col
lege, Cambridge. This MS., though formerly catalogued as " de con-
jugio Marise cum Carolo Brandon,'' is more accurately described as
" Proces verbal des transactions des commissaires de Marie d'Angle-
terre, &c. pour le recouvrement de sa douaire." It contains about 300
pages of 4to vellum, and brings down the business transactions to their
close, February 2nd, 1525-6.
1 55,000 livres tournois. See a document on the subject, Liasse,
K. 81, No. 14. Archives du Royaume, Paris.
s Fcedera, vol. vi. pt. ii. pp. 29, 30, 35-6, Brienne, MS 31, f. 235.
" It is in Liasse, F. No. 921, Archives du Royaume, Paris.
7 A document in the Archives du Royaume, K. 80, No. 14, contains

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 131
Still further to atone for past defalcations, and also to
secure the potent influence of Suffolk and Mary, the regent
granted to the former a yearly pension of 875 crowns.1
One of the first uses made by the queen and duke of the
freedom from pecuniary restraint conferred by their
restored wealth, was to bestow two manors on the colleo-e
endowed by Wolsey at Ipswich.2 The peace between
England and France was soon afterwards signed, and " ihe
most serene Lady Mary, Queen Dowager of France," was
mentioned among the European potentates who consented
to be comprehended in it.3
On the liberation of the French king in 1526, Suffolk
and Mary sent him letters of congratulation, accompany
ing one from Henry VIII.4 That of the queen is as
follows :
" Sire, I cannot refrain from congratulating you on your joyous and
longed-for return to your kingdom, and especially that it has pleased
God to bring you back in health ; and in proportion to my distress on
accountof your capture and the grievous and dangerous malady whieh you
have had, the greater has been the joy in your return and the recovery
of your good health ; and not only to me, who feel myself obliged thereto
by so many reasons, but also to the king of England, ray lord and brother,
and to all the princes and lords of this country generally ; and if ladies
may be ranked among the number, they deserve to have good part
therein, for none of them who have seen you, nor of those who have
heard of the virtues and graces which God has bestowed upon you, have
failed to pity you, and to offer good and devout prayers on your behalf.
And if it had been possible for me, by bearing part of your distress, to
give you some relief, I should have done it with the greatest willingness.
And not the less, have I given thanks to the Almighty, for the favour
which he lias granted, in delivering you from this anxiety, and in bring
ing yon back, in so good health, to your kingdom, where I have found so
much civility and goodness in my cousin, your good mother, that I
cannot sufficiently thank you for it. [ shall always need your good
the following memorandum :— " That for the four years during wbich
her revenues were intermitted the arrears had accumulated to 220,000
livres tournois, but that 1,300 had been paid on May 1st, 1522 ; 18,333^,
on May 22nd, 1526. At that time, therefore, 7.766^ were due. In
November, 1527, 3,375 golden crowns of dowry arrears were also paid,
Liasse, F. No. 921.
1 The same was granted to the Duke of Norfolk and other English
nobles. Archives du Royaume, Liasse, f. 921.
2 Fcedera, vol. vi. pt. ii. p. 22, Mis. Excheq. Documents, 2nd series,
No. 395, Rolls House.
' The originals are in Du Puy 1 MS. 462, Bibl. Nationale, Paris.
* Cromwell to Gardiner, Miscel. Letters, 3rd series, vol. ii.p. 150, S. P. O.
K2

132 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
favour in my affairs ; to which I must humbly commend myself ; pray
ing God to give you a very good and long life. Written in our manor
of Southwark, London, the 9th day of May.
" Your good mother and cousin,
"To the King." " Maet."
Suffolk wrote to Francis in a very chivalric strain,
declaring his readiness to offer him all that a gentleman
could, viz. : to die in his service.1
On May 6th, 1526, King Henry gave a banquet at
Greenwich, in the gallery within the tilt-yard, to " the
French queen, the lady princess, the ambassadors of the
Pope, the French king, and the Venetians, and to many
and sundry nobles, both men and women, of this realm."
The quantities of comfits and sweetmeats, of damask-water
and rose-water, of marmalade and sweet wafers, provided
for the entertainment, are almost incredible; to say
nothing of the game and poultry of different kinds, and a
large ornamental tower of spicery, the manufacture of
which occupied the cook of " my lady princess," with two
assistants, during six days ! The young Princess Mary
was now old enough to share in courtly revels ; but still,
though she was the acknowledged heiress to the throne,
the French queen was allowed to maintain the precedence
over her.2 At this period of history, kings and queens
never dined together, excepting on state occasions, but
each had their separate table, and the palaces were divided
into two parts, or sides, as they were technically called,
appropriated to the respective suites. In her early mar
ried life, when at court, Queen Mary resided in the king's
department, and shared his table,3 but as she was the only
lady there, she afterwards preferred the queen's side, and
her husband accompanied her ; when at court alone, he
always went to the king's side.4
King Henry did not entertain his sister at his own ex
pense. In an indenture of this year, presenting a full
debtor and creditor statement of the transactions between
him and Suffolk, the latter is charged 6001. for the diet of
the queen, when at court. The balance of this account
told woefully against Queen Mary and her husband : in
1 Bethune MS. 8648, Bibl. Nationale, Paris.
2 Miscel. Excheq. Documents, 2nd series, No. 869.
3 Ibid. 1st series, No. 827. * Harleian MS. 610, f. 58.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 133
spite of the large sums already paid, they were still
brought in debtors to the king to the amount of 25,850?. ;
which they pledged themselves to discharge in small but
increasing instalments.1
In an early period of Queen Mary's history, allusion has
been made to the kindly feeling which she manifested
towards her dependents. Many instances of the same
amiable considerateness occur in her later years. Two
letters to Wolsey, in behalf of her servants, have already
appeared in print.2 One of these was in favour of Anthony
Savage, on whose account she sent a second petition, still
unprinted. " My lord," she says, " I write not unto you for that I think you have
forgotten your said promise herein, but in consideration of his long and
painful suit that he hath had and sustained, to his utter undoing ; whereby
he is so far impoverished that he hath not whereby to live ; neither,
without some gracious remedy may be shortly for him provided, he
shall never be able to live, in time to come. I am so bold to desire you,
of your goodness, to have him in your good remembrance, and to have
remorse and pity unto him in this behalf." 3
Her influence with the king was often exerted in favour
of her servants. We find her securing his protection for
her furrier,4 and inducing him to nominate her almoner,
John Golde, master of arts, to a prebend in the collegiate
church of Tamworth.5 She also interested herself warmly
in behalf of Antoine du Val, a Frenchman, who had attended
King Louis in the capacity of clerk of the closet, and was
afterwards taken into her own employment ; having faith
fully served her for some time, he returned to France, and
Mary wrote as follows, to Montmorency, then Grand
Master of France.
" Mary.
" Monsieur, the Grand Master,
" I am very sorry not to have had the opportunity of seeing you in
this country that I might have offered you the reception which at all
times is due to you, since I hear that the affairs of the king, my son-in-
law, your master, are very well conducted through your good means, on
which account you receive honour, and I am greatly pleased. Monsieur
1 Miscel. Excheq. Documents, 2nd series, No. 788.
' Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies, vol. i. pp. 242-3.
3 Royal Letters, vol. B. in. 4. No. 54. Rolls House.
4 Miscel. Letters, 1st series, vol. xii. f. 79.
s Fcedera, vol. vi. pt. 2, p. 82.

134 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
the Grand Master, there is over there [in France] a person named
Anthoine du Val, who, from the time of my going to France, served the
king my husband, — the deceased prince, of good and blessed memory,
whom God absolve, — in the office of clerk of the closet ; and since his
death, has likewise attended me in the same office, in which he has
conducted himself very worthily. And since I have heard that, hitherto,
he has not been able to gain admission to the same position, in the house
of the king my said son-in-law, for which I feel grieved, I determined
to make application to you, for this Anthoine du Val ; that you will be
pleased, at this my request, to cause to be given to him the first vacant
office of clerk of the closet, in the household of the said lord, and to
hasten to him the letters of retaining, placing him speedily in attendance,
so that on the occurrence of the vacancy, none may step in but himself.
And what moves nie to write to you is, that you have the power to do
this, and also that I verily believe you will not refuse me, as I place con
fidence in yon, as well in this, as in greater affairs ; praying you very
kindly to let him understand that this present, according to my request,
has been of service to him. If I had spoken to you by word of mouth,
I should have offered the request to you ; commending you, Monsieur,
to God, whom I pray to give you his grace. Written at Norwich, the
15th day of January.1 "Countersigned De Saint Martin.2
" To the Grand Master of France."
The request of Queen Mary was unsuccessful : fair
promises were all she obtained in reply, yet she did not
lose sight of her protege, she wrote again to Montmorency,
on December 26th 1528,3 and a third time, on June 18th,
1529.4 To further her point, she applied to a former
attendant and friend, Mademoiselle Jeanne de Popincourt,
who, it may be remembered, had been dismissed from her
service for some misbehaviour, about the time of her mar
riage. This lady was then residing at the French court,
having been summoned to her own country to take pos
session of an inheritance, which had devolved upon her.5
The queen thus addressed her :
" Mademoiselle de Popincourt, my good friend,
" I have received the letters which you sent me hy my secretary Saint
' Bethune MS. No. 8540, fol. 20, Original.
2 Saint Martin was the queen's French secretary ; the letter is written
in French. = Bethnne MS. No. 8539, f. 28, Original.
4 Ibid. No. 8468, f. 11, Original. A fourth letter from Mary to
Montmorency renders thanks for his courtesy to one of her servants;
this, with two letters of similar purport from Suffolk, are also in
Bethune MS. No. 8522, ff. 48, 50, 62.
5 Henry VIII. wrote a letter to Francis I. in her behalf, which ispre-
served in Bethune MS. No. 8488, f. 3.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 135
Martin, with the jetvireship and the head-dresses for my children, for
which, and also for the kind remembrance you have had of me, I
heartily thank you ; perceiving that you do not forget the benefits of
the time past, and how we two were brought up together, on which
account I always regard you as one of my own relatives, and demean
myself more familiarly towards you than towards any other in those
parts. Wherefore I am disposed to employ you, that you may, in my
name, ask the Grand Master to have in his very good recommendation,
Anthoine du Val, who formerly was my clerk of the closet ; and that,
from regard to me, he will procure for him the like situation, in the
establishment of the king my son-in-law, as I wrote to him more fully ;
and I pray you not to be negligent in this matter, but continually to
urge it, so that I may obtain my request concerning him ; and from time
to time, may be advertised by you of his reply. In so doing, you will
do me a very great kindness, which I shall never forget ; and of this
you may be fully assured ; as knows our Lord, who have you, my good
friend, in his good keeping. Written at London, the 20th day of
June. " Your good mistress and friend,
" Mary.
Countersigned, " De Saint Martin.
" To Mademoiselle de Poupincourt, my good friend." '
In this letter the queen alludes to her children. In
addition to Henry and Francis, already mentioned, she had a
second daughter, Eleanor, the date of whose birth is not
recorded. In the spring of 1527, she and her husband
went to Ely, where they had spent a few days in 1529,
and were honourably entertained.2 Thence, we find Mary
paying another visit to Butley Abbey : she arrived on May
12th, with her husband and their whole suite, and remained
in quiet seclusion for more than two months. On Tuesday,
July 17th, they rode as far as Letheringham, and did not
return till the Friday ; on the following morning, Suffolk,
with a train of thirty horse, set out for Newhall, in Essex,
to visit the king, to whom he had previously sent a letter,
with a present of a gos-hawk, requesting to know the royal
pleasure about the queen's accompanying him :3 but for
some unexplained reason Mary was not sent for, and there
fore remained in her pleasant convent retirement. On the
5th of August she paid a visit to Sir John Glenham,
a neighbouring knight, and returned the next day. Being
heated with her ride, she ordered her supper to be laid out
in a shady part of the garden, at the eastern side of the
1 Bethune MS. No. 8408, f. 3, Original.
B Archseologia, vol. xxv. p. 522.
' Letters to King and Council, vol. v. Art. 95, State Paper Office.

136 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OP
house ; and so agreeable was this pic-nic repast, that the
order was repeated on several occasions, and the queen
partook of her evening meal now in one, now in another of
the little gardens belonging to different friars of the abbey.
On the 21st, whilst she was regaling herself in the garden
of "brother Nicholas," north of the church, a terrible
storm came on, and the royal party were glad to take
refuge in the church. The following day Queen Mary
attended high mass; and then took leave of the friendly
monks, not without making handsome presents, both to
them and the convent. Most of the friars received gifts
in money, varying from 5s. to 20s., and she presented them
with a rich canopy for the pix, and afterwards sent them
a chest for their priestly vestments, with the name of
Jesus embroidered upon it in cloth of gold.
The next visit of the queen was to the monastery of
Eye, in Suffolk ; but pleasant recollections of her sojourn
at Butley induced her to return thither on the 1 9th of
June the following year. Her husband accompanied her,
and on the Thursday they rode out to Slaverton, on a fox
hunting expedition, and " dined under the oaks there, with
game and sport, merry enough." Attention to the king's
business called Suffolk away from these rural enjoyments ;
he was absent, however, only a few days, and on his return
the sports were resumed. A fox-hunt took place in Shol-
grove wood, where the party dined, " in jiicundity and
cheerfulness of heart." Their mirth was interrupted by
the arrival of a royal messenger, summoning the duke to
court : this threw the queen into a state of deep distress,
not only as involving a separation from her husband, but
f"om the occasion of the summons being the arrival of the
Papal legate, Campeggio, who came to give judgment in
the pending case of the divorce between Henry VIII
and Queen Catherine of Aragon. All the sympathies of
Mary's feeling heart were enlisted in behalf of her hapless
sister-in-law, doomed to see the validity of a twenty years'
marriage called into question; and she broke out into
bitter lamentations that a legate should ever come into
England on such an errand. Suffolk left her on the 28th
of September, and Mary still tarried at Butley till No
vember 16th; when, after again liberally dispensing her

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 137
bounties, she removed to Sir John Glenham's, and on the
23rd of the month set out for London.1
She found Queen Catherine in great depression, and
though the Christmas festivities were observed, as usual,
at Greenwich, and the legate entertained with "joust and
tourney, banquets, masks and disguisings," all felt that
the mirth was hollow, and Queen Catherine could not
assume the semblance of cheerfulnes? .'2
Mary had the further motive of self-interest to induce
her to espouse the cause of her sister-in-law. She felt
that if the stability of a marriage of many years' standing
could thus lightly be questioned, her own did not rest on
very sure ground, as a former wife of Suffolk, the Lady
Mortimer, was yet living. She, therefore, obtained from
the papal court a solemn confirmation of her union, a
declaration of its validity, and of the legitimacy, not only
of her own children, but of her husband's daughters by
his former wife. When she had procured the document,
fearful lest, by any casualty, it might be destroyed, she
had it exhibited and attested in presence of the Bishop of
Norwich and other efficient witnesses, and an authenti
cated copy transcribed by his clerk, that whenever it was
needed, in future, for the defence of her children's rights,
it might be read, examined, and published. The queen
was jealous lest, at some future period, Lady Mortimer
should endeavour to illegitimatize her offspring, and a
special clause was inserted subjecting her, or any others
that should call the marriage in question to the sternest
ecclesiastical censures. Her precautions proved ultimately
very important, for the subject was canvassed with the
strictest scrutiny, when the queen's descendants were
pretenders to the crown of England.3
1 Chron. Butley Abbey, Tanner MS. 90, ff. 29-33, Bodleian Library,
Oxford. % Hall, p. 756.
8 To this precaution we are indebted for the preservation of the docu
ment, which is printed in Appendix No. II. Amongst the MSS. in the
University Library of Cambridge, Dd. ur. 85, No. 17, is a tract by
Robert Beale, defending their legitimacy, which was attacked in 1563.
John Hall wrote a discourse on the same side. The subject is treated
at full in an anonymous work, fol. Lond. 1713, entitled "Hereditary
Right to the Crown of England, asserted in reply to Dr. Hayden,"
PP. 203, et seq.

138 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
After this period Mary seems rarely to have visited the
court. The only farther notices of her intercourse with
the king are, that in August, 1532, he gave a reward to
her sackbut players,1 and in January, 1533, sent her gilt
bowls as a new year's gift.2 Those who sought to win the
royal favour quickly found that the surest mode of success
was to offer their homage to Anne Boleyn, who was now
made Viscountess Rochford, and Marchioness of Pem
broke ; but to Mary this sudden elevation of a person who
had formerly been one of her maids of honour, was highly
displeasing, and she chose rather to remain in the country,
than submit to the humiliation of occupying a position
inferior to that of " Mistress Boleyn." Not so Suffolk :
with courtier-like pliancy, he seconded his master's views
in reference to the divorce ; attended him to Calais, when
the Marchioness of Pembroke, in all the glory of her
newly-acquired favour, displayed herself among the French
nobles, and took the prominent part which belonged to his
rank in the festivals of the new queen's coronation.3
From this scene of short-lived brilliancy he was recalled
to attend the sick bed of his tenderly-loved wife. The
nature of Mary's disease is not specified, but though she
was still in the prime of womanhood, her constitution,
already shaken by a succession of nervous and feverish
attacks, could not long withstand its influences. She ex
pired on the 26th of June, 1533, between seven and eight
o'clock, A.M., at her residence of Westhorpe in Suffolk.4
Most elaborate were the funereal honours paid to the
deceased princess. The body embalmed and enclosed in
a leaden coffin, was removed to the beautiful cloistered
chapel adjoining the house : a pall of blue velvet, richly
embroidered, was thrown over it ; and for more than three
weeks tapers were burning around ; a constant watch was
kept by the queen's attendants ; each day mass was per
formed. During this interval, arrangements for the burial
were in progress at the Abbey-church of St. Edmonds-
bury, and in compliment to her rank, as dowager of France,
a French poursuveant was sent to assist the English heralds
, l Privy Purse Expenses, Henry VIII. p. 248.
2 Miscel. Excheq. Documents, 2nd series, No. 784.
3 Hall, pp. 793-4, 798, 805. * MS. 1. 15, f. 107, b. College of Arms.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 139
in the ceremonials. On Monday, July 20th, some of the
train of mourners made their appearance at Westhorpe,
and in their presence a solemn dirge was sung at the
chapel. On the Tuesday, the Lady Frances Brandon, the
queen's eldest daughter, led as chief mourner, between her
brother, the Earl of Lincoln, and the Marquis of Dorset,
came to the chapel ; following her, in couples, were the
Lady Eleanora Brandon and Lady Willoughby the
younger; Ladies Powis and Monteagle, the Queen's step
daughters ; Lady Chelston, her sister-in-law, with the
Ladies Wingfield, Glenham, and Corbett. They all at
tended mass, presented their offerings, and then departed
to take breakfast, whilst final preparations were made for
the orderly array of the procession. Six gentlemen con
veyed the coffin, from its resting-place in the chapel, to
the funeral-car ; and which was richly draped with black
velvet, and drawn by six horses, with housings of the same
material, embroidered with escutcheons of the queen's
arms. At each end of the car kneeled two gentlmen-
ushers, bareheaded, and at each corner waved a banner,
displaying the arms and genealogy of the illustrious de
ceased. Over the coffin was thrown a pall of cloth of gold
of frize, on a black ground, with a cross of the same on a
white ground, upon which was a representation of the
queen, apparelled in her state-robes, with a crown of gold
upon her head and a sceptre in her right hand.
All being in readiness, the procession set forth. At its
head walked a hundred poor men in black gowns and
hoods, each carrying a wax taper : then the cross, at
tended by the clergy ofthe chapel, and followed by knights,
barons and gentlemen, the officers of the queen's house
hold, Garter and Clarencieux, kings at arms, and Lord
Powis, the queen's chamberlain, all on horses trapped with
black cloth : then came the car, surrounded by a hundred
yeomen with torches; the Lady Frances Brandon fol
lowed, mounted on a horse covered with trappings of black
velvet, the Marquis of Dorset riding on her right hand,
and Lord Clifford on her left ; behind them, in single file,
ten noble ladies on horseback, each attended by a lacquey
bareheaded ; then, two mourning chariots, the female
attendants of the queen, on foot, and lastly a number of

140 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
yeomen and servants, and "all other that would," that is, all
who were prompted by personal attachment to follow, as
unbidden guests. From the several parishes through which
the train passed, deputations issued to offer the last tribute
of respect to the memory of the deceased queen, and to
each company were given torches and funereal escutcheons,
and money to defray their expenses.
At two o'clock in the afternoon of Tuesday, the 21st,
the cortege reached the town of St. Edmundsbury, and
was met by the priests of the parish, "in their best
ornaments, doing such ceremonies as to the same apper-
taineth ;" proceeding to the abbey, it was received at the
first gate by the abbot and monks, and at the second gate
by the Bishop of London and other prelates, in their pon
tifical robes. The coffin was removed from the car to a
hearse, hung with black sarcenet, with fringes of silk and
gold, the queen's arms and device, in fine gold, with her
motto, "La volonte de Dieu me suffit;" the 3-eomen torch-
bearers took their post on either side of the hearse.
Draperies of black cloth, garnished with escutcheons,
lined the passage and the pillars of the church, from the
gate of the monastery to the high altar. When the
mourners were arranged in their respective places, the
dirge was solemnly chaunted by the whole body of clergy,
and "at the times accustomed," Guisnes, the French
poursuivant, exclaimed aloud — " Pray for the soul of the
right high excellent princess, and right Christian Queen,
Mary, late French queen, and all Christian souls."
At the conclusion of this ceremony, the assembly
adjourned to the great chamber of the monastery, where,
as also in the hall, a plentiful supper was provided, " in
goodly order and sort as could be devised, with all manner
of delicacies." A chosen company of mourners watched
round the hearse that night, and the next morning two
early masses were performed.1 After breakfast, the whole
party in due order, went to the chapel to attend the
requiem mass, and afterwards presented their offerings;
the Ladies Monteagle and Powis, the two Ladies Wil
loughby, and the Ladies Eleanor and Frances Brandon
receiving from the hands of the kings-at-arms splendid
1 MS. I. 15, f. 124 b. College of Arms.

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 141
palls of cloth of gold, carried them to the foot of the
coffin, upon which they were laid by Garter king. The
ladies returned to their places, and the sermon was
preached by the Abbott of St. Bennett's ; then the mass
was concluded ; after which, the chief mourner and her
attendants returned to the great chamber, without await
ing the completion of the melancholy rites. This devia
tion from etiquette can only be accounted -for by the sup
position that the Lady Frances and her sister were too
much overcome by sorrow to remain. The coffin was
carried to the place of burial with gorgeous canopy and
waving banners, and slowly lowered into the grave ;
whereupon the head officers of the queen's household broke
in two their staves of office, " with great weeping and
lamentation," and cast them into the grave.1 The solem
nities ofthe interment being ended, all departed to dinner,
and "after dinner everybody took their leave that would,
and had great thanks full gently." 2 " There was also
provided for the poor people a great dole in four places in
the town of Bury, having meats and drinks, come who
would, and every poor body Ad."
Funeral services were also performed, by order of the
king, at Westminster and St. Paul's.3
At the dissolution of the monasteries, the abbey of St.
Edmundsbury was among the condemned, and the remains
of Queen Mary were removed to St. Mary's church, in
the same town.4 In 1784, the body was disinterred, and
1 MS. I. 15, f. 130, b. College of Arms.
2 The officers at-arms received payment for their services as follows : —
" Mr. Garter and Clarencieux, for each of them ten days being about the
interment, 10s. a day apiece, and each of them for their long gowns and
hoods, 5 yards, and for their riding-gown each of them 4 yards ; and for
their servants, each of them three, 3 yards apiece, and for their horse
trappings each of them 5 yards." " The four heralds, each of them,
for 10 days, 5s. the day, and every of them for their long gowns and
hoods 5 yards, and for their riding gowns 4 yards, for their horse and
trappings 5 yards, and for each of them two servants, 3 yards." " The
two poursuivants, each of them 2s. 6d. the day, and for each of their
garments 9 yards, and their horse trappings as before, and livery for one
man. Also they had for the black cloth about tbe hearse and barriers
20 nobles."
8 Miscel. Letters, 2nd series, vol. 37, f. 23, Lisle Papers, vol. iii. f. 43,
State Paper Office.
' Yates's Edmundsbury, p. 162.

42 MARY, THIRD DAUGHTER OF
some hair was cut off, which was preserved in a locket,
and afterwards presented to Horace Walpole by Miss
Farquier.1 The coffin was then deposited near the altar,
and a small plain tablet erected at the private expense
of Dr. Symonds, bearing the following inscription:—
" Sacred to the memory of Mary Tudor, third daughter of
Henry VII. of England, and Queen of France ; who was
married in 1514 to Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. She
died in his life time, 1533, at the manor of Westhorpe
in this county ; and was interred in the same year in the
monastery of St. Edmundsbury, and was removed into
this church after the dissolution of the abbey.2"
A few years later the royal remains were threatened
with a further disturbance. The townsmen wished to
pave the chancel with marble, and presuming the queen's
monument to be merely a cenotaph, they removed it ; but
on discovering their mistake, they left the coffin unmo
lested, and replaced the tomb.3
Within a few years after Mary's death, Suffolk married
a fourth time, and his bride, Catherine Willoughby, was
a girl of fourteen.4 He closed a long, active, and success
ful career at Guildford Palace, on the 24th of August,
1545 ;5 and as weary of worldly vanities, requested that he
might be buried, without pomp or pride, in a church at
Lincoln.6 But his wishes were not not fulfilled. It was
the pleasure of his royal master to inter him with great
magnificence, in St. George's Chapel, Windsor. A marble
slab, with his name and arms, near the south door of the
choir, still indicates the spot where his ashes rest.7 His
1 Walpole's Letters to Mann, vol. iv. p. 427, Description of Strawberry
Hill, p. 7.
2 Archarologia, vol. iii. p. 315, Wodderspoon's Historic Sites of Suf
folk, p 62.
3 Weever's Funeral Monuments, p. 726, Lansdowne MS. 1235, f. 16.
" Inquisitio de Mtate probanda Catherines Ducissse Suffolk, 26 Henry
VIII. Bolls Chapel. This lady was a Protestant, and much persecuted
in Queen Mary's reign. See a notice of her in Letters of Royal and
Illustrious Ladies, vol. iii. She was a patroness of literary men.
5 MS. I. 11, f. 58, College of Arms.
" Nicholas's Testamenta Vetusta, vol. ii. p. 719.
7 Pyne's Residences, vol. i. p. 184, Monumenta Vetusta, vol. iii. p-4,
note 2. It were a superfluous task to recapitulate the favours heaped
upon the Duke of Suffolk by the king. The following references will

HENRY THE SEVENTH. 143
sons, one by Queen Mary, and two by his last wife, all
died young.1
The will of Henry VIIL, real or suppositious, which
left the crown of England to the children of his sister
Mary, plunged them and their posterity into endless
troubles,2 long after the crime of royal descent had been
expiated in blood by her illustrious and unfortunate grand
daughter, the Lady Jane Grey.
suffice :— Harleian MSS. 6C89, 2284 ; Bodleian MS. 5024, f. 98 ; Privy
Purse Expenses, Hen. VIII. Patent Rolls passim.
1 The lives of the two latter were written in the form of a tract ;
four copies only are known, of which two are in the British Museum.
2 Not the least of these was the constant attempt, in spite of all the
precautions which had been taken, to brand them with illegitimacy, in
which even their half-sister, the Lady Powis, joined. — Cotton. MS.
Julius, F. VI./-.409, et. seq. Harl. MSS. 419, f. 150 ; 537, /.55 ; 555 ;
807, /. 41, b. $c.

Facsimile ofthe signature of "Mary the Fiienchk Qitene."

144

CATHEEINE,
FOURTH DAUGHTER OF HENRY VII.

The infant Catherine was born on the 2nd of February,
1503, being Candlemas-day, and bore the name of her
sister-in-law, Catherine of Aragon, who was probably her'
godmother : but the dangerous illness and subsequent
death of her mother, within nine days of her birth, diverted
attention from the royal child, and no mention of the cere
monial is preserved. Sir Thomas More, in his graceful
and touching lamentation of Queen Elizabeth, makes the
dying queen thus address her infant :
" Adieu, sweet heart, my]little daughter Kate,
Thou shalt, sweet babe, such is thy destiny,
Thy mother never know, for lo ! now here I lie." '
On the 8th of February, the king ordered for " Cathe
rine, our right dear daughter," a wool mattress and down
pillows for her cradle, furniture for bed-rooms for her nurse,
and her rockers, &c, but the royal infant did not long
survive ; the exact date of her death is uncertain, but she
speedily followed her mother to the tomb, and was interred
without epitaph or tomb, probably by her side, in Henry
VII.'s chapel, Westminster Abbey.
' More's works, 4to. 1557, black-letter, introduction. This poem was
of the " foure things " which " Mastyr Thomas More " wrote in his
youth for his pastime.

145

ELIZABETH,
ELDEST DAUGHTER OF JAMES I.

CHAPTER I.

Elizabeth the cause of the Thirty Years' War — Birth — Baptism — Early
training — Journey from Scotland to England — Falls in love with the
dauphin's portrait- — Lord Harrington made her tutor — Combe Abbey
her residence — Her household — Visit to Coventry— Early letters —
Gunpowder-plot — Elizabeth at court — Attachment to her brother —
Correspondence with him — Her early promise— French match spoken
of— Her daily rides with the prince — Court ballets — Visit to the
Tower — Elizabeth's love of animals — Gives the prizes at a tourney —
Court f£tes — Her love of literature — Sonnets upon her— Wooed in
vain by Gustavus Adolphus, the Prince of Savoy, and the King of
Spain — Frederic Prince Palatine — His early training — Makes over
tures for Elizabeth — Treaty is negotiated — Queen's opposition—
Wither's address to Elizabeth — Frederic sets out for England — His
arrival and reception - Familiar intercourse with the princess — Their
mutual attachment — Illness and death of Prince Henry — Stanzas by
Elizabeth — Frederic's attentions to her — The union opposed — James
I. persists in it — Expenditure of the princess — Frederic made Knight
of the Garter — Betrothals — New Year's gifts — Frederic's pastimes —
His letter to the king — Anxious to return to Germany — Chapter of
the Garter — Pageant on the Thames — Marriage ceremony— Re
joicings, masques, and epithalamia — Poverty at court — Frederic's pre
sent to his bride — His University honours — Tilting — Preparations for
their departure — They go to Greenwich and Rochester — Elizabeth's
parting with her parents and brother— Her letters— Storm-bound in
Kent— Sets sail for Germany.
Of all the royal daughters of England who, by the
weight of personal character, or the influence of adven
titious circumstances, have exercised a permanent bearing
on its destiny, none have occupied so prominent a place as
Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, the high-minded, but ill-
vol. v. L

146 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
fated daughter of James I. As the progenitress of the
line of sovereigns who have secured, or rather preserved,
to us the inestimable blessing of civil and religious liberty,
she must ever be regarded with respect. But her influence
was not merely that of position or of accident. The power
of her individual character was felt throughout Europe ;
in the Thirty Years' War, with its long train of calamities,
its terrors and its cruelties, its terrible sieges, its stirring
battle-fields, and its displays of romantic valour and
enduring fortitude — with its Tilly as the impersonation of
military tactics^-its Mansfeldt, the thunderbolt of lawless
warfare — its Christian of Brunswick, the beau ideal of
chivalric daring, and its Gustavus Adoiphus, of honourable
disinterestedness— the wheels of conflict were set in motion
by one spring, and that spring was touched by the hand
of the Queen of Bohemia. But like the fabled necro
mancer, who called into existence gigantic phantoms, which
the skill of his wizard wand failed to lay, and which hunted
and tortured him to the death, Elizabeth let loose a torrent
which she was unable to stem, and in the rush of the im
petuous waters, her own noble house was all but annihi
lated, and she herself lived to survive almost all those who
armed at her bidding, and bled and died in her cause.
The Princess Elizabeth was born at Falkland Palace,
on the 16th of August, 1596, nearly seven years before
the accession of her father to the English throne.1 She
was the second child of her parents, Prince Henry being
her senior. A regular establishment of nurses, rockers,
and other attendants, was provided for the little lady, her
wet-nurse being a Scotchwoman of humble birth named
Bessie MacDowall.2 A convention was held at Dumfem-
line on the 29th of September, to take into consideration
the arrangements for her baptism: —
" The which day the king's majesty, with advice of his nobility,
council, and estates presently convened, has concluded and ruled that
the baptism of the princess, his dearest daughter, shall be made and
done within the abbey of Holyrood House, upon the 28th day of
November next to come ; and that his majesty and the queen his
dearest bedfellow, shall make special choice of such persons to be gossips
and witnesses thereof as they shall think most meet and convenient,
1 Hail. MS. 1368, f. I.
1 Treas. Accts. Feb. 1597, Register House, Edinburgh.

JAMES THE FIRST. 147
like as her education and upbringing shall be with such a nobleman or
others whom they shall nominate and appoint for that errand. Audhis
said nobility, council, and estates aforesaid promise to honour, advance,
and protect the said baptism, with their own persons and otherways,
according to their ability and power."1
On account of the lateness of the season, the ceremony
was not performed in great state. Few strangers were
invited, but all the pages, lackeys, trumpeters, and other
attendants of the royal household appeared in new liveries,
and the king in gilded spurs and new socks of crimson
velvet, laced with gold.2 The virgin queen of England,
the far-famed Elizabeth, was god-mother to the royal child,
and Bowes, her ambassador at the Scottish court, took the
princess in his arms at the font, and on behalf of her
English majesty, named her " Lady Elizabeth," upon
which Lyon, herald, proclaimed her style and title, as
" Lady Elizabeth, first daughter of Scotland." " Little
or no triumph was made," writes a Scottish annalist, " but
in good fare, and cheer, because that it was winter season
and ill weather."3 The child was committed to the charge
of Alexander, seventh Lord Livingston, and his wife,
Lady Eleanor Hay: the Princess Margaret, born two
years later, became the companion of her sister, and their
guardians discharged the office so much to the satisfaction
of King James, that in March, 1600, lands were granted
to Lord Livingston in recompense for his care, and that of
his lady, in the education of the royal children, and to
meet the expenses incurred in maintaining them and their
servants. A few months later, on the baptism of Prince
Charles, Lord Livingston was created Earl of Linlithgow.4
An assistant to Lady Livingston was appointed in Mary,
Lady Ochiltree,5 who also received the royal approbation
for the fulfilment of her duties.6
Alison Hay, Lady Dunkerrant, was the "mistress-
nurse" to Elizabeth, and Elizabeth Hay "keeper of the
coffers,"7 by which important title the manager of the
1 Regist. Secret. Concilii, Acta, &c. 1594, 1596, f. 490, Register
House, Edinburgh.
2 Treas. Accts. Feb. 1597, Register House, Edinburgh.
s Moysie's Memoirs of Scotland, Bannatyne edit. f. 127.
4 Wood's Peerage, vol. ii. p. 127.
b She was the daughter of Sir John Kennedy, of Blanquahar.
« Treas. Accts. Dec. 1603. 7 Ibid. July, 1601. l2

14S ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
wardrobe of the princess was designated. To the com
panions and guardians of her childhood Elizabeth was
strongly attached: a daughter of her wet nurse, who
afterwards became the wife of the Bishop of Cashel, and
the mother of a numerous family, took a long and perilous
journey to visit her in Germany, and was received, after
the lapse of more than thirty years, with the utmost cor
diality ;' and Lord Livingston's son, the second Earl of
Linlithgow, was ever regarded by her with favour, because
she had her " first breeding in his father's house." Pay
ments for her dresses of crimson satin, yellow satin, brown
Spanish frieze, figured velvet, Spanish taffeta, plush, &c,
frequently occur in the treasurer's accounts, from which
also are taken the following extracts — the money being of
course the coinage of Scotland, about one-third the value
of the English coinage : — £ s. d.
1600, March. Item for the price of two pair of silk shanks- 20 0 0
1601, December. Item, 16 oz. and 15 drops weight of gold
and silver pasments,3 5 to her two gowns, at ol. 10».
the ounce  93 3 2
Item, 8 ells coloured ribband for sleeves for her night
gown   26 8 0
Item, for an ell and a quarter orange crape, and an ell
and a quarter papingo4 crape, with two ells of gold
and silver fringe thereto, to be put about her
craig*  11 6 0
We also find entries of 8s. for a birse or brush to stroke
her hair, a fair case of combs covered with velvet, and also
for two pairs of double gloves laced, and two " babies" or
dolls "to play her with." Another entry records the
purchase of two more babies, which cost 13a\ 4d.
The royal children were chiefly brought up at the
palace of Linlithgow, where they received frequent visits
from their parents, and tokens of love, in the shape of
new year's gifts.6 In March, 1603, before the princess
had completed her seventh year, the death of her royal
god-mother of England raised her father to the joint
throne of the sister realms, and the king hastened to
1 Elizabeth to Archb. Canterbury, Nov. 25, 1637, German Corresp.
State Paper Office. = Stockings.
3 Laces. 4 Parrot-coloured.
* Neck- 5 Treas. Accts. Dec. 1602, Jan. 1603.

JAMES THE FIRST. 149
London to take possession of his newly acquired dignity.
The Scotch nation manifesting some jealousy at the
departure of their monarch to the rival country, James
gave them hopes that the queen and royal children should
remain in Scotland as pledges of his speedy return ; l but
he soon changed his intention, and summoned them to
join him in England. Meanwhile, several English ladies
of rank had flocked to Edinburgh to pay their devoirs to
their new mistress, Anne of Denmark ; among these were
Anne Lady Harrington and her daughter Lucy, Countess
of Bedford, both of whom subsequently filled a prominent
place in the history of the princess royal.2
On the 1st of June, 1603, Queen Anne, accompanied
by Prince Henry and the Princess Elizabeth, and attended
not only by the English peeresses then in Scotland, but
by a bevy of Scottish ladies, eager to share in the gaieties
of the southern capital, set out for England. They
reached Berwick on the 3rd, and were joined by several
English noblemen and knights, and by the Countess of
Kildare, with four other noble ladies, deputed by the
king to form their escort to London. A contempora
neous record roll gives, in minute detail, every station at
which the queen stopped in her progress ; but Elizabeth
was not the constant companion of her mother. The
queen frequently took long journeys in a day, and then
tarried awhile at the house of some nobleman in her route,
who was anxious to testify his loyalty by giving her a
handsome entertainment; whereas, it accorded better
with the tender age of the Lady Elizabeth to travel daily
a moderate distance, and thus keep pace with her royal
mother. The roll records a payment of 1967. os. to
Henry Meyners and Francis Harris, " for the charges
and expenses of the Lady Elizabeth's grace, and such
honourable persons and others as were appointed to
attend upon her,3 in regard she was not able to undertake
1 Beaumont's Despatches, 26th April, 1603, vol. ii. f. 47, b. Brienne
MS. 39.
2 Stowe's Annals, p. 823, Nichols's Progresses of James I. vol. i. p. 167.
3 The expenses of her grooms, carriages, and horses, are not included,
they were blended with those of her brother, which amounted to
495/. 5s. lid.

150 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
so great journies as her majesty did, and so travelled
apart from the rest, all the way between Berwick and
Windsor."1 On the 5th of June, the queen appointed
the Countess of Kildare to the office of governess to the
princess.2 An appointment made so hastily, when she had
only known the lady two days, argues unfavourably for
the maternal prudence of Queen Anne, but she wished
to escape the necessity of shackling her own movements
by the tardiness of those of her little daughter, and
therefore engaged the first lady of rank whom she met
with to undertake the charge. " My Lady of Kildare
comes after with the young princess," writes a news
monger of the time, who details the progress of the queen,
" and as I think, will not be at York before Monday, being
the 13th of June, and whether she doth come along with
the queen I do not certainly know, but rather come
after, as now she doth, because of riding easy jour
nies."3 Elizabeth, however, did join her mother at this
ancient city, if not early enough to share in the enter
tainments prepared by the loyal citizens for the queen,
yet in time to receive a parting present of twenty golden
angels.4 As the queen proceeded southwards, the crowds of
admiring subjects who joined themselves to her train
created such tumult, and became so inconvenient, that an
order was issued to forbid all persons, excepting those in
attendance on the queen and her children, to follow the
court.5 Arriving at Nottingham, the royal party separated,
the queen and prince turning aside to Ashby to visit the
Earl of Huntingdon, whilst Elizabeth went direct to
1 Account of Sir Marmaduke Darrell, sent to fetch the queen, prince,
and Lady Elizabeth to England, Audit Office, Somerset House. To the
courtesy of the Commissioners of the Audit Office the author is much
indebted for permission to consult the valuable records under their
custody, and still more so to Peter Cuningham, Esq. for the friendly
assistance which has rendered the permission doubly valuable.
2 Darrell's Roll, ut supra.
3 Shrewsbury Papers, vol. x. Y. f. 3, Lambeth MS. 703.
4 Nichols's Progresses of James I. vol. i. p. 170 ; Shrewsbury Papers,
vol. xvi. f. 103, Lambeth MS. 709. Many unpublished and curious par
ticulars of the queen's journey may be found in this correspondence.
5 Domestic Records, June 19, 1603, State Paper Office.

JAMES THE FIRST. 151
Leicester, which city she reached on the 22nd of June.
The mayor gave her a formal reception, and conducted
her to her abode in the house of a Mr. Pilkington, and
presented her with wine and sweetmeats.1 The following
evening the queen and prince arrived ; but they were
lodged apart from the Lady Elizabeth, the house of
Mr. Pilkington sufficing only for her train. The next
remove was to Dingley, the residence of Sir Thomas
Griffin, and thence, on Saturday the 25th, Elizabeth went
to Combe Abbey, near Coventry, the residence of Lord
and Lady Harrington. On the morrow, the Countess of
Warwick and Lady Anne Clifford arrived to pay their
respects to the royal child. She was not permitted to
tarry in this lovely seclusion ; but was hurried on to
Windsor, arriving there on the 30th of June.2 " The
queen kept her day to be here on Thursday last;" writes
Sir Dudley Carlton, in a letter dated July 4th. " The
young princess came before, accompanied with her gover
ness, the Lady Kildare, in a litter with her, and attended
with thirty horse. She had her trumpets and other
formalities as well as the best." 3
On the 2nd of July, King James held a chapter of the
Order of the Garter, at which his son, Prince Henry, was
installed knight, and afterwards presented in his robes to
the queen, amidst an assembly so brilliant, that even those
accustomed to the splendors of the Elizabethan court
declared they had never seen the like before.4 The Princess
Elizabeth, attended by the Lady Anne Clifford, had a
place in the great hall, where she could indulge her childish
curiosity by watching the knights at their state dinner.5
Among the guests were the foreign ambassadors; and M. de
Beaumont, the French resident, gives a lively description
of the scene. To render it fully intelligible, it should be
premised that a double marriage had for some time been
talked of, between Prince Henry and a daughter of
Henry IV. of France ; and between the dauphin, after
wards Louis XIII., and Princess Elizabeth.6 To M. de
1 Nichols's Progresses, vol. i. p. 170. 2 Ibid. p. 197.
3 Domestic Records, vol. ii. Art. 1, State Paper Office.
4 Lady Anne Clifford's Diary, Nichols's Progresses, vol. i. p. 193.
5 Nichols's Progresses, vol. i. p. 193.
" Marquis de Rosny's Letters to French king, Harl. MS. 3951, f. 188,b

152 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Beaumont, therefore, the king introduced his children.
" Look at this little knight, your master's son-in-law," he
said, on presenting the prince, "what do you think of
him, is he not very lively?" A courteous reply was
given ; and then the king pointed out his daughter, in
forming the envoy that he had shown her the portrait of
the dauphin, and that she was already enamoured of it ;
an early predilection, it must be owned, for a child of six
years ! Later in the evening, when the princess was in
her mother's drawing-room, the envoy was formally pre
sented to her and was permitted to salute her. He describes
her as " very well bred and handsome enough, rather tall
for her age, and her disposition very gentle," but, in his
opinion, " rather melancholy than gay."1 His estimation
of" her early developments, formed on so cursory an
acquaintance, was, as might be anticipated, fallacious; but
his appreciation of her good training seems to have been
correct, since the Earl and Countess of Linlithgow, on the
resignation of their office, obtained an act of approbation
from King James and his council for the care with which
they had brought her up.2
Elizabeth remained at court about three weeks, and was
then sent to Oatlands, with her brother, Prince Henry,
where an establishment was formed for them, consisting at
first of seventy servants, twenty-two above-stairs and
forty-eight below; a few weeks later the number was
increased to a hundred and four, and afterwards to a
hundred and forty-one.3 Early in September the royal
children received a visit from Charles, Earl of Nottingham,
lord high admiral, who had recently created much amuse
ment by marrying, in his sixty- eighth year, the Lady
Margaret Stuart, daughter of the Earl of Moray, a
descendant of the celebrated Regent Murray.4 He was
father of Elizabeth's governess, the Countess Kildare.
The imprisonment of Henry Brook, Lord Cobham, the
second husband of Lady Kildare, on an accusation of con
spiring with Lord Grey de Wilton and Sir Walter Baleigh
1 Beaumont's Dispatches, Brienne MS. 32, f. 158, Bibliotheque
Nationale, Paris.
2 Wood's Peerage, vol. ii. p. 127.
3 Nichols's Progresses, vol. i. p. 204
1 Ibid. Lodge's Illustrations, vol. iii. p. 33.

JAMES THE FIRST. 153
to subvert the government, caused her such depression of
spirits that it was considered advisable to remove her
royal charge to other hands.1 A privy seal order was
therefore issued, dated October 19th, 1603, which declares,
on the king's behalf, that " we have thought fit to commit
the keeping and education of the Lady Elizabeth our
daughter to the Lord Harrington and the lady his wife,"
&c, with the stipulation that 1,5007. a year should be
allowed for her diet alone.
" And further, where by the said agreement, it appeareth that there
be other charges requisite for our said daughter, namely her remove now
to his house, and hereafter, if there shall be occasion, to remove her to
any other house other than bis houses — for her apparel, for wages of
teachers and servants, rewards, alms, and for a coach and horses for her
use," &c. —
for all these extras Harrington was to bring in an ac
count, wbich should be discharged when its reasonable
ness had been certified by the signatures of six lords of
the council.2 Lord Harrington, lately raised to the peerage
by King James, was a man eminently fitted for the
important task confided to him — a true-hearted Protestant,
of firm and independent character, thoughtful and devout,
and shewing his appreciation of the claims of education
by the extreme care bestowed upon that of his only son,
whose highly moral and religious feeling, extensive
knowledge and courtly accomplishments rendered him a
favourite companion of Prince Henry. Lady Harrington
was the daughter and heiress of Sir Bobert Kelway,
surveyor of the courts of wards and liveries to Queen
Elizabeth, and though not of noble blood, was distin
guished by her gentleness and ladylike refinement. Her
daughter, Lucy, Countess of Bedford, also of refined and
elegant tastes, was high in favour with Queen Anne, and
one of her privy chamber.3
The princess was removed first to Exton, long the family
1 Lodge, ut sup. Nichols's Progresses, vol. i. p. 265. In the State
Paper Office, Domestic Papers, 1603, there is a beautiful holograph
letter from this lady to her lord, promising him eternal fidelity, were he
even guilty as well as unfortunate.
2 Privy Seal, Book l-l, James I. Rolls House.
3 Ellis's Letters, 2nd series, vol. iii. p. 82.

154 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
seat of the Harringtons in Rutlandshire,1 and thence to
the seclusion of Combe Abbey, in Warwickshire, the
inheritance of Lady Harrington. This ancient dwelling
was formerly a house for Cistercian monks, founded in
the time of King Stephen." It forms three sides of a
quadrangle, the centre being more elevated than the sides,
and surmounted by a belfry ; the old cloisters occupy the
lower portion. The park, beautifully rural, boasts some
fine old trees of great antiquity, whilst a noble sheet of
water spreads its calm expanse, unruffled save by the
snowy wings of the swans, or by the numerous deer that
flock from the wooded glades of the park to quench their
thirst. Combe Abbey, as it now stands, has been little
changed since the time when it formed the abode of the
princess royal of England, and to this day is singularly
associated with her, not merely as the home of her girl
hood but as the subsequent residence of her long-tried and
faithful friend, Lord Craven, who gathered within its walls
all the family portraits bequeathed to him by herself or
her son, Prince Rupert. The good taste of the subse
quent noble possessors has forborne to disturb the pictures
and statues which fill every niche of what may almost be
termed the temple of the Queen of Bohemia.3
" The arrival of the king's daughter at this Abbey," writes a German
historian, who has composed an able sketch of the history of Elizabeth,
" was truly an epoch in her life. The castle retained the outward appear
ance of a cloister, but in the interior, the rooms were clear, spacious,
and habitable ; yet a certain conventual uniformity and strictness of
rule pervaded the whole household, which gave dignity and earnestness
to existence. Connected with the castle was a beautiful garden, and a
park for the convenience of hunting, and the princess was allowed to
enjoy the pleasant variety which conduces to the development of child
hood. Here she became a lover of nature and the chase ; here her
lively spirit could unfold itself without constraint, and develop the
masculine sense which inspired her and was conspicuous on so many
occasions ; here she was far from the pleasures of the court, which
often, like a deadly dew, poison the bloom of youth." 4
1 Wright's Rutland, p. 47.
a Dugdale's Warwickshire, vol. i. p. 222.
* To the courtesy ofthe present Earl of Craven, the author is indebted
for permission to inspect the pictures and apartments, private as well as
public, of Combe Abbey.
4 Sb'ltl, Elizabeth Stuart, Religion's Krieg in Deutschland, vol. i.
p. 67.

JAMES THE FIRST. 155
An additional tinge of earnestness was thrown over the
character of the princess, by the care with which not only
the principles and precepts of our holy faith, but even
some of its leading controversial points, were instilled into
her mind; these being considered most necessary, at a
period when the faith of so many was fluctuating and
unsettled ; yet the liveliness of disposition, which was one
of her striking characteristics, was in no degree impaired.
Lord Harrington entered upon his charge in a spirit of
conscientious fidelity. He relinquished public life, and
even excused himself from attending the meetings of
Parliament, in order that he might devote his whole
energy to his duties.1
The most intimate companion of Elizabeth was the
Lady Anne Dudley, daughter of Sutton, Lord Dudley,
and niece of the Earl of Harrington, with whom she
formed a life-long friendship. Her establishment at
Combe consisted of her nurse, Mistress Alison Hay, Lady
Dunkerrant, who had been with her from her birth,2 a
physician, instructors in writing, dancing, French and
Italian, and a music-master, who was no other than Doctor
John Bull, supposed to be the composer of the National
Anthem.3 Two footmen, clad in the royal liveries, were
in constant attendance upon the princess : she had three
bed-chamber women and a French lady's-maid,4 a semp-
tress, a laundress, grooms of the bed-chamber and pre
sence-chamber, and grooms of the stable, yeoman of the
horse and the cellar, a sumpterman, &c. Her usual stud
1 Domestic Papers, State Paper Office, date Feb. 3rd, 1604, excusing
his presence at the Parliament on this account.
* Privy Seal Book 1-4, James I. f. 50, b. She had a pension of 200/.
a year by a warrant dated May 14, 1604, Domestic Papers, State Paper
Office. 3 Dr. Bull was also in the service of the prince, from whom he received
40/. a year ; his attendance upon Elizabeth could therefore be only
occasional. He had been a great favourite with Queen Elizabeth, and
was appointed by her Gresham professor of music at Cambridge. His
published musical lessons are distinguished by their science, and are
extremely difficult of performance. — Sir John Hawkins' History of
Music, vol. iii. p. 319.
4 Probably the person named as a "tirewoman" in a letter from
Lady Frances Hertford to Sir Julius Ca;sar, Addit. MS. 12506,
Art. 183.

156 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
consisted of nineteen or twenty horses.1 In course of
time Lord Harrington discovered that pecuniarily he was a
serious loser by his engagement to defray the expenses of
such a host of attendants, at 1,5007. a-year. 1,0007. a-
year additional was, therefore, granted him by the king2
for servant's wages.3
Combe Abbey being within two miles of Coventry, it
was natural that the princess-royal should wish to visit
that town ; the citizens were equally desirous to entertain
her ; but, as they were little accustomed to do honours to
royal guests they were rather tardy in their invitation, and
the delay subjected them to the inconvenience of a practical
joke. A certain composer of pageants, named Massy, who
professed to be of a knightly family, but was evidently
reduced to live by his wits, and was both irritable and
roguish, had had several quarrels with the corporation of
Coventry, in regard to payments awarded to him for his
devices for city shows. On one occasion, having offered
to prepare a show for a certain sum, and the offer being
refused, he adopted an ingenious plan of compelling acqui
escence. Presenting himself one day before the council,
he announced that he had been with Lord Harrington,
and spoken to him of his projected show, that his lordship
being wishful to see it, had entreated the Lady Elizabeth
to visit the city within two days, and that she had consented
to come, with the full expectation of seeing the show. A
clamorous discussion ensued among the disconcerted citi
zens, who were totally unprepared to give fitting entertain
ment to such guests ; when one, a little less disturbed
than his fellows, wisely proposed to send off a messenger
to Combe Abbey, to ascertain the truth of the story ; on
which it proved to be altogether a fabrication. If Massy is
to believed, the enraged mayor bestowed on him a liberal
shower of cuffs for his malicious trick.4 The mayor, how
ever, was aroused to the propriety of preparing a suitable
reception for the princess, and. her visit is thus recorded :—
1 Lord Harrington's Account of the Expenses of the Lady Elizabeth,
1612-13, Rolls House.
2 Privy Seal Bills, 1-4, James I. date August 14, 1606, Rolls House.
3 Ibid. 5-0, James I. May 28, 1608. The original warrant is in the
State Paper Office.
4 Sharp's Coventry Pageants, 4to. Coventry, 1825, p. 75.

JAMES THE FIRST. 157
" On Tuesday, April 3, 1603, the Princess Elizabeth, eldest daughter
to James I. came to this city, from Combe Abbey, with Lord and Lady
Harrington, and many other ladies of distinction. To show that due
deference which the respectability of the party demanded, the mayor
and aldermen, with the rest of the livery, rode out of the town, in their
scarlet gowns, as far as Gabet's Ash, on Stoke Green, where they met
the princess. The mayor alighted from his horse, kissed her hand, and
then rode before her into the city, with the aldermen, &c. Lord Har
rington went bare-headed before tbe coach along the streets (which were
lined with the different companies of the city, standing in their gowns
and hoods) from Gosford-gate to the Drapery-door, near St. Michael's
Church, where having arrived, and heard a sermon, the princess went
from thence to St. Mary's Hall, attended by her train ; a chair of state
was placed at the upper end of the room, in which her highness dined ;
from whence, having finished her repast, she adjourned to the mayoress's
parlour, which was fitted up in a most sumptuous manner for her recep
tion : Lord Harrington, the mayor, with the rest of the ladies and gen
tlemen, then dined* The mayor afterwards presented to the princess a
silver cup, double gilt, which cost the city 291. 16s. 8d. She then left
the Hall, and rode down Cross ('heaping, attended by the mayor, &c. to
Bishop-gate, Spon-end, Spon-street, Gosford-gate, and Jabez's Ash,
where the mayor left her with Lord Harrington and his train, who re-
conveyed her to Combe.
" Five pounds were given to the servants of the princess by the
city."1 The following year the citizens sent her a present more
substantial than elegant, viz., two fat oxen ! 2
It would be difficult, perhaps impossible, to find a more
charming collection of little notes, penned by the hand of
any royal child, than those of the Princess Elizabeth in
her early life. They are written in English, French, and
Italian, and some of them in characters so exquisite as to
render it difficult to believe that such a handwriting could
ever be so spoiled as was hers in later years. Her earliest
preserved epistle was written apparently about the year
1603, when she was only seven years of age, and the
letters are formed between lines ruled in red ink. It was
addressed to her eldest and dearly beloved brother, Prince
Henry :
" My dear and worthy brother, I most kindly salute you, desiring to
hear of your health, from whom though I am now removed far away,
none shall ever be nearer in affection than
" Your most loving sister,  "Elizabeth."3
1 Coventry, History of, from Nichols's Progresses, vol. i.p. 429.
2 History of Coventry, 12, Covent. p. 53.
* Harleian MS. 6986, f. 84.

158 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
The following, written in 1604,1 are specimens of the
graceful and tender affection with which she was in the
habit of addressing her father and brother : —
" Most gracious sovereign and dear father,
" This gentleman, Mr. Harrington's return to the court gave me a
well pleasing opportunity to present your majesty with this paper, the
messenger of my most humble duty to your highness, thinking it, I con
fess, infinitely long since I was so happy as to enjoy your presence,
which, though I dare not presume to desire, I know nothing I would so
gladly obtain. And so, humbly craving your majesty's blessing, I will
ever continue " Your majesty's most obedient daughter,
" To the king's most excellent majesty."2 " Elizabeth."
" Worthy prince and my dearest brother,
" I received your most welcome letter and kind token by Mr. Hop
kins, highly esteeming them as delightful memorials of your brotherly
love, in which assuredly (whatever else may fail) I will ever endeavour
to equal you ; esteeming that time happiest when I enjoyed your com
pany, and desiring nothing more than the fruition of it again ; that as
nature hath made us nearest in one love together, so accident might not
separate us from living together. Neither do I account it the least part
of my present comfort, that although I am deprived of your happy pre
sence, yet I can make these lines deliver this true message, that I will
ever be, during my life,
" Your most kind and loving sister, " Elizabeth.'
" To my most dear brother, the prince."
The reciprocation which these kindly expressions met
with on the part of Prince Henry, is testified by the cor
diality of his replies.
The close ofthe year 1605 was signalized by the disco
very of the Gunpowder Plot, which, had its fearful pur
poses been accomplished, had placed our Elizabeth on a
compulsory throne, based on the blood-stained wreck of
all that was dearest to her. The design of the conspirators
was to destroy the King, the Prince of Wales, and the
Duke of York, and then to compose the minds of the
people by proclaiming the princess-royal as a second Queen
Elizabeth, and in her name to carry out their purposes
1 Though none of Elizabeth's childish letters,, with one exception, are
dated, yet it is not difficult to identify their date with something like
precision, from the internal evidence of a few, and from careful obser
vation of the different and gradually developing styles of handwriting,
especially in the signatures.
* Letters to King James I. Maitland Club, fac simile.
3 Hail. MS. 6986, f. 89.

JAMES THE FIRST. 159
in reference to the suppression of Protestanism.1 The
proclamation was all prepared ; but no mention was made
in it of the change of religion — that was to be disclosed
only when matters were more advanced. For the seizure
of the person of Elizabeth the following scheme was de
vised. Sir Everard Digby appointed a grand hunting-
match at Dunmore-heath, for the gentry of the neigh
bourhood, " not with hounds for the hare (which was only
the colour)," writes a quaint chronicler, " but with
Nimrod, for blood, and surprise of the most virtuous
young princess, Lady Elizabeth." He hoped by this
means to allure Lord Harrington, and all the knights and
esquires of his household, to leave Combe Abbey protected
only by menials. On pretence of the hunt a number of
Roman Catholic knights and gentlemen assembled, wear
ing concealed armour, who quietly withdrawing from
the chase as soon as the scattering of the party per
mitted them to do so unobserved, advanced towards Combe
Abbey. Unaware of the failure of the plot in London,
and believing that at that moment the royalty and nobi
lity of England were buried beneath the smoking ruins
of the Parliament-house, they marched on in eagerness
to seize and convey the princess to Ashby, where Catesby,
one of the conspirators, had a house. But the circum
stance of their having forcibly seized some horses the pre
ceding day aroused suspicion that some sinister design was
on foot, and several of the neighbouring gentry were
armed and on the alert. Meanwhile a messenger, who
had ridden post all night from London to Combe, conveyed.
a timely warning, and Elizabeth, attended by Lord Har
rington and all his loyal household,2 escaped to Coventry,
where the citizens rallied manfully around her, and
formed themselves into a small but resolute body-guard
in her defence.3
1 History of Gunpowder-plot, 4to. Lond. 1678, p. 8. Faux, in his
confession, said they would have taken the Duke of York for king, but
being uncertain whether they had forces enough to seize him, as he was
near London, they " resolved to serve their turn with the Lady Eliza
beth." — Hist. Gunp. Treason, 18, Lond. 1789, p. 43.
* Speed's History, fol. Lond. 1623, pp. 891-3; Wilson's Life and
Reign of James I. p. 29 ; Nichols, vol. i, p. 587 ; "W orks of King James,
fol. Frankfurt, 1689, p. 104-7 ; Stow, p. 870.
3 A minute of the city council records the delivery from the armoury

160 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
The escape of the princess first revealed to the conspi
rators the fact that their diabolical scheme had been
discovered. Confused and alarmed, uncertain of what
had transpired, and reluctant to lay down the arms they
had openly assumed, they broke out into rebellion, and it
was the work of several months to seize and subdue them.
The feelings of Elizabeth were strongly excited by these
events. " I doubt not," she writes to her brother Prince Henry, " but
you have rendered thanks to our good God for the deliverance he has
given us ; as I have done and still do, for my part. But I wish to join
my vows with yours, and to say with you — ' If the Lord be for us, who
can be against us ? In his keeping I will not fear what man can do.' '"
The following is an extract from a letter of Lord Harr
rington, dated Combe Abbey, January 6, 1606.2
" I am not yet recovered from the fever occasioned by these disturb
ances — I went with Sir Fulk Grevile to alarm the neighbourhood, and
surprize the villains, who came to Holback — was out five days in peril
of death and in fear for tbe great charge I left at home. Winter hath
confessed their design to surprize the princess at my house, if their
wickedness had taken place at London. Some of them say she would
have been proclaimed queen. Her highness doth often say — ' What a
queen should I have been by this means ? I had rather have been with
my royal father in the Parliament House, than wear his crown on such
condition.' This poor lady hath not yet recovered the surprize, and is
very ill and troubled."
Lord Harrington, in the same letter, speaks of his
royal charge with much affection. " With God's assist
ance," he writes, "we hope to do our lady Elizabeth such
service as is due to her princely endowments and natural
abilities ; both which appear the sweet dawning of future
comfort to her royal father." The attentions of the
earl had lately been acknowledged by a gift from the
king of the barony of Exton. He records this fact in
a letter, mentioning that their honours had subjected
himself and his wife to much envy, and adding, " I pray
God to assist us to do our duty, in spite of calumny."
His cousin, the witty Sir John Harrington, declares that
" Lord Harrington of Exton doth much fatigue himself
of 14 pikes, 18 bills, 2 partisans, 5 corslets, 2 horseman's staves, 2 bows,
and one glaive, in her defence. — Nichols, vol. iv. p. 1068.
1 Harl. MS. 698C, f. 131.
s Harrington's Hugse Antiquse, vol. i. p. 371.

JAMES THE FIRST. 161
with the royal charge of the Princess Elizabeth, and
midst all the foolery of these times, hath much labour to
preserve his own wisdom and sobriety.'" '
In July, 1606, Elizabeth was summoned to court, in
anticipation of a visit from her maternal uncle, Chris
tian IV., King of Denmark. The queen kept her room
on account of the recent death of an infant daughter, but
James I. and Prince Henry went to Gravesend to wel
come their royal relative : Elizabeth and her younger
brother, Prince Charles, remained at Greenwich, and
waited his approach on the landing-place of the palace-
steps. The princess received him with courteous gravity;
he kissed her and her brother, and then the two sove
reigns, accompanied only by the children, went to see the
queen in her chamber of mourning.2 This royal visit
proved more pleasant in the anticipation than the reality.
The kings, having run through a round of dissipation, be
came wearied of each other's society, and though Christian
had proposed to remain until September, he found a pretext
for taking leave early in August.3 Elizabeth by no means
partook of the ennui of her uncle ; to her girlish imagina
tion her life at court shone out in glowing contrast to the
monotonous quiet of her seclusion in the country, and
after she was sent back to Combe, her correspondence
with her favourite brother, Henry, bears testimony to her
impatience to return, while it places in a strong light the
ardent affection subsisting between these royal- children.
The prince complains to his sister of a void in ,the pastimes
they were wont to share together, since she Jjas no longer
a part in them, but comforts her with the prospect of a
speedy visit from the queen her mother, and declares his
resolution to follow as soon as he could, and his hope of
finding her in good health.4 His promise was fulfilled,
but the close of the brief interview left them longing for
1 Harrington's Nuga? Antiqure, vol. i. p. 353.
- Carte's England, vol. iii. p. 262 ; Boderie, Ambassades, vol. i. p. 227 ;
Mei-cure Francais, 1606, p. 1 18. A full account of his Danish majesty's
visit may be found in a rare tract in the British Museum — " Relatio
oder Erzehlung wie der grossmahtigste Herr Cbristianus Quartus
&c, in Konigreich Engellandt angelanget," &c, 4to. Hamburgh, 1607.
3 Boderie, Ambassades, vol. i. p. 230. 4 Hail. MS. 7007, f. 21 a.
VOL. V. M

162 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
more frequent communion. Contemporary writers thus
allude to the strong fraternal feeling of the prince : —
" As for the Lady Elizabeth his sister, he loved her always so dearly
that he desired to see her always by him. And (at least) they did visit
each other once in two days, if time and occasion had served, and that
they had been anything near together. Otherwise he did send often to
inquire of her health, with divers infallible signs and tokens of his great
love and affection." '
And again : —
" With what kindness did he his sister cherish,
Eliza's grace, one of the graces three ;
That princess rare, that like a rose doth flourish,
Filling each eyes with her mild courtesy :
Whose happy breeding, worthy inclination,
Makes her admired, desired of every nation."2
Cornwallis, in his historical account of Prince Henry,
savs that though he dearly loved his sister, he would at
times try her patience by pretending to contradict her in
things on which her desires were set, and so teach her to
school down her impetuosity ; 3 of this, however, no trace
remains in their correspondence. In a subsequent letter
the prince thus addresses his sister: —
" Beloved Madam, my misfortune being such that neither in one nor
another occasion of the year, can I find an opportunity of seeing you as
I wish, I am obliged to have recourse to my ordinary mode of greeting
you on paper ; which I do the more willingly as an opportunity offers
by this young gentleman, who being very agreeable to me by his beha
viour, will, I hope, please you also. I refer you to him to give you par
ticular information of my health, studies, exercises, and the rest of my
deportment, desiring to grow in virtue for no object more than to
resemble you, whom I love and honour as,
" June 30, • " Your dear and affectionate brother
1607. & to serve you, "Hexry."4
The desire for a speedy re-union drew from the princess
a rejoinder to her brother, assuring him that "a few days
would seem an age" till she saw him again,s and a humble
1 W. H. True Picture and Relation of Prince Henry. 4. Leyden,
1634, p. 4. This work was dedicated to Elizabeth.
2 Maxwell's Life and Death of Prince Henry. 4. Lond. 1612. The
author presented this book in person to Elizabeth, to whom and to
Prince Charles it was dedicated. The same poet addressed to her a
birthday ode, full of historic similes and quaint devices.
3 Somers Tracts, vol. ii. p. 203.
* Harl. MS. 7007, f. 132, rough draught, French.
1 Ibid. 6986, f. 109.

JAMES THE FIRST. 163
petition to the king for permision to revisit the court.1
This was granted ; she returned to court to pass the
Christmas of 1608, and to her infinite satisfaction her
brother was also sent for. Cardinal Bentivoglio, who was
introduced to the royal children about this time, speaks of
Elizabeth as being handsome and of a noble expression of
countenance ;2 and a Scotch writer, the author of a pane
gyric on King James and his family, mentions her as —
" A princess of lovely beauty, in whom, at the first glance, majesty
shines out, though hidden by courtesy. Although she has not yet
passed her 1 2th year, yet all behold in her lively proofs of most excellent
and noble disposition. Her wit is acute, her memory tenacious, her
judgment discerning, beyong her tender years. In piety she equals
Flavia, the daughter of Clementius, the Roman consul ; in her know
ledge of a variety of languages she is to be compared, or rather preferred,
to Zenobia the Palmyrian queen, to Aretia, and to Cornelia. She also
diligently cultivates music, and is a great proficient in the art : for this
tranquil, liberal science most fittingly accords with the temper of the
most placid and illustrious maiden. Added to this, her manners are
most gentle ; and she shows no common skill in those liberal exercises
of mind and body which become a royal maiden. In fine, whatever
was excellent or lofty in Queen Elizabeth, is all compressed in the tender
age of this virgin princess, and if God spare her to us, will be found there
accumulated."3 The following stanzas, written by a courtly poet, also
present a pleasing description of her early attractive
ness : — " Her countenance was cheerly amiable,
Bearing sure marks of a more graceful spirit ;
Her eyes were comely, lovely, admirable :
No sooner did her feet the ground inherit,
But she trod under pride and ignorance,
And did herself to better things advance.
" How often did she clip her parent's neck
To witness her dear joy, which they, perceiving,
A thousand kisses gave, a thousand take,
Of her soft rosy Up fit words conceiving ;
Such was her face both parents might be known,
So gently, yet so royally, it shone.

1 Maitland Club, facsimile letters.
2 Aikin's Court of James I. vol. i. p. 335.
3 Rosa T. Idtea Jacobi. &c. 12, Lond. 1608. M

164 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
" Her cheer was pleasing, yet with majesty,
Which drew the graces nearer to direct
How she might speak and move her pretty body,
With grave decorum yet with mild aspect ;
To temper all her thoughts, looks, gestures, motions,
With honest seemliness, holy devotions.
"' Her smooth large forehead kept fair shamefacedness,
Her tongue was guided with sweet eloquence,
Laughter sat smiling in her cheeks with gladness,
Eyes, lids, ears, hairs, each had their excellence :
To dress herself she took light care, short leisure,
Grace, like a die, cast any way, gave pleasure.
" Her goings were guided with a modest measure
Of all her moving parts ; yet oft she sat
And read her duties in the Sacred Scripture,
Or heard while her blest mother wisdom taught :
Her wisdom oft abstain'd from childish toys,
Virtue to learn, and think on heavenly joys." '
On December 21st, Elizabeth, with the other members
of her family, gave audience to an ambassador recently
arrived from Spain,2 and on the 1st of January, 1609, the
French ambassador was permitted to pay his compliments
to the prince. He thus records the impression of his
interview : —
" For my lady princess, I assure you it will not be her fault if she is
not dauphiness ; — not one of the worst fancies she could have ; — for she
is not at all troubled when it is mentioned to her. She is handsome,
graceful, very well bred, and speaks French exceedingly well, much
better than her brother."3
He speaks of her as "full of virtue and merit," and de
clares that, in his opinion, the French could find no alliance
more suitable for their future monarch, as no princess in
Christendom could give more promising hopes of excel
lence. He adds, that it would be useless to attempt to
negociate a match between the Prince of Wales and the
daughter of the French king, if they were not in earnest
in marrying Elizabeth to the dauphin ; as the prince had
promised his sister not to consent to the alliance for him
self, unless that for her were also concluded.4 Her ambi-
Joannes Maria, Marriage Hymn, Pt. i. p. 16.
' News Letter, Dec. 23, 1608, Domestic Papers, State Paper Office.
Boderie, Ambassades, vol. iii. p. 6. * Ibid. p. 43.

JAMES THE FTRST. 165
tion was evidently fired with the idea of wearing the
crown-matrimonial of France : we shall have occasion
hereafter to notice that the charms of regality possessed a
fascination only too potent in the eyes of the Lady Eliza
beth : but it was not the crown of France which was
destined to glitter on her brow.
From this time we find Elizabeth a frequent resident
at court. She had one suite of apartments fitted up at
Hampton Court, on the side next the river, and opening
into the gardens ; * and another at Whitehall, in the part
of the palace then known as the Cock-pit.2 Lord Har
rington also formed an establishment for her at Kew,
where she could at once enjoy proximity to the court and
leisure to prosecute her studies. She had set her heart on
paying a visit to her brother, but it was set aside by their
guardians, to the bitter disappointment of both. Elizabeth
wrote to assure her brother that she sympathized in the
affliction which he expressed touching the wished-for visit,
but consoled herself on the ground of the proportionate
improvement he would be likely to make in his studies.3
Lord Harrington viewed the matter in a more prudent
light, as appears by the following letter from him to Mr.
Newton, the prince's tutor :; —
" Sir — I have just cause to acknowledge my thankfulness for your
friendly letter, sent by my servant, and I must confess I received much
contentment thereby, to perceive that your opinion so rightly concurred
with mine, about her grace's late intended journey; which, had it pro
ceeded, as it was proposed, might have procured much trouble to many ;
but being now so ordered as the prince's highness and her grace may
meet in the day, and part at night, will, I hope, give them both good
content, and save them much toil that might depend on tbe other course.
For my part, I wish with all my heart his highness might see her grace
every day, to increase the comfort they receive in each other's company.
I will be ready to further all occasions that may draw them together."4
That Lord Harrington acted up to his professions is
proved by the following communication to the Earl of
Salisbury : —
" My honourable good lord,
" I must crave pardon that I wait not on your lordship myself, with
1 Account of Hampton Court in Lysons' Middlesex.
2 Accounts of the Master of the King's works, 1642, Audit Office.
3 Harl. MS. 6986. * Lansdowne MS 90, Art. 77.

166 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
the book of accounts forhergrace, for this last half year, at Michaelmas,
1609 : my wife being not yet thoroughly recovered of her sickness, and
the prince calling often for her grace, to ride abroad with him, causeth
my more necessary attendance. I have sent the accounts by this bearer,
my servant, who can satisfy your lordship of any particular contained
in them : it may please your lordship to peruse them and to give allow
ance as you have been formerly pleased." '
In equestrian exercise, the prince and his sister took
great delight. Two of their early letters note presents to
each other of horses ; and it was their frequent custom to
exchange gifts.2 The presents which Elizabeth received
from other persons, both among the nobility and the lower
orders, were numerous, and as various in their character
as the parties who offered them. Costly jewellery, orna
mental attire, animals and birds, of which she was ex
tremely fond, venison, sweetmeats, fruits, &c, are fre
quently named.3
One of the constant companions of the princess was the
daughter of Sir Robert Carey, guardian of her brother
Charles. This lady was educated with her, and was one
of her maids of honour.4 When at court, Elizabeth had
two or three footmen extraordinary in attendance upon
her person; and in addition to the provision made for her
by Lord Harrington, the royal wardrobe accounts fre
quently record payments for jewels, dresses, horses, riding
equipments, barges, and other gifts, bestowed upon her by
her father.5
On the 14th of January, 1609, the princess, apparently
for the first time, was permitted to be present at one of
the court ballets, of which her mother was extremely fond ;
and afterwards, in company with her governess, enter
tained the wife of the Flemish ambassador at supper. A
few days later, the queen gave a promise to the ambassador
of Spain, that her eldest son and daughter should honour
him with a visit at his own house, to witness a ballet, and
1 Domestic Papers, J. I. vol xxxi. f. 477, State Paper Office.
s Privy Purse Expenses of Prince Henry, 1610-12, Audit Office.
Ibid. 1610, Michaelmas, State Paper Office, Domestic Records.
3 Lord Harrington's Accounts, passim.
' Nichols, vol. i. p. 460.
-, Wardrobe Accounts, James I. 1604-9, Audit Office; Privy Seals,
James I. Rolls House ; Warrants, Domestic Records, State Paper Office.

JAMES THE FIRST. 167
she even engaged fo come in herself; this was a private
arrangement, since the king frowned upon the strong pre
dilection which she entertained for Spain, and her growing
intimacy with the Spanish ambassador : and the privy
council, having detected her intentions, issued their orders
to the lady governess to detain the royal children ; and
they not only entreated the queen to stay away, but em
ployed the Countess of Salisbury to remain with her, and
engage her attention all the afternoon so as to secure the
point.1 Elizabeth was again present at a ballet, given
early in February, in honour of the nuptials of Viscount
Haddington and the Lady Elizabeth Ratcliffe. The
masque was composed by Ben Johnson, and the bride had
the honour of dining with the Prince of Wales, the Duke
of York, and their sister.2 The following March, we find
the sum of I617Z. 3s. Gd. paid to Lord Harrington for the
expenses of the princess's journey to court, and also for
her servants' lodging, her teacher's fees, apparel, and other
necessaries.3 In April, 1609, the royal family, including the princess,
honoured with their presence the opening of a set of shops
in the Strand, north of Durham House, which belonged
to the lord treasurer Salisbury. " Sundry devices" were
got up for their entertainment, and the king gave the
name of " Britain's burn" to the buildings which first in
troduced commerce into the western part of London.4 A
few weeks after, the royal party were spectators of a far
different scene. The Tower of London was at that time
used as a menagerie for wild beasts, and fights among these
savage creatures formed occasional pastimes for the higher
classes of civilized Britons of the seventeenth century. A
bear, exceedingly fierce, having accidentally seized a child
and killed it, was doomed to die ; and on June 23rd, in
presence of the king and his family and a large concourse
of spectators, the monster was led out, to be torn in pieces
by lions. One lion after another was brought forward ;
but all shewed more sense than their rational keepers,
not one evincing the least inclination to fight the bear.
1 Nichols, vol. ii. p 99. 2 Ibid. vol. ii. p. 189.
3 Devon's Pell Records, James I. p. 6.
4 Nichols, vol. ii. p. 248.

168 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Two younger beasts were a little more irritably disposed, .1
but as soon as they perceived their grim enemy ready to
defend himself, they also made the best of their way to
their dens. Sentence, however, had gone forth against
poor Bruin for his child-slaughter, and on the 5th of July,
he was publicly worried to death by dogs : 201. of the
money gathered from those who thronged to witness the
spectacle was given to the mother of the murdered infant.1 !
James I. and all his family had a passion for animals.
Queen Anne's love of dogs is well known, and Elizabeth
fully shared the predilection. Among the entries in her
private expenses we find the following :— ,
" Paid for strewing herbs, and cotton to make beds for her grace's
monkeys, 3s. 3d.
" Paid to a joiner for mending her grace's parrot cages, and other
works done in her grace's service, 3s. I0d.
" Paid for shearing her grace's rough dog, 12<Z.
" Paid to one of her grace's footmen, for the charges of a great Iiish
dog that he kept by her highness's appointment, 14s.
" To Mrs. Sidney's men that brought home a little bitch of her grace,
which was lost, 5s." 2
A dog of Sir John Harrington was such a favourite
with the princess, that Sir John declared he would match
him against the horse of Alexander, for if the dog did not
carry a great prince on his back, " he was bold to say he
did often bear the sweet words of a greater princess on
his neck." 3 Elizabeth's love of the chase is indicated by
the following- notices in her account book : —
" To the keeper of Nonsuch Great Park, for his fee, her grace killing
a doe there, 20s.
" To his man that brought the doe to Kew, 5s.
" Given by her grace's command to a huntsman that made her grace
sport in hunting, 10s. "4
On the 6th of January, 1610, Prince Henry, now
rising up to vigorous youth, gave a sumptuous banquet to
his father, at St. James's PalaCe, where he then kept his
1 Stow's Chronicle, by Howe, p. 194.
2 " An Account of money disbursed by the Lord Harrington for my
Lady Elizabeth, her grace's service, for apparel, necessaries, and other
e.vtiaordinaries, begun in Michaelmas, 1012, and ending at the Lady
Day, 1613," Rolls House.
a Nichols, vol. ii. p. 197.
* Lord Harrington's Accounts, ut sup.

JAMES THE FIRST. 169
separate court ; and he gratified his tender love for his
sister, by making her the sharer, and indeed the heroine,
of his feast. In the afternoon of the 5th, fifty defenders
appeared to answer the challenge for a tourney previously
issued by the prince and six young nobles. They tilted
bravely, and the distribution of the prizes was appointed
to take place on the succeeding day. The assembly was
numerous and brilliant, and King James stood chatting,
in high good humour, till the prince and his sister came
to conduct him to the banquet. The tables, 120 feet in
length, were spread in the gallery, at one end of which,
under a canopy of state, was a separate board for the
king. Thence, seated on a throne, he could survey the
company ; the end of the table nearest him being left
unoccupied, so as not to intercept his view. The prince
sat the first at one side of the table, the Lady Elizabeth
opposite to him, and below them a long array of lords and
ladies. At the close of the repast came the distribution
of the prizes, which consisted of trinkets, garnished with
diamonds, and were to be given by the fair hands of the
princess. Elizabeth stood at her father's right hand, with
her brother by her side, and listened whilst the judges
pronounced their verdicts on the combatants. Earl
Montgomery was first led up ; the king gave the jewel
into the hands of his daughter, and she gracefully pre
sented it to the young nobleman. Sir Thomas Darcy and
Sir Bobert Gordon received the other prizes. The king,
feeling weary, then retired ; but the joyous spirits of his
children knew no fatigue : though it was past midnight,
they went to see a comedy, which lasted two hours, and
thence returned to the gallery, where every vestige of the
preceding repast had been removed, and in its place was
spread a supper of the most ingenious and costly descrip
tion. The crystal dishes were filled with sweetmeats of
all shapes and forms ; imitations of fountains flowing with
rose-water, of windmills, dryads, soldiers on horseback,
pleasure gardens, the planetary system, &c. Henry led
his sister twice round the table, to indulge her curiosity
with a sight of these wonders of confectionery art ; and
then, bowing a graceful adieu, they took their leave of the
company. Their departure was the signal for a general

170 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
scramble, and the high-born guests so far allowed their
acquisitiveness to get the better of their sense of decorum,
that in their struggles for the plunder, the table itself was
broken down, and every atom, not only of the supper, but
of the costly ware in which it was served, even to the
very water-bottles, was taken away.1
The next public appearance of the princess was at the
state ceremonials when her favourite brother was created
Prince of Wales. The princely procession came down the
river from Bichmond, and was met by the lord mayor and
the civic authorities in their barges ; and the king, queen,
the Duke of York, and Lady Elizabeth stood in the private
gallery of Whitehall to watch its progress.2 The queen
celebrated the event by a fete, entitled " Tethys' Festi
val, or the Queen's Wake," written by Samuel Daniel,
and performed by herself, her children, two gentlemen,
and the ladies of honour. The representation took place
in the banqueting room at Whitehall on the evening of
June 5th, 16 IO.3 As this was the first of these elegant
performances in which the princess took a part, it was to
her an important affair, and she studied her part with
great care.4 The queen personated the goddess of the
sea : Elizabeth was " the lovely nymph of the stately
Thames, the darling of the ocean ;" Lady Arabella Stuart,
nymph of the Trent; and other English rivers were
represented by the ladies of the court. The most inte
resting actor in the show was the little Prince Charles,
who, attired as a zephyr, and attended by twelve little
girls, as naiads, opened the ballet with a dance. The
performance went off brilliantly, but as its picturesque
details are already before the public,6 they will not be
1 Despatch of Noel de Caron, the Dutch ambassador, from the Tran
scripts of the Hague Records, presented by Lord Palmerston to the
British Museum, Addit. MS. 17,677, G. ff. 747, 767 ; Nichols, vol. ii.
p. 282. The cost -of this banquet was 673J. 0s. 9d. Domestic Records,
Feb, 9, 1610, State Paper Office.
2 Solemnity of Creating the Prince of Wales, 4to. Lond. 1610 ; arare
tract in the Grenville Library. 3 Nichols, vol. ii. p. 348.
' Elizabeth to Prince Henry, Harl. MS. 0986.
5 In Somers' Tracts, vol. ii. p. 191, Nichols' Progresses, vol. ii. p. 348,
and more recently in Miss Strickland's Life of Anne of Denmark,
Queens of England, vol. vii. p. 442. See also Stow, p. 990.

&

JAMES THE FIRST. 171
repeated here. A tilting followed on the next day, for
which Ben Johnson wrote a poem, containing, after
eulogies of the prince, the following sianza, addressed to
the king and queen,
" Nor shall less joy your regal hopes pursue
In that most princely maid, whose form might call
The world to war, and make it hazard all
Its valour for her beauty ; she shall be
Mother of nations, and her princes see
Rivals almost to these.'' '
At this time the king was building at Woolwich a large
man-of-war, 114 feet in length; and Elizabeth, whose
association with her martial brother Henry, led her to
take interest in all that gratified him, went down toWool-
wich with her train, to see the ship when in progress.
She was received at the house of its builder, Phineas Pett.
He was absent in London, the visit of the princess being
unexpected, but his wife entertained her to the best of her
power.2 When the vessel was completed the royal family
went down to Woolwich, intending to be on board at the
launch. The king and prince arrived in the morning of
the day : the queen, with the princess and the Duke of
York followed in the afternoon, when they went on board
amidst a flourish of trumpets and drums, and attended by
a long train of lords and ladies. Unfortunately, owing to
some mismanagement, the vessel stuck fast in the dock
gates, and the party were disappointed of the spectacle.
They withdrew to Greenwich Palace for the night ; and
the next day the prince alone returned, and was fortunate
enough to witness the launch.3
The princess soon afterwards went to Kew, whence her
careful guardian addressed the following letter to the trea
surer, the Earl of Salisbury : —
" I am bound to acquaint your lordship with what is happened. My
son, coming the last week from the prince, by the way took a cold, which
has held him these fourorfive days ; this morning somewhat appeareth
which gives us cause to suspect he may have the measles. Albeit none
of her grace's servants or those that attend her come near hiin, yet in
respect that this house is little, I have held it my duty to make this
known to your lordship, and to crave your opinion whether it be fit her
1 Gifford's Ben Johnson, vol. vii. p. 177-
2 Archaeologia, vol. xii. p. 258. 3 Nichols, vol. ii. p. 365.

172 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
grace be removed or not. We have no house near, whither to bring her
on this sudden, except to White Hall, where her lodging is always
furnished." l
The princess does not seem to have been removed, for
her brother, then absent on a hunting excursion, addresses
her in the following sprightly letter :—
" That you are displeased to be left in solitude, I can well believe ;
for you damsels and women are sociable creatures ; but you know that
those who love each other best cannot always be glued together ; and
if I have gone from you to make war on hares, as you suppose, I would.
you should know that it is not less honourable to combat against hares
than conies, and yet it is well authenticated, by the experience of out
age, that this latter is a royal game. But this' north wind, preventing
us from our ordinary exercises, will blow us straight to London, in so
short a time that it is probable we may celebrate together the feast of
St. Mangiart and St. Pensard ; 2 to whom recommending you this next
Shrove Tuesday, " I am, &c." 3
In the summer of 1612, Prince Henry received from
his father the gift of the manor of Woodstock, and got up
a splendid entertainment to celebrate his possession. He
built a large summer-house of green boughs, in the park ;
and, after feasting the court for several days in this rural
dining-room, on the last day of the festivities his parents
and sister were his guests. Having himself sedulously
inspected the preparations, to see that all was in becoming
order, the prince led the king and queen to a table at the
upper end of the room, whilst he and his sister headed
another table, at which the nobility sat ; and mirth and
merriment were kept up till a, late hour.4
Amidst all the pomp and pageantry to which she was
occasionally introduced, the mental culture of the princess
was by no means neglected. The education of his children
was one of the points which King James had most at
heart : the little notes in Latin, French, or Italian, which
they were required frequently to address to him, gave
him fair opportunity of judging of their progress in those
languages i he also insisted on their attention to their music
and dancing, and bade them dance to each other's whist-
1 Domestic Papers, date March 5, 1610-11, State Paper Office.
2 Probably a pun upon Manger and Penser, intimating that they would
eat and think together.
3 Harleian MS. 7007, f. 38.
1 Cornwallis's Life of Prince Henry, p. 27.

JAMES THE FIRST. 173
ling or singing, when they could get no better music.1
The progress of his daughter in all these respects fulfilled
his warmest hopes ; she was not only accomplished but
literary. Several mementoes of her early love of books
exist. Amongst the Arundel papers is a beautiful MS.,
splendidly illuminated, a poem of Philip Alberic, addressed
to Henry VIL, seemingly the presentation copy, which
the princess gave to George, Lord Carew. On the last
page is her name, in her early hand, and below is
written : —
'' This book was given me, George Lord Carew, of Clopton, by the
Lady Elizabeth, daughter unto the most high and puissant monarch,
James, of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, &c. king, and with
her own fair hand she superscribed her name. — Mens. October 1608."
Among the Sloane MSS. is an album, containing
mottoes and signatures of the children of James I.,
written in 1609, all of which are strikingly characteristic.
Prince Henry's, in Latin, " Glory is the torch of an
honest mind." Prince Charles's " If you would conquer
all things, submit yourself to reason." Elizabeth's,
written in Italian, was " Honesty united to cheerfulness,
contents me, Elizabeth P." 2
The following entries from her account book have refe
rence to her studies : —
"Paid to Hazard, that keepeth her grace's virginals in tune, for his
stipend for the quarter ending at Christmas, 1612, 10s.
" Paid to Mr. Beauchamp that teacheth her grace to write, for gilt
paper, ink, vellum, skins, and paper books for her grace's service,29s. 8d.
" Paid to Mr. Lownes for the Book of Martyrs, a great Bible, and
divers other volumes of histories, by her highness specially appointed to
be provided, 28Z. 10s.
" To Mr. Tache that presented her grace with anagrams and verses, 40s." !
Amelia Sawyer, one of the first of English poetesses.
in point of date, dedicating her poems to the queen and
princess, thus alludes to the latter: —
" And she that is the pattern of all beauty,
The very model of your majesty,
Whose rarest parts enforceth love and duty,
The perfect pattern of all piety :
' Harl. MS. 6987, f. 24. 2 Nichols' Royal Autographs. .,
3 Lord Harrington's Accounts, ut supia.

174 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
O let my book by her fair eyes be blest,
In whose pure thoughts all innocency rests."
Henry Peacham, dedicating to her his " Minerva Bri-
tannica ; or, Garden of Heroical Devices," addresses her
as — " Fair princess, great, religious, modest, wise,
By birth, by zeal, behaviour, judgment, sound,
By whose fair arm, my muse did first arise,
That crept before, full lowly on the ground,
And durst not yet from her dark shade aspire,
Till thou, sweet sun, didst help to raise her higher. #
" Thus since by thee she hath her life and sap,
And finds her growth by thy dear cherishment,
In thy fair eye consists her future hap,
Here write her fate, her date, her banishment,
Or may she that day-lasting lily be
Or soli-sequium,1 e'er to follow thee."2
Elizabeth was now springing up to womanhood, and her
fame spread far and wide, as the most " deserving young
lady of the age."3 As might be expected, she had
suitors in abundance ; and of these, some were closely in
volved in her future destiny. Among the earliest, was Gus
tavus Adolphus, then prince, afterwards King of Sweden,
who fought and fell in her cause at the battle of Lutzen.
His father instructed his ambassadors in England
" To make offer of the prince his son to the Lady Elizabeth's grace,
as a lady of whose inward and outward virtues, besides her eminent
birth, he had heard so great report, as he did much affect such an
alliance ; towards which he would so enable his son every wav, as it
should appear to his majesty, that he was not only willing to offer that
which was to him of greatest price, — which was his first-born son, — but
to part with such a portion of his fortune, as his majesty and all her
grace's friends should find he held nothing too dear to compass such a
marriage."4 The proposal, so courteously worded, was negatived on
the ground of the enmity subsisting between the powers
of Sweden and Denmark ; — the latter sovereign, Christian
IV., being the brother-in-law of King James, and in close
alliance with him, he was unwilling to marry his daughter
1 The sun-flower, continually following the sun.
2 See also the Dedicatory Stanzas to Heywood's Epithalamium, pub
lished by the Percy Society.
3 Carte's England, vol. iv. p. 814.
4 Denmark Correspondence, vol. iii. State Paper Office.

JAMES THE FIRST. 175
to a prince at war with her uncle ; and also he expressed
reluctance to have her removed so far away from him.
Thus was thwarted an alliance which would have placed
Elizabeth on the first Protestant throne in Europe, and
would have given her a husband whose genius and cha
racter so strongly resembled her own. It were curious to
speculate on the destinies of Europe, in the seventeenth
century, had two such spirits blended their energies.
Next on the list of suitors came Elizabeth's cousin,
Frederic Ulric, Duke of Brunswick, who visited England
in the spring of 1610, to seek her hand, but though hopes
of the alliance were cherished for some time by the Bruns
wick family,1 his suit was without success.2 Prince
Maurice of Nassau next proposed for her, but his position
was considered too uncertain and too inferior to her own.3
The offers of two of the Howard family, Henry, Earl of
Northampton, and Theophilus, Lord Howard of Walden,
were dismissed summarily ; — Prince Henry regarding with
disdain the idea of a connection between his sister and a
mere subject.4 The spring of 1611 brought over on the
same errand Otho, hereditary Prince of Hesse.5 But at
that time proposals, more formal than had yet been made,
arrived from the Duke of Savoy, on behalf of his son and
heir, Victor Amadeus : they included a further marriage,
to be inseparably associated. with the first, viz., — that of
the Princess of Savoy with the Prince of Wales. On
behalf of Elizabeth, the question of the free exercise of
her religion was first mooted ; and the ambassador, object-
1 On July 25th, 1611, Lake thus wrote to Salisbury : — " I have, since
his majesty being here, received new direction for the letter to the
Duchess of Brunswick, which is to answer to a question moved by her,
whether his majesty were free concerning the Lady Elizabeth ; and to
say that his highness cannot deny but that some overtures have been
made to him, and his highness hath thereto given such answer as, if the
fault be not in them more than in himself, he is to proceed, and so
intendeth ; for the other point of consanguinity, not to touch it, but
only to say that his majesty hath given order to the prince to say some
other matter to her concerning the same motion."— Domestic Records,
State Paper Office.
2 Winwood's Memorials, vol. iii. p. 144.
3 Boderie, Ambassades, vol. iv. p. 283, Oct. 7, 1610.
1 Sir Simonds d'Ewes' Journal, Hail. MS. 375, f 16.
1 Nichols, vol. ii. p. 424.

176 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
ing to it, was plainly told that the king would never
abandon the point, — no, not even to make his daughter a
queen.1 King James took the opinion of his counsellors
on the match ; among the rest, that of Sir Walter Baleigh,
who expressed his views in writing.
" But let us now," he says, after some preliminary remarks, "some
what amongst these other respects, enter into the due consideration of
the person of this excellent young princess, the only daughter of our
sovereign, the dear beloved sister of our prince, and one of the precious
jewels of this kingdom. Let us, I say, but indifferently examine what
increase of honour and dignity, or what great comfort and contentment,
she can expect or hope for by the benefit of this match.
" For the first, to wit, honour and dignity, as she is born the eldest, and
now only daughter of one of the mightiest kings of Christendom, so is she
thereby of higher place and state than the wife of a duke of Savoy2 *
* * * and by nature and education endued with such princely per
fections, to be reputed a worthy spouse for the greatest monarch of
Christendom ; especially considering the possibilities of the daughters of
England; whereof we have had many precedents, and at this time is
happily manifested by the king's majesty, our sovereign, being descended
of a daughter of England." " Now to confer the possibilities of such a
fortune upon a poor popish duke of Savoy, that can return no recom
pense nor benefit to this, were greatly for his glory, though little for the
advancement of this noble princess." "For the second, namely, the
comfort and contentment of this worthy young lady by this match, as
there is little in appearance presently, so is there less to be hoped for in
the future, for, as first she must be removed from her native soil, far
from her nearest blood both by father and mother, into a country as
much estranged from ours 2 * * * and what true correspondence
and matrimonial affection there can be maintained between those per
sons whose minds are different and opposite in the religious points of
their Christian faith, is greatly to be doubted."
Baleigh's sentiments in reference to the princess were
echoed in other quarters, and it is interesting to see how
the royal counsellors kindle into enthusiasm, when mention
ing the gracious daughter of their sovereign. It is not often
that state diplomatists speak of a young girl of fourteen in
such terms of spontaneous eulogy. Lord Northampton,
writing to the Earl of Bochester, alludes to her as "the
best and most virtuous young lady that since the conquest
hath been sent from hence;" and again, "a lady for her
virtues worthy of more than the world can assign to her."3
1 Salisbury to Winwood, Winwood Memorials, vol. ii. p. 271.
2 Tbe paper is here burnt at the edges.
s Domestic Papers, August 8 and 27, 1612, State Paper Office. Lord

JAMES THE FIRST. 177
The Savoyard prince was so sanguine of the success of
his wooing, that he offered to come over to England and
fetch home his bride.1 But the sudden death of the Queen
of Spain changed the current of affairs ; the Spanish
monarch had hitherto forwarded the suit of the Prince
of Savoy, who was his nephew; but being now left a
widower, he began himself to entertain inclinations for
the fair daughter of England. Three weeeks after the
queen's death, Sir John Digby, the resident ambassador
in Spain, writes : — " The bruit of the inclination here for
this king's demanding my Lady Elizabeth increaseth, but
I write it to your lordship for no other than a rumour."2
Don Alonzo de Velasco, the Spanish ambassador in
England, was ordered to throw out a feeler on the sub
ject. He found a warm advocate of the match in the
royal family. Anne of Denmark, the mother of Eliza
beth, was a lady of domineering mind, a Boman Catholic
at heart, and therefore greatly devoted to the interests of
Spain.3 The resident ambassador of that country pos
sessed much of her confidence : she had even ventured
privately to attend worship at his house, and to receive
the sacrament according to the rites of the Bomish church;
a proceeding which brought on her a storm of reproof from
her husband, who declared that such a step, were it known,

Conway, writing from Holland to Mr. Adam Newton, Prince Henry's
tutor, says, — referring to some details of news— "The most quick and
important point of all is the overture of a marriage for the blessed Lady
Elizabeth, with the Prince of Savoy; the very treaty of that would
shake France, these Low Countries, and the Protestants of Germany.
I do long very much to hear how it is propounded, recommended, or
hearkened unto. There will not want plausible arguments, and such as
may sound admirably to the honour of our nation, and the particular
honour and noble humour of our master ; but there must be more than
private affection : faith and duty to our master makes me say to you, in
confidence, that nothing of greater consequence can be propounded
than about the match of that blessed and gracious lady ; nor can there
rise from any place more doubtful and considerable points than from
such an alliance with Spain."— Ilarl. MS. 7002,/. 74, April 7, 1611.
J Chamberlain to Carlton, Nov. 20, 1611, Domestic Records, State
Paper Office.
2 Spanish Correspondence, Dec. 13, 1611, State Paper Office.
3 Muncke to Winwood, Oct. 29, 1605, Winwood Memorials, vol. ii.
p. 155.VOL. V. N

178 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
might cost her her crown.1 Queen Anne was so anxious
to see her daughter Queen of Spain, that she even threw
out hints of the possibility of Elizabeth's changing her reli
gion. Encouraged by the royal mother, Don Alonzo went
beyond his instructions in the business ; and the repors
which, by means of his despatches, were spread abroad in
Spain, greatly moved the indignation of Digby, who thus
details the remarks of some of the Spanish grandees :2—
" They have proceeded so far with me, as to tell me they here had
already received assurance that, to match with the King of Spain, the
princess of England would become a Catholic ; which opinion is here so
spread, and every man seeineth to speak it so knowingly, that I have
been forced, — for the king's honour, — to use so plain and direct speech
as I should otherwise have thought more fit to be omitted. For I have
told most of the ambassadors here, and likewise divers principal men
that have urged me herein, that the speech of the Lady Elizabeth's
altering her religion for to be queen of Spain, was a false and injurious
report, raised by themselves ; and that, though the King of Spain were
a great monarch, yet were he much greater than what he is, the King
and Princess of England would much scorn to have a match made with
them on those conditions ; and that if the King of Spain should have a
mind that way, the King of England would think his daughter well
worth the seeking ; for that I durst confidently say, there should never
be offer made to him of her, nor the king obtain her, (if he should seek
her), but upon very worthy and honourable conditions. As for the
speech of my Lady Elizabeth's being a Catholic, I know that hath chiefly
risen from letters sent by Don Alonso, who hath almost in plain terms
written as much."
" From Spain, and all other parts but Great Britain," writes Lord
Conway, then in Holland, " opinion is moved that the King of Spain
will pursue strongly the marriage of our blessed princess. From
hence they discourse that although the King of Spain cannot, in the
world, find so great a blessing in a woman, and that it would serve him
to do his affairs admirably, yet it is hardly to be believed that the most
Catholic king, — the fair child of the pope, and the dear sovereign and
1 These details are contained in a curious Latin letter from the
queen's spiritual attendant, preserved in Colbert MS. 6051, Paris.
2 Digby's Despatch, Jan. 4, 1612, Spanish Correspondence, State
Paper Office. These movements completed the discomfiture of the
Duke of Savoy. Chamberlain writes to Carlton, Dec. 31, 1611. "The
ambassador of Savoy dined with the king on Sunday, and, I think, took
his leave. I hear he had but a complimental answer, that the king
would advise of the matter, and send one hereafter to the duke, with
his resolution. The ambassador, they say, hath been much out of taste,
and given out that if he thought the Palatine of the Rhine should be
put in balance with his master, he would depart without taking leave."
— Domestic Records, Slate Paper Office.

JAMES THE FIRST. 179
humble subject of the Jesuits, — will ever marry with one by their
church counted an heretic." '
Objections were discussed as to his Spanish majesty's
religion, age, and position. The favourers of the match
argued that a man who had given proof of conjugal love
and fidelity towards an unattractive wife, would not fail
in devotion to one so young and charming2. Though the
decorum of widowhoood did not as yet allow of public
overtures, an ambassador extraordinary, Don Pedro de
Zuniga, was sent to England, avowedly to communicate
to the English king the tidings of other matrimonial
alliances between Spain and France, but with a private
commission to ascertain, first, whether the princess were
still disengaged, and then, whether there were any chance
of her changing her religion. If satisfied on both these
points, he was to make the proposal of marriage.
King James was not indifferent to the brilliant advan
tages held out by the Spanish connection, and therefore
the arrival of the ambassador, whose errand had already
got wind, was expected with some eagerness. On Sunday,
July 19th, Don Pedro dined with the royal family at
Theobalds.3 At his public audience, which took place the
latter end of July, 1612, the ambassador presented his
credentials, and discharged his formal commission ; when
the king, instead of dismissing him, retired with him into
the gallery, and asked if he had any further message to
deliver. The ambassador — not having yet been able to
ascertain the truth, in reference to the points upon which
his advances were to be grounded — said he had none.
The king, rather surprised, reiterated the inquiry, and
received a second negative ; the ambassador, however,
requested permission to remain in England a little longer,
giving as a rea^n, the excessive heat, which rendered
travelling inconvenient. The king, after dismissing him,
flew into a violent passion, and declared the fellow must
have had orders to broach the subject, otherwise he would
1 Hail. MS. 7002, f. 178, date Feb. 14, 1612. Digby says the rumours
were so current that the Lisbon merchants had sent to offer him a bribe
of 40,000 ducats, if he would procure the lauding of the princess in their
city. — Portugal Correspondence, Feb.24, 1611, Slate Paper Office.
* Dalrymple Letters, temp. James I. 8vo. Glasgow, pp.32, 34.
' Domestic Records, July 23, 1612, State Paper Office.
n2

180 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
not have wished to stay in England ; some of his council
hinted the probability of a hope, on the part of the
Spaniard, to convert the princess, but he swore that his
daughter should never go out of his kingdom a Papist.
The Archbishop of Canterbury at length succeeded in
soothing the angry monarch, promising to keep a strict
watch over the Spaniard's movements. Don Pedro inti
mated, in his home despatches, that the princess herself
favoured his- cause, but the surmise is unfounded : and
is strongly contradicted by less suspicious authorities.
" The prince," wrote the ambassador, " hath publicly said
that whosoever should counsel his father to marry his
sister to a Catholic prince, were a traitor, and that it
cannot be but to kill him and his brother, and make the
succession theirs ; he is a great heretic I" ' The Earl of
Salisbury, then a leading member of the council, per
suaded the king at once to abandon all thoughts of the
Spanish alliance, and put himself at the head of the
Protestant party ; and, as an important step, to marry his
daughter to a prince who had long been a suitor for her
hand, and who from his position was regarded as the
future head of the Protestant interests in Germany;
Frederic V., Count Palatine of the Bhine.2
This young prince was of the same age as the lady Eliza
beth, and, like her, well versed in general literature and
knowledge of languages, but his education had been rather
that of the gentleman than of the prince, and had not suffi
ciently prepared him for the prominent position which, as
a ruler, he was in future to hold.3 His mother, Louise
Juliane, a princess of the house of Nassau, was a woman
whose personal character comes down to us as that of a
judicious and true-hearted wife and mother,4 almost un-
tinged by the faults and follies of frail humanity. Much
of Frederic's early life was spent with tbe celebrated Duke
1 Zuniga to the King of Spain, August 1, 1612. Digby to James I.
October 30, 1613. Spanish Correspondence, State Paper Office.
2 Ibid.
1 Soltl, Religion's Krieg in Deutschland, 12 Hamburg, 1840, vol. i.
p. 50.
4 The life of this lady was subsequently written by Spanheim, at the
request of Elizabeth, and dedicated to her. It is a curious fact, that
the Emperor Rodolph II. made love to her, sent her a splendid jewel,

JAMES THE FIRST. 181
of Bouillon, who, being disgraced by Henry IV., had
retired to Sedan and married Elizabeth of Nassau, sister
of the Electress. The excellent discipline to which he was
subjected by this eminent man was equally valuable for
his physical, mental, and moral training.1
In 1610 the prince had the misfortune to lose his
father, Frederic IV., and a long dispute arose as to the
regency between the Dukes of Neuburg and Deux-
ponts. The former, according to custom and precedent,
would have had the right of administration during the
minority of young Frederic, but being a Lutheran, he
had refused to pledge himself to maintain the Calvinist
religion in the Palatinate ; the elector Frederic had, there
fore, appointed Deuxponts governor, and, after long con
tentions, his nomination was assented to.2 Soon after the
decease of his father, Frederic returned from Sedan to
Heidelberg, the capital of his dominions,3 and was almost
immediately seized with small-pox, from which he nar
rowly escaped with his life.4 Upon his recovery, the
Duke of Bouillon, who showed the warmest interest in
the welfare of his nephew, conceived the idea of uniting
him in marriage to Elizabeth of England. In February,
1611, after some preliminary steps, he sent over, for the
information of James I., a memorial detailing with pre
cision the present situation and future prospects of his
ward. The description of his personal appearance speci
fies that the form of his body is perfect, his countenance
agreeable, and complexion dark; that he is skilful in
bodily exercises, particularly in riding on horseback ;
well trained in piety and morality, forward in the Latin
language, and speaks French very well ; that several
and professed a strong desire to marry her, but he died a few months
afterwards. — Winwood to Salisbury, Dec. 21, 1611. Holland Corresp.
1 Life of Louise, Electress Palatine, p. 12.
2 German Corresp. Sept. 27, 1610. Ancient Royal Letters, Germ.
vol. vi. p. 264 ; vol. vii. p. 1612. French Corresp. Sep. 20, 1010, State
Paper Office. Schannat, Hist. Maison Pal. p. 113.
3 Instructions to M. de Bouillon to take the new Elector Palatine to
Heidelberg, Oct. 1610, Addit. MS. 5458. Winwood'!, Memorials,
p. 225. He was present at the funeral of his father, Oct. 17th.
Mercure Fram-ais, 1610, p. 34.
* See a touching letter from the Electress dowager to Du Plessis,
Nov. 13, 1610, Du Plessis, Lettres, vol. ii. p. 265.

182 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
houses have already been built for him, and that for the
pleasures of the chase, he possesses " some of the prettiest
little places that can be seen ; that at the age of eighteen,
he will be free from tutelage, and first Elector of the holy
empire; that as to his relatives, he has a brother and
three sisters ; and the brother, by his father's will, holds
'a domain in the low Palatinate, consisting of several small
places, worth about 100,000 florins."
The overtures of the duke were made with caution.
His sagacity foresaw that discrepancy of rank might be
an obstacle to the domestic comfort of the youthful couple,
if united, and that much must depend upon the gentleness
and accommodating temper of the princess. Accordingly,
when on a visit to Paris, in September, 1611, he made
inquiries on the subject from Sir Thomas Edmondes, the
English envoy, who was on terms of familiarity with the
princess.1 Edmondes thus relates their interview: —
" But withal he was very curious to know of me whether I did
think that my Lady Elizabeth would be content to reduce herself to live
according to the fashions of that country ; for that, as that state did
very much desire the advancement of that match, so they did also
mnch apprehend how she would conform herself in the aforesaid point ;
doubting that, by reason of her great birth, she would introduce the
customs of her own education, which would be of too high a flight for
their usance to permit."2
Edmondes inquired in what particular it was feared she
would be too high-flown in her notions, and the duke
mentioned particularly the number of her train, which
they hoped would not exceed the proportion allowed to
duchesses in former times, as in Germany they were
" strict and formal in their customs." 3 The duke alsoil
expressed his hope that, should the marriage be agreed
upon, the princess might at once come to Germany,
" the sooner to fashion her to the use and customs of that
place : in the discreet framing her whereunto, she should
be very happily assisted by a mother-in-law, whom he
1 Lord Harrington's accounts mention a payment of 15/. for two pairs
of gloves, sent by Elizabeth to Sir Thomas Edmondes and his lady, in
compliance with their request.
2 Edmondes to Salisbury, Sep. 20, 1611, French Corresp. State
Paper Office.
3 Ibid. February 26, 1611-12.

JAMES THE FIRST. 183
commended to be one of the most wise and virtuous
women of Christendom." Assurances were given, in re
ply, that the king would be no less solicitous to create in
the mind of his daughter impressions suitable to her
future position, than he would be to provide her with a
becoming outfit ; and that " the duke may assume thus
much, both in his majesty's own behalf and the princess's,
that since the first speech and overture from that side,
his majesty hath kept her from so much as once hearing
the style of love."1
Thus reassured, Bouillon enlisted tbe services of the
King of Denmark, uncle to Elizabeth, in favour of the
match ; and it was forwarded with as much despatch as
could be expected in a government whose constitutional
tardiness was enhanced by the fact, that the three tutors
of the young prince — Count Maurice, and Prince John of
Nassau, and tbe Prince of Anhalt — had to be consulted
in every step. The Electress Mother was much in earnest.
" To speak freely," she writes to the Duke of Bouillon,
" all that I fear is, that our delays will make us lose this
lovely princess, and that, while we amuse ourselves with
forming resolutions, Savoy will carry her off." 2 These
fears were not groundless. The excessive caution of
Bouillon to ascertain, before asking the princess's hand,
that his pupil would not be mortified by a refusal, was
annoying to King James ; who intimated that in another
quarter his daughter had been sought in nobler sort, and
that he should not feel obliged to keep her disengaged,
unless she were formally wooed.3
In the beginning of April, 1612, the affair was discussed
at an assembly of the Protestant princes of Germany, in
presence of Sir Bobert Winwood, ambassador from Eng
land ; and Philip, Count of Anhalt, was deputed to pro
ceed to England, and settle the matter at once.4 At this
juncture the Duke of Bouillon, who, on the death of
1 Edmondes to Salisbury, ut sup.
- French Corresp. June, 1611, State Paper Office.
3 Edmondes' Despatch, Nov. 20, 1611. Williamson's Papers, Miscel.
No.45, State Paper Office.
4 Mercure Francais, 1612, p. 581 b. Hari. MS. 7002, f. 196, Life of
Louisa Juliane, p. 13.

184 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Henry IV., had been restored to favour at the French
court, accepted a mission from the queen-regent of France,
to visit England on state business,1 and he availed himself
of the opportunity to press earnestly the Palatine alliance.
On the 16th of May, 1612, in the presence of Bouillon,
the marriage articles were drawn up. They stipulated
that 40,000/. should be assigned as a portion with the
princess, to be paid within two years of her marriage,
whilst the Elector settled on her a dowry of 10,000/. a
year, in case of her surviving him, and for the present
1500/. a year for her minor expenses; he engaging to
provide for her household expenses, and to pay and clothe
her retinue of servants, consisting of thirty- six men and
thirteen women, all to be brought from England, and of
her own appointment. She was to be conducted at her
father's expense to the town of Bacharach on the Bhine,
and then to travel to her new home at the cost of the
Elector.2 There was also a private arrangement, that
as the princess was to receive but a small marriage-
portion, no more being usually asked with an Electress
Palatine, the king should allow her an annual pension, to
enable her to live in a style more consistent with her rank.'3
The several points connected with the treaty, which still
required to be more definitely settled, gave ample employ
ment for six months, to nine English counsellors, at the
head of whom was Henry Earl of Northampton, and to
six German diplomatists, of whom the principal was John
Count Solms, prefect of the Palatinate. They agreed, first,
that the portion of the princess should be paid within two
years, at the rate of 10,000/. each half year ; that for secu
rity of her dower, her procurators should be put in posses
sion of Neustadt, Germersheim, Oppenheim, and other
towns of the Palatinate — that suitable residences, fitted up
in a princely manner, should be assigned to her at Frank-
enthal, and Fridelsbeim ; that she should have her own
chaplain, and be allowed to worship according to the rites
and liturgies of the church of England ; that in case of
1 His credentials were dated April ^J. French Corresp.
2 Bethune MS. 0688, f. 104. Lausdowne MS. 160, f. 129. Fcedera,
vol. vii. pt. 2. p. 183.
3 French Corresp. April, 1612, State Paper Office.

JAMES THE FIRST. 185
surviving her husband, she should have free enjoyment of
her dower, and be permitted to reside where she pleased ;
and that none of the issue of the union should be disposed of
in marriage without consent of the King of England.1 On
one point only did Elizabeth interfere with the arrange
ments. Her lawyers remonstrated against the custom,
usual in Germany, of paying part of her revenues in pro
duce, and requested that all should be paid in money, but
Elizabeth declared that she preferred not to alter the
ancient usages of the country, as she should thus be more
likely to win for herself the attachment of her future
subjects.2 A friendly correspondence now began between the
Prince Palatine and his future relatives.3 He made his
first entree into public life in June, 1612, when he went to
Frankfort to attend the election of an emperor ;4 although
not having attained his majority, he was unable to vote,
and the Duke of Deuxponts took his place. He wrote to
Prince Henry, informing him that the plurality of votes
had raised Matthias, King of Hungary, to the imperial
dignity.6 In July he sent Colonel Meinhard de Schom
berg, his maitre cThdtel and factotum man of business, to
1 Cotton. MS. Vitellius. C.xi.f. 368. Hari. MS. 5112, f. 119. Ash-
mole MS. 8424, f. 109. Lansdowne MS. 160, f. 124. Ceremonie, ii.
f. 143, College of Arms MSS. Fcedera, vol. vii. pp. 184-6, Date
Nov. 17, 1612 ; confirmed by John, Administrator, and Louise Juliane,
Electress, Dec. 8th, and by Frederic himself, Dec. 20th.
2 Lansdowne MS. 160, f. 147.
3 The Hail. MS. 7007 contains several letters from him to Prince
Henry, between March and October, 1612, and two from his mother to
tlie king, all complimental ; there are also drafts of several letters from
the prince to the young Elector, ff. 140, 145, 147, 166, 17U 176, 199.
* Life of Louise Juliane, p. 12.
s Harl. MS. 7008, f. 100. John Donne, the poet, was present at this
election, as a secretary, and mentioning his purpose lo return by way
of Heidelberg, he writes—" I go there with a great deal of devotion,
for methinks it is a new kind of piety that, as pilgrims went heretofore
to places which had been holy and happy, so I go to a place now which
shall be so, by the presence of the « orthiest princess in the world, if
that marriage proceed. I have no greater errand to the place than
that, at iny return into England, I may be the fitter to stand in her
presence ; and that, after I have seen such a rich and abundant country
in its best seasons, 1 may see that sun which shall always keep it in
that height." — Donne's Works, by Alford, vol. vi. p. 335.

186 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
request permission from the king for him to visit England
at once. The envoy was well received, and ordered to
assure his master that he should be welcome.1 Thus en
couraged, Frederic ventured next to address a letter to
his lady-love ; but Schomberg, who was commissioned to
deliver it, by a clumsy mistake, gave to Prince Henry
the letter designed for the princess, and favoured her only
with that addressed to her brother. Schomberg was much
disappointed in not gaining an interview with the queen,
who delayed his audience so long, that he was obliged to
retire in discontent, without having seen her.2 In fact,
Queen Anne was greatly mortified to see her daughter
engaged to any other than the King of Spain ; and vented
her spleen by nick-naming her "goody Palsgrave," and
by constantly throwing out aspersions against her future
son-in-law. The princess, however, would retort upon
her mother with much spirit, assuring her that she had
rather be the wife of the Palsgrave than the greatest
Popish queen in Christendom.3 A contemporary poet
writes : —
" How oft would she unto her mother queen,
Sweetly commend this prince's pedigree :
How oft would she have blushing ready been
To tell the titles of his emperie,
His manners now, then his godly youth relating,
And then his hopes of age prognosticating." 4
It is a curious fact, and hitherto unnoticed, that even
at this period, according to the testimony of Alonzo de
Velasco, the Spanish ambassador in England, King James
rebutted any reflection upon the inferior rank of the Pala
tine prince, with the assertion, " that he doubted not but
that his son-in-law should have the title of a king within
a few years." The ambassador
" procured to leam, whereupon this his speech might be grounded,
and findeth it to be in respect of the crown of Bohemia, because
they pretend it to be elective, and that the Palatine hath great in
telligence there, (by reason of the emperor's absence and abode in
Vienna,) and he heareth that France secretly furthereth and helpeth that
1 Court and Times of James I. 8vo, Lond. 1848, vol. i. p. 189.
3 Ibid. p. 192. Chamberlain to Carleton, Aug 11, 1612.
3 Coke's Detection of Court and State, vol. i. p. 73.
' Johannes Maria, nuptial hymn, ut supra.

JAMES THE FIRST. 187
negociation, the which the said Don Alonzo holdeth as a thing almost
impossible, considering in what case matters now stand, though the very
private and often conference of the French ambassador with those that
have the government of the Count Palatine may justly give cause of
suspicion." ]
This remark is singular, when taken in connection with
the future destinies of Frederic and Elizabeth.
At this juncture of the negociation Elizabeth was
addressed in the following charming stanzas by the poet,
George Withers, on his presenting to her a copy of his
satires: — 2
Sweet Princess, though my muse sing not the glories
Of fair adventurous knights', or ladies' loves ;
Though here be no encomiastic stories,
That tender hearts to gentle pity moves ;
Yet in an honest, homely, rustic strain
She limns such creatures as may you ne'er know.
Forgive her, though she be severe or plain :
Truth, that may warrant it, commanded so.
Yea, view it over with belief ; but then
I am afraid you will abhor a man.
And yet you need not ; all deserve not blame,
For that great prince, that wooeth to be yours,
(If that his worth but equalize his fame)
Is free from any satire here of ours.
Nay, they shall praise him, for though they have whips,
To make the wicked their oifences rue,
And dare to scourge the greatest, when he trips,
Virtue shall still be certain of her due.
But for your sake (if that you entertain him),
Oh ! would he were a man as I could feign him !
Yet, sweet Elizabeth, that happy name,
If we lost nothing else by losing thee —
So dear to England is, we are to blame,
If without tears and sighs we parted be ;
But if thou must make blest another clime,
Remember ours, and for that though I use
A crabbed subject and a churlish rhyme,
Deign but to be the mistress of my muse,
And I'll change themes, and in a lofty style
Keep thee alive for ever in this isle."
In the month of September, Prince Frederick began in
good earnest, to prepare for his visit to England. His
tutor wrote an amusing letter to the Duke of Wurtem-
1 Advertisements sent to Spain by Velasco. Spanish Corresp. April
29, 1613. 3 12 Lond- 1G12-

188 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
berg, begging the loan for a month, of the dancing-master
of Tubingen, then at his court ; in order that the prince,
before he set out, might rub up what he had learned of
this courtly accomplishment.1 On the 17th he quitted
Heidelberg, was received at Cologne by the Elector of
Brandenburg and Duke of Neuburg, and splendidly wel
comed at the Hague, by the States General, who presented
him with a purse of 16,000 guilders. He then visited
Leyden, Haarlem, and Amsterdam, and after being de
tained some time by contrary winds,2 set sail,3 attended
by his uncle, Prince Henry of Nassau, Count Solms his
great chamberlain, Schomberg his maitre d'hote], seven
privy councillors, six earls, and a train of about 150
followers ; having much reduced the suite originally pro
posed, because of the probable length of his stay in
England. Their liveries and equipments were new, and
more rich than was customary with the princes of Ger
many.4 The prince's fleet consisted of eight vessels;
but they encountered such severe storms, and were so
much injured in the passage, that they were compelled to
put back ; and three English ships, with several of the
nobility on board, were sent out to conduct the prince to
England. He landed at Gravesend, on Friday, the 16th
-of the month, at eleven p.m., and was welcomed by Sir
Lewis Lewknor, master of the ceremonies.5
The following day, Lord Hay came to greet him on
the part of the king, and on Sunday, the 18th, the Duke
of Lenox, attended by several of the nobility, arrived to
congratulate him and accompany him to court. The
prince had not expected to reach London till the Monday,
and he merrily replied that, but to show his obedience,
1 Cooper's Appendix MSS. Churpfalz, Fasoikel n. No. 8, in the
royal library at Stuttgard. In the same receptacle are numerous letters
to the Duke of Wirtemberg from John, Duke of Deuxponts, and
Frederic himself, about the time of his marriage.
8 The Spanish ambassador professed to think that King James
detained the prince in Holland, with an expiring hope that at the last
moment the King of Spain might make definite proposals ! — Digby to
James I. Oct. 30, 1613, Spanish Corresp. State Paper Office.
8 Hilldrandt .von Wouw, Nederlandsche Curonik, fol. Hague, 1636,
vol. ii. p. 329.
* Finetti Philoxenis, p. 2. s Baker's Chron. fol. Lond. 1731).

JAMES THE FIRST. 189
he would have excused himself from appearing publicly,
before that day, because his wardrobe had not yet arrived,
and he was loath to be first introduced to his lady-love,
whom he ought only to see in gallant attire, whilst still
wearing his travelling dress.1 His scruples were met by
assurances that he would be received by the royal family,
not as a stranger-guest, but as one of themselves.2 The
party set out at once by water, in twenty-four barks;
when they reached the Tower, between four and five in the
evening, the report of eighty pieces of ordnance gave notice
of the prince's arrival, and the river was speedily covered
with boats and barges of every description, crowded with
citizens eager to catch a glimpse of him, whilst the loud
acclamations of the people who thronged the banks testified
their Welcome of the suitor of their beloved princess.
Though the wind blew cold and raw, Frederic opened the
windows of his bark and showed himself to the gratified
multitudes. The prince passed swiftly on to Whitehall,
where, in the banqueting-room, the whole of the royal
family awaited him. Prince Charles, attended by nume
rous lords and officers, met him at the water-gate, and
conducted him, through avenues thronged with cordial
well-wishers, into the royal presence. The king advanced
three steps from his chair of state to meet him, and em
braced him.
" His approach, gesture, and countenance," writes an eyewitness,
" were seasoned with a well-becoming confidence ; and bending himself,
with a due reverence, before the king, he told him, among other com
pliments, that in his sight and presence, he enjoyed a great part,
(reserving, it should seem, the greatest for his mistress), of the end and
happiness of his journey."
The prince spoke in French, and so low that the rest of
his "compliments" were heard only by the king, who
answered ; — " Say no more about it ; suffice it that I am
1 Nichols's Progresses, vol. ii. p. 463.
2 Beschreibung des Reiss, Heyraths, Heimfuhrung, &c. Fried, und
Eliz., 4 Heidelb. 1613, p. 12. This German tract, evidently by an eye
witness, contains a full and ample detail of the journey to England,
residence there, and return home of Prince Frederic. It is a rare book,
but there are two copies in the British Museum, in one of which the
plates, which are numerous, are coloured.

190 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
anxious to testify to you by deeds that you are welcome."1
Frederic then turned to the queen.
"She entertained him with a fixed countenance, and though her
posture might have seemed (as was judged) to promise him the honour
of a kiss for his welcome, his humility carried hiin no higher than hor
hand. From which, after some few words of compliment made to the
prince, and exchanging with him, after a more familiar strain, certain
passages of courtesy, he ended (where his desires could not but begin)
with the princess, who was noted till then not to turn so much as a
comer of an eye towards him, and stooping to take up the lowest part
of her garment to kiss it, she most gracefully courtesying lower than
accustomed, and with her hand staying him from that humblest rever
ence, gave him, at his rising, a fair advantage (which he took) of kissing
her." '
Thus encouraged, the prince ventured to whisper in
his lady's ear a few words of loving compliment.2 His
graceful deportment, towards her in particular, was much
noted and commended ; though his first introduction,
in the midst of an assemblage so imposing, to the fair
creature who was to be the associate of his future career,
might well have excited awkward embarrassment. A
court gossip gives the following description of his ap
pearance : —
" To give you now a touch of his outward character, which may tell
you his inward, — he hath most happily deceived good men's doubts and
ill men's expectations, report of envy, malice, or weak judgment
having painted him in so ill colours, as the most here (especially our
ladies and gentlewomen, who held themselves not a little interested in
the handsome choice of her grace's husband,) prepared themselves to
to see that with sorrow, which they now apprehend with much
gladness. " He is straight and well-shaped for his growing years. His com
plexion is brown, with a countenance pleasing, and promising both wit,
courage, and judgment. He becomes himself well, and is very well
liked of all, unless of those that are now sony they did so honour him
as to discommend him. His picture I have sent you here enclosed ;
not so short of the life as of the sweetness of his countenance ; yet
such as (the largeness of his limbs excepted) may pass for no ill repre
sentation."8 King JaniCH was highly pleased with his chosen son-in-
law. He took him aside into his bed-chamber, and pre-
1 News Letter from Loudon, Nov. 25, 1012, Du Fuy MS. 648, f. 213,
Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.
2 Du Puy MS. ut sup. 3 Nichols, vol. ii. p. 462.

JAMES THE FIRST. 191
sented him with a ring valued at 1800/.1 Frederic then
handed to the king a letter from his mother, in which she
said : —
" As for me, I can assure your majesty that I shall die happy, when
I have had the honour of seeing so worthy a princess as your daughter
in this house, where she will receive all sorts of humble service, with
affection so sincere, that I feel assured your majesty will not repent of
having given her to us ; and thus, by her virtues, loaded this state with
the greatest honour and happiness which could ever accrue to it. " 2
At the close of the interview, Prince Frederic was con
ducted in state to Essex Hou.se, appointed for hi3 resi
dence ; 3 he had also apartments fitted up at Whitehall,
and at the prince's palace of St. James.4 The day follow
ing his state introduction, Frederic paid his first visit to
the princess, and was, of course, received by her with due
ceremony. She had removed, in October, from Kew to
Whitehall,5 where her apartments had been remodelled in
honour of his coming, and hung with fresh tapestries of
the history of Abel.6 In the evening he called upon her
more familiarly, and thenceforward sought her society
whenever it was practicable, seeming "to take delight in
nothing but her company and conversation."7 On Wed
nesday, the 21st, he attended divine service in company
with the king, and the next day received friendly visits in
his own apartments from the Prince of Wales and Prince
Charles,8 and also accompanied Elizabeth to Somerset
House. On the evening of Tuesday, at her invitation,
he attended a play, performed by her servants in the Cock
pit. He had a carte blanche to the royal table without
formality of invitation, and of this privilege he frequently
availed himself.
Very rarely does it occur, that those engaged to each
other by state policy are so happy as to find that their
affections coincide with their appointed destiny, and that
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, Sept. 22, 1612,
2 Ancient Royal Letters, Germany, vol. xi. f. 296, State Paper Office.
3 It had been repaired at an expense of 374/. and fresh carpets were
provided. — Account of Master of Works, 1612-13, Audit Office.
;' Nichols, vol. ii. p. 463, Finetti, Philox. p. 2.
1 Lord Harrington's Accounts.
« Acct. Master of Works, 1612-13. ' Nichols, ut sup.
" Beschreibung des Ileiss, &c. Fried, ut sup.

192 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
loving hearts and plighted hands can go together; yet
such was the good fortune of Frederic and Elizabeth.
With many sympathies of intellectual taste and religious
feeling, they at once and naturally fell into the position
allotted to them, and their intercourse soon became free
and unshackled, as is usual among lovers of less exalted
rank. On the 29th of October, Frederic accepted an invita
tion, given by the city of London, to a feast at Guildhall.1
Prince Henry, also, would have been present, but was
prevented by a severe attack of illness. His sister visited
him almost daily ; after the first week the symptoms be
came more favourable, and on the 1st of November he
was able to receive not only Elizabeth and her fiance, but
the king and queen, and they all left him with cheerful
hopes of his recovery.2 The improvement, however, was
very transitory, and the fever became so virulent that it
was considered unsafe for any to be with him, excepting
his own attendants. Elizabeth was in despair when for
bidden to approach the dying bed of her brother ; and her
distress was heightened by knowing that he perpetually
inquired for her, and seemed to pine for the solace of her
presence. More than once, she stole away in the evening,
in disguise, and flew to St. James's, but found it impos
sible to gain admittance through the ranks of attendants,
who were more anxious for her safety than her own agi
tation permitted her to be. " Where is my dear sister?"
were the last words of Prince Henry, uttered just before
he expired ; and one of his last actions was to bequeath to

1 After an exhibition in Cheapside of numerous pageants, the prince
and his company went to Guildhall, and " were there feasted and wel
comed by Sir John Swinnerton, the new-made lord mayor, and were
presented, towards the end of the dinner, in the name of the city, with a
fair standing cup, a curious basin and ewer, with two large silver pots,
weighing together 1,200 ounces, to tbe value of almost 500/. The
merchant adventurers had sent him a present of wine, the Saturday
before, to the value of 100 marks. He behaved himself very courteously
and in a very good fashion at the feast, and would needs go to see and
salute the lady mayoress and her train where she sat. The show was
somewhat extraordinary, with four or five pageants, and other devices."
— Nichols, vol. ii. p. 520.
2 Coinwallis's Life of Prince Henry, p. 53.

JAMES THE FIRST. 193
her a chain set with diamonds, and to her lover a chain
and tablet of diamonds.1
Prince Henry died on the 6th of November, 1612.
The whole nation mourned the loss of him who was justly
England's hope, but none more truly than his sister.
Their juvenile attachment had gathered strength with
their years ; and not only had the prince entered, with
the utmost zeal, into all the arrangements for doing
honour to his sister's approaching nuptials,2 but he had
even secretly planned with her to accompany her on her
way into Germany, as far as the limits of the States' domi
nions.3 His love for her led him to receive her future
husband with cordial regard, and to form at once a friendly
intimacy with him.
Almost all the effusions of sorrow poured forth on this
occasion, whether in prose or verse, contain allusions or
addresses to the princess and her future lord.4
The following beautiful and well known lines, composed
by Elizabeth, and presented to her tutor, Lord Harring
ton, seem to have been written whilst her heart was under
the chastening influence of this first great sorrow ; there
is a pathos about them, which could hardly belong to the
light-heartedness of girlhood : —
" This is joy, this is true pleasure, If we best things make our treasure,
And enjoy them at full leisure Evermore in richest measure.
" God is only excellent, Let up to him our love be sent ;
Whose desires are set or bent On aught else shall much repent.
" Theirs is a most wretched case Who themselves so far disgrace,
That they their affections place Upon things named vile and base.
1 Archseologia, vol. xv. p. 19. The King afterwards gave Elizabeth
a jewel of gold, garnished with twenty-seven diamonds, " whereof five
in the middle are very fair," and a chain of gold of Spanish work, which
had belonged to her brother ; also a crescent of diamonds to the Prince.
Palatine.— Addit. MS. 11400,/. 257.
2 Maitland Club Letters, Introduction, p. 39.
3 Nichols, vol.ii. p. 488. A contemporary letter intimates that one of
his designs in this journey was to look out a bride for himself, among
the German princesses.— Wake to Carlton, Dec. 19, 1612, Savoy corresp.
State Paper OfiSce.
4 See, amongst others, Sharp's Funeral Oration on the Prince of
Wales ; Chapman's Episode on Prince Henry, 4to, London, 1612.
Withers's Prince Henry's obsequies, 18, Lond., 1633 ; and J. Davies's
"Muse's tears forHhe loss of the Prince of Wales," 4to. Lond. 1613.
VOL. V. °

194 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
" Let us love of heaven receive, These are joys our hearts will heave
Higher than we can conceave, And shall us not fail nor leave.
" Earthly things do fade, decay, Constant to us not one day,
Suddenly they pass away — And we cannot make them stay.
" All the vast world doth contain To content man's heart, are vain,
That still justly will complain, And unsatisfied remain.
" God most holy, high, and great, Our delight doth make complete,
When in us he takes his seat, Only then we are replete.
" Why should vain joys us trans- Earthly pleasures are but short —
port?
And are mingled in such sort, Griefs are greater than the sport.
*******
" What care I for lofty place, If the Lord grant me his grace,
Shewing me his pleasant face, And with joy I end my race.
" This is only my desire, This doth set my heart on fire
That I might receive my lyre, With the saints' and angels' quire.
" 0 my soul of heavenly birth, Doe thou scorn this basest earth ;
Place not here thy joy and mirth, Where of bliss is greatest dearth,
" From below thy mind remove, And affect the things above;
Set thy heart and fix thy love, Where thou truest joys shall prove.
" If I do love things on high, Doubtless them enjoy shall I,
Earthly pleasures if I try They pursued faster fly.
* ******
" To me grace, O Father send, On thee wholly to depend,
That all may to thy glory tend ; So let me live, so let me end.
" Now to the true Eternal King, Not seen with human eye,
The ' immortal, only wise,' true Be praise perpetually." '
God,
The doleful tidings of the death of the Prince of Wales,
when officially announced to Frederic, were accompanied
by an assurance that, in the midst of his sorrow, the king
looked to his future son-in-law to fill the place in his heart,
left desolate by the death of Henry.2 In eager response
to a message thus lovingly conveyed, Frederic hastened to
the stricken monarch, and poured into his ear words of
consolation, chosen with propriety from the Holy Book,
inspired by Him who is emphatically the Comforter ; and
with so much tenderness and skill endeavoured to soothe
his wounded spirit, that the king was surprised and
affected.3 He then hastened to the side of his beloved
1 Harrington's Nugse Antiquse, vol. ii. p. 41 1.
2 Beschreibung des Beiss, &c. p. 16.
3 Wouw's Nederland Chronik, vol. ii. p. 330.

JAMES THE FIRST. 195
Elizabeth, to sustain and comfort her. He found her
plunged in the bitterest grief; yet she welcomed him, and
allowed him the most sacred privilege of love — that of
sharing and soothing her sorrow. On the 9th of November,
the king was at Kensington, and Prince Charles, with
Elizabeth and Frederic, spent some time with him there. '
The affectionate assiduities of the Palatine Prince drew
still closer the ties that united him to the mourning family
of which he was to become a member. The king bade him
now consider himself as one of his children, and lodge,
eat and sleep at the palace, and remain constantly with
them.2 This cordiality was the more welcome as the prince had
had cause to apprehend a different treatment. The death
of her brother placed Elizabeth nearer in the succession
to the crown ; and the extremely delicate health of Prince
Charles rendered it more than probable that she might
ascend the British throne, as a second Queen Elizabeth.
There were not wanting those who whispered in the
king's ear, that this difference in the position of the prin
cess would fully justify him in breaking off the connection
with the Palatine, and seeking for her a loftier alliance.
Even before he came to England, Frederic had been
warned that he ran the risk of making a fool of himself,
for that he would probably fail in accomplishing his object.
His Protestant associations caused him to be regarded with
great disfavour by all who inclined to Borne, and already
several persons had been summoned before the privy council
for uttering scandalous speeches against the match. On
the other hand, the Puritan party in England, and the
Huguenots in France, extolled him to the skies, comparing
linn to the best princes of Italy, for descent and dignity,
and asserting that his revenues were little if at all inferior
to theirs.3 After the death of Prince Henry, the Scots
1 They entered into a long conversation on the symptoms of the
prince's illness, which commenced with violent bleedings at the nose ;
and the king told Frederic candidly that his daughter had often been
subject to similar bleedings, but had never been the worse for them. —
Caron's Despatches, Hague Transciipts, Addit MS. 17677, H-f 1182.
'¦' Besclnvibung, ut sup.
3 Court of James I. vol. i. p. 199.
02

196 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
were anxious for a marriage between the princess royal
and the Marquis of Hamilton, who, after the family of
James I., was next heir to the Scottish throne. But neither
the one party nor the other prevailed to move the king; he
resolutely persisted in his intention of making the Pala
tine Prince his son-in-law, and by his firmness, quelled all
murmurs.1 It was determined, however, both as a matter
of feeling and propriety, that the marriage^ should be
delayed awhile, lest the ambassadors of foreign powers,
coming over with condolences on the death of the prince,
should find the court immersed in nuptial merriment ; the
king therefore urged Frederic to send away his train, and to
remain some time in England. But the counsellors of the
prince, as well as he himself, were so anxious about the
marriage, that it was at length decided for a betrothal
ceremony to take place in December, which would at
once put a stop to all surmisings, and convince the world
of the reality of the king's intentions. This expedient
was accepted by Frederic with the warmest expressions
of gratitude.2 In the interval he accompanied the king
on a short tour to Boyston and Theobalds.
Of the princess's movements and occupations about this
period, a few notices appear in Lord Harrington's accounts
before referred to. £ s. d.
" Given by her grace's command to Mr. Joshua Sylvester
that presented verses to her grace upon the death of the
late prince .... .... .... .... .... .... 5 0 0
" Given by her grace to Mr. Hart that brought a night gown
to her grace that was Prince Henry's .... .... 5 0 0
" Paid for the hire of a barge that did carry the Palatine
and her highness by water, when they went to see the
monuments at Westminster .... .... .... .... 0 20 0
" Given by her highness's command to the keeper of the
monuments at Westminster .... .... .... .... 0 20 0
" To the Prince Palatine's man that brought her grace
Rhenish wine from bis highness, two several times.... 0 20 0
" To one of the Prince Palatine's footmen that brought her
highness letters from his master .... .... .... 0 20 0
" To one of the Palatine's cooks that brought her grace a
, pike, dressed after the German fashion .... .... 0 10 0
' Cartes' Eng. vol. iv. p. 262, Du Puy MS. 648, f. 213.
2 Beschreibung des Reiss, &c. p. 29.

JAMES THE FIRST. 197
" Given by her grace's command to Clarke, the jester of the
Star-chamber .... .... .... .... .... .... o 10 0
" To a northern boy that whistled to her grace  0 5 0
" To a Scotchwoman that offered to sing to her grace at
Kew  0 10 0
" Paid for her grace's offering at her receiving the commu
nion at Christmas in the chapel .... .... .... 0 6 &"
The following extracts pleasingly illustrate the active
benevolence of her character : —
" Given to the poor at sundry times, by her grace's com
mand, as she travelled abroad  3 10 0
" Given by her grace's command to the nurse that brought
a little child to her grace to see, which her grace had
christened .... .... .... .... .... .... 0 20 0
" To one of the pages of the king's privy chamber, that
found a ring her grace had lost .... .... .... 0 40 0
" To the prisoners of the Fleet that sent her grace a peti
tion  : .... 0 40 0
" Given to a poor widow whose husband dying left her in
debted, with a great number of young children .... 0 40 0
" To a poor gentleman whose estate was decayed, and he
in great want .... .... .... .... .... .... 0 10 0'"
On December 12th, a correspondent thus writes: —
" The palatine is returned from the king, to visit his mistress here ;
and doth daily grow upon the good opinion of all men, to the great con
fusion of the Spaniards, whose prejudicing him with an undervalue,
before his arrival, hath turned greatly to his advantage, by bis surmount
ing so far the expectations of all men."2
The most influential attendant of the prince was Colonel
Meinhard Von Schomberg, his maitre d'hotel, who had
served him from childhood and possessed great power over
him. Now Schomberg happened to fall in love with Mrs.
Anne Dudley, lady of honour to the princess ; so that
when his master came to visit the mistress he had the
opportunity of paying attentions to the servant, and by
degrees rose to a considerable share of influence with the
princess herself.
The king returned to Whitehall on the 18th of Decem
ber; and every night, until the very eve of her marriage,
he and his daughter beguiled themselves with games at
cards, in which Elizabeth was generally unfortunate, per-
1 Lord Harrington's Accounts, ut supra.
2 Wake to Carlton, Savoy Corresp. State Paper Office.

198 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
haps because she played with a pre-occupied mind.1 On
the 21st, the king privately invested Prince Frederic with
the insignia of the order of the garter ; his public election
was postponed, on account of the mourning. He was
conducted by Prince Charles and several knights of the
order, wearing their robes, into the royal bed-room, the
king being indisposed. James placed on his neck the
ribbon and diamond star; the identical one which had
been worn by the late Prince of Wales; whilst Prince
Charles and the lord admiral fastened on the garter. The
party then adjourned to the ante-room, where the knights
wished joy to their newly-elected companion, and all
passed on into the gallery. There they found the Princess
Elizabeth and the Archbishop of Canterbury, who offered
their congratulations to the prince. Frederic conversed
some time with the archbishop, and then, as it was already
past the dinner-hour, he attended Elizabeth to her apart
ments.2 December 27th was the day appointed for the betrothal,
and the place was the banqueting-room in Whitehall
Palace, which was hung with splendid tapestries and
handsomely decorated.
About ten o'clock in the morning, when the gallery was
already crowded with spectators, Prince Frederic arrived,
accompanied by Prince Charles, the Earls of North
ampton, Exeter, and Salisbury, and many other English
peers, and took his place at the head of his own suite, who
came an hour previously. King James waited in an ante
room, to see his daughter pass : she was attended by her
ladies, and having kissed her royal father's hand, pro
ceeded to the room, whither he immediately followed, and
sat down upon the chair of state.3
" There was little ceremony used," says an eye-witness ; " and the
late cause of mourning took away the pomp that otherwise should have
accompanied the occasion.'' — " The palatine that day was apparelled in
purple velvet, richly laced with gold lace, and his cloak lined with cloth
1 Lord Harrington's Accounts. She lost 19/. 5s. between Dec. 18 and
Jan. 11.
2 Beschreibung des Reiss, &c. p. 26.
" Relationes oder Ordentliche Beschreibung wie Palsgraff Freidrich
mit der Princessin Frawlin Elizabeth verlobt werden, &c. 4to. 1613.

JAMES THE FIRST. 199
of gold, very fair and suitable. The lady, to make an even mixture of
joy and mourning, wore black satin with a little silver lace, and a plume
of white feathers in her head, which fashion was taken up the next day
of all the young gallants of the court and city, which hath made white
feathers dear of the sudden." '
" The bride and bridegroom," writes another, "at their first entrance,
both stood under the cloth of gold of estate, in an eminent place erected
some few steps ; there the king kissed them both, and, after having given
them his blessing, directed them to go down, hand in hand, some twenty
paces or more, into the middle of the great room ; where was a carpet
spread on the floor for them to stand on. There Sir Thomas Lake, exe
cuting for that time the office of principal secretary, came out with a paper
in his hand, and first kneeled down betwixt them, then rose up and read
in French the words of the contract, first to the palatine, and after to
the lady. Neither of them did, as our fashion is, sequi verba dicentis,
(that is, respond after him,) but at the end, they did severally affirm to
what he had read in their names."
The words used were those occurring in the matri
monial service, " I, Frederic, take thee, Elizabeth, to my
wedded wife, to have and to hold, &c. ;" to which the
princess responded in similar terms, but unfortunately the
chaplain's translation from the French was so inelegant,
that it raised a smile, not only in the by-standers, but in
the bride and bridegroom themselves, till all tendency to
merriment was checked by the solemn voice of the Arch
bishop of Canterbury, pronouncing the nuptial benedic
tion : " The God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the
God of Jacob, bless these espoused, and thy servants, &c." 2
The young betrothed then sealed their promise publicly
with a kiss, after which the bridegroom, throwing his arm
round the bride, led her back to her father, who wished
them both happiness. The king, who was indisposed,
then retired to his ante -room, whilst the young couple,
with Prince Charles, and the nobility who attended them,
went in state to the chapel, where, after a burst of tri
umphant music, a sermon was preached to them by
Andrew, Bishop of Bath and Wells. His discourse
mainly consisted of a string of passages from history,
1 Wake to Carleton, unpublished letter, Dec. 31, 1612, State Paper
Office. The dress is named in the princess's accounts as containing
twenty yards of satin at 85s. the yard. The same accounts note mourn
ing attire for the princess and her servants on her brother's death.
2 Ceremonie, vol. ii.p. 743 ; College of Arms MSS. Nichols's Progresses,
vol. ii. p. 513. Baumer's Hist. 16 and 17 cent, transl. vol. ii. p. 227.

200 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
ancient, and modem, detailing all the fortunate events
that had ever happened, and all the noble deeds that had
ever been done, on a 27th of December, the day of the
betrothal; and concluded with an earnest hope that the
solemn transaction of that day might be so blessed and
honoured, as to render it memorable in the eyes of all
posterity.1 At the conclusion of the service, the bridal
partv returned to the royal presence-chamber, and sat
dowii to table. The king took the middle seat, Prince
Charles was at his left hand, the bride at his right, and
Frederic next to her. It was noted that during the
repast the king was unusually cheerful, and conversed
familiarly and lovingly with Prince Frederic. The queen
was not present on this occasion, being confined to her
bed by an attack of the gout.
The betrothal ceremony did not alter the mutual
juxta-position of the parties, except in making them feel
more impressively set apart for each other. From this
time the prince was prayed for publicly in the churches,
among the children of the king. On New Tears-day,
1613, Frederic waited on his bride with early greetings
and good wishes, and presented her with a magnificent set
of diamond ornaments, consisting of a chain, coronal, and
earrings, with two pearls as pendants, which for size and
beauty were deemed the rarest in Christendom. Their
total value was 3,500/. To Lord and Lady Harrington
he gave plate to the value of 2,000/., and to their servants
400/, ; to all the female attendants of the princess 100/.
each, and also a medal with his portrait; 150/. to her
gentleman-usher, and a chain of diamonds and pearls to
Mrs. Anne Dudley. He intended to treat the servants of
the king and queen with the same profuse liberality, but
the king absolutely forbade it. To their majesties he
presented a large bottle and a cup, each of one entire
agate.2 His courtesies were returned, on the part of the
1 Relationes, oder Beschriebung, ut supra. This sermon unfortu
nately is not contained in bis collected discourses, printed iu 1629,
though the one preached on the Christmas day preceding is there.
- Nichols, vol. ii. p. 513, Sir J. Harrington to  , January 13.
Harl. MS. 7002, p 244. " The Palsgrave, during his abode iu Eng
land," writes a court chronicler, " so nobly and discreetly demeaned

JAMES THE FIRST. 201
king and queen, by costly gifts ; and Elizabeth presented
him with a splendid George, an ornament belonging to
his new dignity of knight of the garter. The royal family
then dined together, and the king " hanselled" his agate
cup by drinking from it to the health and happiness of his
son-in-law. On the 9th of January the king left town for Boyston,
and on the 1 1 th the Archbishop of Canterbury feasted the
followers of Prince Frederic, which mark of attention he
took so kindly that he himself came and joined the guests,
though he was neither invited nor expected. The enter
tainment was very handsome, such as became the giver and
receiver. On the 24th the prince feasted all the king's
council at Essex House, where, " in regard of the good
entertainment he found with the archbishop, he shewed
more kindness and caresses to him and his followers than
to all the rest put together." 1 The archbishop being
warmly attached to the princess, was quite prepared to
admit the palatine to share in his good graces, and a cor
dial intimacy was now formed between them, which made
the prelate their zealous friend in after years.
Frederic, who had transferred to Prince Charles the
friendship previously entertained towards the Prince of
Wales, divided his time between him and Elizabeth.
Pleasure trips, by water, to Putney, Greenwich, and
Hampton Court, were often formed, in which the princess
generally shared.2 On January 12th, Frederic addressed
a French letter to the king, of which the following is a
translation : — 3
himself in all respects, that he worthily gained the general applause and
love of all men, and plainly expressed the virtue of his princely mind,
by the bounty of his free gifts, presents, and rewards, unto all sorts
whatsoever that did him any manner of service or courtesy; for he gave
away to the full value of 120,000 French crowns." To his Grace of
Canterbury alone he gave plate valued at 1000^. — Howe's Chron. p. 1007.
Of these jewels 49,000 crowns' worth were purchased in England. —
Lansd. MS. 168, /. 325 : the remainder brought from Germany. See
letter of Frederic to Sir J. Ccesar, dated Canterbury, April 15, Addit. MS.
12,504, Art. 255.
1 Nichols, vol. ii. p. 13,
2 Lord HarrinL'ton's accounts.
3 Letters of James I. and his family, lithographed for the Maitland
Clubs.

202 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
" Sire, I imagine your majesty greatly enjoys these beautiful days ;
but it is impossible that you have had any sport so fine as that which
my dear prince and myself have had yesterday and to-day, as much with
hares as with running dogs. To-morrow, after dinner, we shall hunt
again, and in the evening return to Whitehall, and relate our adven
tures and pleasures to my very dear lady, who will much regret that she has
not been a sharer in them. I have had no further news from Germany,
and have, therefore, no subject with which to trouble your majesty
any more at this time. I shall hope shortly for the happy return of
your majesty, that I may not lose nor neglect any occasion of fulfilling
my only design, that of showing myself without reserve, all my life,
" Your majesty's very humble, very obedient, son and servant,
" From Hampton Court, this 12th Jan. 1613." " Fkederic"
He wrote again on the 19 th, to inform the king that
he was employing his time in reading, dancing, &c, and
was going again to Hampton Court with his " dearest
prince ;" adding that tidings from Heidelberg, of the con
duct of the Duke of Neuburg, rendered it exceedingly
desirable that he should return home as speedily as pos
sible. Anxiety on this account led him to renew his
urgency for the speedy performance of his marriage. The
Duke of Bouillon also wrote, earnestly pressing its advis
ability, on the ground of reports circulated by the prince's
enemies, that the marriage would not even yet proceed, or
at least that Elizabeth, as second in succession to the throne
of England, would not be allowed to leave the kingdom.1
The king was willing to accede, provided Frederic would
consent, after the nuptials, to leave his bride in England
till Whitsuntide. To this he demurred, and the king
then proposed that the wedding should take place on May
day, unless some imperative reason should necessitate
Frederic's immediate return; in which case he pledged
himself to allow the marriage to be celebrated within three
days, and then to give the prince permission to return at
once, leaving his bride to follow at her leisure. Frederic
still pleaded for an earlier consummation of his hopes, and,
to his great gratification, it was at length agreed, that the
marriage should take place on the 14th of February, and
that, after a few weeks devoted to rejoicings and festi
vities, the young couple should leave England together.2
The electress-mother wrote a letter to the king, full of
1 Bouillon to James I., Nov. 19, French Corresp. State Paper Office.
•' Caron's Despatches, Addit. MS. 17677, H.f. 1193.

JAMES THE FIRST. 203
gratitude for the " fresh proofs of his royal benevolence
daily lavished on her son, but especially for the honour
done him in fixing the marriage-day ;" and professing the
profoundest devotion to the service of her future daughter-
in-law.1 It was supposed that there would be a creation of
nobility on occasion of the marriage ; but, to the dis
appointment of his daughter, the king decided to the
contrary. At length he consented to gratify her by
knighting six gentlemen, whose names, as the Prince
Palatine refused to interfere at all in their election, were
chosen by herself; she requested the honour for two
more, but was refused.2
On the 7th of February, a chapter of the order of the
Garter was held at Windsor, in which the Prince Palatine
was publicly installed. The king and Prince Charles
having taken their places under the canopy of state in St.
George's Chapel, the Elector was led in by officers of the
order, bearing his mantle, garter, &c. ; and the king pre
sented him with the splendid diamond-studded collar and
George.3 After the investiture, the prince was proclaimed,
" The high and mighty Prince Frederic, by the grace
of God, Count Palatine of the Bhine, Arch-Sewer of the
Holy Boman Empire, Duke of Bavaria, and Knight of the
most noble order of the Garter." The dean of Windsor
administered the oath, which he took with a salvo of the
rights of the Holy Boman Empire.4 The same day the
whole party returned to town, and the princess took up
her abode at St. James's Palace, in the suite of apartments
lately occupied by the Prince of Wales, which were fitted
up for her use.5 A series of fetes was to herald in and
follow the nuptials of the princess, the like of which had
1 Royal Letters, Balfour's Collection, Advocate's Library, Edinbro'.
2 Schomberg to Rochester, Feb. \%, 1613, Germ. Corresp. State Paper
Office. 8 Note of Prince Henry 's jewels, Addit. MS. 11406, f. 257.
* Mercure Francais, 1613, p. 65 ; Nichols, vol. ii. p. 522.
5 " Paid for the sweeping and cleansing of the rooms at the prince's
lodgings, upon her highness's remove thither the 7th February, for
bedsteads, locks for doors, rewards given to sundry of his majesty's
servants that hanged and furnished the lodgings, and for other services
and necessaries, HI. 4s. 8d." — Lord Harrington's accts.

204 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
i never been witnessed, since the pageant-loving days of
bluff King Hal. The first of these was a mock naval
fight upon the river Thames, for which thirty-six vessels,
500 watermen, and 1000 musketeers were put in requisi
tion, besides four floating castles with fireworks. The scene
to be represented was the siege of Algiers. On the bank of
the Thames opposite Whitehall a mock town was erected,
the bombardment of which was to form the amusement of
the evening of February 1 1th. The king, Prince Charles,
the Princess Elizabeth, and the elector, with their suites,
and many of the nobility, stationed themselves at the
palace windows ; and at a signal given by the discharge
of cannon the performance commenced. Thirty-six balls
of fire arose from the castles on the river, and descended,
some in fiery rain, some in thousands of smaller globes.
Then, mounted on cords attached to one of the vessels, an
armed figure appeared, representing St. George with his
lance, and also a young maiden, and an immense dragon.
St. George and the dragon had a long contest, hurling
fires at each other, which served as torches to display the
beauty of the maiden ; till at the end of half an hour the
dragon exploded with a terrific report, and then St. George
and the maiden sported with fires till both were consumed.
When the smoke cleared away a mountain appeared in
the water, and from a cave in its side issued a comet,
which discharged an infinite number of fusees, whilst a
fiery stag, pursued by hunters and dogs of fire, made a
tumultuous rush into the water, where, after a brief chase,
all exploded together.
The next day was allowed for needful repose, both for
the performers and the spectators. In the afternoon of
the 13th the show was renewed; numberless cannon
saluted the royal party on their appearance, and imme
diately a fleet of seventeen mock Turkish galleys sailed up
the river to defend the temporary Algiers built on its
banks. A Venetian and a Spanish vessel were in tura
surrounded and taken by the Paynim fleet ; but at length
came a fleet of fifteen English ships, bearing the red cross
of St. George on their flags -, a battle long and obstinate
ensued, ending, of course, to the advantage of the English,
who pursued the fugitives to Algiers, and, after a terrible

JAMES THE FIRST. 205
cannonading, took the city and freed the captive Venetian
and Spanish vessels. At the close, the Turkish admiral,
represented by Sir Bobert Mansell, with his captains,
in full costume, were presented to King James as captives,
and amidst a general salute of artillery the royal party
retired.1 " All these aforesaid pastimes," writes an eye-witness, " were most
nobly performed between the hours of three and five in the afternoon,
to the great content as well of foreign nations as of our own country
people, whereof in one place and at one time hath been seldom seen a
greater number : also for a farewell to this day's pleasure, a train of
fireworks were discharged in St. George's-fields, of a long continuance,
and of such an echoing thunder, that they even amazed the heavens.
Thus ended Saturday's shows upon the waters, being the eve of this
great' marriage day."
This was the formal account, but a news-writer of the
day mentions the affair in less glowing terms : —
" On Thursday night the fireworks were reasonably well performed,
all save the last castle of fire, which bred most expectation, and had
most devices, but, when it came to execution, had worst success. On
Saturday, likewise, the fight upon the water came short of that show
and brags had been made of it ; but they pretend the best to be behind,
and left for another day, which was the winning of the castle on land.2
But the king and all the company took so little delight to see no other
activity but shooting and putting off guns, that it is quite given over, and
the navy unrigged, and the castle pulled down, the rather for that there
were divers hurt in the former fight, as one lost both his eyes, another
both his hands, another one hand, with divers others maimed and hurt,
so that to avoid further harm it was thought best to let it alone ; and
this is the conclusion of all the preparation, with so much expense of
powder and money, which amounted to no less than 9,000/." '-'
Thus passed the eve of the bridal; the following day,
February the 14th, which was Shrove Sunday and St.
Valentine's day, was that appointed for the nuptials of
Frederic and Elizabeth. They had already, according to
1 Mercuro Francais, 1612. p. 69.
2 Court and Times of James I. vol. i. p. 207. A Privy Seal Bill,
dated Jan. 17th, 1613, states that, "whereas for the more magnifi
cent and royal solemnizing of the marriage of our dearest daughter,
the Lady Elizabeth, we have given order for a naval fight, to be made
upon the river of Thames, together with masks, fireworks, buildings,
and divers other preparations, necessary for such princely triumphs,
as we purpose shall be performed at that solemnity," the king orders the
payment of such sums as the lord chamberlain and master of the horse
shall require,, without limitation. — Privy Seals, 10 and 11 James I. Rolls
House, f. 7-, b.

206 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
good old English custom, been three times asked 'at
church.1 The wedding ceremony took place in the chapel
of Whitehall Palace, which was in " royal sort adorned."
In the centre was a raised platform, about twenty feet
square, richly carpeted, and railed off for the bridal party,
whilst along both sides, from the stalls to the communion
table, double rows of seats were erected, for the gentle
men of the chapel royal and those of the household, who
were permitted to be spectators. In order to gratify the
eager curiosity of the people, the procession, after passing
through the presence and guard-chamber and the new
banqueting house, was to come out at the court gate, and
go along a scaffold gallery which reached to the great
chamber stairs, and thence proceed to the chapel.2 The
Palatine Prince, preceded by a flourish of trumpets, en
tered first. He was attired in cloth of silver, embroidered
with gold and radiant with diamonds, his plumed hat was
looped up with diamonds, and he wore the insignia of the
Garter, with the George presented to him by Elizabeth.3
The Duke of Lennox and the Earl of Nottingham escorted
him, and he was followed by numerous peers of Germany,
and the unmarried peers of England and Scotland ; but
by the king's orders the doors were kept so strictly, that
only sixteen of these, to correspond with the years of his
age, were permitted to enter. This restriction, rendered
necessary by the confined space in the chapel, had been
communicated to the prince the evening before. The
Lady Elizabeth then appeared, led between her brother,
Prince Charles, and the Earl of Nottingham. She wore
a dress of Florence cloth of silver, richly embroidered,4
and on her head a crown of gold, brilliantly decked with
diamonds and pearls, from which pendants of the same
mingled with her long and beautiful hair, which drooped
1 The German chronicler of the wedding seems to think many apo
logies necessary for the adoption into these royal nuptials, of a form
only common amongst the lower orders ; but ascribes- it to the king's
anxiety, that it should be publicly known, and no secrecy observed.—
Beschreibung, ut sup. p. 34.
2 Leland's Collectanea, vol. v. p. 330.
8 Beschreibung, ut sup. p. 47.
* The making and embroidery cost 130/. Wardrobe Account, 1613,
Audit Office.

JAMES THE FIRST. 207
over her shoulders down to the waist. Her train was
borne by sixteen young ladies, robed in white satin, the
number coinciding also with the years of her age ; they
were compared to a constellation of beautiful stars, attend
ing upon the radiant moon. Two of the numerous poems
on the marriage thus describe her progress to the chapel.
" At length the blushing bride comes, with her hair
Dishevelled 'bout her shoulders ; none so fair
In all that bevy, though it might appear
The choicest beauties were assembled there.
She enters with a sweet commanding grace,
Her very presence paradised the place.
All eyes are fixed on her ; the youthful fry
Amazed stand at her great majesty :
The nymphs and maids both envy and admire
Her matchless beauty, state, and rich attire." '
" Now unto the church she hies Envy bursts if she espies her,
her,
In her gestures, as she paces, Are united all the graces ;
Which who sees and hath his Loves in spite of all defences,
senses,
O most true, majestic creature ! Nobles, did you note each feature ?
Felt you not an inward motion, Tempting love to yield devotion. ? " '
Elizabeth, preceded by Lord Harrington, and followed
by his lady and her own suite, ascended to the platform,
where they were met by the prince, who mounted by
steps on the opposite side. Then came four heralds, many
more peers, the lords of the privy council, and four
bishops ; after them the sergeants-at-arms with the mace,
and the Earl of Arundel bearing the sword before the
king, who was attired in black velvet, with a diamond of
inestimable value in his hat.
The queen, also, who had not been seen in public since
the death of her son,3 honoured the occasion by her pre
sence ; she was followed by a train of married peeresses,
and a guard of archers brought up the rear. All then took
their places ; the king, Prince Charles, Prince Frederic,
and Count Henry of Nassau, on one side ; on the other,
the queen, the Princess Elizabeth, and Lady Harrington ;
' Hey wood's Marriage Triumph, reprinted for the Percy Society, p. 6.
* Withers's Epithalamia, 8 Lond. 1622.
3 Chamberlain to Carleton, £S Feb. Savoy Corresp. State Paper Office.

208 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
whilst the rest of the assembly retired to inferior positions.1
After the anthem, the Bishop of Bath preached a sermon
of half an hour, on the marriage of Cana in Galilee ; then
a second anthem was performed ; after which the Arch
bishop of Canterbury, ascending the platform, performed
the nuptial ceremony. It was conducted in English, the
prince having mastered the language so well, that his
responses were given correctly and with propriety. The
king gave away the bride. Elizabeth's deportment was
graceful and majestic, and it was observed that as the
words were pronounced which united her for ever to the
object of her affections, her beautiful face was lighted up
with " coruscations and lightnings of joy that expressed
more than an ordinary smile, being almost elated to a
laughter."2 The young couple advanced to the altar, and
knelt, whilst the concluding benediction was pronounced;3
after which they returned to their place, and Garter king-
at-arms proclaimed —
" All health, happiness, and honour, be to the high and mighty Prince
Frederic, by the grace of God Count Palatine of the Rhine, Arch-
Sewer, and Prince Elector of the holy Empire, Duke of Bavaria ; and
Elizabeth, his wife, only daughter to the high, mighty, and right excel
lent James, by the grace of God, King of Great Britain," &c. 4 " Then
there was a joy pronounced to the blessed couple, by the king and queen,
seconded with a congratulation of the lords present, and confirmed by a
draught of wine, out of a great golden bowl, begun by the count, and
answered by her grace, and this with cups full of wafers and other
appendages, served up by some six barons.5
" The Lady Elizabeth, being thus made a wife, was led back, not by
two bachelors as before, but by the Duke of Lenox and the Earl of
Nottingham, in a most reverend manner. Before the Palsgrave, at his
return from the chapel, went six of his own country gallants, clad in
crimson velvet, laid exceedingly thick with gold lace, bearing in their
hands six silver trumpets, who no sooner coming into the banqueting-
house, but they presented him with a melodious sound of the same;
flourishing so delightfully, that it greatly rejoiced the whole court, and
caused thousands to say at that instant, — ' God give them joy ! God give
them joy ! '"6
1 Finet to Carlton, Feb. 22, 1613, Domestic Papers, State Paper
Office. 2 Wilson's Life and Reign James I. p. 64.
3 Beschreibung, &c. p. 51.
4 Caron's Despatches, Addit. MS. 17077, H. f. 1192, Leland Collect.
vol. v. p. 334. » Finet to Carlton, ut sup.
6 The sum of 1002. was distributed in fees, amongst the gentlemen of
the chapel royal ; and the bride presented liberal rewards to all the

JAMES THE FIRST. 209
The company now adjourned into the state room ; but
Elizabeth sought for a short time the seclusion of her own
chamber, to repose from the fatigue of excitement. A
blast of trumpets, however, speedily announced that the
dinner was served up, and the bride again made her
appearance. She was ushered into a new dining-room,
temporarily built out into the terrace for the occasion, in
order that the banqueting hall might be left at liberty for
the evening's entertainment. It was adorned with tapestry
curiously wrought, representing the victory of Queen
Elizabeth over the Spanish Armada.1 There dinner was
laid out for 100 persons, including the ambassadors of
France, Venice, and the States-General, Count Henry of
Nassau, and the rest of the Palatine prince's attendants,
with all the lords and ladies, who had been present at the
marriage.2 The room was strewn with flowers, and the
splendour of the feast corresponded to the importance
of the occasion.3 The princess sat at the upper end of
the table, with her husband a,t her right hand, and her
brother, Prince Charles, at her left. After the repast
she exchanged her bridal robe for one embroidered with
gold, and altered her head tire ; still retaining the
crown ; and then the whole party adjourned to the ban
queting room, to witness a masque, got up for their amuse
ment by twelve peers.
The subject was classical ; Orpheus and Prometheus
were the principal characters, and the gist of the drama
lay in the transformation by Jupiter, at the prayers of
Prometheus, of eight beautiful silver statues of females
into living, breathing women, who were each led out by
musicians, harpers, trumpeters, drummers, and violists, of the king, the
queen, and the Prince Palatine. " The bravery and riches of that day,"
says another writer, " was incomparable : gold and silver laid upon
lords', ladies', and gentlemen's backs, was the poorest burthen ; pearls
and costly embroidery being the commonest wear. The king's, queen's,
and prince's jewels only, were valued that day by his majesty himself
(upon occasion of discourse happening to the purpose, of the bravery
then appearing), at 900,000?. sterling." — Fin.tli Philoscenis, ut sup.
1 Account of tlie Master of tlie Works, 1612-13, Audit Office.
2 Leland's Collect, vol. v. p. 3.16.
3 Triomphes, Entrees, &c, pour le Mariage de Frederic et Elizabeth,
18Heidel. 1613.
VOL. V. P

210 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
an expectant knight to the dance, singing at intervals to
the royal couple : —
" Breathe now, while Io Hymen !
To the bride we sing ;
Oh, how many joys and honours
From this match will spring !
Ever firm the league will prove,
Where only goodness causeth love.
Some, for profit, seek
What their fancies most dislike ;
These love for virtue's sake alone —
Beauty and youth unite them both in one."
The chorus sang thus : —
" Live with thy bridegroom, sacred happy bride,
Now blest is he that is for love envied.'' l
The dance lasted till a very late hour, and then the
company went into the saloon, where a costly banquet of
sweetmeats was set out. The royal party merely walked
round the tables, and left the good things as spoil to the
aristocratic mob, who hardly waited the moment of their
retiring to seize and carry them off.
On the morning of Monday, the day succeeding the
marriage, the king paid an early visit to the young couple,
and he and the queen presented to their daughter costly
gifts of jewels. In the afternoon, whilst the queen and
princess were spectators in the windows of the ban
queting hall, the tilt-yard was thrown open, and royalty
itself shared in the sport of running at the ring. Three
times the king bore it away; Prince Charles, four times, and
the Palatine prince, twice. " When that was ended/' writes
a spectator, " and the king and prince gone, the Palsgrave
mounted upon a high-bounding horse, which he managed
so like a horseman, that he was exceedingly commended,
and had many shouts and acclamations of the beholders;
and indeed I never saw any of his age come near to him
in that exercise." 2 The entertainments of the day were
followed by an evening masquerade, prepared by the
Middle Templars and Lincoln's-inn men, which, judging
1 Lord's Masque, by Campion, Nichols, vol. ii. p. 560. Orders for the
dresses for this masque occur in the wardrobe warrants of the princess.
2 His prowess is thus lauded by a contemporary poet, Johannes Maria,
Nuptial Hymn, p. 22 : —

JAMES THE FIRST. 211
from the praises bestowed upon it, must have done great
credit to their ingenuity.1
" On Tuesday, it came to Gray's Inn and the Inner Temple's turn to
come with their mask, whereof Sir Francis Bacon was the chief con
triver ; and because the former (mask) came on horseback and in open
chariots, they made choice to come by water from Winchester Place, in
Southwark, which suited well with their device, which was the marriage
of the river of Thames to the Rhine ; and their show by water was
very gallant, by reason of infinite store of lights, very curiously set and
placed, and many boats and barges, with devices of light and lamps,
with three peals of ordnance, one at their taking water, another in the
Temple Garden, and the last at their landing ; which passage by water
cost them better than three hundred pounds. They were received at
the Privy Stairs, and great expectation there was that they should
every way excel their competitors that went before them ; but specially
in device, daintiness of apparel, and, above all, in dancing, wherein they
are held excellent, and esteemed for the properer men.
" But by what ill planet it fell out, I know not, they came home as
they went, without doing anything ; the reason whereof I cannot yet
leam thoroughly, but only that the hall was so full that it was not
possible to avoid2 it, or make room for them ; besides that, most of the
ladies were in the galleries to see them land, and could not get in. But
the worst of all was, that the king was so wearied and sleepy, with
sitting up almost two whole nights before, that he had no edge to it.
Whereupon, Sir Francis Bacon adventured to entreat of his majesty that
by this difference he would not, as it were, bury them quick ; and I
hear, that the king should answer, that then they must bury him quick ;
for he could last no longer, but withal gave tbem very good words, and
appointed them to come again on Saturday. But the grace of their
" Beyond all these is Frederic's noble courage,
His manly mind, and wisdom in young years,
His virtues far exceed his tender age,
As in his valiant exercise appears,
When he bestrides and makes his bounding steed
To run, career, or stop his headlong speed.
At long race, round ring, or cross tournament,
He bears his arm, lance, body, with such art ;
His wand, spur, bridle, with such complement
Of strength and state adorning every part ;
He rounds the ball with such dexterity,
So right he shoots, and that so smooth and swiftly.''
1 A full description of this play, which was written by Campion, is
given in Nichols's Progresses, vol. il, and also in the Mercure Franjais,
1613, p. 73. The morale conveyed flatteries to the sovereign, as a
model of piety and learning, and courtly compliments to the young
oused. Make it void— empty it.
p2

212 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
masque is quite gone, when their apparel hath been already showed, and
their devices vented, so that how it will fall out God knows, for they
are much discouraged and out of countenance, and the world says it
comes to pass after the old proverb, ' the properer man the worse
luck.' "
The disappointed players, however, recovered their
spirits after this ill-timed rebuff, for, a few days after
wards, our correspondent writes : —
" Our Gray's Inn men and the Inner Templars were nothing dis
couraged, for all the first dodge, but on Saturday last performed their
parts exceeding well and with great applause and approbation, both
from the king and all the company. The next night, the king invited
the masquers, with their assistants, to the number of forty, to a solemn
supper in the new marriage-room, where they were well treated and
much graced with kissing his majesty's hand, and every one having a
particular accoglienza from him. The king husbanded the matter so
well that this feast was not at his own cost, but he and his company won
it upon a wager of running at the ring, of the prince and his nine
followers, who paid 30/. a man. The king, queen, prince palatine, and
Lady Elizabeth sat at table by themselves, and the great lords and
ladies, with the masquers, above four score in all, sat at another long
table, so that there was no room for them that made the feast, but they
were fain to be lookers-on."
The rejoicings at court were echoed throughout the
kingdom; and illuminations, bell-ringings, and bonfires,
gave expression to the general joy ; though vague reports
that a vessel had arrived from Spain, full of pocket pistols,
and that a general massacre was in design to stop the
obnoxious marriage, roused the civic troops, and 500
musketeers, and a band of substantial householders,
headed by a London alderman, were appointed as an
extra guard for the court.1 In the dominions of the
Elector, also, there was a joyous celebration of the happy
event, and solemn thanksgivings were offered in the
churches.2 The city of London presented to the bride a
magnificent chain of Oriental pearls, valued at 2000Z. In
connection with the marriage, it was noted that the Scotch
sent an express request that Elizabeth might be entitled
1 Mercure Francais, 1613, p. 77. " There was neither cost nor pains
spared by his highness's subjects tbat any way might give signs of joy
for the marriage of his princely daughter to her royal husband, whom
God bless with long happiness and thrones of angels keep and defend,
Amen ! " Nichols, vol. ii. p. 524.
2 Duke Deuxponts to James I ., Ancient Royal Letters, Germ. vol. vii.
State Paper Office.

TAMES THE FIRST. 213
" Princess and eldest daughter of Scotland," and not
merely "Princess of Great Britain;" also Lyon, king-
at-arms, who came on purpose to be present at the
wedding, had a rich coat of arms, in which the arms of
Scotland were placed before those of England.1
Numberless were the literary greetings poured forth on
the royal bride and bridegroom. Almost every hand that
could wield a pen, and every brain that could frame a
couplet, exercised its ingenuity.2
One poet writes : —
" As violets excel the bramble-briar,
Lily the violets, — that the rose disgraceth ;
Eliza so doth virgins. As stars, fire,
Moon, stars ; sun, moon ; so Frederic all surpasseth ;
Both pass all others of all age or birth,
Yet each of both doth equal other's worth."
Heywood, in a poem, every stanza of which concludes
with the name of the princess, writes in a spirit almost
prophetic. " May that name be raised high,
Nor in the female issue die :
A joyful and glad mother prove,
Protected by the powers above ;
That from the royal line
Which this day doth combine
1 Court of James I., vol. i. p. 231.
* A punster, named George Tasche, composed some twenty anagrams,
such as " Elizabeth Stuart, Princesse — I secure best palatine's rest."
Melrose papers, vol. ii. p. 419. The university of Oxford alone issued
no fewer than 242 epithalamia, three in Greek, one in Italian, and the
remainder in Latin, varying in length from two lines to a hundred,
running through every grade of mev\i.—ExMhalamia, sive lusus Pala
tini, iin, Oxon. 1613. Alexander Julius, a citizen of London, in his own
name and that of his fellow citizens, wrote a long congratulatory ode on
the marriage, which bore appropriately as its motto — " Pro lachrymis
redeant risus" — " Let smiles take the place of tears" — in allusion to the
recent death of the Prince of Wales. Dr. Donne, whose works are still
well known, and who was afterwards a favourite with Elizabeth, exer
cised his muse in a lengthy but not very fortunate poem. — Edinb. edit.
pp. 132- 142. John Gordon, a Scottish poet, composed one of very elabo
rate character, in Latin, introducing a dialogue held by Elizabeth and
her husband with the king, on the morning of the nuptials, and detailing
with many mystic allusions, the marriage ceremony, &c. — Royal Mti.
\1,A.tl, f. 197. A lengthened poem was also composed by Henry
Peacham ; a friar, Giovanni Battista, wrote one which is lost. — Coui t
and Times of James I. vol. i. p. 234.

214 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
With a brave prince, no fate, no death,
Extinguish may Elizabeth." '
The climax of courtly adulation is presented in the fol
lowing translation from a Latin ode.1
"Paint me the graces." — "'Tis done." — "Now paint the muses."—
" I have so done." — "Join to those the nymphs, the goddesses, and
mingle your blended colours with experienced reason, so that, from
many divinities, one form may here be made." — "Tis done." — "Now
depict the chaste Diana's mind, the genius of Minerva, the skill of
Penelope." — " 'Tis painted." — " Thou Frederic, thrice illustrious, say
now what goddess is depicted in this lovely picture." — " Elizabeth."2
The strains of eulogy were not confined to the poetic
tribe ; we find grave divines speaking in terms hardly less
warm. The following is from a sermon, preached on the
marriage-day, by George Webb, and entitled — "The
Bride Boyal."
" This our king's daughter is all ' glorious within, and not within only,
but wholly admirable. The god of nature hath in her body made a
mirror of nature's beauty, and in her soul a pattern of grace's piety, so
that, albeit in her outward shape, to the sight of men she be exceedingly
glorious, yet inwardly to the sight of her God, she is most glorious : so
graciously all holy graces in her being so compact together, that it draws
the eyes and hearts of all men to admiration, to see so much piety in
such comely beauty, so great humiliation in such a majesty.
" Neither do her glorious bridal robes, be they never so glittering
with wrought gold, or curiously embroidered by the art of man, (as no
doubt this day, for the solemnity of it, and the honour of her estate, it
is most glorious) so much adorn her as the more than golden graces of
God's Holy Spirit in her."
After reverting to Queen Elizabeth's glorious reign, the
author adds : —
" Our present Elizabeth, this day's royal bride, is of no less happy
hopes ; her love unto her name-sake's memory, her imitation of her
virtues, her hatred of Popery and superstition, her zeal to God's glory,
and sincere profession of the gospel, her religious education from her
infancy; her reverent attention at the hearing of the word; her
respect unto the ministers ofthe gospel ; her faith, her zeal, her charity,
is admirable, and to every Christian heart most comfortable.
" It was the desire and often wish of this gracious princess, (if report
of some of her nearest observers may be credited) that in her marriage
match, she might be linked to a prince professing the same religion in
which she herself had been instructed. Good princess ! (the God of
Heaven be blessed for it) she hath her wish. No superstitious mass
doth defile the celebration of her nuptials, or obscure the glory of her
marriage, but she is matched with a prince, in religion, in education, in
1 Epithalamium, p. 28.
* Published in a volume of Nuptial Odes, 4to. Lond. 1613.

JAMES THE FIRST. 215
years, in virtues fit, and fit for none but herself. Had she, good princess,
been linked in marriage with one of a different religion, what an
unequal yoke had that been ? How derogatory from God's glory ?
How prejudicious to our state ? How dangerous to her person ? How
hurtful to her soul ? But, blessed be God, who hath provided better
things for us, for her, for his church's good. Herein our gracious sove
reign hath manifested unto the world the sincerity of his heart, and the
soundness of his profession, in that no outward dignity, state, or glory,
could cause him to match his child with a contrary religion. Doubtless
the finger of God hath been here."
The magnificence of the nuptial preparations completely
bankrupted the royal exchequer. It was usual, from time
immemorial, for a King of England to levy an aid from
his subjects, on the nuptials of his eldest daughter ; and
though more than a century had elapsed since the marriage
of a princess royal, yet King James did not fail to revive
the custom. Writs were accordingly issued,1 but the
payments, not being stringently enforced, only amounted
to 20,500/., leaving the king ultimately a loser; since
53,294/. was expended in connection with the marriage,2
exclusive of the bride's portion of 40,000/. Lord Harring
ton was one of the greatest sufferers, since he had to pro
vide the bridal equipments for his ward. Her current
expenses had amounted to 10,000/. for the year,3 and as he
did did not receive half that sum in stated and certain pay
ments, he was upwards of 3,500/. out of pocket;4 and the
king, unable to repay him, was obliged to grant him, in
recompense, a patent for the privilege of coining brass
farthings.5 In a sudden fit of economy, the court was
broken up ; and, to the bitter mortification of the Lady
1 Foedera, vol. vii. pt. ii. p. 183.
2 Cartes' England, vol. iv. p. 263. The Wardrobe Warrants contain
long descriptions of silk tissues, brocades, satins, cloth of gold and silver,
velvet, &c. for dresses, bodices, and mantles, satin for night-dresses,
white cloth of silver for the covering of the furniture of the bridal
chamber, &c. &c. Also plumes of feathers, spangled lace, liveries for
her pages and footmen, beds hung with crimson velvet, furniture, and
necessaries of every description for her use. — Addit. MS. 5751,/. 166,
Archceologia, vol. xxvi. p. 580: also Devon's Pell Records of James I.
pp. 151-162. 3 Harl. MS. 544, f. 54 b.
4 A curious illustration of the expenses incurred by the nobility is
given in the account book of Robert, Earl of Leicester, drawn up by one
if his servants, in which the whole charge of his suite at the marriage of
Elizabeth is detailed, amounting to 1891.— Addit. MS. 12066.
5 Nichols, vol. ii. p. 608.

216 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Elizabeth, the household provided for her husband was
abruptly dismissed. Frederic, responding to the hint
thus thrown out, gave intimation to most of the attend
ants who came over with him, but remained at the king's
expense, that their visit had already been sufficiently pro
longed, and they took their departure. The king, to save
appearances, left town for Newmarket.
This vexation did not interrupt the loving harmony
of the youthful couple. On the 24th of February, accom
panied by the queen, they attended the christening of the
infant daughter of the Earl and Countess of Salisbury.
On the evening of the 25th, as they walked together in
the pleasure gardens of Whitehall Palace, which then
contained a variety of beasts and birds belonging to the
king, the princess was surprised by the entrance of a mag
nificent equipage, a chariot blazing with gold and elabo
rately painted, the lining of silk and silver, embroidered
with historical pieces. It was drawn by six horses, richly
caparisoned, and attended by coachmen and footmen wearing
her own liveries. Her surprise was changed into rapturous
delight, when her husband presented her with the equipage,
which had been made in Paris expressly for her.1
The next day Prince Frederic, sacrificing the claims of
love to those of' duty, followed his royal father-in-law to
Newmarket,2 and thence, accompanied by Prince Charles,
went to Cambridge,3 where, writes our newsmonger, "they
had great entertainments, and had two very commendable
acts in divinity and philosophy, besides two excellent
comedies ; but they marred them with length, and made
them grow tedious, the one of them lasting between seven
and eight hours."4 Several of the prince's attendants
1 Devon's Pell Records of James I. p. 162, Beschreibung des Hey-
raths, p. 67.
2 " His Majesty is this day gone towards Royston, and so to New
market, whither he will draw the Count Palatine for a time there, and
thereabouts entertain him ' en faisant (as they say in France) le bon
pere,' not to say, as we say here, ' to see his uncle ;' the phrase is too
cheap, though the application would not, perhaps, be far from the pur
pose ! "-Finet to Carlton, Feb. 22, 1 613, Venice Corresp.
3 Court and Times of James I. vol. i. pp. 229, 233.
4 Ibid. pp. 233, 239. Singularly enough, one of the questions dis
cussed was whether successive or elective monarchy was preferable;

JAMES THE FIRST. 217
were created doctors, and he also became an honorary
member of the University, and entered his name on the
books. The literati of Oxford, unwilling to be outdone
. by the rival University, in the honours paid to their
princess's husband, sent a deputation to request a visit
from him. He excused himself on the plea of business,
but sent them his portrait, hung on a gold chain. Not
yet satisfied, they sent a second deputation, with the
register-book of Cbrist Church College, in which they
requested him to enter his name, as a member of the
University, which he did, with the super-added motto,
"Bege me, Domine, secundum verbum suum.1
The period of her husband's absence was beguiled to
Elizabeth by frequent correspondence with him, and by
visits to her mother, who remained at her favourite palace
of Greenwich. By degrees, Queen Anne's dislike to the
marriage had melted away before the personal graces of
her young son-in-law, enhanced by his affectionate atten
tions to herself.
¦' The queen," writes a courtier, " doth discover her liking of this
match over all others ; and for the more honouring of it, she exceedeth
the king in new liveries that she giveth to her servants, and caresseth
the {(Palsgrave, whensoever he cometh to her, as if he were her own
son." On the 23rd of March, the anniversary of the king's
accession to the English throne, there was a grand tilting
at court. Being the last festival in which the princess
would take a share, it was made more gay than any that
had preceded it, and, to grace the day, the court laid aside
the mourning which had been hitherto worn for the
deceased Prince of Wales.2 The following day, the 24th,
Elizabeth accompanied her husband on a visit to the
Tower of London, which, with its famous menagerie, he
was anxious to inspect. The Tower guns gave a salute in
honour of their visit, and the princess, to prove to her
and James I., whose notions of the " divine right '' were very high,
was sorely chafed at the arguments.
1 Wood in his Athena;, vol. ii. p. 351, misled by finding the prince's
name in the register book of Corpus Christi, represents him as having
visited Oxford ; but the contemporaneous writer of the '• Beschreibung
des Heyraths" gives the details as here related, p. 69.
* Beschreibung des Heyraths, &c. p. 70.

218 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
husband that her spirit was equal to her birth, herself
took the match and fired one of the cannons.
Frederic, now in possession of his cherished treasure,
his "herz-allerliebste Gemahlin," as the expressive German
has it, once more urged her royal parents to permit their
departure. Heart-sore with the loss of their first-born,
they yet hesitated, but affection yielding to reason, they
consented to dismiss their daughter when Easter was over.
The whole court now resounded with preparations for the
departure of the young elector and his bride. The number
and quality of the princess's attendants had been frequently
discussed, and also the names of those noblemen who were
to attend her. The Duke of Lenox, the Earl of Arundel,
Viscount Lisle, and Lord Harrington, were appointed
royal commissioners, but they were to have the title of
ambassadors, in order to secure their precedence above
the diplomatic agents at the Hague and elsewhere. Lady
Harrington, though not officially sent by the king, chose
to attend her beloved ward at her own expense, rather
than leave her without an experienced female friend at so
important a period of her life. Letters were dispatched
to those potentates through whose dominions the princess
was to pass, bespeaking her a courteous entertainment,
and an escort where necessary, rather, however, to compli
ment them, than from any doubt of their reluctance to
receive one whose marriage promised the happiest omen
for the welfare of Protestant Germany.1 By her marriage
contract, Elizabeth was allowed forty- nine servants, whose
wages were to be paid and their expenses defrayed by her
husband ;2 but her train swelled much beyond the assigned
1 Dickenson to Lake, Jan. 30 ; James I. to Dickenson, Feb. 22 ;
Winwood to Rochester, March 13, Holl. Corresp. State Paper Office.
2 Their salaries were to be as follows ; — £ s. d.
Maitre d'hotel  66 13 4
Secretary  50 0 0
Master of the horse  50 0 0
To four gentlemen, 201. each  80 0 0
Chaplain  50 0 0
Physician  50 0 0
Two footmen 10/. each  20 0 0
Two grooms of the chamber, 131. (is. 8d. each .... 26 13 4

JAMES THE FIRST. 219
limits. Her chief lady of honour was Mrs. Anne Dudley,
induced to accept office, if court gossip told the truth, by
her appreciation of the attentions of Colonel Schomberg.
There were seven other female attendants, five of whom
had been long in her service, and three laundresses ; a
maitre d'hdtel, secretary, cup-bearer, and other officials,
who, with persons of lower grade, amounted in all to 102 ;
whilst the Palatine's train of fifty persons, the commis
sioners and their attendants, and the numerous trades
people and others who accompanied them, increased the
entire cortege to the number of 675. x
Orders for the requisite vessels of transport were issued
by the king to Charles, Earl of Nottingham, the veteran
admiral of the days of the Spanish Armada, who intended
his last official act to be the conveyance of the princess.2
Seven large ships of the royal fleet, seven merchant
men, and others of smaller size, were put in demand.
All were freshly painted and decorated ; and those for
the use of the Lady Elizabeth and her attendant nobles
were furnished with canopies and cushions of crimson,
satin, and velvet, with gold fringes and tassels, new
ensigns and streamers, &c. ; they were also provided with
every luxury for the table.3 Sir Edward Cecil was
appointed treasurer of the expedition, and the sum of
2000/. placed in his hands to defray the necessary

Master of the robes 
Cook 
Cup bearer ....
Inferior male attendants, 18 in number ....
First lady of honour
Six maids of honour
Two chamber-women
Pour maidens, belonging to the maids of honour, were to be provided
with food, and the whole suite to be fed and clothed according to the
manner usual in persons of their rank in the elector's family.— Fcedera,
vol.vii,pt.2,p.\81 .
1 German Corresp. April, 1613, State Paper Office.
2 Fcedera, vol. vii. pt. ii. p. 1 89. The provisions of the table were left
to Sir Marmaduke Darrell. His orders are to be found in Addit.
MS. 5752, f. 70.
3 Domestic Records, James I. vol. 51, Art. 58.

£

s.

d.

20

0

0

20

0

0

20

0

0

66

13

4

m

13

4

20

0

0

26

13

4

220 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
expenses.1 Phineas Pett, Elizabeth's former friend and
host at Woolwich, exerted himself with zeal to see every
thing put in order for the royal party; and all other
shipping was ordered to be stopped, in order that there
might be no delay in securing the 2000 mariners who
were needed for the fleet of the princess.2
On Easter Sunday, April 4th, the royal family attended
Divine service in the chapel at Whitehall, the bishop of
St. Andrews officiating, and received together the Sacra
ment of the Lord's Supper.3 The people were much
gratified to observe that, in spite of minor differences of
creed — for Prince Frederic was a rigid Calvinist — he was
willing to lay aside minor points, and partake with his
wife in the solemn rite which recognizes the death of Him
in whom all the sections of the loving, believing church
of God are emphatically one. The queen alone was
absent from this family service; her Bomanist inclina
tions, though jealously concealed, prevented her partici
pating in the sacramental forms of the Church of
England. In the afternoon of Saturday, April 10th, the royal
party left Whitehall in barges, and went down to Green
wich. The bridges and the banks ^ere\of the river were
crowded with people, anxious tVioid their princess
farewell ; and parting salutations were expressed by the
waving of flags wherever she passed, and by discharges
from the guns at the Tower, and from pieces of ordnance
placed along the shore. On their arrival at Greenwich,
the king, with the two princes, went out to hunt, the
princess remaining with her mother. Sunday was passed
in retirement, except that the family attended Divine
service in public. Numbers of persons were present, who
had flocked from London and the neighbourhood to take
a last look at their beloved princess. Free entrance was
allowed to all comers, and at the close of the service, as
Elizabeth was retiring, she permitted those who wished
it to kiss her hand. Her husband shared the popular
homage. 1 Foedera, vol. vi. p. 191. 2 Court of James I. vol. i. p- 239.
8 Howe, p. 626.

JAMES THE FIRST. 221
A slight jar occurred to interrupt the harmony of the
royal family. Henry, Lord Grey, who had heen
imprisoned in the Tower on the charge of joining in the
conspiracy of Sir Walter Baleigh, tried to make interest
with the Prince Palatine to intercede for his release.
Frederic accordingly preferred an urgent request to his
father-in-law, but was refused, the king expressing
surprise that he should plead on behalf of a man whom
he had never seen. The prince replied that the Duke of
Bouillon, Count Maurice, and Prince Henry of Nassau,
who knew Lord Grey, had recommended him ; to which
the king, with some asperity, retorted ; " Son, when I
come to visit you in Germany I shall not interfere for
your prisoners." Frederic felt himself aggrieved, and
complained to the Archbishop of Canterbury that the
king had treated him like a child : ' but the cloud soon
passed away.
On Tuesday afternoon, the 13th of April, the party
set forth for Bo Chester : they were met at some distance
from the town by the mayor, with a troop of seventy
horse, and the magistrates and council received them on
their entrance, and offered to the princess a present of
plate. The morning of the 14th was passed by the king
Prince Charles, and the Prince and Princess Palatine, in
visiting several galleys and vessels which were in course
of construction. On their return home, Elizabeth had to
encounter her first farewell, for the queen was about to
return homewards. She parted from her daughter with
an emotion which was still more strongly felt by the
princess. The king was about to follow her ; but before
leaving, he entered into a full statement of his wishes in
reference to the respectful treatment of his daughter, and
particularly that she should be allowed precedence of
her husband and of the German princes. Frederic,
under the excitement of the moment, when all his efforts
1 Nichols, vol. ii. p. 642 In Hail. MS. 7002, f. 306, is an epistle from
Lord Grey to Eail Northampton, mentioning having obtained letters in
his favour from both Frederic and Elizabeth. Frederic's letter is in
Ancient Royal Letters, vol. vi. f. 698, State Paper Office. The privy
council records mention some share of liberty granted to Lord Grey
in KJ13, but it was of short duration.

222 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
were needed to console his weeping bride, made promises
and protestations, the fulfilment of which involved him in
subsequent difficulties.1 Warmly commending his child
to the affections of her lord, and to the kindly offices of
Colonel Schomberg, tbe king bade her a tender adieu,
and with fond embraces and many tears they parted.2
Prince Charles, however, was not willing to leave his
sister so soon: he accompanied her to Sittingbourne,
where they passed the- night ; and the following day
to Canterbury, the next stage of her progress. The
neighbouring nobility rode out to meet them; and the
mayor and magistrates, in their scarlet robes, received
them with an oration at the gates of the city, and con
ducted them to the cathedral. There the dean and
canons welcomed them with a second oration, and accom
panied them to seats in the church, to attend the usual
evening service. Elizabeth was then led to the house of
the dean, where she was to lodge. Prince Charles was
accommodated in the house of a doctor close by.
Freed from the shackles of court restraint, Charles and
his sister resolved to spend a few quiet days together at
Canterbury, the wind not being so favourable as could be
desired. Meanwhile, under the superintendence of Schom
berg, their train was divided, and the Palatine's attendants,
excepting a few immediately about his person, went on to
Margate, and sailed for Flushing, to be in readiness to meet
the royal party on their landing. Whilst the princess
remained at Canterbury she addressed the following letter
to her father : —
" Sire, "I now feel the sad effects of separation and distance from your
majesty. My heart, which was pressed and astounded at my departure,
now permits my eyes to weep their privation of the sight of the most
precious object, which they could have beheld in this world. I shall,
perhaps, never see again the flower of princes, the king of fathers, the
best and most amiable father, that the sun will ever see. But the very
humble respect and devotion, with which I shall ceaselessly honour him,
your majesty can never efface from the memory of her, who awaits in
this place a favourable wind, and who would return again to kiss the
hands of your majesty, if the state of affairs, or her condition could
* 
1 Beschreibung, pp. 68-17.
. 2 Johnston, Hist. Rer. Brit. p. 487.

JAMES THE FIRST. 223
allow it, to show to your majesty with what ardent affection she is and
will be, even to death,
" Your majesty's very affectionate, very humble, and very obedient
daughter and servant, Elizabeth."
" From Canterbury, April 16th, 1613."
She also wrote to Sir J. Caesar as follows : —
" Good Sir Julius Cassar,
" If you be remembered, I did send you a note, signed with my own
hand, the 10th September, this present month, containing the number
and prices of rings, which, as tokens of my affection, I have bestowed
upon my friends. Now do I send you another bill, which shall show
you the number and prices of rings distributed amongst those who,
taking their leave, did .require some token, which I could not deny ;
and, having nothing to confer, was constrained to make Jacob Harderet,
my jeweller, furnish me with these rings, which I do acknowledge, by
my signet, apposed to this last bill, to have received and given away.
You do know that it is fitting for my quality, at the time of my parting
from my natural country, to leave some small remembrance of me
amongst my affectionate friends ; but that anything employed for my use
should rest unpaid doth not well become my quality ; and therefore, being
fully persuaded of your affection towards me, in such sort that you will
never suffer my name to come in question for any debt contracted by
me, I do earnestly entreat you to cause see these bills paid and dis
charged, so soon as may be, for my respect, because all these tokens have
been given with mine own hand. I am assured his majesty shall allow
you in so doing. This messenger expecteth your answer, which I pray
you let be sent me with all expedition, and in recompence, you shall
ever find me ready to prove, Your good friend,
" From Canterbury, the 20th of April, 1613." ' " Elizaheth."
" To her honourable friend, Sir Julius Caesar, knight chancellor of
the Exchequer."
The kindly feeling towards her inferiors displayed in
the preceding epistle is illustrated in another letter,
addressed to the Mayor of London, Sir John Swinerton,
on behalf of a servant, formerly her cook, entreating a
reversionary post for him.2
For five days the royal sister and brother enjoyed the
luxury of union and intercourse. On her brother Charles
Elizabeth seemed now to lavish the strong affection she
had previously entertained for -Henry ; and often, in their
after life, did both recur, with tender regret, to these
days of full and free outpouring of confidence and love.
1 Addit. MS. 12504, Art. 253. Orig.
8 Ellis's Letters, 2nd series, vol. iii. p. 231. The plea was not success
ful ; some time transpired before the vacancy occurred, and then another
person was appointed.

224 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
At length the king, jealous, possibly, of thislong delay, sent
a mandate for the prince to return to London, to be present
at the festival of the Order of the Garter, on April 23rd.
He was much disappointed to be prevented from seeing
his sister on board her vessel, but the royal command was
imperative.1 Unconscious, each, of the melancholy destiny
which was to render their separation final, they soothed
their regrets by mutual promises of frequent and happy
reunions; and after many a loving embrace and fond
farewell, they parted.
The same day, April 21st, the princess and her train
proceeded to Margate, and at once went on board. The
vessel prepared for their reception was " The Prince
Royal," that in the building of which Elizabeth and her
brother Henry had taken so much interest, and its
commander was his favourite shipwright, Phineas Pett,
who had constructed the vessel.2 The high admiral, the
aged Earl of Nottingham, received the princess with due
reverence; her husband and the Earl and Countess of
Harrington, with their attendants, were alone permitted
to embark with her ; the rest of the train sailed in other
vessels, which, forming into a crescent, were ordered to
follow the signals of the admiral. The intention was to
set sail with the next tide, but the wind being contrary,
they were compelled to wait another day, and on the
22nd, such a storm arose that about four p.m. the seamen
thought it better to put to shore; and the prince and
princess, with part of their train, again landed at
Margate.3 Count Maurice, of Nassau, uncle to Frederic,
sent over a skilful pilot with two pinnaces, to steer them
through the sands of Holland ; and thus encouraged, and
wearied, moreover, with tarrying at. a small fishing village
on the dull coast of Kent, at ten o'clock on the evening
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, April 29, 1613. Domestic Records, State
Paper Office.
2 Extract from Pett's Life, Arcliaslogia, vol. xii. p. 268.
3 " The winds have been so cross and contrary," says a court letter,
" that they cannot get away." " They have been shipped once or twice,
but fain to get on shore again." Sir Henry Wotton speaks of the
princess as " having been long in our poor province of Kent, languishing
for a wind, which she sees, though it be but a vapour, princes cannot
command."

JAMES THE FIRST. 225
of the 25th, they again went on board ; tbe weather was
rather clearer, though contrary winds still prevailed.
With the next tide they ran out to sea, and on the
morning of the 26th, the princess lost sight of the shores
of her native land.1
1 Beschreibung, ut, sup. p. 77. Arehseologia, vol. xii. p. 269.

VOL. V.

226 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF

ELIZABETH,
ELDEST DAUGHTER OF JAMES I.

CHAPTEB II.
Elizabeth's voyage to Holland — Reception — Letter to King James —
Arrives at the Hague — Entertainments there — Presents — Travels
towards Germany — Embarks on the Rhine — Welcomed in the Pala
tinate, and at Heidelberg — Festivities there — Hunting-parties —
Elizabeth's dower settled — Her establishment — Fracas of servants —
Death of two Lords Harrington — Disturbances in Elizabeth's house
hold — Her life at court — Birth of a son — General rejoicings— His
baptism — Congratulations — Elizabeth's facile disposition — She runs
into debt — Schomberg marries her maid of honour — Frederic reaches
his majority — Attends a meeting of princes at Heilbrunn — His illness
— Elizabeth writes to the king — Contests for precedence — Domestic
regulations — Jewels missing — Explanations — Heidelberg gardens—*
Visit to High Palatinate — Suspicions entertained against Schomberg
— Death of his wife — Letter of Elizabeth — Assembly at Wirtemberg
— Discussions on precedency — Death of Schomberg — Arrival of Lady
Harrington — Birth and baptism of Charles Louis — Projected visit to
England — Present of monkeys — Threatened assassination — Birth of
Elizabeth — Death of Anne of Denmark — Arrival of Doncaster,
English ambassador — Elizabeth's love of literature.
The voyage of the princess, though stormy, was safe.1
On the evening of the 27 th of April, 1613, the fleet
anchored off Ostend, and the light of the following
morning discovering her arrival to the inhabitants, she
was greeted with a discharge of cannon ; a similar salute
was fired on her passing Helvoetsluys. The noise of the
artillery conveyed the tidings of her approach to Frederic's
maternal uncle and guardian, Maurice, Prince of Orange,
who awaited the august party at Flushing. Maurice,
with the Princes Henry of Nassau and Emmanuel of
1 Beschreibung des Heyraths, p. 78. Nichols, vol. ii. p. 611.

JAMES THE FIRST. 227
Portugal,1 put off in a boat and joined the royal fleet,
which lay at anchor a few miles from Flushing. They
kissed the hand of the young Elector and of his bride,
to whom they were formally presented, and were then
introduced to the English commissioners, all of whom
had come on board the "Prince Boyal" to meet them.
After a short interview they proposed returning to shore ;
but at the urgent request of the princess and the English
admiral, they not only remained to partake of a splendid
supper, which was served up in the saloon of the vessel,
but even consented to pass the night on board.2
The next day, April 29th, after an early dinner, the
princess prepared to land. A boat was let down for the
reception of the royal party, lined with crimson velvet,
and furnished with twenty English rowers, in red and
white liveries. The oars kept rapid time to the music of
a band placed at the stern. Elizabeth was attended
by the Countess of Arundel, Lady Harrington, Mrs.
Dudley, and her ladies of the chamber, and also by the
Lords Arundel, Lisle, Harrington, and other knights and
gentlemen.3 " No sooner did they set footing on the land but (to make heaven and
earth echo forth the report) the lord admiral sent unto them a volley of
great shot, to the number of 400 ; the town of Flushing answering in
the like thunder of 200 great shot."
On the landing steps, the deputies of the States of
Zealand received the princess. The streets of the town
were lined with citizens, and soldiers in full armour;
and in the midst of firing, music, bell-ringing, and
every token of rejoicing, Elizabeth, attended by her
husband, proceeded on foot, unveiled and uncanopied, to
a house of Prince Maurice, where she was to be enter
tained. Her condescension, in thus submitting to gratify
the curiosity of the Hollanders, was so much applauded,
that she adopted the same plan as long as she remained in
the country ; which " noble behaviour " is said to have
1 This Prince of Portugal was Emanuel, son of Antonio, prior of
Crato, an illegitimate scion of the royal family of Braganza, who had
unsuccessfully endeavoured to vindicate a claim to the throne, against
the lawful pretensions of Philip II. of Spain. In 1597 he had married
Amelia of Nassau, and now found a refuge among his wife's relatives.
2 Monk to Lake, May 10, Holland Corresp. State Paper Office.
3 Nichols, vol. ii. p. 615. Q 2

228 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
given "great contentments to all the beholders."1 A
foot-walk through the narrow and crowded streets of
a small Dutch town, must certainly have been a curious
episode in her existence. A stately supper, and a display
of excellent artificial fireworks, with other shows and
devices, concluded the day.
Early on the morning of the 30th, Frederic departed
for the Hague, where his presence was necessary to the
conclusion of a treaty between the States-General2 and
the princes of the Protestant union in Germany, of whom
he was the head.3 Elizabeth was left to pursue her
journey in charge of the English admiral and commis
sioners, and of the burgomaster of Flushing. On Satur
day, May 1st, they escorted her to Middleburg, where
she was received by twenty companies of soldiers, who,
" with loud and lusty volleys of shot," conducted her to
her lodging in the abbey. On Sunday, in company with
the Dutch princes and such of the commissioners as
understood the language, she attended the French
service. She was then led in state to the Bathhaus, or
townhall, where she partook, with cordial cheerfulness,
of a dinner which had been prepared for her by the
States : " No words being able to express the bounty,
royalty, and cost, of so princely an entertaiment."
Eighty persons, male and female, of the highest rank
in the place, were allowed to share the repast, and
all combined to show every possible mark of honour to
their illustrious guest. The following day, the aged
admiral, who had gallantly fulfilled his commission,
presented to the princess the commander of the ship, her
former friend, Phineas Pett, to kiss her hand,4 and then
1 Winwood's Memorials, vol. iii. p. 464.
2 It may be advisable, for the sake of perspicuity, to explain that
each of the seven provinces of Holland was governed by its own
" states," and that the " states general," which legislated for the whole
country, was composed of deputies from each of these provinces. " The
United States " was, in strict propriety, the name of the country which
is now designated Holland, as the term Holland, though often given to
the whole in common parlance, was in its stricter sense confined to one
province. 3 Schomberg to James I. May 3'T, Frederic to James I. same date,
German Corresp. State Paper Office.
4 Archaeol. vol. xii. p. 267.

JAMES THE FIRST. 229
he himself took leave of his fair charge, and departed
homewards. He was the bearer of the following note
from the princess to her father.1
'' Sir, — I could not select a person more suitable to relate to your
majesty the extraordinary favours and courtesies that I have received
from the admiral, than himself, who has so honoured me for your
majesty's sake, that I shall esteem myself the happiest of beings if I
shall afterwards understand that your majesty shews good will towards
him. The admiral will declare to your majesty the love of all the
people of this country and the honour that I received from regard to
your majesty, but he is not able, neither am I, to express with what
devotion I shall ever be Sire,
" Your majesty's very affectionate daughter
and very humble servant, " Elizaheth.
" Middleburg, 3rd May, 1613." 2
In the afternoon, the party took their barges for Dort ;
but the wind being against them, the princess landed for
the night at Wilhelmstadt, all excepting her immediate
attendants remaining on ship-board ; on the 4th she
arrived at Dort, and was lodged in tbe prince's palace, and
the next day reached Botterdam. Prince Frederic, who,
when his business was dispatched, flew on the wings of
love to rejoin his bride, had already arrived there, along
with Sir Balph Winwood, the English ambassador, and the
wife of Count Ernest of Nassau-Dietz, Sophia Hedwig,
of Brunswick, who was cousin to the princess,3 and
wished, therefore, to be the first lady to bid her welcome.
Leaving Dort in coaches, and passing through Delft, they
arrived the same evening, May 5th, at the Hague, where
the States-General, in their capacity of guardians of the
Prince Palatine, — an office which they held by his father's
will, — exerted themselves to show their heartfelt welcome.
Headed by Prince Maurice, and attended by a train of
horse, they went out some distance to meet the princess,
and when she drew near, dismounted and kissed her hand,
and then followed her to the town ;4 there she was received by
the burghers with peals of artillery, and by them conducted
1 Beschreibung der Heimfuhrung, &c. p. 80-1 ; Nichols, vol. ii. p. 611.
2 From the original, in the private collection of Miss Richardson
Currer, of Eshton Hall, Yorkshire.
3 Her mother, the Duchess of Brunswick Wolfenbuttel, was Eliza
beth of Denmark, sister of Queen Anne.
4 Johnston, Rer. Brit. Hist. p. 477-

230 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
to the palace of Count Henry, wher.e their entertainment
" was as royal as his mind that bestowed it." 1 After the
evening repast a French comedy was performed for their
amusement. The following day a magnificent dinner was given, at
which all the chief persons were present: they then went
out to hunt, and Elizabeth, who dearly loved field-sports,
shot down three stags with her own royal hand,2 and was
highly exhilarated with the exercise. Another comedy,
and a concert of music, formed the evening's diversion.
On the 7th, the party set forth for Scheveling, to view the
wind-chariots, lately invented, which were propelled by
means of the wind acting upon large sails. But when they
had proceeded a short distance, they found the air so still,
that there was no chance of seeing the chariots to advan
tage, and they therefore returned.
Prince Frederic, whose presence in his own dominions
was necessary to the honourable reception of his wife, now
took a formal leave of the States-General, with hearty
thanks for their princely entertainment, and commended
to them the princess, who was to remain a few days longer
in their charge. At seven o'clock, on the morning of the
8 th, he bade her a loving farewell, cheering her with hopes
of their speedy and and final re-union, and set out home
wards.3 That day a review took place for the amusement
of Elizabeth, who was conducted to the field with great
military pomp by the Prince of Orange and the States.
The following day, being Sunday, she passed in retire
ment. On the 10th she was called to take upon her the
honours due to her position as Electress : Count Philip of
Oranienberg and the Burgrave of Alsace, nobles of the
Palatinate, arrived as deputies from the administrator, the
Duke of Deuxponts, to bid her welcome, and requested
an audience.4 The same day a deputation from the States
1 Winwood to Rochester, May 22nd. Holl. Corresp.
' Mercure Francais, 1613, p. 77. Mercurius Gallo-Belgicus, 1613, pt. 8,
p. 85.
3 Frederic arrived at Heidelberg, May 13th. Du Plessen to Villiers,
the French agent at Dusseldorf, May 15, 1613 ; Archives des Affaires
Etrangeres, Paris. For extracts from Du Plessen's Despatches, the
author is indebted to the courtesy of M. Mignet.
1 Beschreibung, p. 90.

JAMES THE FIRST. 231
waited upon her, to present their congratulations on her
marriage, and also to offer their gifts, which were so muni
ficent and costly that their total value was estimated at
10,0007. • The princess expressed her grateful acknow
ledgments, and took a courteous farewell of her liberal
hosts. In addition to their presents, they had expended
upwards of 20,000/. in her entertainment,2 though the
princess's treasurer was punctual in refunding to the civic
authorities of the different towns all charges for the diet
of her train ; and at the Hague alone he spent 49 11.
in provisions and in presents to the servants of Counts
Maurice and Henry.3
On the 11th of May, still attended by Prince Maurice
and the Princess of Nassau-Dietz, Elizabeth left the
Hague in a chariot drawn by four white horses,4 for
Leyden, where the whole body of citizens, clad in armour,
received and conducted her to Prince Maurice's residence.
On the 12th she proceeded to Haarlem, and was accommo
dated in the Town-hall, where she passed the night,
having previously visited all that was of note in the place.
The city had prepared a present significantly utilitarian —
1 Addit. MS. 5847, f- 339. " A particular of such gifts as were pre
sented to her highness by the States-General of The United Provinces,
the tenth of May, 1613 : —
A carcanet garnished with 36 diamonds in bossed work.
Two great pearls pendent, weighing 36 carats and 1 grain.
A string of pearl of 25 pieces, oriental water.
A great needle or bodkin, garnished with a great table diamond, and
4 other diamonds about it, of which 3 are pendants in bossed work.
All these lay in a small cabinet of cloth of gold, between the folds of
a peif umed cushion.
A great looking-glass of silver-gilt of bossed work.
Ten pieces of tapestry by Francis Spiring.
Six other pieces of tapestry for a cabinet, of the same workman.
Several pieces of fine linen damask work, packed in C cases, contain
ing in all, for napkins and table-cloths, some 60 pieces.
Furniture for a chamber of China-work, black and gold, containing a
bedstead, a cupboard, a table, 2 great chests, a less chest, 5 small chests,
2 voiders, 24 dishes, 24 lesser dishes, 12 fruit dishes, and 6 saucers."
2 Winwood to Rochester, May 11, 1613, Holland Corresp. State
Paper Office.
3 Account of Bannister and Leigh, officers of the green cloth, ap
pointed to attend Sir Edward Cecil, treasurer of Elizabeth, on the
journey. It is preserved in the Audit Office, Whitehall.
4 Johnston's Rer. Brit. Hist, ut sup.

232 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
a magnificent cradle and complete trousseau of baby linen,
valued at 50,000 florins.1 At Haarlem she took boat for
Botterdam, where her first welcoming was a volley of
cannon : a carpeted platform was erected for her passage
from the boat to the shore, and thence to the carriages
which were in waiting ; and the burgesses, armed, were
all in attendance.2 At the end ofthe street near the
exchange was a triumphal arch, decorated with figures,
one of which symbolized the princess, under the character
of Thetis, daughter of Nereus and mother of Achilles ;
and a stanza beneath gave the points, present and pros
pective, of the comparison. Over the bridge, leading to
the prince's court, was another arch with symbolic figures.3
Friday was passed, in spite of bad weather, in perambu
lating this capital of Holland, and witnessing some of the
strange uncouth games of its fishing population. Here
Elizabeth received a costly present of golden plate.4 On
the 15th, she went on to Utrecht, which was a free city:
seventeen companies of foot and three of horse received
her outside the walls ; and the magistracy were in waiting
to conduct her to her abode at the " German-house." The
next day, the weather being remarkably clear, the princess
mounted the tower, and had a fine view of the thirty
cities of Holland, lying around in a panoramic landscape.
A costly collation was prepared in the tower, of which
she partook; and to do honour alike to her and to the
English ambassador who attended her, the healths of her
father and brother were drunk, with a salute of fifteen
guns. From Utrecht she went to Bhenen in Guelder-
land, where Prince Maurice again took her out to hunt,
and his brother Henry met them with a troop of horse,
who, on the approach of the princess, performed a mock-
fight. After a night passed in a nunnery at Bhenen,5
1 Mercure Francais, 1613, p. 77. Life of Louise Juliane, p. 15.
2 Nichols, vol. ii. p. 615.
3 Mercurius Gallo-Belgicus, 1613, pt. 2, p. 86.
* Her reception is said to have cost the state five tons of gold.
Epitome Belg. Hist. Sande, p. 95.
6 " To the States' Ministers in Rhenen, and to certain nuns in whose
cloister her highness was lodged, where the greatest part of the charge
was defrayed for one day, 37/. 4s." — Account of Bannister and Leigh,
ut. sup.

JAMES THE FIRST. 233
they proceeded to Arnheim, and spent a day with the
Count and Countess of Nassau-Dietz, the latter of whom
entertained her near relative, as she was proud to style the
princess, in very hospitable manner,1 and presented her
young son Henry, an infant of a year old, who afterwards
became a gallant defender of Elizabeth's cause.2 This was
the last place within the limits of the States which she
would have to pass, and, flattered by the courtesies she
had received, Elizabeth wrote to her father in terms of
ardent gratitude for the favours received from the States-
General, and also of cordial obligation to her father's am
bassador, not only for his attendance, but for the judicious
counsels which his long experience in those countries
enabled him to give her.3
Before quitting Arnheim, the English ambassador,
Winwood, who had hitherto attended the princess, kissed
hands and took leave. The opportunity of forming his
acquaintance on this journey was of value to Elizabeth,
as he subsequently became secretary of state, and was
ever ready to use his influence in her favour. For her
safeguard up the Bhine, Prince Maurice provided three
troops of horse ; and on May 20th, escorted by him and
by the Princess of Nassau-Dietz, she set out towards
Emmerich, and crossing the Yssel, reached that town in
the evening. She was now in Cleveland, the whole
territory of which was in the hands of temporary guar
dians, till the termination of disputes between the heirs of
the last Duke of Cleves should settle the succession.
The regency dispatched a body of troops to meet the
princess on the frontiers, and form her escort. She paid
a visit to the Jesuits' church at Emmerich, and then
taking leave of the Princess of Nassau-Dietz, who was
returning homeward, went on to Niederwesel. There
she was met by an envoy from the court of Flanders, who
desired an audience, and presented letters of credence
from the Archduke Albert and his wife, Isabella of Spain,
1 Beschreibung, &c. p. 92.
2 Elizabeth to Sir T. Roe, June 7, 1637, Germ. Corresp. State Paper
Office. ! Holograph, French. Ancient Royal Letters, Germ. vol. vi. p. 314,
ut sup.

234 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
congratulating her on her safe journey hitherto, and
requesting that she would honour them _ by passing
through their town of Bheineck, which lay in her route.
Elizabeth well knew, even then, how insincere were the
congratulations of Austria and Spain ojggt union whose
great object was to strengthen the Pro^Htat interests in
Germany, and she briefly, but very courteously, declined
the invitation ; though her refusal gave some offence.1
Proceeding by Wesel, her next tarrying was at Dussel-
dorf. Dickenson, the English resident in those parts,
thus writes to James I.2
" I hold it my duty to give your majesty notice that on Saturday, the
22nd of this month, the princess came to Dusseldorf, having been met
and received a good way without the town, by the young Prince of
Brandenburg, and the Count Frederic of Solms, (who came to perform
that office of reception and attendance in the Prince Wolfgang Wil
liam's name,) followed by a fair train of gentry, besides those who
received her highness at the frontiers of Cleveland, which are somewhat
near to Arnheim. I must confess," he adds, " that her treatment
within the territories of the possident princes, [those in possession of
Cleves,] doth not equal that of the united Low Countries ; but withal, I
dare boldly affirm that the inequality conslsteth only in the dispropor
tion of conveniences and means, not of desire and endeavour."
At Dusseldorf, a deputation from the magistrates of
Cologne waited on the princess, to beg that she would
visit their ancient city. It had previously been matter
of doubt whether or not she would pass by Cologne:
on the one hand, her numerous train, which was now
swelled to 4000 persons,3 rendered it difficult to find
accommodation in small places ; and even in larger ones,
the active co-operation of" the rulers of the country was
needed to procure necessary conveniences; but on the
other hand, her guardians were exceedingly jealous lest
she should go anywhere unwelcomed." This depu
tation, however, settled the point, and journeying by
way of Mulheiin, the party shortly arrived at Cologne,
where banners waved and artillery thundered, to do
them honour. In order to show confidence in their
1 Winwood, vol. iii. p, 460.
2 Holland Corresp. May 26, 1613, State Paper Office.
3 Winwood to Rochester, May 22, Holland Corresp.
4 Lenox, &c. to James I. May 19. Winwood to Rochester, May II,
Holland Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 235
hosts, the troops of horse and foot that accompanied the
princess remained outside the walls; whilst she, with
Counts Maurice and Henry, entered the city ; a pro
ceeding which, in England, was censured as unjustifi
ably hazardous ; l but which the issue proved to be safe.
In the afternnoon of the next day, May 25th, Elizabeth
and her companions, attended by some of the magistracy,
were led to the Town-hall, where they partook of a
sumptuous banquet of sweetmeats. On the 26th, the
magistrates of the city returned the visit, and dined with
the princess. She was conducted in due course, to see
the cathedral and the church of St. Ursula ; in the
former, all the relics, including those of the far-famed
three kings of Cologne, were displayed before her.2 She
presented 100s. to the servants of the house in which she
lodged, and 6/. to the trumpeter of the Marquis of
Brandenburg; her chaplain disbursed 26?. during the
journey, in alms to the poor — given at her command;
and her gentleman usher expended 1 68/. from her privy
purse in rewards and gifts. The following items of expen
diture also occur: " 100*. to Garrett, the jester, in reward
from her highness;" " 771. to Michael Johnson, apicturer,
for his attendance and drawing her highness's picture ; "
and " 380/. for a ring and a jewel, to set a picture in,"
probably the one just named.3
From Cologne Ebzabeth proceeded to Bonn, where the
young Prince of Brandenburg waited to invite her to a
collation spread on the grass, in the open fields. At this
point of the journey her gallant companions, the Princes
Maurice and Henry, with Emmanuel of Portugal, all of
whom had done their utmost to play the agreeable, took
their leave. Prince Maurice sent her, after their parting,
a diamond chain, which he had purchased at Amsterdam.4
Preparations were now made for embarking on the Bhine.
The Prince of Brandenburg handed Elizabeth on board
1 Wotton to Bacon, June 18, 1613, Wotton's Letters, p. 25.
2 Beschreibung, &c p. 94. Mercurius Gallo-Belg. 1613, p. 89.
3 Banuister and Leigh's accounts. Audit Office. The senate pre
sented a parting gift of jewels and wine. — Mercurius, ut sup. p. 88.
4 At a cost of 1600/. Winwood to James I., May 24. Holland Corresp.
State Paper Office. The bearer of this gift had a reward of 20/. and
Prince Maurice's steward received a gratuity of 200/.

236 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
her vessel, when to her surprise she found herself intro
duced into a suite of rooms, far exceeding in splendour
those in which she had sailed from England. Her private
room and ante-room were hung with velvets, rose colour
or blue, and canopied with tapestry of flowered gold : the
saloon was proportionately spacious and beautiful, and the
other parts of the ship were in keeping ; whilst on deck
was spread a costly awning, supported by columns of imi
tation marble, and well protected from the weather, in
which she could sit and enjoy the magnificent scenery of
the river. Her coat of arms, and those of the Prince
Palatine, were emblazoned on the mast, and the whole
vessel was wreathed with laurels. On the stern was a
crowned lion ; whilst the bow displayed a figure of Fortune
poised on a ball, the constant movement of the ship
rocking her up and down her orb in characteristic
vicissitudes. A more fitting emblem could not have been
devised to grace the vessel which bore Elizabeth of
England to her changeful destiny ! [ The pleasure of the
princess was increased, when she learned that this ship
had been built expressly for her by her husband, who had
also sent two others, handsomely fitted up for the English
commissioners. Thirty Bhine boats accommodated the
inferior attendants and the baggage.
From this time the days were chiefly passed on ship
board, and in the evening the princess landed at one or
other of the towns on the banks of the river ; the first
night at Oberwinter, where she was received by the Arch
bishop of Cologne, and entertained in the nunnery ; the
27th, at Andernach, where she was lodged in the castle, and
with her train feted by order of the Archbishop of Cologne,
as also, the day following, at Coblentz, by the Archbishop
of Treves: only, being Friday, the repast consisted of
1 Beschreibung des Heyraths, &c. pp. 86-7, 96. Nichols, vol. ii. p.
616. Gellius, in an epithalamium and gratulatory poem, 4to, Heidelb.
1613, describes Elizabeth as the " Palatine Venus," and represents
this Rhine tour in glowing terms. Maxwell, whose graceful verses to
the princess have already been quoted, wrote in prose " a monument of
remembrances," in honour of her arrival in Germany, deducing the
mutual descent of Frederic and Elizabeth from twenty-five emperors
and thirty-five kings, and .searching biblical and classic lore for fitting
types to represent them.

JAMES THE FIRST. 237
fish in every possible variety. The firing, as she passed
the bridge thrown over the Moselle, and by the fortress of
Hermanstein, reverberated with striking effect from the
neighbouring hills. By this time rumours flew far and wide
of the gallant vessels which were bearing their royal charge
up the waters of the noble river, yet unploughed by
steamers; and where even a solitary barge rarely intruded
upon the beautiful seclusion : several of the knightly resi
dents upon or near the banks, sent offerings of wine or
refreshment to the princess as she passed. Arriving at
St. Goar, she was received by the young Landgrave of
Hesse,1 and rested for the Sabbath, a day kept sacred
during her whole journey, with praiseworthy decorum.
The next morning brought two messengers 2 from the
Elector, to apprise Elizabeth and her guardians of the
unhealthy state of several ofthe towns in the neighbour
hood, which were infected with the plague, and to entreat
them not to land in any place where there was the slightest
danger of contagion. They accordingly sailed past Ober-
wesel, Caub, and Bacharach, without touching, and had
hardly passed the latter place, when a swift chaloupe was
seen to approach, and Prince Frederic, who had tarried
not a moment after the necessary arrangements for his
bride's reception were completed, sprang on board her
vessel, and was welcomed by Elizabeth with equal surprise
and delight. The same evening she landed at the village
of Gaulstein, setting foot for the first time in the territory
of the Palatinate, to the great joy of the inhabitants, who
received her with repeated acclamations and firing, and a
train of coaches was in waiting to convey the party to
the Town-hall. There tables were spread, to the number of
150, and the next morning the whole suite landed to
breakfast. The object of the English commissioners was now
accomplished. They had conveyed their charge, in safety
and honour, to the dominions of her husband, and de
livered her into his care, and they therefore requested
their dismissal ; but Lords Lenox, Arundel, and Lisle,
received and accepted an urgent invitation to accompany
' Nichols, vol. ii. p. 616.
i 2 John Casimir, a Palatine prince, and the baron of Winnenberg.

238 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
their princess to the end of her journey, and pay a visit to
Heidelberg. Lord Harrington, with Levinus, Monck, and
Doctor Martin, who were associated with him as legal
commissioners, also went on, that they might examine and
take possession of the princess's dower lands.1 The officials
who had transacted the commissariat department, with
their numerous attendants, were dismissed ; but many of
the inferior retainers contrived still to linger in the prin
cess's suite, where, as we shall subsequently find, their
numbers and their anomalous position caused her much
annoyance. An inconvenience unforseen and unprovided for, trans
pired after the departure of the commissioners. It was
considered fitting to the rank of the princess that presents
should be given, on her part, in all the towns through
which she passed ; and those presents had been furnished
by her treasurer Cecil. On his departure, she was to
travel at the Elector's expense ; but she felt a strong re
luctance to apply fo him at once for her private funds, and
a still stronger to omit the customary gratuities ; and yet
she had no resources of her own. In this dilemma she
induced her jeweller, Harderet, to advance a considerable
sum, for which she gave him one of her jewels in pledge.2
" If he had not furnished me," she writes to a friend in England, " I
had suffered some kind of discredit, not having the means to give tokens
where many times I was obliged by necessity, and oftentimes con
strained to give proportionably, to many indifferent persons, to my own
quality." »
The voyagers now re-embarked, and in accordance with
an invitation from the Archbishop of Mayence, passed a
night in that city, the emperor's apartments in the castle
being fitted up for Elizabeth, and those of the archbishop
for Frederic. They " had there a solemn, bounteous
and royal entertainment from the Bishop of Mayence,"
"and were by him feasted for two days, sundry excellent
fireworks helping likewise to wear out the time and to
make her welcome appear more princely and sumptuous."
1 Fcedera, vol. vii. p. 192.
r' 2 Elizabeth to James I., April, 1615, Ancient Royal Letters, vol. vi.
p. 508, State Paper Office.
3 Elizabeth to Mr. Murray, from the original in the private possession
of David Laing, Esq., F.S.A. of Edinburgh.

JAMES THE FIRST. 239
Oppenheim, the next resting-place, was within the Pala
tinate ; they entered the town under two triumphal arches,
bearing allegorical figures and inscriptions,1 and were pre
sented with a dessert service, silver gilt, a tun of wine,
twenty-five sacks of oats, and two hundred-weight of fish.
The last offering was a printed oration, composed by
Doctor Bartholomew Agricola, who had himself the
honour of presenting it.
Elizabeth had become so weary of the tedium of the
river passage, that she begged permission to proceed by
land, and, as they were now past the infected region, her
husband consented. After resting at Oppenheim one day,
June 3rd, they took their carriages for Worms. The
preparations there making for their reception were not
completed in time, and therefore they did not alight : but
received, sitting in their chariot, the congratulatory ora
tion and the present of plate, wine, and oats offered to
their acceptance. The same evening, they reached Frank-
enthal, in which, as one of Elizabeth's dower towns, and
a chief place in the Palatinate, the rejoicings were exu
berant. The whole city was astir ; the inhabitants either
clad in armour or in their costliest attire. From the
highest to the lowest, all had been occupied ; some deco
rated their houses with branches of the graceful birch ;
some wove garlands and scattered flowers in the streets ;
some prepared fireworks ; and the instant the signal of
their approach was sounded from the town, the street
leading from the Worms gate was thrown open, and every
part of it strewn with flowers. Sixty citizens went forth,
dressed in cassocks of blue, looped up with white and
gold, with grey hats and green feathers, and meeting the
cortege in the country, greeted them with a feu-de-joie.
1 On one of these, allusion was made to the descent of Elizabeth from
the joint houses of Yoik and Lancaster, and to the former union of
Lewis Barbatus, Palatine of the Rhine, with Blanche of England, who
is miscalled Queen of England. Blanche was imaged forth, at full
length, and represented as uttering words of welcome to Elizabeth,
assuring her she would never repent having followed her example and
forsaken her father's home for the land of the Palatine. The full
description of the decorated arches &c, with coloured plates, is given
in the often-quoted Beschreibung des Reiss, Heyraths, &c.

240 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
As they approached the city ten guns discharged their
thunders from the battlements, and on entering, they found
the streets lined with musketeers, on one side in Turkish
dress, on the other, in the costume of ancient Borne.
Near the market-place was a splendid arch of triumph,
under which a choir of eighty boys, robed in green,
chanted a song of welcome, and then preceded them as
they continued their course. Two other companies of
musketeers, in Moorish and Indian attire, lined the way
up to the door of the princely residence, where on a
gallery erected by the goldsmiths, was a band of musicians,
who poured forth their sweetest strains.
Arriving at the palace, now become the property of
Elizabeth, the Elector and Electress alighted, and mount
ing a balcony over the portico, presented themselves
to the greetings of the assembled . throng, and stood for
some time admiring the aspect of the decorated city;
whilst the bands of musketeers, the children, and the arti
zans, defiled in procession before them. They were after
wards entertained with the display of a regal throne, illumi
nated with 100 lamps, representing the introduction of the.
Queen of Sheba to King Solomon; and then, weary
with the fatigues of the day, retired to rest. The amuse
ment of the morrow consisted principally in an imitative
performance of the siege of Troy.1
Leaving his wife to repose another day at Frankenthal,
Prince Frederic went forward to Heidelberg, etiquette
requiring that he should be there to greet her on her
public reception. He had heard it whispered amongst
the English commissioners that the military exhibitions
they had occasionally witnessed were merely a few hired
troops, got together for the moment, and not the soldiery
of the land ; and piqued by their remarks, he determined
to make his wife's reception the scene of a grand military
display. He therefore assembled nearly 6000 men, with
their tents, field-pieces, &c, in full equipage, upon a
spacious plain, about a mile from the city, where, flanked
by twenty-two large and ten small cannon, they formed
in battle array on each side of the road through which
1 Nichols, vol. ii. p. 617.

JAMES THE FIRST. 241
the princess was to pass.1 The 7th of June was the day
appointed for the state entry. A political contemporary
writes as follows : —
" Now in the lovely month (which this time we so wittingly call Unio,
(June) partly on account of the union of the royal and electoral houses,
but much more for the value of the costly pearl which his electoral
highness had stolen in the kingdom of Great Britain, and through God's
grace brought here,) on the" seventh day of this month June, its lovely
sunshine showered great joy not only in the electoral town of Heidel
berg, but on the whole land, all desirous to see and receive the English-
treasure and pearl, the joy, wealth, and ornament of their loved prince.
On the aforesaid day, about 12 o'clock, his electoral highness, with the
illustrious Prince and Lord John, Palatine of the Rhine, administrator
of the electorate, &c. and the abovenamed princes, earls, and lords,
with their noble horsemen, departed handsomely dressed and well armed,
from his residence at Heidelberg, to receive the royal bride."
The cortege of the princess was at length seen slowly
approaching along the plain, and the Elector and his
nobles rode on a considerable distance to meet them. As
they came near the coach in which Elizabeth was seated, it
drew up, and no sooner was the door opened than she sprang
out and stood to receive the loving greeting of her spouse
and his formal welcome to his capital. Their hands were
scarcely joined when a salute was fired by all the artillery,
with tremendous and almost overpowering effect ; 2 after
which the Electress was formally presented to the admi
nistrator, and the principal nobles. She wore a robe of
cloth of gold, embroidered, with a high Elizabethan
collar, and a riding-hat of crimson velvet, plumed with
feathers, of the peculiar high-crowned, broad-brimmed,
description, familiar in the portraits of her mother.3
A collation had been prepared for her in the Elector's
tent on the plain, but as the weather became cloudy and
threatened rain, it was thought better to proceed at once ;
and for the same reason the princess declined to mount
on horseback, as had been intended, and was led by her
husband and the Marquis of Anspach to another carriage,
covered with crimson velvet, pronounced by competent
judges to be the handsomest and most tasteful ever seen
1 Mercure Francais, p. 26.
z Gellius, Epithalamium, &c. ut sup.
3 A coloured illustration of this scene is given in the Beschreibung,
ifcc.
VOL. V. R

242 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
in Europe.1 The Ladies Arundel and Harrington took
their places by her side. The carriage, though surrounded
by a canopy wrought with gold, was open on all sides, so
as to give the crowds of beholders an opportunity of
seeing the princess. As the procession moved on, salutes
were fired by the troops, and cannon were discharged
with such vigour, that for nearly an hour the plain was
covered with smoke. Band after band of soldiers formed
into file under their respective leaders, and preceded her
to Heidelberg ; their uniforms of scarlet, green, and white,
adding much to the effect of the spectacle. These were
followed by the trumpeters, and immediately before the
princess rode the Prince Palatine, the administrator,
the Marquis of Anspach, and the Duke of Wirtem-
berg. Then came her carriage, escorted by six pages
of honour, mounted on horses splendidly harnessed, and
the royal commissioners of England with their wives;
the female attendants brought up the rear.2 As they
came within sight of Heidelberg, they were welcomed
by a salute from all the towers in the city, and also
from sixty-seven cannon placed along the banks of the
Neckar. The ceremonies of the arrival in the city occupy many
pages in the volume from which our description is taken;
but they must be briefly passed over. At the bridge
over the river, leading into the town, the fishermen made
the first pastime, which, if less recherche than those that
followed, was perhaps not less amusing, from the hearty
good-will with which it was performed. A cask, sur
mounted by four turrets, was fastened on the top of an
iron spike, so formed as to revolve at a touch, and around
this were twelve boats, full of sailors, who with iron lances
strove to tear away the hoops of the cask, or to pierce the
turrets. There was many a failure in the attempt, which
precipitated the unfortunate fishermen into the water; but
the successful candidates were rewarded with presents of
money ; as were those also who performed the more diffi
cult task of shooting a goose fastened to a floating scaffold.
1 Du Plessen to Villars, June 11th, 1613; Archives des Affaires
Etrangeres. - Beschreibung, &c. pp. 122 — 130.

JAMES THE FIRST. 243
The good-natured prince sent the poor fellows wine to
drink his health, and that of his bride, and the cortege
passed on to the bridge, through a portal bearing the arms
of England and the Palatinate, with two clasped hands and
the motto " Deus conjunxit.'1' " God hath joined together."
The bridge had the appearance of an alcove, so great was
the profusion of flowers. Over the gate of the city was a
large oil picture, depicting Frederic and Elizabeth as the
Rhine and Pallas, and bearing numerous Latin mottoes, the
first of which was, " Welcome, thou long- wished-for one ;
most precious care of God ; the love of our prince ; the
safety of the people, and delight of the age." Riding
on through streets tapestry-hung and flower-bestrewn, and
crowded with people, they passed through three bands
of troops, in the market place, to the entrance of the
Obernstrasse, where the burgomaster had erected at his
own cost a graceful arch of trees and flowers, with the
motto, " God guard thy entrance." From the centre hung
a golden crown, which, had Elizabeth entered on horse
back, as was expected, would have been lowered upon her
head ; but in place of this, as the royal carriage passed
beneath, it descended upon the canopy, and was drawn up
again : significant emblem of short-lived regality ! Had
the magistrate of Heidelberg forseen the war and desola
tion which the longing for a crown, in the breast of her
who was thus greeted, would cause to his country, he had
surely chosen another symbol.
From this place the citizens, in arms, lined the streets,
and as the princess passed on, all "were recreated and
exhilarated by the aspect of her benignity, by the majesty
of her countenance, and the amiable cheerfulness of her
brow." ' The University of Heidelberg outshone all com
petitors in its strenuous efforts to do honour to a lady,
herself no mean scholar, and the daughter of the most
reputedly learned monarch of the age. No less than four
triumphal arches were erected, each covered with laudatory
inscriptions, and learned emblems. Under the second
portal, stood the University rector, with a long train of
professors, doctors, and masters of art, who, in a Latin
oration, wished the princess all happiness, and commended
1 Johnston's Hist. Rer. Brit. p. 488.
r2

244 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
the University to her protection. At her request, Colonel
Schomberg gave a courteous reply; and then a young
child, stepping forwards, presented her with a basket of
the rarest fruits and flowers, saying, in French : " Madam,
the goddesses Flora and Pomona greet you, and wishing
you every blessing and felicity, they present you this
basket." Elizabeth not only received the boy's offering
with a gracious smile, but gladly partook of its refreshing
contents. All the other triumphal arches were eclipsed by one
erected in the court of Heidelberg castle: it was 65
feet high, by 36 wide, and 25 deep ; on the sides were full-
length statues of four of the most illustrious dukes of the
Palatinate, and surmounting these, on the entrance-front,
were figures of Henry the Lion and his wife, Matilda of
England ; and on the inner-front, of Louis the Pious and
Blanche of England ; thus gracefully commemorating the
two alliances which already united the blood-royal of
England with that of the Palatine House. About six
o'clock in the evening the carriages passed under this arch,
and drew up in the courtyard. Frederic instantly sprang
from his horse, and flew to the door of the princess's car
riage, which he opened himself, to receive and hand out his
"royal treasure," and present her to his mother, who
stood on the steps at the castle door.
" With what joy, hearty embracings, and loving kisses, these two
Electresses, mother and daughter, received and greeted each other, is
rather to be imagined than described," writes our author, " for it was
with such maternal and filial ardour, grace, and eagerness, that all the
bystanders were moved, and they were highly and heartily gratified."1
Another authority, also an eye-witness, states that
Elizabeth threw her arms round the neck of her mother-
in-law, kissed her, and addressed her in " most civil and
courteous language."2 The Electress warmly returned her
caresses, declaring that since the death of her husband,
she had never tasted pleasure so sincere as that with which
she welcomed her royal daughter-in-law.3
The princess was then led into the great hall, and pre-
1 Beschreibung, p. 150.
2 Du Plessen to Villars, June 11th, 1613, ut sup.
8 Gellius, Epithal. &c. ut s,up.

JAMES THE FIRST. 245
sented to a company of ladies, who awaited her in their
several ranks. The chief of these were the two duchesses
of Deuxponts, mother and wife ofthe administrator; the
latter, who was sister to the Prince Palatine, was accom
panied by her little daughter, whom Elizabeth caressed
with great kindness ; next in rank were Catherine and
Charlotte, the unmarried sisters of Frederic ; and other
relatives of the Palatine house.1 After these introductions,
the princess was attended by the administrator and the
Marquis of Anspach, and followed by all the ladies to her
apartments, where, at last, she was allowed some repose ;
the English nobles also were conducted to the rooms pro
vided for them.
The castle of Heidelberg, whose romantic ruins, situated
on a hill beyond the city, still form an object of interest
to the tourist, was then a magnificent structure, built of
stone, and surrounded with beautiful gardens. The prin
cipal apartments commanded a splendid view of the
country, through which the glittering river wound into
the noblest plain in Germany. The rooms, known as the
English portion of the castle, of which the outer walls
still remain, were afterwards built for Elizabeth in the
English style, by order of the Elector.2
The day following her arrival, Tuesday, June 8th, was
appointed as a general thanksgiving-day in every church
in the city. At the chapel of the castle the learned
Abraham Scultetus officiated, and Elizabeth was present,
though her knowledge of the German language was
imperfect. He commenced the service with a paraphrase
of the 136th Psalm, " O give thanks unto the Lord, for
he is good, for his mercy endureth for ever;" calling
upon the town, the electorate, &c, to say that " his
mercy endureth for ever;" after which he read the 147th
Psalm, and made it the groundwork of his discourse, con
cluding with a fervent thanksgiving for the preservation
of the prince, during his journey to England, for the
1 The company now included thirteen princes, besides a great assem
blage of counts and barons. — Carlton's Despatch, June, Venice Corresp.
State Paper Office.
¦J Pollnitzs Memoires, vol. i. p. 324, vol. iv. p. 11, Ansichten Heid.
Scliloss. Manheim, 1806.

246 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
happy fulfilment of his hopes, and for the prosperous
arrival of his bride.1
From the chapel the party went to the dining-room,
where they sat down to supper, after the ceremony of
washing of the hands, at which, according to the custom
of the country, noble earls held the ewer, basin, and towel
for the princess. Elizabeth was placed at the top of the
table ; on her left were her mother-in-law and the other
ladies of the family, who occupied one side ; on the other the
English commissioners, alternating with princes, dukes,
and nobles of the Palatinate. The dishes were served and
carved, and the wine poured out, by counts and barons
innumerable. Frederic had invited theDuke of Wirtemberg
and several of the neighbouring potentates, who joined in
the festivities, to bring with them their musicians, instru
mental and vocal ; 2 company of all ranks flocked together,
and no fewer than 5,500 persons were feasted that day in
or near the castle of Heidelberg.3 The party then
adjourned to dance in what was called the glass saloon,
which was beautifully decorated. They were diverted
1 The service and sermon are given at full in the Beschreibung,
pp. 81-96 ; as also tbe thanksgiving-form read in the churches, and a
prayer which was offered throughout the Palatinate for the safety and
return of Frederic when he set out for England in August, 1612,
pp. 96-8.
2 MS. Chur. Pfalz. U. 39, Munich library. John, Count Palat. to
James I. June 17- Turner's Hist. MSS. vol. ii. Art. 32.
3 Mercure Francais, 1613, p. 26. " Respecting the magnificence of
the Palgrave's court," writes another contemporary, " there is one
thing which setteth out the Prince Elector's greatness not a little ; that
besides 6000 trained footmen, who stayed there all the solemnity, and
were fed by the prince abroad in the fields, there were every meal,
during the abode of the commissioners and the German princes there,
above 500 tables furnished, and about 6000 persons, guests and servants,
fed at them. But because this was extraordinary, know that court is
ever great ; for it hath 1000 persons in ordinary, daily fed, and clothed
twice a year, at the prince's charge, and he keepeth 300 great horse.
Besides, his highness hath many governors, lieutenants, deputies, receivers,
clerks, captains, and other officers, abroad in several governments, who
have all large salary ; and he is served in such state, that every meal a
marvellous great kettle-drum striketh, and twenty-four trumpets sound
the service, twelve and twelve. Wherefore let envy, malice, and
ignorance cease ever henceforth to carp at that they cannot parallel,
now they may know it ; and all honest minds rest satisfied herewith.'' —
Nichols, vol. ii. p. 621 .

JAMES THE FIRST. 247
from their amusement by the arrival of five trumpeters
on horseback, blowing silver trumpets, and leading, on
another horse, a page of the Elector, who, in presence of
the assembly, read aloud the regulations of a tourney, to
be held on the morrow, in the gardens and tilt-yard of the
castle, at which none but princes, counts, and knights
were permitted to enter the lists.
The next day, accordingly, immediately after dinner, —
which, with the Germans, was literally "Mittagsmahlzeit"
mid-day meal, — coaches were in waiting to conduct the
party to the appointed place. A temporary gallery of two
stages had been erected, overlooking the gardens, in the
upper part of which Elizabeth, with the dowager Elec
tress, and the other ladies, was stationed, and the lower
stage was occupied by the judges of the field. At one
o'clock the lists were opened, and a band of thirty-two
knights entered, their plumed helmets and gilded armour
sparkling in the sun: after bowing to the princess and the
ladies, they formed into three companies, headed by the
Marquis of Anspach, the Duke of Wirtemberg, and
Frederic Casimir of Deuxponts, brother of the adminis
trator. They took opposite parties, and ran against each
other in cavalier style ; after which rewards were distri
buted to the six most skilful performers. In the evening
there was a brilliant display of fireworks, from three mock
towers, built on boats upon the Neckar, which lasted with
great brilliancy more than two hours.
On the Thursday, the Elector and Electress, with their
guests, again resorted to the gardens, to witness the
running at the ring; a feat in which the knight was
expected, whilst riding full speed, to bear away a ring
from a pole with the point of his lance. To this sport
succeeded an elaborate display of classical representations.
Various gods and goddesses made their appearance, each
with appropriate devices and accessories — Pallas, Juno,
Neptune, &c. ; and after them came the Elector, per
sonating Jason, in a ship bearing the golden fleece, and
attended bv six squires, armed with shield and lance.1
When all these personages had appeared, Pallas challenged
attention to a Ions: historical account of the scene and its
1 Nichols, vol. ii. p. 618.

248 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
allegories ; the hero Jason, bowing to the princess, took
his place by his companions, and each in turn addressed to
her an adulatory ode. If at the close, Elizabeth was not
fully persuaded that she was a very goddess upon earth,
the fault was not in her adorers.1 This pageant was
followed by another of similar character ; — Mars, with his
symbols of war; Venus and Cupid in a swan-drawn
chariot; and Diana embowered in trees, attended by
satyrs and nymphs. Joachim Earnest, the young Mar
grave of Brandenburg, was the leader of this group, and
they bestowed the same complement of addresses upon
their royal auditor ; as did a third band, headed by the
Duke of Wirtemberg, in the person of Ariovistus. The
sports then commenced with great energy, and were kept
up to a late hour. They were resumed the next day,
when the young Elector, fired by ambition to distinguish
himself in the presence of his wife, gained twenty-eight
out of the ninety-four prizes which were given, and also
the first reward for his well-sustained and tasteful imper
sonation of the hero whose name he assumed.
On Saturday, the 12th, a hunt was got up for the
special gratification of Elizabeth, as this was her favourite
pastime. The Electoral princes had a lovely pleasure-
house, about a mile from Heidelberg, called Schetzingen,
which was on the borders of an extensive wood, abound
ing in deer. This wood was partitioned into six districts,
the first of which was assigned to the princess and her
ladies and officers, the others to the Elector and his com
panions. " Their electoral highnesses," writes our author, " took great delight
and pastime in this hunt, especially the princess, who chased the deer
after such a fashion that it was marvelled at, and in this country even
seemed somewhat strange ; for her grace shot twelve deer with her
cross-bow, and at last, from her horse, she shot at a stag of the second
head,8 struck it in the ham, and brought it to the ground ; whereat the
elector and the princes were much surprised. And when they had
spent the day till five o'clock in this hunt, with great pleasure, and had
taken about thirty stags and deer, the hunt closed, and their electoral
1 Beschreibung, &c. Append, pp. 62-9. Triomphes et Entrees faites
pour le mariage de Frederic, &c. 8vo. Heid. 1613.
2 An expression to signify a stag of six years old, when the second
antlers are grown.

JAMES THE FIRST. 249
and princely highnesses, with the illustrious princess and the ladies, rode
home again."
On this occasion the cross-bow of the princess was so
much more effective than the lances used by the sports
men, that she killed more than a third of the spoil.
The next day, June 13th, was Sunday. In the morn
ing prayers and service were attended, and in the evening
there was an entertainment in the castle, of anything but
Sabbatic character, — that of running at the tub, after the
fashion of Don Quixote, in whose name the challenges
were read.1 A last chivalric fete took place on the 14th,
— the " Kopf-camen," in which the filter aims his weapon at
the head of a moor, or some statue placed for the purpose.
The festivities were now at an end ; ' and, after the brief
mention of a congratulatory oration, delivered to Frederic
at the University on July 4th, the "description of the
journey, home-bringing, and reception, at Heidelberg,"
from which many of the preceding particulars are drawn,
closes, with an earnest petition for the health and welfare
of the princely pair. The English having witnessed every
sort of homage paid to their princess, and seen her in
vested with her new dignities, took their leave. Lord Lisle
went to the German baths ; the Earl of Arundel, being a
virtuoso of the first water, for the time in which he lived,
went with his countess into Italy, where he had before
travelled, and where he had a villa, near Padua ; the
Duke of Lenox, with the inferior attendants, returned by
way of France2 to England, and was the bearer of a letter
from Frederic to his father-in-law, acknowledging their
attentions to his dearest spouse.3 An English gentleman,
who left Heidelberg a few days after the Duke of Lenox,
conveyed a letter from Elizabeth to the king, expressing
the greatest satisfaction with her reception, and referring
him for particulars to Lenox, as principal actor and
spectator.4 1 Beschreibung, pp. 155-200, and Append, p. 30-55. Triomphes et
Entrees, &c.
2 He went to see his mother, Lady d'Aubigny, and his sister who
was a nun at jFontevraud. — Letters of Mary de Medicis, Middlehill MS.
3181, vol. iii. p. 393, b. 3 Fcedera, vol. vii. p. 194/
* Hist. MS. vol. ii. p. 31, in the private collection of Dawson Turner,
Esq.

250 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
The other commissioners were still occupied in settling
points connected with the princess's dowry, which they
arranged entirely to their satisfaction, obtaining full
security for its payment in case of her husband's death,
and a promise that her marriage portion should be settled
upon her daughters, should she have any.1 The transfer
of the dower lands of Elizabeth to the hands of her agents,
was performed with great ceremony. There were deli
veries and redeliveries of keys, meetings of commissioners,
oaths of fidelity sworn to her, which were not duly binding
unless uttered with two fingers of the right hand raised ;
and other legal minutia?, the repetition of which were
tedious.2 Elizabeth, in a letter to her father, assured him
that the commissioners had sought out all manner of
sureties which they deemed for her good, commending
especially the zeal and affection of Doctor Martin.3 Fre
deric also informed the king that he had commanded
Colonel Schomberg to draw out a plan for building a new
residence for the princess, at Frankenthal,4 according to
the stipulations of the marriage contract. James was
equally prompt in the fulfilment of his part of the agree
ment: the marriage portion was regularly paid, at the
half-yearly periods ; but Frederic complained of a loss
resulting from the difference of exchange between the two
countries.5 Lord and Lady Harrington still remained with the
princess. The strong attachment subsisting between
them induced a mutual desire to postpone as long as
1 Harrington and others to James I. June 29, German Corresp., State
Paper Office. Among the Lansdowne MSS., No. 160, f. 88, is a Latin
petition from the secretaries of the chancery in the Palatinate, in which
a reminder is given to the commissioners, that it was usual for a
gratuity to be bestowed on those by whose means a successful marriage
was accomplished ; and intimating that as all business was now com
pleted, they felt it their duty to remind those " respectable and illus
trious men" of what was customary, hinting, moreover, that their master
had not forgotten similar gratuities when he was in England !
2 Foedera, vol. vii. pt. ii.
3 Hist. MS. vol. ii. p. 36, in Mr. Turner's Collection.
4 Maitland Club, Lettere of James I.
s Foedera, vol. vii. pt. ii. pp. 201, 203, 207 ; Frederic to Sir J. Csasar,
Addit. MS. 12504, f. 250 ; Miscel. Excheq. Documents and Records,
Nos. 992, 1091, Chapter Plouse.

JAMES THE FIRST. 251
possible the period of separation, especially as there was
not a single person in the princess's establishment who,
by the union of rank with experience, could claim to be
her counsellor in cases of difficulty ; ! Mrs. Dudley, her
lady of honour, was the person of most consequence per
manently remaining with her. It was in deference to the
prejudices of the Germans who, as we have seen, were
jealous lest Elizabeth should introduce into the court of a
German count, the costs and splendours of regality, that
her suite did not include persons of greater distinction.
To compensate this disadvantage, the king proposed to
have a minister resident at Heidelberg, to whom his
daughter could always apply for advice and assistance.
This office Elizabeth was anxious to secure for Colonel
Schomberg. She was certain of his good will towards
herself, as King James, to secure that point, had placed
him on the English pension list, with an allowance of 400Z.
a-year : and being her husband's factotum, and the lover
of her maid of honour, he occupied an important position
in her circle ; she assured the king that, by his acquaint
ance with the German princes and their affairs, no less
than by his attachment to herself, he was the person best
fitted to occupy the post.2 The colonel seconded her
wishes most strongly ; but they failed of success, owing
to the opposition offered in England.
To recruit from the fatiguing ceremonials through
which she had passed, the princess now removed to
Fredericsthal, a country-house of the elector, where she
amused herself with hunting and shooting, and such was
her grace and skill, that she was called by the Germans,
"the Diana of our shady woods of the Bhine." "The
princess," writes a court correspondent, " takes more
pleasure in the fields than in this castle of Heidelberg,
although its situation, air, view, and environs, are exceed
ingly healthy and pleasant." 3 Her enthusiasm in these
exercises was so ardent that it carried her beyond the
limits of prudence, and Colonel Schomberg, whose watch-
1 Winwood to Rochester, May 22, State Paper Office.
2 Turner MS. ut sup. No. 33.
3 Du Plessen to Villars, Aug. 9, 1613, Archives des Affaires Etrangeres,
Paris.

252 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
ful care was ever on the alert, wrote to her father, and
requested him to urge her to caution, as hopes were
entertained that she might in time present her admiring
subjects with a prince.1
In the latter end of July, Elizabeth expressed a wish to
visit Manheim, then a fortress in course of erection. They
went accordingly, the princess accompanied in her coach
by Lady Harrington. On their return, a quarrel arose
about some horses, between Sir Andrew Keith, Elizabeth's
master of the horse, and Bushell, an esquire of Lord Har
rington ; Keith, growing angry, dismounted from his coach
in presence of more than fifty spectators, and going up to
the carriage in which the princess and Lady Harrington
were seated, declared that Lord Harrington had dealt
unfairly, in a change of horses which he had made with
the princess. Lady Harrington attempted to defend her
husband. Keith gave her the lie : Elizabeth in vain com
manded him to silence. Lord Harrington and Bushel
contradicted him in turn, and at length Keith and Bushel
grew so warm, that going off to a little distance, they
attempted to draw their swords and fight upon the spot.
Elizabeth in great distress called to Schomberg to part them.
He ran forward, and in threatening tones demanded, if
they had no more respect for the person of the princess
than to demean themselves thus, assuring them that she
would overhear them, and be seriously angry. The dis
pute was thus hushed for the present, but great uneasiness
was felt, lest the princess should have been unduly alarmed.
The next day matters grew worse; still thirsting for
revenge, Keith, with several of his fellow-servants, lay in
wait for Bushel, and struck him several times with an
oaken staff. A servant of Lord Harrington took Bushel's
part, and a general scuffle ensued, in which Bushel
received fourteen wounds, some of them dangerous, and
several other persons were seriously hurt. Schomberg
took the principal offenders into custody ;2 — the princess,
1 Schomberg to James I. June 26, Turner MSS. vol. ii. No. 34. Same
to Rochester, July 27. Kolb to Windebank, July 30, Germ. Corresp.
State Paper Office.
2 Schomberg to Rochester, August. Kolb to Windebank, July 30,
Germ. Corresp. State Paper Office. Lockie to Puckering, August 12,
Hail. MS. 7003, f. 276.

JAMES THE FIRST. 253
shocked and distressed at the outrage, having especially
directed that her esquire should be placed in confinement.
The Elector cautiously referred judgment in the case to
his father-in-law,1 who ordered Keith to be imprisoned
as a punishment for his disrespectful conduct to Lord
Harrington, and then to compound his quarrel with
Bushel, at the orders of the Earl Marshal.2
A few days after this fracas, Lord and Lady Harrington
took leave of their royal charge/and departed homewards ;
but they had only travelled as far as Worms, when Lord
Harrington fell a victim to a sudden attack of fever and
died. His loss was deeply felt by Elizabeth, who for so
many years had looked up to him as a second father, and
had received from him uniform attention and kindness ;
and her grief was exaggerated by the idea that the
fatigues of travelling with her had hastened his end.3
Lord Harrington died involved in serious pecuniary
embarrassments, from the negligent manner in which the
payments on behalf of the princess had been made, so
that his widowed countess had to struggle with poverty
as well as sorrow; and, to add to her distress, the following
February deprived her of her only son,4 the second lord,
in whom the title became extinct. He was a youth of
1 Frederic to James I. Aug. 24 and 26, Ancient Royal Letters, vol. vi.
p. 324, State Paper Office.
2 Suffolk to Lake, Nov. 20, 1613, Domestic Records, ut sup.
3 A slight sketch of him is given in the funeral sermon of his son,
preached by Richard Stock, of Allhallows, printed in 1614, and dedi
cated to the Countess of Bedford and Lady Harrington. In it the
following reference is made to the princess : —
" To him our king his second jewel dear,
The princess, his sole daughter, did commit,
Who's linked in marriage to that German peer
Whose worth the world admires ; a match so fit,
So happy, that who thinks upon that day,
Lifts up his hand and thanks to heaven doth pay.
" Ten years the father of this matchless son
Had in that honourable service spent,
When the last act of love was to be doue,
To bring her home, and give her full content —
Content to her, to him that did attend
Fatal it proved, — with service life doth end."
* Chamberlain to Carlton, March 3rd, 1614, Domestic Papers, ut sup.

254 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
great promise, a favourite companion of the late Prince
Henry.1 Elizabeth had been hitherto unaccustomed to act for
herself. She had neither controlled her expenditure, nor
regulated her household, nor had she been treated other
wise than as a ward or pupil ; consequently, when thrown
upon her own resources, she lacked the requisite firmness,
and prudence, and threw herself entirely for direction upon
Colonel Schomberg, whose accounts of his distractions
and difficulties are amusing enough. First came the
point of precedence ; but Schomberg at once and decidedly
declared that the princess should give place to no one,
either within doors or without, and this resolute pro
ceeding stopped further discussion.2 Then her suite of
attendants had to be regulated. It was found that more
than a hundred persons had remained behind, when the
ambassadors left, who had no sort of pretext for attaching
themselves to her train. These people thronged to court
for their meals, and as they could not be lodged there,
they claimed accommodation from the citizens of Heidel
berg, which was granted unwillingly, since there seemed
to be no party from whom compensation could be looked
for or expected; whilst the court officers grumbled that
they had to find food for two hundred persons instead of
one hundred, as originally stipulated. A feeling of dis
content became prevalent, and all disorders that arose
were attributed to the Englishmen of Madame, as Eliza
beth was usually called.
Schomberg took alarm at the dishonour thus reflected
upon the princess, and, to rectify it, he requested her
to draw out a list of such attendants as she wished to
retain, and handed over the list to her maitre d'hotel,
Sandillo, requesting him to dismiss the intruders. After
spending eight days in vain attempts, Sandillo confessed
1 He is noticed in Birch's Life of the prince. He died in debt to the
amount of 40,000/. and Lady Harrington wrote to Somerset to represent
her misery, and her unwillingness to let the honour of the house suffer,
and to entreat the payment of arrears due on the score of the princess.
— Domestic Papers, May 18, 1614, ut sup.
2 Schomberg to Rochester, June \\, Germ. Corresp. State Paper Office.

JAMES THE FIRST. 255
that he was baffled, and Schomberg's more energetic
efforts were called into requisition. He peremptorily
forbade all who were not on the princess's list to come
to the castle, or to remain in the town, without shew
ing reason why they did so ; and to those who wished
to depart, he gave money and boats to convey them as far
as Cologne, on their way home. Upon this Elizabeth's
secretary, Elphinstone, whose temper was arrogant and
unyielding, haughtily harangued Schomberg on his inter
ference ; he declared that King James had given the charge
to him to guard his daughter's honour, and proceeded to
rude reflections and remarks, which greatly annoyed his
mistress. Elizabeth, all unaccustomed as she was to exercise
control, and earnestly anxious to secure the affections of
her dependants, was so fearful of offending them, that she
had not courage to assume the authority of her position.1
" I am doing my best," writes Schomberg to Rochester, " to put the
affairs and the train of Madame in good order — it would be an honour
able and profitable task, and would oblige those of your country, and
give reputation to Madame and all her nation, but I am fearful that I
shall not succeed well. Madame allows herself to be led by any body,
and for fear of giving offence to some one, is almost afraid of speaking
to anybody. This makes some of her people assume a little more
authority than they should do."
He adds, that Elphinstone demanded, on behalf of
himself and his fellow servants, to be lodged at court, at
the prince's expense. Schomberg told him, that servants
who had their wages from the court always provided their
own lodging, but referred him, if he were dissatisfied, to
the council, without whose approval the prince could not
incur any beyond trifling costs. The haughty reply was,
that he and his fellow servants would ask no favour of the
prince's council, and they blamed Schomberg for wishing
to save his master at their expense. The latter applied
to James I. to uphold him in his cause, since the princess
devolved entirely upon him the unpleasant task of giving
and explaining her orders, adding that Madame's officers
1 Schomberg to James I. June 26th, Turner's Hist. MS. vol. ii. article
34. Same to Rochester, Oct. 8, Germ. Corresp. State Paper Office.

256 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
must be taught that their duty is to obey her and hot to
govern her, as Lady Harrington had done.1
In spite of her conjugal happiness the situation of
Elizabeth was not altogether enviable: the court at
Heidelberg being composed of many separate parties,
whose position in reference to each other was not defi
nitely marked, none could claim an uncontested pre
eminence. " Your majesty must consider," wrote Schomberg to James I. " that
I have a young prince and princess, an administrator, mother-in-law,
sisters, aunts, and every one their trains ; everybody wishes to govern j
everybody believes that I do more for one than another. The coun
sellors are honest, but they have also their party ; they are sworn to the
administrator." The difference between German and English customs
increased the difficulty of arranging matters amicably;
not as it concerned the princess, for she accommodated
herself with graceful facility to every plan proposed ; but
as it regarded her servants, who, if Schomberg's accounts
are to be relied upon, led him a sorry life.
" Have I not a miserable life ?" he writes. " Madame's people and
officers, in some of their demands, are right ; in others, they are greatly
in the wrong. The princess knows it is so. Their complaints are that
they are not lodged in the castle. According to the customs here, where
from day to day, princes and other persons come, who are lodged in the
castle, that cannot be done, especially at present. As to Madame's
service, it is performed according to her wishes ; when she eats in her
own apartments, her people wait ; and if they would constantly serve
amongst, and with ours, we should be very glad, but they will serve none
but Madame alone. This cannot be, for at a table where there are ten
or twelve princes or princesses, there is but one carver, who carves for
five or six at once. Madame acts in this according to her own will ;
and as to what touches her reputation, certainly I would rather lose my
life than forget anything, or permit anything contrary to it. As to
carrying her drink, her own cupbearer always does that, but when there
is a large assembly, my prince is served by the counts of the country.
When it was desired that she would accept the services of some one
well known, as one of the house of Nassau, Solms, Harrach, and others,
and that only to last for two or three days, Madame would gladly have
consented, but not so her servants — such are the little dissensions which
are scarcely worth troubling your majesty about. As to Madame's meat,
she always has it prepared by her own cook — it is served up at table,
1 Schomberg to Rochester, June 30, German Corresp. State Paper
Office.

JAMES THE FIRST. 257
every meal, I ask her always what she wishes for, and she tells me freely.
There is now no other table in the room but Madame's, where are only
princes and princesses." '
Schomberg's vexations were increased by the strong
suspicions existing in Germany that because he was an
English pensioner, he was therefore disposed to take the
part of the young Electress against the interests of his
own prince; whilst her attendants, on the other hand,
jealous of his interference, threw upon him the blame of
everything that displeased them, and sent to England
complaints and misrepresentations of his conduct.
Provoked beyond endurance, he threatened at length to
withdraw from his troublesome post, but he was persuaded
to remain till the Duke of Deuxponts, the administrator,
performed his expressed intention of retiring from court
and leaving the young couple in possession of domestic
if not of civil rule.2
About this time Elizabeth received visits from the
Duchesses of Bouillon and Tremouille, aunts of her
husband,3 with the former of whom, it will be remem
bered, he was much associated in his early years. The
hitter was the bearer of a letter of introduction from
Queen Mary de Medicis to Elizabeth, complimenting her
on her marriage and arrival in Germany.4 She received
these ladies with great courtesy, and La Tremouille, on
her return home, filled the French court with praises of
the beauty and virtue of the English princess.5 In
September, Frederic and Elizabeth paid a visit to the
Electress-dowager, then at her country house, the details
of which are thus given by an eye-witness : —
" Their highnesses pass their time joyously. Tuesday last, the
Electress-dowager banqueted them delicately and daintily at Neuburg,
1 Schomberg to James I. Oct. 8, German Corresp.
'' D'Athenes's Dispatch, Aug. 31, 1613, German Corresp. State Paper
Office. '¦' They were princesses of the House of Nassau, sisters of the Electress-
dowager. 1 Middlehill MS. 3181, vol. iii. p. 394 This MS. comprises a series
of volumes entitled '' Lettres du Roy et de la Reine," comprising a few
letters of Henry IV. und a large and valuable collection of copies of the
private as well as public letters of Marie de Medicis.
s D'Athenes's Despatch, Aug. 21, German Corresp.; Edmonds to
James 1. Dec. 3, French Corresp. State Paper Office.
VOL. V. S

258 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
a quarter of a league from here, where the administrator acted himself
as maitre-d'hotel ; and the said 4ady dowager, to please her company,
had brought the two " Welcomes," or cups, which the late Elector
presented" to her, which are in the shape of a monk and a nun, (the
said house having formerly been a cloister of nuns,) and in the nun cup
drank the health of my lady princess, and in the monk, that of my lord
the Elector, her son, who responded to her, and all the company did
the same, each in his turn. After dinner, and after having taken the
air, and seen the gardens, fountains, mill, and other curiosities of the
place, they went to see the place where my said lady dowager has very
fine cattle brought up ; they entered into the cow-house, which is mar
vellously well fitted up, clean, and polished like a handsome room.
There a table was laid and furnished well with sweetmeats, and all
things fit for a collation. The princess would herself, with her own
hand, give some grass to the cows to eat ; there was a great deal of
laughing, and Mrs. Dudley and the other English ladies showed them
selves very content and joyous." *
In November the Elector and Electress were again out,
hunting wild boars.2 Elizabeth, though remonstrated with
by Schomberg and by her father, could not be induced to
take the precautions usual in her position, nor even to
acknowledge it, and to receive the then customary con
gratulations of foreign courts on her prospect of maternity.
M. de Sainte Catherine, recently sent to Heidelberg from
France, complimented the Elector on the subject, but
Elizabeth declined seeing him at his first audience. On
New Year's Day he dined at the Elector's table ; Eliza
beth, being unwell, was not present ; but Sainte Catherine
was permitted to visit her in her apartments, and ventured
to add to his new year's compliments that of wishing soon
to see her a happy mother. The princess, smiling and
blushing, gave him an evasive reply, saying, that people
were really so determined to think her enceinte, that she
should be compelled to believe it herself, and merged into
general conversation, inquiring after; the health of their
majesties of France, the general tranquillity of the
country, &c.3
The very next night, Sunday, January 2nd, earlier
1 De Plessen to Villars, Sept. 3, 1613, Archives des Affaires
Etrangeres. 2 Schomberg to James I., Nov. 14, Germ. Corresp. State Paper
Office. 3 Ste. Catherine to Puysieux, Jan. 8, 1614, New style. Lamarre MS.
9291s, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.

JAMES ITIE FIRST. 259
than she had herself anticipated, Elizabeth gave birth to
an infant prince. The English council, at the king's com
mand, had been deliberating on the selection of a suitable
matron of rank and a skilful midwife to be sent over to
attend the princess,1 and had fixed upon Lady Burgh for
the former office, with a salary of 500Z. a-year, and for
the latter, on a Mrs. Mercer, who was to be accompanied
to Heidelberg by six attendants.2 Their tardy move
ments, however, were anticipated by the event.3 Though
thus wanting the succours she had expected, Elizabeth
bore her trial with the utmost fortitude ; and on being-
informed that her infant was a son, she begged that the
usual rejoicings might not be a moment retarded, from
consideration for her weakness. She wished herself to
write to announce the fact to her father, and when that
was refused, she insisted on at least signing the letter.4
The joy which this welcome event occasioned through
out the Palatinate, was surpassed by the enthusiasm of all
classes in England and Scotland. King James not only
feasted his nobles and liberated the prisoners, but he
immediately settled a pension of 2000Z. a-year on the
princess, "out of regard," as stated in the preamble, "to
her pre-eminent virtues, and as an open testimony of his
love to her and delight in the birth of her son."5 A
chronicler of Perth thus quaintly mentions the event: —
" Her grace, the Princess Palatine, was happily delivered to her
husband of one man child — God send him his grace. Bonfires, ringing
of the bells, with other pastime ; after, hearing of Cod's word, and thanks
giving therefor, within Perth the 18th day of January instant."6

1 Suffolk to Lake, Nov. 24, and Dec. 1613, Domestic Corresp. State
Paper Office. Ladies Cecil, Warburton, Howard, and Mrs. Goring,
were nominated, but the ultimate decision was in favour of Lady
Burgh.- Court and Times of James I. vol. i. p. 230.
8 Devon's Pell Records, pp. Iil5, 317-
3 Count Solms to Sir T. Lake, Jim. 6, 1614.
' Ste. Catherine's Despatch, Jan. 14. ut sup.
" Fcedera, vol. vii. p. 201-2.
6 Chronicle edited for the Maitland Club, by J. Maidment, Esq.
The treasurer's accounts of Scotland, 1614-1615, contain the following
entries: —
" Item, for six score fourteen pound weight of powder, at xvis. the
pound, to be shot in the castle of Edinburgh, for joy of the news of the
happy delivery of Lady Elizabeth, 107/. 16*.

260 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
At the next meeting of parliament, a bill was passed,
naturalizing and conferring all the privileges of an English
subject upon the infant prince, and upon any future issue
of the Lady Elizabeth ; ' and the child was pronounced
the true and lawful successor to the throne, after his
mother.2 Prince Charles, afterwards Charles I., was
regarded by the English as so delicate a youth, that they
did not calculate upon his perpetuating the succession, and
therefore Elizabeth and her family were long considered
the probable heirs to the crown of England, and this anti
cipation increased the affectionate interest with which the
sister kingdoms ever looked upon their princess.
The ceremony of the baptism was performed with great
splendour, on March 6th, the sponsors being King
James I., represented by the Prince of Anhalt,3 the
Electress-dowager, the Duke and Duchess of Deuxponts,
Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Orange, the States-General
of the United Provinces, and the free nobility of Suabia,
Franconia, and the Rhine.4 The Princess Catherine,
second sister to the Elector, carried the infant, and the
Prince of Anhalt, as representative of King James,
occupied the first place of honour, and presented him at
the font. He received the name of Frederic Henry.
Magnificent presents were made by all the sponsors, both
to him and to his royal mother ; the king's gift being a
" Item for coals and tar barrels to the bonfires in the Abbey cloister
of Holyrood House and Arthur's Seat, 38/. 8s. 8d.
" Item to the workmen, for mounting the pieces, carrying powder,
and extraordinary travail that time, 1 1/. 12*."
Forbes, a Scotchman, wrote a series of elaborate Latin odes on his
birth, addressed to James I. to the Elector, to Elizabeth, to the Dowager-
electress, and the young prince, which- display more good feeling than
good taste. Elizabeth is said to surpass, in the exercise of all conjugal
virtues, Penelope, Laodainia, Lucretia, Atalanta, and all the heroines of
antiquity. — Genethliaca S[C. 8vo, Heidellb. 1614.
1 Journals of the Lords, vol. ii. pp. 689-692, Journals of the Com
mons, vol. i. p. 459. Draught of Naturalization Act, Cotton. MS. Titus,
C. vn. f. 70.
¦ Pnysieux to Ste. Catherine, April 17 and June 29, 1614, Laniarre
MS. 9291s, ut sup.
3 Prince Anhalt to James I. March 8, 1614, Ancient Royal Letters,
vol. vi. State Paper Office.
* Ste. Catherine to Puisieux, Feb. 12, 1614.

JAMES THE FIRST. 261
basin and ewer of pure gold, " wondrous large." ' A
congratulatory address from the Count of Solms and the
chancellor, and an evening banquet, concluded the pro
ceedings of the day. Plays and masks within doors, and
hunting without, afforded diversion for the succeeding
week, over which the festivities were prolonged.
An English poet, Joshua Sylvester, previously known
to Elizabeth by a poem on the death of her beloved
brother, took this opportunity of dedicating to her, in
the following terms, a work entitled " Little Bartas, or
brief meditations on the power of God."2
" Sweet grace of graces, glory of your age,
Lustre of virtues, moral and divine,
Whose sacred rays already far outshine
Your princely states, your royal parentage ;
Here to your highness, with all good presage,
Congratulating your little Palatine,
I consecrate this little one of mine,
To serve yourself first, then your son, for page.
Your gracious favours to my former brood,
So bind my thoughts, so bolden my desires,
To shew me grateful, as I know you good,
That thus to you this little mine aspires,
Little in growth, yet of so great a spirit,
As happily your grace's grace may merit."
The happiness of Elizabeth seemed now complete.
Her boy was a lovely child, strongly resembling its father,
and with the exception of an attack of measles, which
only lasted three days, he grew up in robust health ; 3 the
1 Weighing 600 ounces, and valued at 2,000/. — Domestic Papers, March
11, 1614, State Paper Office. The patent for the pension of 2,0901. a
year to the princess was placed in it. The presents of the other sponsors
were, Prince Maurice, a ship of crystal, value 900/. and the free nobility
a carcanet worth 800/. both given to the royal mother. To the child, the
States-General presented two cups of gold, value 1,300?. in one of which
was a grant of a life pension of 400/. ; the nobility a golden goblet, value
2,000 ducats. The Duke of Deuxponts gave a bason, ewer, and standing-
cup, value 2,000/. ; the Electress-dowager, 24 silver bowls, value 300/. ; the
attendants of the princess also came in for a share of douceurs. — Nichols,
vol. ii. p. 756.
2 The Princess's Accounts record the payment of 71. to Mr. Joshua
Sylvester, for a book which he dedicated to Madame.
3 Schomberg to Winwood, May 23rd, 1614. James I. wishful to
have the testimony of eye-witnesses to the health of Elizabeth and her
boy, sent over Sir Edward Cecil and his lady to Heidelberg, on a mis-

262 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
happy parents, neither of whom had reached their
eighteenth year, looked upon him with a pride and
pleasure that cemented still more strongly their domestic
union. The letters of Schomberg to the king and secre
taries about this time contain glowing accounts of the
conjugal love of the youthful couple, and he gives also
many curious details of the internal menage at Heidelberg.
He had visited England at the close of the year 1613, to
settle with James I. some points of contested arrange
ment, and returning armed with plenary authority, he
succeeded in obtaining from the council several privileges
not heretofore conceded to an Electress, as that her maitre
d'hdtel should have lodgings within the castle; that as
many horses as she desired should be kept in the stables
there ; that her chaplain should reside at the castle gate,
and have a suitable place prepared near her apartments,
in which to conduct the English service, &c. But it was in
vain that Schomberg endeavoured to instil notions of
prudence and firmness into his young mistress.
" Every day people beg of Madame," he writes, "and, right or wrong,
she cannot refuse, however much she may be herself inconvenienced ;
but I hope to remedy this, although it will only make me the more
hated. But for me, Madame had been in debt more than 4000/.— every
body robs her, even to the clothes and jewels she wears ; and she gives,
not of herself, or from liberality, but through importunities, complaints,
and tears. I have now put things in order, but by I have been away a
month, they will be as bad as ever. She has given more than 1200/.
this year." "Madame, on her part," he says again, " would rather be
ill served, and ill obeyed, than say a word, or maintain unchanged what
has once been resolved and commanded."
As a natural consequence of this indiscreet profusion,
the princess was 1,500Z. in debt. To relieve her embar
rassments the electoral council agreed to present her with
500Z. ; and as the necessity of applying to them whenever
she required any additions to her wardrobe was a serious
annoyance to her, she accepted an offer made by them, to
increase her pocket-money of 1,5007. to 2,500Z. a-year, on
condition of her providing her own dress. The king, her
father, refused to assist her further, having just given her
a pension, by which her income was raised to 4,500/.
sion of inquiry, and they brought home a very favourable report. —
Privy Seal Bills, 11— 17 James I. f. 21 b. Rolls House.

JAMES THE FIRST. 263
a-year, which was, in fact, merely for her private wants,
all the expenses of her establishment being borne by her
husband.1 It is amusing to find Schomberg calculating
about its disposal ; that she might have twenty-four new
dresses a-year, averaging 100Z. each in price; 600/. for
gloves, ribands, and collars: and 1,5007. would still remain
for presents and play, which would amply suffice, if
her servants would only be reasonable, and careful for her
reputation. The indefatigable colonel read and delivered
to the princess's household full regulations for the fulfil
ment of their duties, carefully inventoried her plate,
jewels, and other valuables, and satisfied himself that he
had brought everything into good order ; but no sooner
was his presence withdrawn, when called on business to
Frankfort fair, than Elizabeth was persuaded to sign
letters which he considered improper. He sent off a post
to stop the carrier, and bring back the letters, declaring,
if she was so "facile" he would absolutely give up his
post, and leave her to manage her own affairs ; saying,
that his services would be much better appreciated after
they had been once missed.
The anxious Schomberg, however, was bound to Eliza
beth's court by stronger ties than even his attachment to his
prince, whose personal attendant he had been from infancy.
His passion for Mrs. Dudley still continued in spite of oppo
sition, both from the lady's friends, who had threatened to
send for her home, and from King J ames.2 Her lover, how
ever, when in England, had obtained permission for the fair
lady to remain in the Electoral court.3 Elizabeth interested
herself warmly in their love-affairs, and wrote to solicit
the influence of her royal sire in their favour, representing
1 Schomberg to King James I. and Somerset, Feb. 12th, 1614; and
to Winwood, Aug. 9 ; German Corresp. State Paper Office. The same
to James I., March 15th ; Turner's Hist. MSS. vol. ii. p. 48.
" " Touching Mrs. Dudley," writes a member of the English council,
" I have dealt with my youug Lord Harrington about her, whose
answer is, that first she meaneth not to marry with Monsieur Schomberg,
and, for her coming away, her friends intended to send for her before
his majesty's commandment, which they will now hasten, and bring hei
home as soon as they may." — Suffolk to Lake, Nov. 20, 1613, Domestic
Correspondence State Paper Office.
3 News Letter, Dec. 23, 1613, Domestic Corresp. ut sup.

264 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
to him how advantageous to her would be the detention at
court of Colonel Schomberg, which could only be gained
by the conclusion ofthe marriage.1 The required permis
sion was not at once granted, and the courtship continued
for nearly a year longer, Schomberg professing earnest
desires to be guided in the matter by the English council.2
But in the following spring, Elizabeth had the satisfaction
of presiding at their wedding, and getting up a ballet in
honour of the occasion.3
On the 19th of August, 1 614, Prince Frederick com
pleted his eighteenth year ; the period at which, according
to the constitution ofthe empire, he attained his majority,
and, consequently, entered upon the government of his
estates.4 The juncture was critical. The seeds of that
religious strife, which desolated Germany for years, sown
at the Reformation, were fast springing up, and alliances
were forming, on the one hand, between the Catholic
princes of the empire, headed by the emperor ; and on the
other, between the Protestant princes, at whose head was
the Elector Palatine. A collision had already taken place
between the parties in reference to the succession of the
duchy of Cleves, which was contested for by the Marquis of
Brandenburg and the Duke of Neuburg. James I. was
applied to for assistance ; but it is curious to note in his
conduct, even at this early period, the same dilatory policy,
and the same disposition to treat rather than to fight, which
was afterwards so prejudicial to the affairs of his son-in-
law ; 5 he lent a sum of money, but refused to enter
further into the contest. 6 The storm blew over for the
present. 1 Hist. MS. vol. ii. No. 31, Holog. 1614, Mr. Turner's Collection. This
letter was accompanied by another on the same subject to Secretary
Windwood. — Ancient Royal Letters, vol. vi. p. 384, State Paper Office.
2 Schomberg to Winwood, Nov. 3rd and Dec. 4th, 1614, Jan. 14th,
1615, German Corresp. ut sup.
3 De Plessen to Winwood, March 30, 1615, Germ. Corresp. ut sup.
Various items, referring to the ballet, are in the princess's accounts.
4 A votive oration, pronounced on the occasion by Henry Alting, in
the University of Heidelberg, was printed, and an English translation
also, a copy of the latter is in Hail. MS. 7310.
1 Schomberg to Winwood and James I. July 12, Aug. 9 and 18.
b Frederick to James I. and Winwood, July 27, and Sept. 12 and 13,
1614.

JAMES THE FIRST. 265
Considerable alarm had been entertained by the council,
for the personal safety of their prince and princess, in case
troops should approach the Palatinate, as there was no
fortress strong enough to resist an attack. ' But Frederic
and Elizabeth were reckless of danger ; they were con
stantly out hunting,2 although the prince nearly broke his
neck by a fall from his horse ; and even ventured as far as
Spires, with but a slight train, and passed the night there
in a cloister of nuns, — a step which was condemned as
most imprudent. They went also to visit the Electress-
dowager, who, with her daughters, had retired, three
months previously, to her dower residence, and they spent
a short time with the Duke of Deuxponts.3 They were
absent from Heidelberg about six weeks, returning at the
close of August,4 and in November Prince Frederic
attended an assembly of the " Princes of the Union," — as
the Protestant party designated themselves, — which was
held at Heilbrunn for the purpose of cementing an alliance
with the States-General in defence of religion.
The Landgravine of Hesse-Cassel, a lady of the house
of Solms, was invited to companionate the princess during
her husband's absence. Elizabeth entertained her guest with
cards, at which she herself lost 16/., and with her favourite
amusement of hunting ; but the lady being a less expert
rider than her royal hostess, fell from her horse and broke
her arm. The injury was at first thought to be serious, but
she recovered so rapidly that when her husband hastened to
see her, she was able to go out and meet him.6
Whilst at Heilbrunn, Frederic was taken suddenly and
seriously ill, with an attack of tertian fever, which seized
1 Schomberg to Winwood, Feb. 6. Kilo.
2 St. Catherine's Despatch, Aug. 16, Lainarre MS. 9291, Bibliotheque
Nationale, Paris; Privy Council Records, Sept. 17, 1614, Privy Council
Office, "Whitehall.
3 The princess presented him with a horse, and lost a small sum at
play, at his castle of Neuschloss — Eliz.'s Accounts utsup-
4 Solms to Lake, Aug. 8, Ancient Royal Letters, vol. ix. State Paper
Office ; Elizabeth to James I. Sept. 1st, Maitland Club Letters.
5 Ste Catherine's Despatches, May 12, Oct, 3 and 4, 1614. The doctor
who attended the landgravine seems to have been a literary person ; he
presented Elizabeth with two books, and received from her a present
of 41.— Accounts of the princess, Germ. Corresp. bundle 34, State Paper
Office.

266 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
him during one of the sittings of the diet. He refused
to retire till the assembly broke up, and then, with great
calmness, summoned, not doctors of physic, though these
were sent for, contrary to his wishes, but doctors of law,
and proceeded, with a fortitude that elicited the admira
tion of the spectators, to give directions for his will. He
issued strict orders that the princess should not be informed
of his illness, lest she should be needlessly alarmed ; and
on that account declined sending a courier to England
with the news. The returns of fever were severe and
repeated ; he raved in delirium for hours ; and it was
hardly expected that he could survive the attack.1 But
youth aad a good constitution favoured him ; he recovered
and returned home, though much changed both in mind
and body. Elizabeth tried at first to rouse him by divert
ing him with pictures, works of art, assemblies, &c. ; failing
in this, she gave expression to her anxieties in the follow
ing letter to one of the English secretaries of state : — 2
" Sir — The Elector sending this bearer to his majesty, I was desirous
to let you understand something of his estate, as of this place. Him
self, at this last assembly, got an ague ; which, though it hath held him
not long, yet hath it made him weak and look very ill : since his fits
left him, he is very heavy, and so extremely melancholy, as I never saw
in my life so great an alteration in any. I cannot tell what to say to it,
but I think he hath so much business at this time as troubles his mind
too much ; but if I may say truth, I think there is some that doth
trouble him too much, for I find they desire he should bring me to be
all Dutch, and to their fashions, which I neither have been bred to, nor
is necessary in everything I should follow ; neither will I do it, for I
find there is that would set me in a lower rank than them that have
gone before me ; which I think they do the prince wrong in putting
into his head at this time, when he is but too melancholy. He that
hath the best hand to ease his mind and set all things in a good way is
not here, (the Colonel Schomberg,) who hath been this four months in
Cleves, and is yet ; but I should be extreme glad that his majesty, by
you, would command him to return as soon home as he may, for since
his going, all goes not so well as they have done, and I find none so
truly careful of me as that man, I assure you, neither any that can
do so well with the prince, which makes me desire he were here." 8
1 Schomberg to Winwood, Nov. 12, German Corresp. Wotton to
same, Nov. 18, Holland Corresp.
2 Elizabeth wrote at the same time and to the same purport to her
brother's gentleman, Mr. Murray. Harl. MS. 7502, No. 1.
8 Elizabeth to Winwood, Anc. Royal Letters, Germ. vol. v. S.P.O. ,

JAMES THE FIRST. 267
She also wrote herself to Schomberg, urging his return.
The patience of this much-enduring man for once failed,
and he declared, with some petulence, that his mistress
must really learn to give her own orders now, to say her
self what she wanted saying, and to take care of her own
rank and quality.1 Sir Henry Wotton, the poet states
man, who through life was a devoted" supporter of the
Lady Elizabeth, was at this time in Holland, and at the
request of James I. he sent for Schomberg, and urged
him to comply with the princess's request, and return at
once to Heidelberg. The gallant colonel was then
in the army, serving under Prince Maurice of Orange,
but he declared his willingness to return, if he could
serve his royal mistress ; '' whereupon," writes Wotton,
" he fell to open unto me some secrets of the court of
Heidelberg ; the baseness of Doctoral counsels, the privacy
of the prince himself, the humourousness of his mother,
and some other things not fit to be committed to letters."2
On his return Schomberg found the prince's natural
tendency to melancholy much increased by his recent ill
ness, and that he abandoned himself to constant fears and
apprehensions, flying from company and refusing to enter
tain such visitors as came to his court.3
" My prince," he says, " is too abrupt in little things ; this impres
sion and vice has been so lodged in his heart lately, that all my five
senses cannot get it out. It has been done for several reasons — I will
not name the person ;— his majesty knows her to be envious that
Madame should enjoy more authority than she. This roughness is not
confined to people of middle life, but the prince will not even discourse
with, caress, esteem, or speak to any one, unless compelled to it, so
that I am afraid and ashamed when any one comes here. Judge, Sir,
whether any well-bred cavalier would remain in this court."
The lady above alluded to, as entertaining some jealousy
of EHzabeth, was the Electress-Dowager, who had
recently visited Heidelberg, on the occasion of the mar
riage of her daughter Charlotte, to Prince George
William of Brandenburgh ; and, with all her maternal
tenderness, she felt annoyed, now that her daughter-in-
1 Schomberg to Winwood, Nov. 3.
" Wotton to Winwood, Nov. 18, 1614, Holland Corresp. State Paper
Office. J Schomberg to Winwood, Nov. 12, Dec. 1 and 10, 1614.

268 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
law was no longer a bride, to see her take precedence in
the court over which she herself had so long presided.
The amiable temper of the young Electress would doubt
less have led her to cede the point, had it not been for
fear of incurring her father's displeasure. Before the
departure of her husband for Heilbrunn, she appealed to
him on the subject, and he decided that she should give
precedence to no Electress, either in or out of his house ; '
but, after his return, he was urged to revoke the deci
sion, and to place his wife in no higher position than
that usually enjoyed by an Electress-Palatine.. Frederic,
who had just returned from a visit to his mother, was
wavering on the point, when Schomberg arrived, and
urged with effect the promises given to James I., and so
solemnly renewed on the eve of his departure from
England.2 Elizabeth wrote to her father on the subject,
and the king sent letters to try to rouse his son-in-law
from the depression which had originated this misunder
standing; the letters proved successful to a considerable
extent. 3
Schomberg re-entered upon the duties of his position
in good earnest. He found that the exorbitant demands
of the servants, combined with the over-indulgence of the
princess, had brought matters into greater confusion than
ever. He declares, " madame has no resolution, no con
sideration, is too liberal to the unfortunate, which I call
rather fear, irresolution, pusillanimity, than a virtuous
liberality ; " adding, that she lets the very stable-boys
run after her to importune her, and make her believe that
they are ill-treated, and though he exposes the falsehood
of their complaints she is always apt to take their part :
that if she buys an article, and has it made, and any one
admires and begs it, she gives it at once ; and if any of
her servants wish to visit England she is persuaded to
find their travelling expenses.4 Schomberg seriously
1 Schomberg to Winwood, Oct. 8.
2 Same to same, Dec. 1.
3 See letter from Elizabeth to Winwood, Ancient Royal Letters,
vol. vi. p. 471.
'* 4 Schomberg to Winwood, Dec. 10 and 14, 1614, and Jan. 14, 1615.
The Princess's Accounts amply corroborate this statement.

JAMES THE FIRST. 269
remonstrated with the princess on these things, and she
was candid enough to confess her failings, and to request
him to draw up for her use a list of the principal points
on which he desired her to improve. This he did with
considerable precision, and at great length ; the following
is a digest of the document, which, to our lady-readers,
at least, may convey some useful hints : —
" 1. Your highness should ever seek to please God and the prince, and
to reprove those who try to sow dissensions between you.
" 2. You should calculate what you have to expend, divide it accord
ingly ; and then never give from importunity, but from liberality,
according to merit and reason.
" 3. Never grant anything on the first request, but answer to all — ' I
will consider — I will think of it — I will see ' — then if you find it reason
able, grant it of your own accord, as from a heroic liberality, and never
from fear, for your highness's goodness is abused.
" 4. As to your household and money, you must regulate it yourself,
as even the greatest emperors have done — have a specification of all
your receipts — let the money be placed in a coffer in your cabinet — and
400 or 500 dollars taken out at once, and given to a person who shall
only disburse it at your command, not at that of every valet or maid
who professes anything to be owing to them ; and have all the accounts
entered in a book to be kept in the cabinet. Let every dress be paid
for, both material and making, before you ever put it on, and the same
with linen and lace, which should be bought before hand, every fair.1
:' 5. Have a wardrobe in which to put all the old dresses, and every
year examine them — choose those you will not wear again, and give
them as you please, but have a list kept of all, with the names of those
to whom you give them — and the same with tapestry and furniture.
" fi. Let the same be done with your linen and furniture — you brought
3,000/. worth, of linen from England — and have bought 1,000/. worth
here — and yet Mrs. Dean complains you are ill provided, which makes
me think there must be some abuse somewhere — arising from the inven
tories not having been strictly kept.
" 7- Have all the plute, gold or silver, weighed afresh and enrolled —
the same with the jewels and all little boxes and pretty bagatelles ; and
let all be deposited in presses and cabinets in your closet with inven
tories, one of which you should keep ; those you daily wear to be
intrusted to Mdlle. Apsley— and those jewels should be carefully
inspected every six months. You know what fault my wife and I have
often found on this point."
In addition to these personal regulations, Schomberg
furnished the princess with minute directions concerning
the management of her household, as follows : —
1 Frankfort fair, at which the German princes usually made their pur
chases.

270 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
" For the direction of your servants : —
" 1. Generally they must receive orders from the marshal of the
court; the maids must obey the lady of honour, the men the maitre-
d'hOtel ; according to the order approved by the king when I returned
from England.
" 2. Your highness should never be teased into countermanding an
order given by either of these officers, without first speaking to them,
and hearing their reasons : for this makes you constantly teased.
Should such importunities arise, the offenders should be compelled to
obey, or be dismissed. One single example would make your highness
loved and respected in Germany and England.
" 3. You must never allow reports of one about another, nor impor
tunate solicitations ; nor care when they take offence, because they
have not got their requests ; nor be surprised and distressed about it,
for that is just giving yourself up to be tormented.
" 4. Prevent gossipping between servants of all grades ; they only
combine together to resist your commands : and let order and reason
govern your highness, not the prattle of maids or valets, to whom yon
are now enslaved ; and while they thus abuse your goodness, you will
always be despised, and lose control over your people.
" 5. Let it be known that you will be ruled by reason ; that you
abhor disobedience, flattery, and lying ; that you will hear no tales or
importunities ; that you will have no flirting in your presence ; that the
men-servants shall keep their places at the door, so that when you want
a little private conversation, you may not be obliged to retire to your
bed-room or dressing-room ; and also that you will not allow private
individuals to bring in persons unknown, nor even ambassadors, unless
when you are attended as beseems a lady of your quality.
" 6. Be generally more strict : liberty causes presumption ; indifference
in time spoilsfeven the good — and all the suite of your highness, and of
the prince too, believe that you dare not take offence, whatever they do.
As to visits, games, walks, conversation, &c. remember what I have
often said to you, and try to leave a good impression, that you may be
everywhere admired and applauded, in three years, you will see that
this is the only way to prosper, and be in repute in Germany and
England. This is true satisfaction, and God will bless your highness,
and the world will honour you, which is all you should desire."
In conformity with the proposed reformation, Elizabeth
gave her signature to the following series of rules, bearing
upon her household and business affairs, the superin
tendence of which she intrusted to the hands of the
colonel. " The order according to which we wish our money to be received and
disbursed, goods bought, paid for, and used : —
" 1. As a general rule, none of our suite or servants shall take stuffs
or any merchandize whatever, from any merchant or artizan, without a
bill of it having been previously made ; which, being found reasonable
and necessary, shall be signed by Colonel Schomberg, who shall order

JAMES THE FLRST. 271
some one to deal with the merchants or artizans, whether tailor or any
other, who shall receive the goods on our behalf, as also he who shall
deal for them shall sign the bills. Then our maitre d'hStel, or be who
has charge of our money, shall pay each of them, if they are signed by
the colonel— and thus, and no otherwise will his account be passed.
" 2. Every month, and always before our cash-keeper shall receive
more money, he must bring in his account specified, and with each item,
the aforesaid bills signed, which he shall deliver to us or to the said
colonel ; and then we, or he on our behalf, will order other money to
be paid him. He shall keep the accounts to the end of the year, and
each half year, he shall present to us a clear digest, and then for bis
discharge, we will sign him an acquittance with our own hand. He
shall also deliver us each time an extract of the money expended, and
of what we still have in the coffer, as also of what we still have to
receive, and of what we have to pay.
" 3. All requests and petitions must be presented to our maitre
d'hotel, who will send those which are for alms to our chaplain, and he
will write with his own hand thereupon, what he judges necessary to be
given ; this is to be understood for petitions of the English and Scotch —
the rest he will send to the chancery, unless, for some particular consi
deration, he is otherwise commanded. The other more important
requests he shall deliberate upon with Colonel Schomberg, and either we
ourselves, or he, with our knowledge and command, shall make known
to our maitre d'hotel what he shall do ; and on each request, shall be
signed either the name of our chaplain, if it be for alms, or that of the
said colonel, if it be of other consequence. Each month our cash-keeper
shall deliver the said requests signed, to us, or to the said colonel, with
his account, which, being found just, shall be torn up in the presence of
the said cash-keeper.
" Generally, the said colonel shall look to the sums which we ought to
receive, that nothing may be forgotten, and that we may lose as little as
possible on exchange and cash ; he will sign the notes to be paid, and
those by which the merchants shall deliver their goods. And, by om-
command, he will, each month, examine the accounts of the disburse
ments of our cash-keeper, who shall render his account in the manner
aforesaid. ''Elizabeth.'"
A visible improvement now took place in the
entire routine of Elizabeth's household. Her mischievous
secretary, Elphinston, disgusted with his position, had
retired ; her maitre d'hotel, Sandillo, had left, on account
of declining age ; 2 and more suitable attendants were
installed in their room. At length the domestic reforms
were pronounced complete, and the princess was not only
out of debt, but with 800Z. or 9007. in hand, though all
1 Holland Correspondence, State Paper Office.
8 The former received a parting present of a diamond ring valued at
38/. 10». ; the latter of 68/. in money.

272 KLrzAUETM, hijiest daughter ok
her purchases at Frankfort fair had been paid for in ready
money. Among the notes of her expenses in 1 fil 4-1, rt are the
following, in addition to numerous ontrioH for silver and
gold stud's, for dresses, silver laces, point-lace, &c : —
" ChriKl.iiHiH boxes, besides what hIic gave to licr own
people .. . .... ... .... rix dollars MO
" l.OHt in play nt ilivi-rK limes ... .... ... „ 31)0
" 'I'd a morc.liiiiil of HtriiHbourg, for laces which
Him had Kent for I'roni Italy
" Fur 1,000 piiiH in ». pupcr
" Given to the old man who knxpH tho chickens

2II«

florins 4

thaler 1

¦II. ».

d

.... HO 0

0

1 one

... 13 0
0
" To M. KIphiiiNlon, leaving Madame entirely .„
" To the painter for two portraits of Mnrlamo and one
ofthe young prince, aH iippeiit-H by his receipt
" (liven to the serviint of M. llaidorcl, in part payment
for tho diamond spurs which Madame- gavo to bin
highness ....  00 0 0
" To a man whom M DoCaiiH brought, wholooli .Madanu-'H
portrait in black   I 0 0'"
Tin; intercourse between .James I. and the Palatine
family was frequent,11 and lie exercised a considerable
degree of control over bis daughter's domestic arrange
ments. She dared not, without bis permission, receive'
tlie sacrament in a Calvinist place of worship, though she
was anxious to communicate, at least once a-ycar, in the
" great church," with her husband, in order to convince
their subjects that their creeds were not CHHcntiully
different/1 All tbe vacancies tbat occurred in her
establishment were either filled up by tbe king, or her
1 Gorman GorrcNp. linnille 31, Stall) I'npi r Office.
1 ll<- sent them occasional prcHon In. " To Jacob llaidoret, for jewel*
delivered, at several times, to the Kloeli-css I'alaline, uppeiiriiig hy two
billK tiwtil'ying tho receipt thereof, Hiilihcribi it by herself. I'.y writ,
dated luHt of Muy, 1010, now paid In full payment, 100/.
" To Jasper Tynn, ISOti/. for a diamond in form of a heart ncnt to
Klizabelb. writ I'Vk 20, 11,17.
"To Henry Raine, nont by iiiH neijoHty to tho I'.lector I'ulalinc, with
certain deer, the hiiui of 100/. which his majesty liath allowed him for
charges of transporting the said deer to Jleidellierg, tho Hnmo to he
taken to him as of his uiiijosty's fnu^ gift and reward. liy writ dated
12th April, 1017."— Privy Seal Hooks, No. 7 11-17 James 1 .Rolls Home,
Devon's Pi'll It oils, pp. I'll), 217, 221.
8 Demands of Hcliomlierg in behalf of the Prince I'alaline, Holland
OorroHp. Stato Paper Oilicu.
JAMES THE FIRST. 273
selection was subjected to his approval. He also kept
a strict eye on the jewellery and valuables which
she took from England, lest they should be alienated
from her. Being informed that one of her servants,
Mrs. Tyrrell, then in England, bad in possession a set of
ruby buttons, belonging to tbe Electress, and also that
Ilarderet, her jeweller, had one of her most valuable
jewels, he took the alarm, and tbe privy council issued .>.
warrant to one of the clerks of the privy council to
institute a search in the lodgings of Mrs, Tyrrell, and to
place the gems, if discovered, before the council. The
buttons were found, and Calvert, afterwards under
secretary of state, was sent to Heidelberg to inquire into
the affair. Winwood also wrote a letter to the princess,
requesting to know how the jewels came into the hands
of Tyrrell. She replied as follows : —
" Sir Ralph Winwood,
" I received your letter, and understand it is his majesty's pleasure 1
uliould make known how Tyrrell, that once served me, came by the
ruby buttons. I must tell you that, at her going from me, having
nerved me painfully und very honestly ten years, I was desirous some
way to recompense her, who had spent much, and then never gotten
anything ; so as these buttons, being valued at the most but at 300
pounds,! freely gave them her for so much, understanding them not
to be worth any more, neither did I believe any would have sold them
for so much. They were given mo by tho queen, at York, foi a fair
chain of pearl that his majesty sent me, and her majesty changed with
me, and gave me the rubies for the chain. This, if you let the king
understand, is truth, and that you will humbly thank his majesty for his
bounty to her for me, who am very desirous, if the king please, to have
this rubies again myself, and I will give Tyrrell 300/. for them which 1
am suro she will bo content with. There was never more than 22
of them since I had them. Thus desiring you to let his majesty under
stand thus much, and that I may again hear from you, I root
" Your most affectionate friend, " Kl.IZABETII."
" 1 have so lately written to his majesty, as at this time I do not, for
fear of troubling him, having little to say. I am very glad to hear his
majesty, the uuuen, and my brolher are all well; I beseech God con
tinue them so, that I may over have so good news out of England. " '
Schomberg, to whom the matter was explained, wrote
to the same effect, requesting that CIS00 of the princess'H
' January, 1016, Holog. Ancient Royal Letters, Genu. Corresp. vol.
vi. p. 340, State I'apor Office, endorsed, by mistake, January, 1027.
VOL. V. T

274 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
pension in England might be paid to Tyrrell, and the
buttons restored, which was accordingly done.1
The circumstances under which Harderet came to receive
one of her jewels have already been explained. It was
pawned to him when the princess was on her journey, in
order to furnish her with means to make presents when
necessary. Finding that her father was much displeased,
she wrote him a full explanation of the case, and humbly
implored forgiveness.2 Calvert paid a second visit to
Heidelberg, in order to withdraw all the jewels from the
hands of her attendants, and to place everything on its
proper footing ; but he did not discharge the duty in a
satisfactory manner, owing probably to the absence of the
princess at the time.3
In the spring of 1615, Frederic took his wife to Frank-
enthal, which, it will be remembered, was assigned as her
dower residence, and where he was planning a palace for
her, according to the marriage agreement, though the
expenses of the erection at Manheim prevented its rapid
progression. She remained there whilst Frederic presided
over a meeting of the Senate of Worms, of which city he
was the protector.4 On their return, Frederick continued
a project which had occupied his leisure hours for many
months, the laying out of a terrace garden, on the dry
ground surrounding Heidelberg Castle, in which his
beloved consort might find some counterpart to the wooded
heclusions of Combe and Kew. The natural obstacles,
though serious, were surmounted with lover-like ardour ;
orchards of English trees were transplanted entire, bloom
ing parterres, delicious fountains, and luxuriant grottoes
adorned that which had been a barren hill-side, and to
crown the whole, an entrance arch, said by tradition to
have been erected in one night, as a pleasant surprise for
Elizabeth, admitted her into the terrestial paradise
constructed for her gratification, bore the inscription,
Frederic V. to Elizabeth, his dearest wife, a.d. 1615." 5
1 Schomberg to Winwood, Jan. \\, 1615, Privy Seal Book, 11-17,
James 1. f. 31, b. Rolls House.
- Ancient Royal Letters, ut sup. p. 508 ; Schomberg to Winwood,
May 2i, Germ. Corresp.
'¦'¦ Schomberg to Winwood, July 10, Germ. Corresp.
4 De Plessen to Winwood, May 3, 1615. Ibid.
'- Description of the garden, printed by Solomon Caus, its projector,

JAMES THE FIRST. 275
A few months later, he accompanied her to visit, for the
first time, their subjects of the Higher Palatinate. Incon
veniently for the Palatine princes, their dominions were
separated into two portions, by a tract of country which,
in those days, could not be travelled in less than five days.
The Higher Palatinate began near Nuremberg, and
extended to Bohemia, and the confines of the Bavarian
States, — Amberg being the principal town. The lower
Palatinate extended in length along the Rhine, from the
gates of Strasbourg nearly to Cologne, and in width,
from the hills along the river Sarre, to far on in the
mountains of Andeval, including the dependency of twenty
walled towns.
Sending their young son to remain under his grand
mother's protection,1 the Elector and Electress set out
in the middle of June, attended by Schomberg, the
Count de Solms, grand-master, de Plessen, and a train
of 400 horse, but by few of the princess' servants.
At first the whole suite opposed the journey, and de
clared they would not go : they then changed their
minds, and combined in wishing to go, but Elizabeth
dispensed with all, excepting her personal attendants.
After visiting the Marquis of Anspach, whose terri
tories lay in their route, they reached Amberg on the
18th of June, remained there ten days, and thence went
to the principal towns of the duchy, returning to Amberg
on July 1st. Elizabeth having a great desire to see the
Danube, and to visit Eatisbon, which was but twelve miles
from the frontiers of the Palatinate, her husband gratified
her ; and, leaving their train, they made a short and swift
excursion to the city, where in after years were held so
many imperial diets, all-important to the interests of
Elizabeth. In their own dominions they were everywhere
joyfully welcomed, and received handsome presents;2
4to, Heid. 1620, containing many beautiful engravings of its ornaments,
&c. A print of the archway is still en commerce at Heidelberg.
1 Schomberg to Winwood, June 2, German Corresp. On July 1st,
Louise Juliane wrote to James I. about his grandchild as follows : —
" He grows as tall, fine, and pretty, as possible. I often wish he could
have the honour of being seen by your majesty ; I am sure he would
soon get into your good graces." — -Anc. Royal Letters, vol. vi. p. 540.
2 The states of the Upper Palatine granted their Elector a subsidy
T 2

276 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
they returned home on the 15th of August, in good
health, and much gratified with their journey.
The following day was the Elector's birthday, and it
was commemorated at court with great rejoicings. _ The
17th was the day on which was celebrated the jubilee of
the reformation of the Palatine church. Frederic and
Elizabeth were present at an oration delivered on the
occasion, in the University of Heidelberg.1 The princess's
birthday, which occurred on the 19th, was also kept with
much festivity.2 " Their highnesses, thank God," writes
Schomberg about this date, "are very well, love each
other better than ever; and madame is at this moment
playing with, and caressing her little prince."
In November Elizabeth was invited to return the visit
of the landgravine of Hesse-Cassel, and to stand sponsor
to her infant son ; but she declined the journey to Cassel,
on account of the distance and the bad weather.3 A few
weeks afterwards she received a severe shock in the death
of her favourite lady of honour, still called Mrs. Dudley,
though she had been some months the wife of the inde
fatigable Schomberg. Her married life was troublous.
King James, who, in the first instance, approved of the
match, became jealous afterwards, lest Schomberg and his
wife, having the princess so completely in their hands,
should take unfair advantage of their position ; and he did
not refrain from expressing his doubts and suspicions.
He wrote to his daughter, inquiring if any jewels were in
Mrs. Dudley's custody, and whether it was usual in Ger-

extraordinary of 160,000/. — Ste. Catherine's Despatches, June 2 and 18,
July 9. Schomberg to Winwood, June 23, July 24, 1615.
1 Pseraeus de statu quinquagenario Palat. ecclesiae, 4to. Heid. 1616.
The Elector was congratulated on his safe return, and complimented as
the father of his country and patron of the academy, and then the
orator proceeded — " Hail yesterday's light which has brought back
under a happy star, to our most serene Elector, Frederic V., his 20th
natal day. Hail light of the day after to-morrow, which art, as we
pray, about to bring back to the most serene and royal Elizabeth, the
most beloved wife of his highness, with a star equally fortunate, her
20th natal day." — Inaug. oration Heidelb. 1610. They were both enter
ing upon their twentieth year.
2 Ste. Catherine's Despatch, Aug. 30, Lamarre MS. 92912.
' Ibid. Nov, 7.

JAMES THE FIRST. 277
many for the lady of honour to be married. Elizabeth
replied with much spirit: —
" Mr. Calvert told me your majesty desired to know what Dudley
hath in charge ; she hath nothing but some plate, that was given me
since my coming hither ; though I assure your majesty I have nothing
to keep that I should not put sooner into her care and trust, than any
creature, having never had other cause."
A few weeks later she adds : —
" Touching my dame of honour, I can assure this truth, which I
beseech your majesty to believe, that she hath ever been careful for my
good and hath most faithfully served me, without ever having taken
present of me since I came into Germany ; and I shall ever be ungrate
ful when I do not witness this same for her ; and since your majesty
desires to know if it be the custom that the dame of honour should be
married ; to this I can tell your majesty — yes, that it is the fashion, and
that the Elector, his council, and all here, have often desired me to
further their marriage ; your majesty yourself having written me word
that you wished it, and should like she were married to Schomberg,
and then I should be contented with her, by reason I should be better
served ; as indeed I find in effect, and am well contented with both their
service, and must confess tbat none in this state hath had care or done '
so much for me, my good rank, reputation, and profit, as Schomberg.",1
The vexatious jealousy of the king, combined with
some irregularity in the payment of his pension, and the
odium occasioned by his attempts at reform excited
much disgust in the mind of Schomberg. Reports,
too, reached him from England that it was said that
the princess was so poor she could only afford four or
five dresses in the year, and that he was unjust to her
attendants, in order to spare expense to his prince. This
misrepresentation was deeply felt.
" I have brought up the prince," he writes, " reformed the court,
installed madame, maintained the balance proper for the preservation
of their highnesses, offended everybody to serve his majesty and,
madame, and so acted that his majesty can never, with truth, hear any
reproach or reflection upon these personages, though married so young,
assisted so little, left, flattered by everybody ; and it is I alone who
have had this burden upon my shoulders." *
He stated that he had received no rewards, from the
prince, that his wife never had more than £20 from her
mistress, beyond her ordinary salary : but since accusa
tions against them gained credence in certain quarters, he
1 Ancient Royal Letters, vol. vi. pp. 508, 513.
2 Schomberg to Winwood, May 24.

278 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
declared his settled purpose of retiring with his wife from
the princess's confidential service, and of devoting himself
solely to his more public duties. A few weeks later his
wife gave birth to a son, and after progressing favourably
for a fortnight, a feverish attack supervened, which became
daily more serious, and it was soon evident that it would
terminate fatally. Elizabeth was often by her bed-side,
and even the Elector came to pay her a parting visit. The
dying woman, now in a position the solemnity of which
set aside all distinctions of rank, touchingly and fervently
admonished her young lord and lady so to pass through
this world that they might at last join her in paradise, and
then took a pathetic farewell of them and of her husband.
The etiquette of royalty usually enforces absence from
the saddening scenes of closing mortality ; but Elizabeth
would not forsake the friend who had followed her into a
foreign land, and she remained with her till the struggle
was over. She communicated the intelligence to her father
in the following letter : —
" I have not written to your majesty for a long time, for want of a
subject. Now, I have to tell you, with much regret, of the loss of my
lady of honour, Dudley, for she died of high fever, in her confinement,
on the 8th of December, for which I am very sorry ; since both in her
life, and when dying, she testified the respect and friendship she bore
me, and her sincere fidelity. She has left a son — she is a great loss to
me, for she was very careful in all that concerned me. Your majesty
will perhaps be teased by one or another for this place, but I entreat
you to consider that it is not every one who is fitted for it in this country
and this place. I entreat your majesty, therefore, to let ine know who
are solicitors for it, and I will write you word whom I judge most suit
able, or perhaps in two months I may send Colonel Schomberg to deter
mine with your majesty on this point and divers others of importance —
for the rest all is as usual in these parts. The Elector and my little
black baby* are very well, thank God — to whom I heartily commend you.
" I ever remain, Sire, your most humble and obedient
daughter and servant, '' Elizabeth.2
" Heidelberg, 14th December."
The depression from which the princess suffered, after
the death of her friend and companion, was relieved by a
visit which she, with her husband, paid in March, 1616,
1 The term which, in her letters, Elizabeth generally gives to her
little son.
a Holog. French, Germ. Royal Letters, vol. vi. p. 604, State Paper
Office.

JAMES THE FIRST. 279
to Stuttgart, where they were to officiate as sponsors to
the young son of the Duke of Wirtemberg. A large
assemblage of German princes was convened on the
occasion, as state-discussions were to be included with the
festivities. This was the first time, since Elizabeth's
bridal appearance in Germany, that she intermingled with
the associate princes, and the harmony of the meeting was
marred by her claims to precedence over her husband, and
all German princes and princesses, on which she had been
strenuously charged to insist. The point, though ceded at
the time, as matter of courtesy, was still not formally
settled when she returned to Heidelberg. At this juncture
Sir Henry Wotton paid her a visit, on his way to Venice,1
and was commissioned by Elizabeth to sound her husband
on the subject. He began by commending the Elector for
the deference he paid to the King of England, by main
taining the dignity of his daughter, and assuring him of
his majesty's satisfaction with his conduct ; on which
Frederic appeared uneasy, and declared that he could no
longer give place to the princess as he had done ; " that it
was against the custom of the whole country ; that all the
electors and princes found it strange ; that it would turn
to his own diminution ; that king's daughters had been
matched before in his race, and with other German princes,
but still placed under their husbands in public feasts ; that
in the German ground he did compete with the kings of
Denmark and Sweden," &c. Wotton replied, that it
would have been better, in the first instance, to deny the
Electress her place of honour^ than having once granted it,
to retract ; and begged him to consider the important posi
tion held by Elizabeth ; that she was not merely the
daughter of a king, but had the prospect of possible suc
cession to three crowns, and that, as the mother of his son,
she was entitled to the greater consideration.
" These motives and others," adds Sir Henry, in his account to the
king, " I laid before him in the fairest manner, but in conclusion,
seeing him for the present otherwise resolved, I besought him to repre
sent his reasons unto your majesty by Colonel Schomberg, who for this
and other causes was determined to pass speedily into your court."
Schomberg accordingly went to England, and on his
4 Venice Corresp. bundle 33, April 23, 1616, State Paper Office.

280 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
arrival, the question was earnestly discussed by the learned
in courtly etiquette.
" The matter itself," writes an experienced diplomatist, to Wotton,1
" is of such a nature, being a question betwixt man and wife, that it must
be tenderly handled ; and although we may hope to bring things so to
pass that her highness may have the same place which formerly she did
enjoy, yet we cannot but fear that it may hereafter bring forth some
other difference, of a worser quality and greater consequence than this."
The English lawyers argued that the daughters of the
King of France, when married to persons of inferior rank,
;ilways retained the precedence due to their birth, and not
merely that to which they were entitled by marriage, —
that the wife of Archduke Albert of Austria, who was a
Spanish princess, sat at his right hand, received ambas
sadors first, and signed her name before his in public
documents, — and that Elizabeth should therefore not only
take precedence of her husband but of her aunt, the
Duchess of Saxony, who was a princess of Denmark, on
the ground that that crown had been, till of late, elective,
and therefore not equal in dignity to the hereditary
monarchy of Great Britain. On the other hand it was
alleged, that there was no example of an Electress, even
though the daughter of a king, being placed before her
husband, as even kings themselves ceded to Electors, by
whose arbitration was chosen the emperor, avowedly the
first in rank ; and moreover, it was urged that the Princess
Blanche of England, daughter of Henry IV., when the wife
of a Palatine prince, gave precedence to her husband.2
When in the privacy of the domestic circle, Frederic
and Elizabeth never embarrassed themselves about cere
monials; they were too closely united in affection to
contend with each other about superiority in position.
Frederic expressed his personal willingness to comply with
the wishes of the King of England ; and Elizabeth assured
her father of her confidence that all would be accommo
dated, and wisely resolved to avoid bringing the matter to
an issue, by declining, for the present, to join any public
re-union of German princes. On this account, when the
Elector went to attend the baptism of a son of the Duke
of Deuxponts, which took place in the latter end of June,
1 Venice Corresp. 31st May, 1616.
2 Lansdowne MS. 160, ff. 121-122.

JAMES THE FIRST. 281
she took the opportunity of visiting the waters of Schwal-
bach, about two and a half days' journey from Heidel
berg; and thus, without seeming incivility, absented her
self from the ceremony.1 Her husband came to escort her
home,2 and on her return, she addressed a brief letter of
compliment to the Duke of Wirtemberg, with whom she
had formed a friendly intimacy during her recent visit to
his court.
" My lady, your gracious daughter," writes Wotton to King James,
" retaineth still her former original verdour in her complexion and
features, though she be now the mother of one of the sweetest children
that I think the world can yield. The domestic differences which, in
the beginning, and some while after, grew by the emulation of servants,
seem to be as well settled as they can be in a court, and by no means
more, than by the severing of the nations at their ordinary diet, the
English and Scottish eating together, and the Allemans apart. 1 do not
find the Count Palatine, in the judgement of my eye, much grown since
your majesty saw him, either in height or dreadth, though there be a
common opinion of the first. Par boutades, he is merry, but for the
most part cogitative ; or (as they here call it) melancolique. The prince
and my lady adopt kind rather than amorous deportment, according to
the sober customs of the country ; and that her highness declares, his
nature is not itself froward and unpliable."2
The princess had some conversation with Wotton about
the new lady of honour to be sent to her. " She begs,"
he writes, "that she may be furnished with one of no lesser
quality than the former, nor much different in age, because
otherwise she will be unfit to accompany her in her dis
ports abroad, and perhaps likewise be less plausible at
home." She expressed herself warmly in favour of Schom
berg, whom she characterized as "the only sincere and
resolute friend she had found ; " and said, that " without
his continual vigilance and power with the prince, she had
been much prejudiced, both in her dignity, and the rest,
not so much by the prince's own notions, as by the infu
sions of others, and particularly of the old Electress."
1 Ste. Catherine's Despatches, Jan. and Feb. 1616, Lamarre MS.
929F, Bibliotheque Royale, De Plessen to Winwood, June 23, 1616;
German Corresp. Elizabeth to James I. June 7th, 1616, Ancient Royal
Letters, vol. vi. p. 320. The waters of Schwalbach were considered to
be as efficacious as those of the celebrated Spa.
2 In Moser Diplom. Belustingen, vol. i. p. 399, is a letter from Fre
deric to the Elector of Mayence, dated Schwalbach, August 8, 1616.
5 April 23, 1616, Venice Corresp. 33.

282 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Elizabeth's regret may be imagined, when, a few months
later, she was deprived by death of the services of this
faithful friend.1 She deeply deplored to her father his
loss, and her own need of one or two good and faithful
persons to manage her affairs.2 King James felt the
advisableness of having a business agent at his daughter's
court, who could constantly look to her interests ; and for
this purpose he selected Sir Albert Morton, nephew of Sir
Henry Wotton, and sent him with a commission to the
princes of the united Protestant Union, with orders to
reside principally at Heidelberg, and officiate as secretary
to the princess.3
Meanwhile Elizabeth had written to England, urging
the fulfilment of a promise made by her father, to allow
her the selection of her own lady of honour,4 and earnestly
desiring the companionship of her former governess, Lady
Harrington ; who no sooner received the intimation of her
wishes, sanctioned by the appointment of the king, with a
salary of 700Z. a-year,s than she at once prepared to set
out, in spite of the lateness of the season and the incle
mency of the weather. Her daughter, Lady Bedford,
writes :
"My mother goes presently to Germany, by my lady Elizabeth's
-extreme earnest desire, and the king's commandment: which, the
season of the year considered, is so cruel a journey 1 fear how she will
pass it. But her affection to her highness keeps her from being frighted
with any difficulty ; and her spirit carries her body beyond what almost
could be hoped, at her years, which I trust will not fail her, in this no
more than in other labours."
On the 18th of November, the privy council issued "A
pass for the Lady Harrington to go unto Heidelberg, to
attend upon the Lady Elizabeth her highness, and to be
furnished with convenient shipping and post-horses for
herself and her servants, with transportation of her pro-
1 Bilderbach to Carleton, Sept. 3, German Corresp.
2 De Plessen to Winwood, Sept. 9, German Corresp.
3 De Plessen to Winwood, Dec. 10, 1616, German Corresp.; Domestic
Records, Oct. 31, 1017. Wotton, who the preceding spring had spent
six days at Heidelberg, on his way to Italy, wrote a full account of the
Palatine court, for his nephew's direction.
4 Anc. Hoyal Letters, vol. vi. pp. 460-2.
5 Court and Times of James I. vol. i. pp. 436, 440.
" Cornwallis Corresp. 8vo. Lond. 1842, p. 26.

JAMES THE FIRST. 283
visions, without search."1 Sir John Finet, the king's
master of the ceremonies, was sent to escort her.2 She
landed at Calais on December 30th, and made her way as
rapidly as possible to Heidelberg, where her royal ward
eagerly welcomed her.3 Changes important to both had
transpired since they parted : Lady Harrington was now
a widow, and had lost an only son and one of two daugh
ters, in the prime of life ; Elizabeth had become a mother,
and her awakening to the realities of life rendered the
presence of this her almost mother an invaluable boon.
Lady Harrington and Sir Albert Morton concerted
together, as to the best mode of rectifying certain incon
veniences resulting from irregularity in the payment
of the princess's allowance, which, in the mode of its dis
charge, had been diminished by 50/. ; on this ground
complaint was made by Morton and Lady Harrington.
Frederic construed the application into a request for a
larger allowance, and sent an answer from Heilbrunn, where
he was then presiding over an assembly of the German
princes, to the effect that any neglect to satisfy the wants
and wishes of his consort must be attributed, not to lack
of affection towards her, but to the pressure of important
business. He adds, that in his anxiety to gratify her he
has determined to add 5000 florins to the 15,000 which
she already receives, and
" He assures himself," writes his secretary, " that the reciprocal
love of my said lady will induce her properly to consider the aforesaid
inconveniences, and that, accommodating herself, (as his majesty from
the beginning gave hopes she would do,) to the fortune of his said
highness, common both to my said lady and to this young offshoot,
with which God has blessed their marriage, she will be content with
the said sum ; which, being duly administered, and joined to the
annual pension which his majesty is pleased to give her, will, in- all
parts of Germany, (which God has destined for the residence of my said
lady, and where moderation is singularly esteemed,) be judged sufficient

1 Council Records, Privy Council Office, Whitehall.
2 Ibid. March 24, 1617-
3 Domestic Papers, Dec. 14 and 30, 1616, State Paper Office. Finet
returned home in the middle of March, the bearer, he declared, of fifty
letters from Elizabeth to her friends in England, besides others which
he was to leave in Germany en passant. — Finet to Winwood, March 1,
Holland Corresp.

284 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
to satisfy all that her rank requires, conformable to the dignity of her
birth, his highness's reputation, and the lustre of this electoral house.'"
Soon after the prince's return home, Elizabeth accom
panied him in a hunting expedition across the Rhine,
whence Frederic paid a short visit to his old tutor, the
Duke of Bouillon, at Sedan. £.. In the autumn he was
invited to Berlin, to attend the baptism of the son of his
sister, the Princess of Brandenburg, and the Elector Arch
bishop of Mayence requested both him and Elizabeth to
pay him a visit, en route, at his palatial mansion of
Aschaffenburg. They were pretty well aware that the
object of this invitation was to influence Frederic to
favour the views of the house of Austria, in an impending
election of the King of the Romans, but as no compromise
was involved, they cheerfully availed themselves of it, and
left Heidelberg on the 16th of October, accompanied by
Prince Christian of Anhalt and Count John of Nassau.
The Electoral Archbishop treated them very handsomely,
and gave them rich presents at parting; but failed to
elicit from Frederic any promise of political co-operation.
The latter proceeded to Berlin, and thence to Dresden, to
visit the Elector of Saxony ; these meetings, apparently
friendly and casual, being devoted to the more serious
business of strengthening the alliance of Protestant
Europe. Meanwhile, Elizabeth returned home, and received a
visit from her cousin, the countess of Nassau-Dietz.3
In anticipation of her approaching confinement, she
invited the Electress-dowager, her mother-in-law, to
Heidelberg, and entertained her with an affection and
kindness which threw into oblivion the little differences
about ceremonials that had previously disturbed their
concord. Frederic, on his return, visited his cousin, the
Duke of Bavaria, whose country he had not before seen ;
1 Holland Corresp. 1617-
" Carlton Letters, 4to, Lond. 1780, p. 155 ; De Plessen to Winwood,
Aug. 20, Germ. Corresp. ; Same to Carlton, Aug. 23, Holland Corresp.
The preceding May, Elizabeth sent a present of horses to the Duchess
of Bouillon. — Ste. Catherine's Despatch, May 30, 1617.
3 Ste. Catherine's Despatches, Oct and Nov. 1017. This information
is minutely confirmed by Sicard's Chron. in Scriptores rec. Mogunt,
vol. i. p. 912.

JAMES THE FIRST. 285
and thence went into the Upper Palatinate; he was
detained longer than he anticipated, and in the fear
lest he should be absent from his wife in her hour of trial,
he posted home, night and day, with such rapidity, that
he arrived at Heidelberg six days before his grand master,
the Count de Solms, who set out at the same time.1 A
bevy of attendants from England had already arrived ; '•*
and on the 24th of December, between four and five, a.m.,
her second son was born.3 He was at first a weak and
delicate infant, but improved so rapidly that before be
was a month old he was pronounced a remarkably fine
child. Elizabeth sent an earnest request to her father
that as her purse was "at the present very light," he
would pay the rewards of those who had waited upon her,
and also begged him to write to the Electress-dowager a
letter of thanks for the attentions she had shown during
the period of her illness. Baron Winneberg was sent
over to England to ask the queen and Prince of Wales to
stand sponsors for the infant, and Ebzabeth made a
request, that if they sent no special proxies, they would
accord to the Electress-dowager4 and the Duke of Deux-
ponts the honour of standing for them, which was
granted.5 The other sponsors were to be Elizabeth's
1 De Plessen to Carlton, Dec. 1 7, Holland Corresp. Ste. Catherine's
Despatches, Nov. 17 and Dec. 11, 1617- Here these interesting tran
scripts unfortunately terminate.
3 Devon's Pell Rolls, pp. 206,212
3 Lady Harrington announced the birth to Sir Dudley Carlton ; but
the letter, dated January 6, being sent by way of Brussels, was long in
coming to hand, for on February 3, Morton thus replies to a complaint
that the news had not been dispatched : —
" I have already quarrelled with all the gentlewomen, for omitting to
advertize to you her highness's delivery. Their excuse is that they
could not doubt but it should have been performed from the other side,
which, as I conceive, was not done from thence, for no other reason
than for the year they conceived that your lordship might have sent
the first news into England, which they desired might come from them
selves; and to that end, for some time after the departure of Mr. Green,
their messenger, the gates here were guarded, with orders that no
English should go out." — Holland Corresp. 1618.
4 The Electress had just heard of the death of her brother the Prince
of Orange, but she would not go into mourning, nor notice it, till the
christening was over. Bridwode to Ste. Catherine, March 7, 1618,
Lamarre MS. 9291s. 5 Nichols's Progresses, vol. iii. p. 467.

286 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
uncle and grandmother, the King and Dowager- Queen of
Denmark; her aunts, the Dowager-Duchesses of Bruns
wick and Holstein ; the Prince and Princess of Branden
burg ; Louis, Duke of Simmeren, and Madame Catherine,
the brother and sister of Frederic. The Dukes and
Duchesses of Bouillon, Wirtemberg, and Brunswick, were
expected to be present, and some even wagered that
the King of Denmark would take the opportunity of
visiting his niece. There were several disappointments
in the guests, but the masks and entertainments went off
with great spirit.1 The infant received the names of Charles
Louis, after the brothers of Elizabeth and Frederic.2
" The happy news of tbe king's new grandchild at Heidelberg," wrote
Finet to Carlton, " hath caused the streets in London to shine with
bonfires, and hath almost put his majesty out of his melancholy humour,
which hath too much possessed him this Christmas. 'Tis said at court
that my Lady Elizabeth's grace will be in England the next summer,
and will begin her journey in May ; but purposes that require so many
circumstances as this doth, do often change."3
The proposed visit to England was uppermost in the
thoughts of the young Electress.
" The Lady Elizabeth, we hear," wrote Sir John Finet, " makes great
means to come over hither, after she is fully recovered of her childbirth,
and is so bent upon it that she will hardly be stayed. I see not to what
purpose it is, nor what good can come by it to either side ; for unless
here were a more plentiful world, she will not find that contentment she
hath done heretofore, and expects.'' 4
Elizabeth, however, had secured her husband's permis
sion for the journey, in which he proposed to accompany
her, and she was earnest in her endeavours to accomplish
the object.
" Her highness," writes Morton, " hath now again, by her letters,
renewed unto his majesty her earnest desire of seeing him, the next
spring ; of which, as she received, at my coming, good hope from the
king's hand, so hath she of late had some confirmation of it. And the
longer it shall be maintained, the more uncomfortable would it prove, if
it should resolve into the contrary ; which I am the bolder to write,
because I have not seen her highness more subject to melancholy, at any
time, since my first coming hither, than of late days. But we hope that
1 Morton to Carlton, Feb. 3, Holland Corresp.
2 Morton to Lake, Jan. 3 and 8, Feb. 6, 1618 ; News Letter, Jan. 30,
German Corresp.
3 I lomestic ltecords, Jan. 2, 1618, State Paper Office.
4 Court and Times of James I. vol. i. p. 456.

JAMES THE FIRST. 287
the open air, (in which she hath not yet been since her deliverance,)
will qualify that humour." '
The melancholy referred to was the symptom and
precursor of a severe illness which attacked the Electress,
but from wbich she happily and speedily rallied.
A few weeks later, she received the welcome intelligence
that her visit to England was approved by the king. But
one point of uncertainty had to be settled before her hus
band could decide to make his appearance at the English
court, viz., whether he would be allowed to take prece
dence of the Prince of Wales. This claim he had not
advanced on his former visit, being then in his minority,
and under an administrator ; now, however, in his inde
pendent position, he was resolved to make it good.3
Either this difficulty proved a sufficient hindrance, or some
other occurred still more formidable, for the journey was
postponed, and Elizabeth had to content herself with her
household ties, and to seek diversion nearer home.
The pleasures of maternity did not check the predi
lection for animals, which caused her portrait, as a child,
to be taken with a mackaw on one shoulder, a parrot on
the other, a little love bird on her hand, and a monkey and
dog at her feet. We still find casual notices of grooms
sent over into England, to procure various sorts of
hounds for her pleasure.3 Sir Dudley Carleton, an
English knight, with whom she renewed acquaintance, as
he passed through Heidelberg on his return from an Italian
embassy, had recently sent her two young monkeys, as
companions to an old favourite, which she had brought
from England. Sir Albert Morton wrote to tell him that
the " two travellers and their guide," were very welcome,
and that the old monkey had been out of favour ever since
their arrival. Lady Harrington assures him that they
are esteemed as jewels by the princess.4 Mrs. Apsley, one
1 Feb. 6, 1618, German Corresp.
2 See an unsigned, undated copy of a letter in Lambeth, MS. 930,
f. 107, which, from the position of Morton at Heidelberg, seems to have
been written by him.
3 Privy Seal Bills, 1 1-17 James I. f. 46 b. Rolls House. Clarendon
Gallery, vol. iii. p. 340, by Lady T. Lewis.
4 Moreton and Lady Harrington to Carleton, April 15 and 28, 1618,
German Corresp. State Paper Office.

288 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
of Elizabeth's ladies of the bedchamber, writing to
Carleton, says: —
" Her highness is very well, and takes great delight in those fine
monkeys you sent hither, which came very well, and now are grown so
proud as they will come to nobody but her highness, who hath them in
her bed every morning ; and the little prince, he is so fond of them as
he says he desires nothing but such monkeys of his own. They be as
envious as they be pretty, for the old one of that kind, which her high
ness had when your lordship was here, will not be acquainted (with) his
countrymen, by no means ; they do make very good sport, and her high
ness very merry ; yon could have sent nothing would have been more
pleasing," This letter of the maid was directed by her "very
merry " mistress,
" To Sir Dudley Carleton, from the fair hands of the Right Reverend
Mrs. Elizabeth Apsley, chief governor to all the monkeys and dogs."2
The picture here drawn of the royal lady amusing her
self in bed in a morning with her monkeys and her
little son, is droll enough ; but it must be remembered that
at this time Elizabeth was only twenty-one years of
age, and therefore a touch of juvenile frolic may be
pardoned. Whilst thus confining her attention to the circle of
home, absorbed with her husband, her children, and her
menagerie, and mingling little in the arena of political
life, Elizabeth had very nearly become the victim 'of a
treacherous plot, the object of which was to sever from
the Protestant cause in Germany the powerful support of
England. It has already been hinted, that the leading
powers in Europe had for several years been silently
strengthening themselves for a conflict, which though
including numerous minor interests, was understood to be
the grand contest of civil and religious liberty, as gradually
evolved since the time of the reformation, against des
potism, spiritual and temporal.2 The balance of parties
1 Domestic Papers, 1618, State Paper Office.
2 Daniel de Viduis, chaplain to the English troops at Amersfort, a man
of wild and enthusiastic fancies, wrote a letter, in 1616, to Frederic and
Elizabeth, urging upon them, as a sacred mission, the total overthrow of
the papal power, on the ground that King James had given his daughter,
the praised and loved of all lands, to the Palatine prince, because he
was the fitting and predestined agent for such an exploit. — Imperatoris
Hispani, &c. Extirpatie, \8mo. Amersfort, l(i20.

JAMES THE FIRST. 289
was so even, that alliances were ofthe utmost consequence
to both. James I. was known to be a lover of peace, and
it was surmised that the state of his exchequer would
render war very inconvenient ; still, so long as the
acknowledged head of Protestant Germany stood in
the relationship of his son-in-law, it was not expected
that he would withhold his support. But could that tie
be snapped, it was hoped that the king would be a
mere passive spectator. As early as 1616, a design had
been formed to break it by the murder of the princess
Elizabeth and her then only child : a design so atrocious,
that did it not rest on the authority of original papers, it
would be almost beyond credit. Captain Henry Bell, an
English officer, employed by James at the court of Berlin,
detailing the circumstances some time afterwards, in a peti
tion to Charles I., writes : —
"In the year 1616, being at Cologne on the Spree, in the Prince-
Elector of Brandenburg's court, the said Prince-Elector very privately
opened unto me that, few days before, he had received very certain
advertisement, from Vienna, touching a dangerous plot, which was
there contrived and concluded, to be put in practise against your
majesty's only dear sister, the Lady Elizabeth, and the prince, her
then only son, under the colour of a kind and loving letter of invitation,
which the then empress intended to write unto her highness ; wherein
she was to be invited to meet the empress at Ratisbon, at the imperial
diet, which the same year was appointed to be held in that city. The
said Prince-Elector told me further he was likewise ceitainly advertized
that, if the Lady Elizabeth should meet the empress, according to the
said invitation, and should take her son with her, it was concluded that
the}' should never go back again alive. And, moreover, he said that
a far greater mischief was to follow thereupon here in England. He
told me also that, with all speed, he would write hither to the king, and
give his majesty notice thereof. The next day following, the said
Prince-Elector showed me the letter which he had written to his
majesty and bade me read it, which accordingly I did, and afterwards,
being sealed, the Prince- Elector himself, in my sight and hearing, gave
the said letter to one of his own servants, a chief officer in his court,
commanding him to make all haste therewith into England, to deliver
it unto the king. The said gentleman departed from thence, the same
night, towards England. The Prince-Elector, at the same time, also
gave unto me his letters of safe conduct, under his own hand and seal,
to the end 1 might safely and speedily pass through the parts of
Germany, and afterwards also into England ; the said prince advising
me first to go to Vienna, and diligently to hearken and learn somewhat
more particularly, touching the empress's said letter and the intended
plot. Whereupon, I went accordingly to Vienna, and there I under-
VOL. V. V

290 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
stood for certain that the empress already had written her letter to the
Lady Elizabeth ; but in regard the imperial diet was put off that year,
the said letter therefore was stayed."
Bell goes on to relate, that he went to England and com
municated what had transpired to the king, who ordered him
to return to Germany, carefully to ascertain when the diet
should be held, and as soon as ever he found that the
letter of the Empress was sent to Elizabeth, to hasten to
England with the tidings. Owing to the Emperor's fail
ing health,1 the Diet was postponed till July, 1618 ; in
the May previous, the Elector of Brandenburg informed
Bell, that the letter of the Empress either had been, or
would be very speedily, dispatched. He thus continues
his narration : —
" Then I departed with all speed from thence, and came again to
Vienna, where I got certain intelligence that the empress had sent
away her letters, few days before, to Heidelberg, to the Lady Elizabeth ;
whereupon I went, with all speed, from Vienna to Heidelberg ; and
first I opened the business to Sir Albert Morton, then her highness'
secretary. He told me her highness had already received the empress's
letter, and was resolved, with the prince her son, to meet the empress
at Ratisbon. Then we went presently together up to the court, wnerel
related unto her highness what I had understood, as well then, as also
two years before, from the Prince Elector of Brandenburg, and at
Vienna ; whereupon she took the empress's letter out of her pocket,and
gave it me to read. Then she commanded me to rest myself, sayingshe
would write letters over hither into England, and would give me the
empress's letter to show unto the king her father. So within two days
after, I was dispatched from her highness, she straitly charging me to-
make all haste possible into England, and to show the empress's letter
to the king, and said she would not stir from thence until she heard from
the king her father. Her highness, at my departure, graciously
bestowed upon me a very costly ring, adorned with eleven rich diamonds.
Then I went away, with all possible speed, and came hither into England,
and went to Theobalds, where the king then was, together with your
majesty.2 Sir Robert Anstruther being there also, brought me to the
king, into the garden. So soon as his majesty saw me coining, he asked
me if I had heard anything of the empress's letter, which should be
written to his daughter. I answered I had the same with me, and so I
delivered the said empress's letter unto his majesty ; whereupon his
majesty told me he had shortly before received another letter from the
Prince Elector of Brandenburg, touching that business, wherein he had
also expressed my care and travail, concerning the same. His majesty
then commanded me forthwith to translate the said empress's letter, out
1 Veyras to Carlton, April 25, 1618. Holland Corresp.
- Charles I., then Prince of Wales.

JAMES THE FIRST. 291
of the high German into the English tongue, from word to word, as it
was written in Dutch, which accordingly I did, in his majesty's chamber.
Then his majesty, with his own hands, gave me the empress's letter
again, charging me safely to keep the same in my custody, in memory of
that service, by me done and performed." '
This whole affair was managed with such secrecy that
it was never divulged, and it is now, for the first time,
brought to light. Elizabeth ever retained a grateful feel
ing towards Captain Bell, for his services, and twice wrote
letters on his behalf. The king gave him the office of
surveyor of his lead mines, worth £500 a-year, but a
subsequent revocation of the grant plunged him into debt,
and led him to draw up the petition, recapitulating his
services, from which the above extracts have been given.
It need scarcely be added that neither the Electress nor
her son made their appearance at the Diet of Ratisbon.
Again the journey of the princess to England was
mooted, but without much chance of success.
" Of her coming into England the next spring," writes her English
agent, Sir Abraham Williams, to Sir D. Carlton, '•' when I compare
the combustions which are yet likely to continue in Germany, and which
will not admit of the Elector Palatine's absence out of his own country,
1 German Corresp. bundle 74, under date of Feb. 10, 1637, when Bell
presented a petition for relief from debt and imprisonment, on the
ground of these services. There are two previous petitions from him
iu the Domestic Papers in 1621, State Paper Office. The letters from
the Elector of Bradenburg referred to in Bell's document are in
existence in the State Paper Office. Ancient Royal Letters, vol. a-e.
Prussia. They bear date May 24 and September 6. In the latter,
after alluding to his previous communication, the Elector adds : —
" Since then, we have received a more particular and certain narration
from our aforesaid ambassador, which we have likewise determined
to communicate to your majesty. The wicked conspiracy was this :
That his imperial majesty having determined to hold a diet at Ratisbon
in July last, to consult with the princes and princesses of Germany on
public affairs, the empress should, by most friendly letters, invite the
Princess-Electress to meet her imperial majesty in that town, pretending
to entertain the strongest wish and desire to commence a familiar
acquaintance with herself, and to see her son. The real truth, however,
(as it has been explored and detected not only by our said ambassador,
but by other persons of the highest dignity and authority, sincere well-
wishers to your majesty and us,) that if the Princess-Electress had
gone with her son to meet the empress, according to her invitation, (as
she had determined to do, if her journey as beforesaid had not been
hindered) the lives of both would have been exterminated."
U 2

292 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
with our want of 100,OOOZ. (for the king's part of the charges can
amount to no less), truly my hopes come short of my desires." '
Another obstacle was, that the princess was not in a
position to render travelling expedient, for on the 27th of
November, 1618, between one and two A.M., she gave
birth to her third child and first daughter, Elizabeth."
Early in 1619 the Electress lost her mother. Anne of
Denmark had not, at any time, been much associated with
her daughter, their residences having been generally apart;
nor did there exist between them that sympathy which
endears and sanctifies a relationship so close and intimate;
yet Elizabeth's strong feelings were much wrought upon
when she received the tidings of her death ; they were
first broken to her by her husband, who then presented
letters from King James announcing the event.3 After
the lapse of two days she replied to them as follows : —
" Sire,
" I have received your majesty's letter, in which you send me
word, to my extreme regret, of the death of the queen ; it is to me an
affliction so great, that I have no words to express it. I pray God to
console your majesty, and for me, I am very sure that I shall regret this
death all my life. The elector is extremely afflicted for this great loss,
and will not fail to shew it by an express embassy. I most humbly
supplicate your majesty to pardon me if I do not write more ; sadness
weighs my heart so that it hinders me from writing as I ought. I will
therefore conclude, entreating your majesty always to love me and to
keep me in your good favour, being all my life, Sire,
" Your majesty's most humble and most obedient daughter
and servant, " Elizabeth.
" Heidelberg, this 23rd of March." 4
Before the queen's death, Lady Harrington had received
her conge to return to England, to be present at the mar
riage of her grand-daughter to a son of the Marquis of
Hamilton. But unwilling to leave her royal mistress till
her first gush of sorrow had subsided, she remained a few
weeks longer, until the latter end of May, when she took
1 Holland Corresp. Sept. 24, 1618.
' Stow, p. 1030, Ct. Lewenstein to Carleton, Nov. Holland Corresp.
* News Letter, March 31, German Corresp. It was at first reported
that the queen had left her daughter a casket of jewels, but this was
not the case — she postponed making a will so long, that she could
only articulate a verbal consent to a suggestion that she should leave
all her property to the prince. - Dhona to Carlton, April 6th, Holland
Corresp. 4 Ancient Royal Letters, Germ. vol. vi.

JAMES THE FIRST. 293
leave for a short absence, as both deemed it in prospect,
but Elizabeth never saw this second mother again.1
About this time Lord Doncaster was sent on an embassy
by James I. to Ferdinand, king of Bohemia, the Elector
Palatine, and the princes of the union, to compose, if possi
ble, the growing differences between them, and more espe
cially between Ferdinand and his Bohemian subjects, in
which contests the kings of England and Spain had offered
themselves as mediators and had been accepted.2 When
he arrived in the Palatinate, Frederic was at Heilbrunn
attending a meeting of the German princes ; but as soon
as Elizabeth heard of the approach of the ambassador,
the first person of rank who had visited her from her
father's court, she sent one of her own coaches to
meet him, and an officer to inform him, that she had
ordered his apartments in the castle. He sent a polite
refusal, on the ground that an ambassador should not be
treated as a visitor, fearing also lest a visit to the Electress,
before her husband's return, might revive the ancient dis
putes about precedence : —
" Which melancholy difference," he writes to her, " was heretofore so
sweetly buried by their own goodness, that it were a great sin now to
revive it.
,! All this," he adds, " prevailed nothing against this most sweet
princess's longing to speak with a man that came so near from the king
her father, since his sickness ; and therefore I was forced, contrary to
her highness's pleasure, to take up at an inn in the town ; where I
was hardly set down, when the barons of Dhona and Winneberg came
thither, charging themselves with a strict command from the princess,
to see that I lay not in the town, and assuring me that, to that end, they
had forbidden the merchants to sell me any provision, as they had indeed.
Whereupon, fearing my obstinacy might be worse interpreted by their
highnesses, than my yielding could be by others, I at last, with all
humble thankfulness, embraced their favour, both of lodging and defray
ing me, which I have received in such a royal fashion, as I must say it
is more fit for a prince than for an ambassador." 3
Elizabeth, however, was scrupulously careful not to
wound her husband's feelings, and though a few walls only
1 Lockie to  , Feb. 23, Harl. MS. 7002, f. 448 ; Finet to Calvert,
April llth ; Chamberlain to Carleton, June 8, Domestic Corresp.
2 Frederic to James I. March 11 and 12, 1619, Tanner MS. 74,
ff. 250, 252. Original, Bodleian Library ; Doncaster to Buckingham,
June 18, Germ. Corresp.
3 Doncaster to Buckingham, .Tune 19, German Corresp.

294 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
separated her from her father's messenger, she refrained
from summoning him to her presence till the Elector
returned, which he did privately and hastily. The day
following, Lord Doncaster dined with the Elector and
Electress, with both of whom he had much conversation,
on public as well as private matters. The result he thus
reports to the king: —
" According to the commandment I have received from yonr majesty*
I have endeavoured to sound this prince, your son ; and if my short
understanding were a fit measure to judge any depth by, I should dare
pronounce that his highness is, much beyond his years, religious, wise,
active, and valiant." — " The princes of the union yield to him, as his
right, of being general of the forces they send to the Upper Palatinate,
on pretence of defending it, but really to be used as occasion requires.
" If your majesty could hear with my ears, how infinitely his
highness is respected by all those princes, and redoubted in all Germany,
and how extremely he is loved and honoured by all his own people,
your majesty would believe the testimony of fame if you discredit
mine. " Concerning her highness, I can say no more than that she is that
same devout, good, sweet princess your majesty's daughter should be,
and she was ever ; obliging all hearts that come near her by her cour
tesy, and so dearly loving and beloved of the prince her husband, that
it is a joy to all that behold them." '
One of the ambassador's attendants was the poet-
preacher, Dr. Donne, whom Elizabeth had previously
known as holding an official appointment in England, but
who subsequently devoted himself to the church, and
became Dean of St. Paul's. A friendly intercourse sub
sisted between them; and Isaac Walton, in his life of
Donne, says that this journey to Heidelberg —
" Seemed to give him a new life, by a true occasion of joy to be an eye
witness of the health of his most dear and most honoured mistress in a
foreign nation, and to be witness of that gladness which she expressed
to see him ; who having formerly known him a courtier, was much
joyed to see him in a canonical habit, and more glad to be an ear-
witness of his excellent and powerful preaching."
Dr. Donne records his preaching before the Prince and
Princess Palatine, on June 16th, from the text, — "For
now is our salvation nearer than when we believed." This
sermon is in print ; but not a second, which he preached
before them some time later.
Doncaster was commissioned to arrange with the princess
1 Doncaster to James I. June 18, 1619, German Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 295
the selection of a secretary, Sir Albert Morton having
been recalled to take an official appointment in London.1
Forged letters, in Elizabeth's name, had been presented to
King James, requesting the re-appointment of the same
Elphinston whose influence had been so injuriously exerted
in her household on her arrival at Heidelberg, and the
king consequently nominated him. Elizabeth was much
disconcerted, and begged Doncaster to inform the king,
that he had so conducted himself, that she should deem his
return to her service one of the greatest afflictions that
could befall her, and one which she was sure her father
would not allow, were he rightly informed of the facts.
She requested Doncaster to speak on the subject to the
Elector, " who discovered no less bitterness than her high
ness had wrapped up in sweet terms." Doncaster ultimately
obtained the post for his own secretary, Mr., afterwards
Sir Francis, Nethersole, formerly orator at Cambridge,
whose subsequent doings and sufferings in the cause of
his royal lady were alike conspicuous, and whose name will
frequently occur in the following pages.2 Like his prede
cessor, Morton, he was appointed to the double post of
Elizabeth's secretary and agent for the king with the
German princes.3 He received from England a salary of
.£200- a-year for the former office, and £165 for the latter.
As a matter of form, Elizabeth required a Secretary,
but she rarely employed his pen ; her own was ever ready
to give forth epistle after epistle, often vivacious, sometimes
witty, and always shrewd, clear, and to the point.4 Nor
were her letters her only intellectual efforts. The library
at Heidelberg still contains a small MS. prayer-book, in
white parchment cover, in which many of the prayers are
the composition of the princess, and in her own hand
writing ; they are beautiful specimens of calligraphy, and
1 He was made clerk of the council, in the place of Calvert, who was
raised to the secretaryship. — Holland Corresp. April 20.
* Doncaster's Despatches, June 18 and 19, July 24.
3 Domestic Papers, Sept. 2.2, 1619.
4 We contemplate the publication, at some future time, of the col
lected letters of Elizabeth ; upwards of four hundred, by far the larger
proportion of tbem never yet in print, are already transcribed for the
purpose ; we should feel greatly obliged by communications of copies of
any of her letters, from family or autograph collections.

296 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
breathe a devout and earnest spirit. Another volume in
the same library also contains prayers written by her, and
a third, prayers written for her use.1 Elizabeth had a warm
appreciation of literature. During her early residence
in Germany she mastered that language, as she subse
quently did the Dutch ; so that she not only understood
but could converse freely in six languages : English,
French, Italian, German, Dutch, and Latin. The
homage paid to her genius, her beauty, and her misfor
tunes by fhe grave divine, the plotting statesman, and
the enthusiastic bard, has at least the merit of being as
disinterested as it was profound.
1 Wilken, Geschichte der Heidelb. Bnchversammhing, 8vo, Heidelb.
1817- These MSS. were returned to Heidelberg, in the general resto
ration of works of art in 1815, and now form Nos. 661, 690, 694, of that
library. It was customary with the Palatine family to preserve, in the
library, their private records, down even to their cookery books, but
the subsequent disasters of Heidelberg destroyed or scattered the
treasures. 2 Sorbiere, Lettres et Discours, 4to. Paris, 1647, p. 95.

JAMES THE FIRST. 297

ELIZABETH,
ELDEST DAUGHTER OF JAMES I.

CHAPTER III.

State of Germany — Election of Emperor Ferdinand — Bohemian crown
offered to Frederic — He appeals to England for advice — Elizabeth
urges him to accept it, and prevails — She prepares to accompany him
to his Kingdom — Farewell to Heidelberg — Enthusiasm of the English
Nation — King James's coolness— Journey of Frederic and Elizabeth
to frontiers of Palatinate — Bohemian Deputies meet them — Formal
acceptance of the crown — They go on to Prague — Joyous reception
— Palace of Prague — Coronation ceremonies — Frederic goes to
Nuremberg — Writes to Elizabeth — Disturbances at Prague — Presents
to the Queen — Birth of Rupert — Baptism — Succession to crown
settled on Elizabeth's son — She writes to her father — Public affairs —
James I. refuses aid — Appeal ofthe Dowager- Electress — Elizabeth
writes to her brother — James I. levies troops — Spinola attacks Pala
tinate — Prague threatened — Elizabeth is urged to remove — She
refuses to leave her husband — Frederic joins the army — Letters to
his wife — English ambassadors arrive at Prague — Frederic's letters
— Battle of Prague — Retreat of king and queen to Breslau — Eliza
beth goes to Custrin — Defection of Frederic's subjects — Birth of
Maurice — -Political alliances — James I. obtains from Frederic a pledge
of submission — Prohibits him and his daughter coming to England
— They are invited to the Hague — Journey.
The career of the Princess Elizabeth had hitherto
flowed prosperously and smoothly, like a quiet joyous
stream, making music within its own verdant banks, and
little heard beyond ; but the time had now arrived when
the force of adventitious circumstances, combining with
her own energy of character, turned it from its tranquil
course, and it became like a restless torrent, rushing from
rock to rock, in troublous eddies, till at last it is swallowed
up in the dark whirlpool beneath.

298 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Our object in the following pages- is to adhere, as
closely as possible, to the private history of Elizabeth ;
but this is so inextricably involved with that of the
stirring times in which she lived and moved that it will
be difficult to comprehend it without a rapid coup cUceil
at the state of public affairs. The Emperor Mathias of
Hapsburg, by hereditary rank, Archduke of Austria,
by election, king of Bohemia and Hungary, and Emperor
of Germany, was now in the decline of life and childless ;
yet, notwithstanding this, he was extremely anxious to
constitute the kingdom of Bohemia hereditary, and he
procured its settlement upon his cousin and adopted heir,
Ferdinand, son of Charles of Austria, by a Bavarian
princess, with an express proviso, that the nominal power
only should be Ferdinand's, and the real authority rest
with himself as long as he lived.1 Regardless of this
stipulation, Ferdinand, whose character was marked by
strong religious bigotry, began his career with such
rigorous treatment of the Bohemian Protestants, that
they were exasperated to madness, and vented their rage
upon the president of the council, the secretary, and
another official, sent by Ferdinand to enforce his man
dates; all of whom they threw out of the windows of
the council chamber in the old palace of Prague.2 This
was the signal for open revolt ; knowing that they had
gone too far to retreat, they openly took up arms, entered
upon a vigorous and determined opposition to the rebgious
tyranny of the house of Austria, and obtained several
important advantages in arms.
The emperor requested the two Protestant Electors of the
Palatinate and Saxony, with two Boman Catholic princes,
the Elector of Mayence and the Duke of Bavaria, to act
as mediators between him and the Protestants of Bohemia.3
Various pacific measures were devised and many argu
ments used against the impolicy of proceeding to extre-
1 Mercure Frangais, 1617, p. 1017.
" Declaration of States of Bohemia, Bethune MS. 9774, ff. 1-21 ;
MS. 2249. f. 4 ; Sup. Francais, Lockie to  , June 16, 1618, Harl.
MS. 7002, f. 404; Theatrum Europaeum, vol. i. p. 16; Rushworth's
Hist. Collect, vol. i. p "J.
3 Mercure Frangais, 1618, p. 194 ; Rushworth, vol. i. p. 8.

JAMES THE FIRST. 299
mities ; but the emperor demanding implicit submission,
and the States' complete tolerance, no negotiation could
succeed.1 Frederic sought the advice of his father-in-law of
England,2 and earnestly urged on him, on the princes of
the union, and on the States of Holland, the importance
of assisting their oppressed fellow Christians in this
emergency.3 The States answered, that they should be
guided by the movements of the English King; and
James, with his characteristic aversion to take up arms,
replied that, by the terms of his alliance with the German
Protestants, he was only pledged to assist them in case
they were assailed; whilst he wrote confidentially to
Frederic that he had no money for war, but adding, in
the next sentence, that he had expended as much in a
pacific embassy to the emperor as a powerful succour
would have cost.4 He consented, however, to renew,
for six years longer, his alliance with the Princes of the
Union.5 At this critical juncture, the Emperor Mathias died, on
March £g, 1619,6 and the Elector Palatine, who was ex
officio vicar ¦ of the empire during an interregnum, called
upon his fellow-electors to assemble and choose another
emperor.7 " The Report goeth," writes an English
correspondent, " that the Palsgrave shall be emperor. It
is true he is the principal of the seven electors that are to
choose the emperor, but I can hardly believe he shall
1 Ein treuherziger Raht an ihre Kayserliche Majestat, 4to, 1618
Variorum discursuum Bohemicorum nervi, 4to, 1619 ; Frederic to
James I. Sept. 10, Oct. 8, 1618, German Royal Letters, vol. vi. State
Paper Office; De Plessen to Carlton, Oct. 9, Holland Corresp.
2 Frederick to James I. Dec. 4, 1618, Maitland Club Letters.
3 Carleton's Letters, pp. 337, 355, 359. Holland Corresp. May and
June, 1619, passim.
4 James I. to Princes' Union and to Frederic, Anc. Royal Letters,
vol. v.
s Williams to Carleton, May 18, Holland Corresp.
" The dates given in this volume are according to tbe old style, then
universally retained in England ; when a double date occurs, the upper
figure refers to the old, the lower to the new style, which was adopted
by Catholic princes.
" Frederic to James I. March 25, 1619, Tanner MS. 74, f. 237, Bod
leian Library, Oxford.

300 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
be emperor." ' Nor did he make any attempt to seize the
imperial crown, but with his brother, Louis Philip,
Duke of Simmeren, he marched to the Upper Palatinate,
to head the army ofthe German Princes, 12,000 strong,-,,
raised in self-defence, and to give weight to their position.2
On account of the critical state of affairs, he excused his
personal attendance at the diet, but sent deputies to act
in his name, in endeavouring to secure the empire for his
cousin, the Duke of Bavaria; and in the meantime he
wrote a letter to the Bohemian States to entreat their
submission to a pacific arbitration of their differences.3
To his wife he wrote, " I have heard nothing from
Bohemia this week, but it seems -likely, that instead of
gaining a, crown at Frankfort, Ferdinand may chance to
lose two. God grant him that grace : what a happy
prince is he, to be hated by everybody ! "4
The former part of Frederic's prediction was not
verified. The Austrian party succeeded in the election
of Ferdinand as emperor, which took place on August -^f.
But for the crown he won Ferdinand lost two. The party
opposed to him in Bohemia and Hungary had gained
strength and courage from the success with which their
arms had been crowned. They despaired of any pacific
arrangement, and when they found themselves forcibly
excluded from the Diet at Frankfort,5 and their tyrant-
king certain to be elected to the imperial throne, they
resolved at once to throw off the hated yoke.6 The States
of Hungary chose for their king, Bethlehem Gabor,
Prince of Transylvania ; the Bohemian council, with the
States of Silesia, Moraviaj and Lusatia, met in conclave
on the 4ir or" August, 1619, solemnly deposed Ferdinand,
on the ground of his having violated his coronation oaths,7
and determined that the leading features of their new
monarchy should be religious toleration and the absence of
1 News letter, June 4, 1619, Harl. MS. 3786, f. 82.
1 Doncaster to Naunton, July 24.
3 Merc. Gallo Belg. 1619, p. 16; Rushworth, vol. i. p. 11.
4 Bromley Letters, p. 2.
' The English ambassador, Doncaster, was also refused permission to
enter Frankfort during the election. — Brief Information of Affairs, p. 42.
0 News letters, Oct. 9 & 10, 1619, MS. 2249, Sup. Franc.
' Bethune MS. 9774, f. 18.

JAMES THE FIRST. 301
priestly rule.1 Several princes were proposed as succes
sors to the vacant crown : the King of Denmark, the
Electors of the Palatinate and of Saxony, the Duke of
Savoy, and the Prince of Transylvania, but none was
considered, in all respects, so suitable as the Palatine
prince, part of whose dominions touched upon Bohemia,
who was the head of Protestant Germany, and, moreover,
son-in-law to the potent monarch of England. Bv
unanimous consent, therefore, Frederic was elected King
of Bohemia;2 the hymn of St. Ambrose was solemnly
chanted, guns were fired, bells were rung, and every
mark of rejoicing was indulged in by the people.3 A
deputation from the States was sent to request his accept
ance of their crown. Tbe letters announcing the election
were couched in the most respectful terms, and addressed,
not only to Frederic but to Elizabeth, entreating her to use
her influence with her husband in securing his acceptance
of the proffered dignity, and with her father, to obtain
speedy and powerful aid.4 The States protested that
there remained no mode of terminating their discussion?,
but by the election of a prince, just, and wise, and good :
and that, to follow up their letters, an honourable embassy
should, with all speed, be seut to urge their plea, as,
owing to their critical position, a prompt decision was
imperative. The excitement that prevailed at Heidelberg was intense.
The honour was unsolicited and unexpected ; it had been
supposed that the Bohemians would continue under the
rule of the directoral government, which for many months
had so ably regulated their movements, and none of the
politicians, either in Germany or in England, even conjec-
turally anticipated the event.5 In great tumult of spirit,
Elizabeth wrote off to England, and her letter was sent
1 Merc. Gallo Belg. 1619, p. 133. 2 Carleton Letters, p. 387.
3 Merc. Gallo Belg. p. 152; Mercure Francais, p. 109.
4 Anc. Royal Letters, vol. v. State Paper Office, also in Germ. Cor
resp. Sept. 1019.
s Accusations were afterwards thrown out against Frederic for
plotting to obtain the crown during the recent assembly at Frankfort ;
(seeDuPuy MS. 10, ff. 86 and 87, Bibl. Nationale and Relig. Wotton.
p. 18) ; these, however, are contradicted, not only by bis own steady
disavowal, — a point of importance as he was scrupulously honourable in

302 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
by a confidential counsellor of her husband, Baron
Dhona, who was officially deputed to ask the opinion
of King James on the acceptance of the crown. It was
addressed to the Marquis of Buckingham, already her
father's favourite minister, on whose fiat she knew his
decision would mainly depend; she entreated him "to
use his best means in persuading his majesty to show him
self now, in his helping of the prince here, a true loving
father to us both." ' Frederic also wrote to Buckingham
to request his interest, and added : —
" I promise myself that, from your zeal for the preservation of the
church of God, assuring you that my only aim, in this affair, is to employ
all that I have in this world, for the service of Him who has given it,
me." 2

adhering to the truth, — but by the testimony of eye-witnesses, (see
Spamheim Vie de l'Electrice, p. 142,) and by the fact that the event
was not even guessed beforehand. On the £$ of August, the states of
Bohemia wrote to Frederic, complaining of Ferdinand's cruelties, and
entreating him not to abandon the cause of Protestantism, but without
any hint of their intentions. — {Harl. MS. 1583.) On the \\, the very day
of Frederic's election, Lord Doncaster wrote from Aix-la-Chapelle, that
the Hungarians have chosen the Prince of Transylvania, which makes
him think that possibly the Bohemians may have some such intention;
and if so, it will explain a mysterious hint given to him by their
ambassador, that his masters were about to take a brave resolution, but he
was forbidden at present to reveal it to any one ; only he promised that
when his lips were unsealed, Doncaster should be the first to know it.
" This seems a wild imagination," adds Doncaster, " but, if true, will
put an end to all mediation." Still not a word is said, though in a
confidential letter written on the spot, to intimate that there was the
least idea of Frederic's election. — German Corresp. Aug . £f, 1619, State
Paper Office. Only three weeks before his election, Frederic gave to
his rival Ferdinand the title of King of Bohemia.— (Fred, to Ferd.Aug. 1,
1619, Holland Corresp.) The only allusion to any antecedent proba
bility which has fallen under our notice is a flying rumour which
reached England in 1618, and is thus expressed in the unpublished diary
of a Dorchester citizen : " It was reported thait there was great stir in
Bohemia about choosing them a king, who, it is hoped, may be a means
to bring in a Protestant emperor in Germany ; and afterwards we heard
that the Elector Palatine, son-in-law to the King of England, is like to
be chosen king."— Egerton MS. 784, /. 8. This was a mere report, as
was another, a few months later, that the Duke of Savoy was chosen.—
Donne to Goodyere, March 9, 1619, Donne's Works, Alford's edit. vol. vi.
p. 374.
1 Tanner MS. No. 74, f. 219, Bodl. Library, Oxford.
2 Ibid. f. 243.

JAMES THE FIRST. 303
Elizabeth solicited the opinion of Archbishop Abbot,
with whom, as we have previously noted, both she and her
husband were on the most friendly terms. He returned a
speedy and warm-hearted reply, urging unhesitating accep
tance of the crown, whether King James at once expressed
approval or not, as he was satisfied the king would
ultimately assist, adding that the cause was just, and
as God had set up the prince, to be a mark of honour
throughout Christendom, he dared not give advice, but to
follow where God should lead.1
Meanwhile long and earnest were the consultations held
at Heidelberg on this important point. The Electress-
Dowager, with the far-seeing wisdom of years, entreated
her son not to be tempted by the lure of glory, to precipi
tate himself into a contest which he might not have
strength to carry out, and which, if he failed of success,
would inevitably ruin him.2 Her views were shared by
the Duke of Bavaria and the Elector of Saxony, by the
Elector of Mayence, who had recently visited Heidelberg,3
and by the King of France.4 But there were around
Frederic more ardent spirits, who vehemently espoused
the contrary side. Ludovicus Camerarius, one of his chief
counsellors, Scultetus, his chaplain, the Prince of Anhalt,
the Duke of Bouillon, and last, though not the least potent
pleader, his devoted and loving wife. Carried away by
the brilliant prospects before her, consecrating her ambi
tion in her own mind, by the strong claims of religious
toleration and civil liberty, and regarding her husband and
herself as the deliverers of the oppressed Bohemians,
Elizabeth used every argument that woman's wit could
furnish, in favour of accepting the crown; rallying her
husband, half playfully, half reproachfully, with the remark,
that he should not have married a king's daughter, if he
had not the courage to become himself a king. Frederic
hesitated : he knew that his adoption of this course would
' Goodman's Court of James I. vol. i. p. 236.
2 Spanheim Vie de l'Electrice, p. 142.
3 Johannes Script. Rer. Mogunt. vol. i. p. !J22 ; Johnston's Rer. Brit.
Hist. p. 533. The Electors of Bavaria and Saxony wrote him long dis
suasive letters, which are printed inTheatrum Europseum, vol. i. p. 210.
* Raccolta de Lettere del Cardinal Bentivoglio, 12mo. 1646, p. 158.
Bentivoglio was at this time resident in Paris.

304 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
lay him open to the charge of ambition ; and, on the other
hand, that a negative decision, by leading the Bohemians
to call in Turkish aid, would bring upon him the onus of
occasioning a needless effusion of Christian blood. He
foresaw that the step, if taken, would be irrevocable ; that
even under the most favourable circumstances, it must
lead to long and arduous conflicts; that, if unfortunate, it
would involve in ruin all that were dearest to him. All
this he represented earnestly, and even tearfully, to his
wife;1 but she assured him that she was prepared for any
extremity, that she would rather eat a dry crust at a king's
table, than feast on luxuries at that of an elector ;2 that
she would part with every jewel she had, rather than not
maintain so religious and righteous a cause; and that to
reign was glorious, were it only for a moment. She pleaded
with him day and night, showed him their children, and
bade him reflect before he deprived them of a crown.
Frederic, wishful to obtain the general advice of his
friends, called an assembly of the Protestant princes at
Bottenburg. They were unanimous in urging him to
accept the proffered dignity. The States of Holland
warmly coincided in the opinion, and Maurice, Prince of
Orange, sent him word that he was preparing fool's-coats
for all who should dissuade him from accepting the Bohe
mian crown. Frederic ordered prayers for divine guidance
to be offered up in all the churches, and anxiously awaited
a reply from England.
" Those who were in his court and councils at that time," writes
Spanheim, "know his shrinking, and his reasonings ; his holding back
and his opposition. Rashness has been imputed to him rashly, and
ambition unjustly. He had too much judgment not to see that in
accepting this crown he changed a tranquil for a hazardous condition,
and endangered his own estates for the welfare of a foreign kingdom." '
In the meantime, two envoys from Bohemia, brothers,
of the name of Miiller, reached Heidelberg. They
were presented to the Electress, who assured them that
she had used her best efforts on their behalf, both
1 Sanderson's Mary and James, p. 486 ; Frankland's James i. p. 44.
. a "Sie wollte lieber mit einen Konig sauer Krant, als mit einen
Churfursten Gebratens essen ; " is the emphatic expression quoted by a
writer who dedicated his work to Elizabeth. — Life of Louise Juliane,
p. 38. 3 Memoires de l'Electrice, p. 143.

JAMES THE FIRST. 305
with her husband and her father. They then followed
the Elector to Bottenburg. He requested permission
to defer his answer till the return of his messengers
from England ; but they declared that delays were most
prejudicial to their cause, and that if Frederic could not
at once decide in their favour, they must proceed to another
election. Thus pressed on every side, the reluctant Pala
tine took the final step. With a firm hand, but a tearful
eye, he signed a paper pledging himself to meet ambassa
dors from Bohemia on the confines of their kingdom, and
should the conditions they offer him seem suitable, to
accept tbe crown and proceed at once to Prague.1
Frederic's first anxiety was about his wife. He sent
to request an interview with Lord Doncaster, to consult
whether he should send her to pay her long-promised
visit to England, leave her at Heidelberg, or take her
with him to Bohemia. Doncaster, having previouslv
learned from the princess that her •'• vehement inclination
and almost inexorableness to the contrary, drew her to
accompany him,'' moulded hi; opinion accordingly; and
observed that, to send her to England might argue
apprehensions which would be injurious to his cause ;
and that to leave her at Heidelbersr " took from her the
occasion of that which she esteemed her greatest hap
piness — to express her love to him and her desire to
participate all his fortunes." He therefore advised the
Elector to yield to her urgent wishes and allow her to
go with him. Doncaster reports that he found Frederic
extremely anxious for the concurrence of the English
king in the Bohemian election, but he told him plainly
this was not likely to be speedily given, because, as the
king had recently offered his services as mediator, he
would shrink from the inconsistency of being supposed to
be a party in the quarrel. The ambassador now took his
leave ro proceed on his mission to the emperor.2
1 MS. 2249. ff. 12-14, Supplement Francais, Bibliotheque Xat. Paris;
Relazione dello stato di Germania, by Carafa, 1623, Addit. MS. 10224 ;
Johnston Rer. Brit. Hist. p. 533 ; Alemoires du Conte de Brienne, 1 2mo
Amsierdam, 1/19; Puffendorf Comment, de Rebus Suec. pp. 11-12 ;
Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, voL xi. p. 69 ; Hist. d'Allemagne, 1520-1630 ;
MS. st. Victor, 963, £ 65.
5 Writing to Buckingham from Frankfort, Sept. 27, Doncaster says, —
VOL. V. X

306 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
The Palatine family busied themselves in prepara
tions for their journey, which was fixed to commence on
the 27th of September. The Duke of Deuxponts
was appointed to take charge of the civil government,
and Count John of Xassau of the military : whilst the
Electress-dowager promised to remain at Heidelberg, in
charge of the two younger children, Charles Louis, and
Elizabeth. The eldest prince, now a boy of nearly six
years old, was to accompany his parents.1
The Dukes ofWirtemberg and Deuxponts, the Marquises
of Anspach and Baden, the Landgrave of Hesse, the Duke
of Bouillon, and other princes, with their ladies, flocked
to Heidleberg to pay their respects to Elizabeth, and offer
their good wishes for the success of the princely pair : and
never had the court over which they presided been more
brilliant than at this juncture, when, for the last time.
Frederic and Elizabeth were the centre of a circle of
loving friends and subjects, honoured and happy in the
present, hopeful of the future and yet not unanxkras.
It was noted with what chastened humility of spirit, free
" I am, after Holyrood-day, sent to hunt an emperor, stolen, God knows
whither, in frost, whom I fear I shall find terribly discomposed, because
before I can congratulate with him, the Prince Palatine will be crowned
King of Bohemia, and the Prince of Transylvania is already, of Hun
gary; but my comfort is, that I may justly say unto him, with that
humility and respect is due unto his quality, perdilio tua esr te, because he
would not hearken to that noble and Christian mediation of my grachtns
master, wbich, if he had done, he might have possessed his imperial
crown in peace." — Tanner MS. 74 . /. 225.
1 Frederic to Duke Bouillon, Sept. 27. 1619. This interesting letter,
giving a full detail of the motives influencing his conduct, is printed in
Xeufville M6nioires d'F.stat, 1 2mo. Paris, 1665, vol. iii. p. 292 ; and in
Ambassades du Due d' Angouleme, A:c.. vers rEmpereur, fol. Paris, 1667,
p. 95. MS. copies exist, in Du Pny MS. 10, f. 104, and in MS. St. Ger
main, U7L f.3, Bibliotheque Rationale. Paris. "I am just going," he
writes, " where I am wanted, and Orod calls me. I entreat you to believe
that this resolution proceeds from no ambition or desire to aggrandize
my house, but that my only view is to serve God and his church. I can
say, with truth, that I have not aspired to it, but always sought my hap
piness in what God has given me, and rather tried to impede than to
advance this election. This makes me the more assured that it is a
divine vocation, which I ought not to reject" He wrote in the same
strain to the Elector of Saxony, declaring that could peace be otherwise
brought about, he would not accept the proposed dignity. — Mercurt
Franfais, 1619, p. 135.

JAMES THE FIRST. 307
from unseemly exultation, they both conducted themselves
at this critical period. John Harrison, an attendant on
the Electress, printed a small work containing a relation
of the proceedings connected with the departure, as well
as of subsequent ceremonials. After mentioning the
27th September as the day on which Frederic purposed
to set put, he writes : —
" The day before, being the holy Sabbath, betimes in the morning,
with the young prince and his whole household, he humbly made his
repair to the public assembly and church in Heidelberg, there first to
offer sacrifice to the God of heaven, and with the joint prayers and tears
of his people, (of whom at that time he took a solemn leave,) with
strong cries to beseech Almighty God for his good success ; the day
also was all mournful and rainy, suitable thereunto. No less religious
and devout was that worthy and virtuous lady in her private chapel,
and with her private and religious family, where her zealous and godly
chaplain, Dr. Chapman, taking a very fit text for that time and occa
sion,1 handled the same so effectually, with so many good and godly
admonitions, and in the end so fervent and zealous a prayer as moved
much, whereunto all said, Amen ; — which sermon I wished at the same
time had been preached at Paul's Cross, and in all the churches of
Great Britain, that all the people, (even the whole church of God),
might likewise have said, Amen."
"In the afternoon again, this religious prince, with the young prince
and the rest, in like humble manner as in the forenoon, repaired to church
in his own palace, to sanctify the rest of the Sabbath ; which ended, the
next morning, about 8 of the clock, these princely personages, (after
manifold visitations the days before), with their train, in their coaches,
and some on horses, and wagons, without any vain pomp or ostentation,
but rather tears in their eyes lifted up to heaven, quietly departed ; yet
not without strong cries, prayers, well- wishes, and acclamations following
them ; whereunto let all true Christians, of all nations (especially of ours,
as in duty more nearly bound), say Amen — and not only with their
prayers and well-wishes, but otherwise also, as farther occasion shall be
offered, aid and assist them.
" And to this service of Almighty God against the enemies of his
church, this noble and religious young prince hath wholly devoted himself,
having, before his departure, (as I was told,) given away his hounds and
other things pertaining to his pleasure, minding (as it should seem,) to
forbear even his ordinary and lawful recreations, till such time as he hath
effected this great work, and fulfilled God's will and pleasure, in those
things whereunto it hath pleased God to call him. His demeanour so
' James, chap. iv. ver. 13, " Go to now, ye that say, to-day or to
morrow we will go into such a city, and continue there a year, and buy,
and sell, and get gain ; whereas ye know not what shall be on the
morrow. For what is your life ? It is even a vapour that appeareth for
a little time, and then vanisheth away. For that ye ought to say, if the
Lord will, we shall live and do this or that."
x2

308 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
religious, humble, and mild, with such a cheerful assuredness in the faith
and promises of Almighty God, imprinted even in his countenance, as
promiseth all good success. For God resisteth the proud, but giveth
grace to the humble. So likewise in the face and countenance of that
hopeful young prince, Henry, methinks I observed some divine thing
extraordinary, which ravished my heart, and may give the world to
conceive he will one day make good all those great hopes which were
dead in Prince Henry, but revived in him. And no heart but would
have been ravished to have seen the sweet demeanour of that great lady,
at her departure, with tears trickling down her cheeks, so mild, cour
teous, and affable, (yet with a princely reservation of state well becoming
so great a majesty,) like another Queen Elizabeth, revived also again in
her, the only Phoenix of the world.
" Gone is this sweet princess, with her now more than princely
husband, (and more and more may they grow together in grace and
favour, both with God and men), towards the place where his army
attendeth, to march forward, another Queen Elizabeth, for so now she
is, and what more she may be in time, or her royal issue, is in God's
hands to dispose to his glory, and the good of his church. Pro quel quia
plus dubitaret mortem oppetere ? What good man would not adventure
his life, and run even in the face of death, such a lady going before, and
marching in the front ? It is the manner of the Moors, in their most
deadly battles, to make choice of one of their chiefest and fairest virgins
to go before them into the field : for her to be surprised and taken from
them they hold it an everlasting shame, and therefore will fight it out to
the last man. And shall we suffer our sweet princess, our royal infanta,
the only daughter of our sovereign lord and king, to go before us into
the field, and not follow after her ! — then, (I may say again,) we are
worse than the very infidels, and they shall rise in judgment against us
at that great day."
The enthusiasm of this magniloquent eulogist of our
princess was equalled, if not surpassed, by that of the
generality of the English nation. When the tidings of
Frederic's election arrived, they waited for no public
orders, but rang the church bells, lighted bonfires, ^md
prayed publicly for him in the churches ; soldiers flocked
to offer themselves as volunteers, contributions poured
in from all quarters, and popular feeling embraced every
mode of demonstration.1
" With what great and general love," writes a contemporary, " Britain
burned towards Frederic and Queen Elizabeth I can scarcely describe.
There was not a soldier, an officer, or a knight, that did not beg to be
allowed to go to the help of Bohemia. As the exchequer was empty,
and did not suffice for domestic expense, men and women even, brought
money, with most willing minds, to sustain the war."2
• Johnston's Hi . Rer. Brit. p. 535 ; De Plessen to Naunton, Oct. 26,
1619. 3 Sanderson's James VI. p. 481.

JAMES THE FIRST. 309
But there was one person who did not share in the
general exhilaration, and that was King James himself.
Politically absorbed with one leading passion, the wish to
unite his son to the Spanish infanta — he closed his eyes
to other considerations, and allowed the Spanish ambas
sador to persuade him that the Bohemian aifair had been
plotted with the express object of compelling him to
abandon his alliance with Spain and draw the sword in
defence of his daughter.1 Baron Dhona, the envoy of
Frederic, presented his credentials in due form, and urged
a speedy answer ; the king replied by requesting copies of
the documents relating to the election, which being sub
mitted,2 he summoned his council. Before they assembled,
the tidings came that Frederic had already consented to
treat with the Bohemians preparatory to accepting their
crown ; they therefore desired, writes a correspondent :-¦—
" to know his majesty's pleasure, whether they should consider now of
it : but his majesty, having found the dispositions of them to tend to
present assistance, on Sunday last, at Wanstead, sent for them ; but it
was but to tell them his opinion, and not to ask theirs, which in effect
was, that the Palatine had rashly entered into a business without his
consent ; that he was young, and so there might be some excuse for
him ; but for him, he was an old king ; it were not fit for him to enter
rashly into so great business ; he would first send and know and be
assured that the election was lawful and good, and not done by some
faction, &c, and then he would declare his mind ; and, to prevent the
lords, he told them it was in him to make peace and war," &c.3
Not all the eagerness of the council, urged on by Arch
bishop Abbot, could infuse warmth into the royal breast.4
In spite of their efforts, and the urgency of the states of
Holland, who wrote pressingly to request him to favour
the Bohemian cause,5 James dismissed the baron with a
1 Chamberlain to Carlton, Sept, 22, 1619. " We hear the Palsgrave
is crowned King of Bohemia, so that there is now no place left for deli
beration, nor for mediation of peace, till one side be utterly ruined ;
God send him good success ; but surely it was a venturous part, and
likely to set all Christendom by the ears. The world thinks it was a
plot of the Prince of Orange and the Duke of Bouillon, to draw in our
king, nolens volens, but how he is every way provided for such a business,
you know, or may easily guess." — Domestic Records, State Paper Office.
3 Dhona to Buckingham, Harl.MS. 1583, f. 210-12.
1 Harwood to Carlton, Sept. 14, 1619, Holland Corresp.
4 Court and Times of James I. vol. ii. p. 191.
* Ancient Royal Letters, vol. xviii. State Paper Office.

310 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
refusal to countenance the election, declaring that he
deemed it the work of a faction ; — that his subjects were
as dear to him as his daughter, and therefore he could not
consent to embroil them in an unjust war.1 This answer
was felt to be so cold, that the Earl of Pembroke privately
apologized for it, and tried to palliate its sternness by
giving hopes that the king would awake to a sense of his
own honour, and by assurances of the good-will of the
council.2 Contrary'to the eager wish of the clergy and
the nation, the king refused to allow the Elector-Palatine
to be prayed for in the churches, as the King of Bohemia,
and even severely reproved those who were bold enough
to do so without orders.3 It was at first hoped that this
conduct was a mere ruse, proceeding from "the inscrutable
depths of his majesty's incomparable wisdom, to amuse his
son's enemies ;"4 but this hope proved delusive.
The princess and her husband, meanwhile, were on
their eventful journey ; with a numerous court, and a
train of 153 baggage wagons, they proceeded in the
direction of Anspach.5 They were invited by the Mar
quis of Anspach, whose domains lay in the route, to pay
him a visit; as they approached his capital, descending
rapidly a high hill, the road being rough, the wheel of the
princess's carriage struck against a large stone, which,
rebounding, flew into the carriage and struck her on the
leg, so violently that she swooned with the severity of the
pain. But when they reached the small inn at the foot
of the hill, she was so far recovered as to be able to resume
the journey, in a recumbent position ; and on arriving at
Anspach, declared herself perfectly well, and mingled
cheerfully in the social circle.6 The journey was soon
renewed, and on the 4th of September the party reached
Amberg, in the Upper Palatinate. They were here met
by Baron Furstenburg, an imperial envoy sent to the
Elector, to exhort him once again to refrain from the
1 Nichols, vol. iii. p. 569. 2 See Appendix, No. HI.
' Carlton to Naunton, May 6, 1620, German Corresp. ; Nethersole
to Carlton, January 8, 1620, Holland Corresp., State Paper Office;
Johnston, p. 535 ; Goodman, p. 236.
4 Nethersole to Carlton, Jan. 8, 1620, ut sup.
' Trumbull's Despatch, Oct. 6, Flanders Corresp.
1 News letter from Nuremberg, Sept. 1619, German Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 311
glittering but peril -fraught bribe which would lure him to
destruction, and to accept conciliatory measures. His
reply was calm but firm ; he said his word was pledged to
meet the Bohemian deputies and he must keep his faith.1
The train was now swelled by 1000 of the troops of the
Upper Palatinate, who thronged to accompany their lord ;
and after a little time spent in preliminary arrangements,
on October 13th, the party advanced to Waldsassen, a
frontier town, distant only a mile from Eger, in Bohemia,
whither the deputies had already arrived, and impatiently
waited their coming.2 At Waldsassen they were joined
by Baron Dhona, who, on his return from England, had
followed them thither. He strove to veil the king's cool
ness under the guise of prudence and circumspection, and
dwelt so warmly on the excessive love and zeal of the
English nation, that the impression left by his report was
not on the whole unfavourable.3 He had several inter
views with the Bohemian directors, and having gained
from them such information of the genuineness of the
election as was demanded by James, he returned to
England, hoping to obtain a decisive and cordial approval.4
Several interviews passed between the deputies and
their new king and his council. They assured him that
not only were the Protestants, to a man, resolved to throw
off the despotism of Austria, but that even the Popish
lords generally had sworn to stand firm to their country,
and to take oaths of allegiance to the heretic king.''
Preliminary negotiations being satisfactorily arranged,
the 16th of October was appointed for the formal audience.
On that day, coach after coach, to the number of eighteen,
slowly drove up, and deposited its charge at the gates of
the castle of Waldsassen ; the first three contained the
deputies of Bohemia, the fourth, those of Moravia, the
fifth, of Silesia, the sixth, of Lusatia ; the other carriages
were filled with officers and gentlemen. Frederic received
' Morton to Carleton, Oct. 8, 1619, Holland Corresp.
2 News letter, Oct. 9 and 10, 1619, MS. 2249, Sup. Franc. Biblio
theque Nationale.
3 News letter, Oct. |J. Heid. De Plessen to Naunton, Oct. 26, Carle
ton Letters, p, 401 ; Dhona to Carleton, Sept. 27, Holland Corresp.
4 Bethune MS. 9774, f. 18.
' News letter, Oct. 13, German Corresp.

312 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
them bare-headed, attended by his brother and son, and
Prince Christian, of Anhalt. Andre, Comte de Sehlick,
pronounced a formal declaration of the deposition of
Ferdinand, and the election of Frederic as king of
Bohemia, Marquis of Moravia and Lusatia, Duke of
Silesia, &c, and requested his acceptance of these titles,
and his immediate presence amongst his new subjects.
Frederic replied in few words, but with such frankness,
and yet seriousness of manner, that some of the assembly
were moved to tears.1 The scope of his speech was, that
never having aspired to the election, he was convinced it
proceeded from God, and accepted it, with a pledge to
govern in right and equity, as became a Christian prince.
His subjects then kissed his hand, and the hands of his
brother and his little son ; after which they requested an
interview with their queen.
To Elizabeth this audience was fraught with exciting
interest. For the first time in her life she was to be
saluted as queen, and was to take part in what her ima
gination depicted as the opening scene of a long and
brilliant pageantry. After the ceremony of kissing hands,
Wenceslaus Guillaume, Baron Kupa, addressed her in
French, expressing warm gratitude for the influence she
had exerted with her husband, in inducing him to accept
the crown, praying that she might long live to reign over
and amongst them, and commending her future subjects
to her favourable regard. The queen replied, also in
French, — " Sir, what I have done for the honour of God
and our common religion, has been well intended, and in
future it shall never lack my favour and good will."2 This
ceremony concluded, the new-made king and queen, with
their whole train, and the deputies, with their suite,
adjourned to the church, passing through files of troops
lining the streets, and there prayers were read, and a
sermon was preached from the twentieth Psalm. They
1 Knrze Beschreibung der Kronung, &c. Friedrich. This account
differs a little from the other authorities cited. It represents the 14th
of October instead of the 16th,' as the day on which this scene took
place. This version is adopted because, as its writer follows out
the daily progress of the party from Eger to Prague, his testimony
seems the more trustworthy.
2 Theatrum Europaeum, vol. i. p. 242.

JAMES THE FIRST. 313
then returned to the castle, where dinner was served ; the
king and queen having taken their places, the deputies,
twenty-one in number, were honoured with permission to
dine at their table. The king entertained them in long
and friendly conversation; and after dinner, his letters,
accepting the election and confirming the rights and
privileges of his new subjects, were sealed and delivered
by the Grand-master, the Count de Solms, to the deputies,
who, thereupon took their leave.1
The following day was appointed for the entrance of
Frederic and Elizabeth into their new kingdom. Attended
by the Bohemian directors, they proceeded to Falckenay,
where they were met by a Bohemian nobleman, near whose
domains they passed, and found a dinner prepared for them
in the open fields; after partaking of which, and listening to
a sermon preached out of doors by Frederic Salmuth, Field-
chaplain of the Prince of Anhalt, they went on towards Saatz.
On their approach, which was hailed by the ringing of bells
and firing of guns, the council of the town waited upon
them with a Latin oration, and the ceremony of delivering
the keys was performed by the chief magistrate. Before
the gate were grouped the principal ladies and maidens of
the place, who presented their respects to their queen, and
then falling into 'procession with the council, escorted
them through files of soldiers, in uniforms of blue and
white, to their lodging. The following night they slept
at Launy, and on the 20th reached Busserat, where they
were received in a beautiful mansion, belonging to a young
Bohemian nobleman.2
October |Tst was the day fixed for the entry into
Prague. Arrived at the Thiergarten, or pare de Vetoile, half
a mile distant from the city, they were saluted by the
Count Falkenberg, grand-chamberlain of Bohemia, who
appeared at the head of the chief nobility of Bohemia,
Moravia, and Silesia, with the burgesses of Prague, all in
their best attire, and in handsome equipages. The cham
berlain addressed them in the Bohemian tongue, Baron
Bupa acting as interpreter ; the king replied in person to
• Mercure Francais, p. 141, Merc. Gallo Belg. p. 7L
" Mercure Francais, p. 141, Theatrum Europ. vol. i. p. 433.

314 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
their salutations, to the " great contentment" of the lords
and states, who approaching him, paid their reverence to
him on bended knee, and did the same also to the queen.
Fredric now exchanged his coach for a charger, giving
leisure for the nobles and gentry to defile in order before
him, and the procession moved onwards. It consisted first
ofthe nobles, the dukes of Wirtemberg and Mecklenburgh,
the princes of Anhalt, and Louis Philip, the king's brother.
After them, rode the king, alone, in order that he might
be more conspicuously seen, followed by a train of bare
headed pages and lacqueys ; and then the queen, also alone,
in a carriage, the linings, draperies, and horse trappings of
which were covered with gold and silver embroidery, with
liveries of violet-coloured velvet ; another carriage con
veyed her ladies, and in the third was seated her young
son, with his attendants.
As they approached the battlements of Prague, they were
met by a battalion of armed peasantry, four hundred in
number, descendants of those who had fought for religion
and freedom in the time of Ziska, the Hussite leader:
they bore the ancient Bohemian banner, and were armed
with —
" scythes, flails, hatchets, and targets, as it were in the time of the
wars maintained by Ziska ; and their colonel, gjbing towards the king,
made a brave speech in Latin, which being finished all the clowns cried
out, with a loud voice, ' Long live King Frederic,' and made such a
tingling noise in clattering of their weapons together, so that their
majesties could not abstain from laughing. And, beside all this, these
soldiers thus armed after the rustical manner, showed many other plain
and pretty pastimes, here omitted, being too long to be repeated."
Further on, the regular troops, were marshalled in the
streets. The, throng of spectators was so great — not a foot
of ground appearing to be vacant — that Frederic forbade
the firing of cannon, which had been pre-arranged, lest
any accident should take place. The excitement was not
merely caused by the splendour of a procession unequalled
in Prague within the memory of man ; it was the heart
felt burst of a nation freed from their oppressors ; and
amidst the crowd might be seen clasped hands and tearful
faces, turned to heaven with unutterable emotions of
gratitude. Thus, with ringing of bells and enthusiastic

JAMES THE FIRST. 315
acclamations, the king and queen rode up to the Palace
of Prague. This was about five o'clock in the afternoon,
the entry having occupied two hours. At the palace
doors the queen was received by the chief ladies of
Bohemia, who crowded round her, reverently kissing the
hem of her robe, whilst one of their number delivered an
eloquent harangue of welcome ; they then conducted her
to the part of the castle where her apartments were
prepared.1 ' The Palace of Prague, situated in the more modern part
of the town, or the "new city," is a princely pile of
buildings, so extensive as to be in itself almost a town.2
Its commanding position and the lovely prospects it
afforded, excited the admiration of the royal inmates.
The day but one after their arrival, the royal pair were
conducted over the principal apartments of the castle ; a
room of curiosities, collected by the late king, Ferdinand,
attracted the queen's attention, for she was extremely
fond of objects of taste and vertu, and she smilingly
observed that Ferdinand had really left them many very
beautiful things.3 The contrast between the frank and
cheerful manners of their young queen and those of the
imperial ladies who had for many years borne that title,
struck the citizens with admiring delight, and won for her
the devoted love and adoration of her subjects.4
Public attention was now engrossed by the approaching
ceremony of the coronation. It was attended with some
minor difficulties: a Catholic priest, of course, was not
to be tolerated to crown a Calvinistic king ; yet the
Calvinists were accustomed to mock at anointings and
the use of holy oils ; the administrator of the college of
the Hussites was therefore deputed to perform the cere
mony of unction. Grand officers of the crown were
elected to supply the place of those deposed in the recent
1 Mercure Francais, p. 142, Harl. MS. 6815.
2 Harl. MS. 4045, f. 20.
1 News Letter from Prague, Nov. 4, Holland Corresp.; Carlton
Letters, p. 408.
4 News Letter from Nuremberg, Nov. 4, German Corresp. ; Carlton
Letters, p. 419, Dutch Political Tracts, 1619.

316 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF

troubles, and all preliminaries being completed, on the
ShN°otemto Frederic solemnly received the crown, amidst
the enthusiastic rejoicings of the people. The queen,
with her ladies, was present at the ceremony, in a private
gallery erected for their use. At the conclusion, she
retired, and putting on her royal robes, dined with her
husband in the great hall of the palace, — a magnificent
apartment, then one of the largest in the world, two
hundred and twelve feet in length by sixty in width.1
They sat alone at their table; fourteen boards were
spread for the attendant nobility ; whilst during the
repast, which lasted four hours, a fountain of red and
white wine poured forth its bounties in the court to all
comers, and coins were scattered amongst the people, the
emblem on which was five bands, supporting a crown,
and the legend signified the free election of the king to
his five dignities.2
Elizabeth was crowned three days subsequently, on
KoTemberTth' the ceremonies employed being similar to those
at her husband's coronation, but curtailed, in order to
spare her fatigue. The raised dais in the church, the
rich carpets covering the path along which she was to
walk, the throne of embroidered velvet, the candlesticks
on the altar, from which all popish relics had been removed,
remained in the same state in which they had been pre
pared for the king. The pastors of the Bohemian church
were early assembled : they wore robes of violet colour,
those of the Hussite persuasion distinguished by blue
mantles and large blue hats. The chief nobility and
ladies of the kingdom then waited upon the queen, to
conduct her in state to the church. Elizabeth was richly,
but not as yet regally attired. They accompanied her
first to the private chapel of St. Wenceslaus, where her
royal robes were put on ; after which, proceeding into the
church, she was met by the administrator of the Hussite
college, an old man, whose hair and beard of snowy white
ness gave great venerableness to his appearance. With
uplifted hands he invoked a benediction upon her : —
1 Schottsky Prague, vol. ii. p. 88 ; Pollnitz Memoires, vol. ii. p. 215.
2 News Letter, Nov. 5 and 6, Germ. Corresp. Van Loon, vol. ii. p. 120.

JAMES THE FIRST. 317
" Lord God omnipotent, grant thy blessing to this our Queen Elizabeth,
that going in and out in thy ways, as prescribed in thy word, she may
persevere faithfully and constantly in her vocation, through our Lord
Jesus Christ."
Preceded by the clergy and the officers of state bearing
the regal insignia, Elizabeth walked to the altar, where,
after kneeling a few minutes in silent prayer, the solemn
voice of the old priest again pronounced : —
" Eternal and most gracious God, creator of heaven and earth, king
of kings, lord of lords, at whose power and disposal are all the king
doms of the world, who by thy wisdom and free will directest them, and
bestowest and givest to whom thou wilt — bless this Princess Elizabeth,
by thy providence and grace lawful wife of our King Frederic, that,
never departing from the truth of thy law, she may through the whole
course of her life and vocation, walk in thy ways, through Jesus Christ
our Lord."
At this moment King Frederic, advancing to the altar,
thus addressed the administrator : —
" O reverend father, we request that thou wilt deign to bless this our
consort, joined to us by God ; and to decorate her with the crown royal,
to the praise and glory of our Saviour Jesus Christ."
The music then struck up, and the queen was led to the
throne ; after which a sermon was preached by a reformed
German minister, from the 72nd Psalm ; the Litany was
chanted, a lesson read from 1 Timothy chap. ii. to v. 7,
and a long prayer offered for the divine blessing, that the
king might become a nursing father, and the queen a
nursing mother, to the church, and enjoy a long and tran
quil reign. Then, amidst the ringing out of triumphal
music, the chief burgrave took from the altar the royal
insignia, and the administrator, advancing to the queen,
with the sacred oil, thus addressed her : —
" Most gracious queen, since sacred unction, both in the Old and New
Testaments, is a symbol both of the lawful vocation of God, and of that
internal unction by which God marks out the pious and faithful, without
distinction of sex, for the life prepared for us in Christ, we pray for thee,
now about to receive it, that he may anoint thee with his holy Spirit, that
as the true anointed of God, thou mayest follow his counsel and divine
will, through our Lord Jesus Christ."
He then touched her brow with the oil, and placing the
sceptre in her hand, bade her remember, that her rule
was to be exerted in maintaining righteous laws, protect-

318 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
ing the fatherless and widows, and supporting the Church
of Christ. With the presentation of the ball, he used the
following significant words : —
" Receive also this golden ball, which truly, as it denotes the power
of kings and queens in the world, so it also betokens the changefulnesi
of kingdoms and empires, whereby all kings and queens of this world
are admonished to aspire from these fleeting and frail possessions to
those that are eternal and immoveable."
The crown was next placed on her head, with a fer
vent prayer that it might prove a fore-shadowing of the
crown of immortality in the heavens. Bearing the royal
emblems, Elizabeth returned to her throne ; Te Deum was
chanted, and then a fervent prayer offered, that she might
prove a worthy follower of all holy women recorded in
Scripture, — Sarah, Bebecca, Judith, Esther, &c, and that
through a long life she might aid her pious king to reign in
justice and judgment, over a steadfast and obedient people.
The baron then proclaimed aloud : —
" Long life to our Queen Elizabeth, with our most potent and gra-.
cious King Frederic, and all their children, and all their princely family,:
through thy grace and mercy, O Lord our God, celestial Father, who
with the Son and the Holy Ghost, reignest one God, world without end,
Amen." Amidst the acclamations of the people, the firing of
cannon, and the ringing of bells, the queen was led back
in state to the castle, where a magnificent repast was
prepared, at which, with royal courtesy, Elizabeth
entertained all the chief ladies of the kingdom; though
etiquette prevented their eating at her own table. Instead
of scattering coronation coins among the populace, as was
done by her husband, she ordered rations of bread and
wine to be dealt out to all comers.1 An eye witness re
cords that : —
" the queen showed herself sprightly in going to the church and in
the street leading from the palace, having the crown on her head, as
she was also at table, and at the royal banquet in the great chamber of
tbe palace ; where, instead of the great lords, the great ladies filled the
offices worthily, and iu such fine order, tbat never before had anything
1 News Letter, Prague, Nov. 10, Merc. Gallo Belg. 1619, pp. 97-104.
This latter work contains by fai' the most correct account extant of
Elizabeth's coronation.

JAMES THE FIRST. 319
more fine or magnificent been seen ; for all was done according to the
degree and quality of the persons, the ladies keeping their rank and
order according to the estate of their husbands, who also have received
the highest offices and employments ofthe crown, in reward for their
pains and labours in the common defence during the directoral govern
ment. Their majesties," he adds, " conduct themselves altogether
with such amiable grace, that they gain and attract the hearts of all, so
that they know not how to praise them enough, even such Papists as
are not altogether envenomed with political poison." *
A portrait of Elizabeth in her coronation robes, is pre
served, but showing a harsh, unpleasing cast of features,
resulting from the process of the engraving. Her hair is
frizzed all round her head, at the back of which she wears
a small spray of pear-shaped pearls, and others form her
ear-rings ; her neck is covered with an enormous farthin
gale, and the body of her dress is loaded with pearls.2 ,
On the day of his queen's coronation, Frederic issued a
circular letter to all foreign princes, detailing, clearly and
fully, his reasons for accepting the crown, and requesting
their neutrality, coincidence, or support, according to
circumstances.3 On the return to England of Sir Albert
Morton, whom he had detained to witness the coronation,
he also wrote to his father-in-law, announcing formally
the prosperous success that had hitherto attended himself
and his "dearest wife."
Frederic now left Prague to attend an assembly of the
allied princes at Nuremberg, where he concluded with
them such engagements as promised well for the general
cause. The following letter, addressed to his wife, from
Amberg, where he paused, en route, to attend a baptismal
ceremony, is a pleasing specimen of confidential corres
pondence : —
" Madam, '• I write this to inform you of my happy arrival in this place. The
Prince of Anhalt remained behind yesterday, ou account of the gout in
his feet ; I think he will only come here to-morrow, and he will not
arrive without great difficulty at Nuremberg, where I hope to be to
morrow. The Landgrave Maurice, Marquis of Anspach, and the Duke
of W irtemberg are already there. The baptism will take place in an
1 News Letter, ut supra. 2 Theatrum Europ. vol i. p. 247.
3 Bethune MS. 9774, f. 33 ; St. Germain MS. 828, Bibliotheque
Nationale, Theatrum Europ. vol. i. p. 248. The tract was also pub
lished in a separate form, 4to, 1619.

320 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
hour or two. I have not yet seen the Princess of Anhalt. I beg you
to send me, by an express, and well packed up in a tin or wooden box,
the obligation which the States have given me for the money I have
lent them, with some writings attached thereto. I do not know if you
will be able to find it ; it appears to me that I have put it in the gold
box, with the obligation which the States gave the little one, which is
with the gold plate. You will keep the gold box and also the obligation
which belongs to the child.1 I received letters yesterday from my
mother, who humbly kisses your hands. I send you, with this, a letter
from my sister, the marchioness. I shall hasten my return as much as
possible. I will write to you more fully from Nuremberg, and will
finish at present, but shall never cease to be, my dear heart,
" Your very faithful friend and affectionate servant,
" Fredeeic"
" I beg you to remember me to my brother and to kiss the little one
for me." " From Amberg, this 8th of November, 1619."2
The " obligation " referred to was a bond for 40,0007.,
the amount of Elizabeth's dower, which had remained
on interest in the keeping of the Dutch States, and was
now reclaimed in order to furnish means for providing
against the impending struggle.3
On his return, the king applied himself to the internal
government of his kingdom. He investigated those scenes
of crime and distress which pervade a large metropolis,
made regulations against the one, and, by founding hospi
tals for the poor and the aged, provided a remedy for the
other.4 One of the most marked features in the the brief regality
of Frederic, was his association of religion with politics,
and his devout recognition of the ruling hand of Provi
dence. He prescribed a more rigid observance of the
Sabbath throughout Bohemia, and ordered a general fast
and prayers for the divine blessing. Accompanied by the
queen, he attended a service, which was held to celebrate
the proclamation of a confederation, recently formed be-
1 Referring to the life pension of 400/. granted by the states to Prince
Frederic Henry.
2 Bromley Letters, p. 3.
3 Schomberg to James I. Oct. 9, 1613, German Corresp. Carleton
Letters, pp. 393, 425. The Dutch not only returned this sum, but paid
50,000 florins a month, for the support of troops, Carleton to Naunton,
Sept. 3rd, Holland Corresp.
4 Carpenter to Naunton, May 6, 1620, Germ. Corresp., Theat. Europ.
vol. i. p. 224.

JAMES THE FIRST. 321
tween the kingdoms of Hungary and Bohemia. Scultetus
preached an elaborate discourse, founded on the alliance
between Hiram and Solomon ; the articles of the treaty
were then read aloud in the church ; after which Frederic
descended from his seat, and shook hands with the chief
Hungarian Ambassador, in token of amity. The king
and queen dined in public, with the Hungarian Ambas
sadors, the Dukes of Saxe Weimar, Holstein, and other
German princes then at their court.1
Though recognizing, both in principle and in practice,
the exercise of religious toleration, to a degree rare in the
age in which he lived, the king's predilections for Calvinism
were too prominent, in a city in which two-thirds of the
Protestants were of the Lutheran persuasion ; and his
injudicious zeal, and that of his Calvinist chaplain, Scul
tetus, at first operated against him.2
Under the influence of Scultetus, he removed from the
cathedral all the pictures and statues it contained, on the
ground that the adoration paid to them was offensive to
him.3 His next step was still less popular. He commanded
the removal of certain images of saints, which, from a
remote period, had decorated the bridge over the Moldau,
between the old and new city. These images, of stone
and brass, — twenty-eight in number, — the gifts of an
emperor, fourteen nobles, and other Bomish devotees, all
illustrated the religious feelings of their constructors, and
were held in great esteem.4 The people, consequently,
were thrown into a state of exasperation, and rushed to
arms to rescue their images, not on religious grounds
merely, — for they were principally Lutherans, — but be
cause they venerated objects which had been spared
amidst the convulsions, religious and political, of two cen
turies, and which, they declared, no new king should
disturb. Count Andreas Slicht, who knew the temper of
the people, ran in trepidation to the palace, and besought
the king to permit him, in his name, to recall the obnoxious
orders, and to assure the people that their king would ever
be willing, in such matters, to consult their wishes. This
1 MS. St. Germains, 1171, f- 29.
* Du Puy MS. 10, f. 89. MS. St. Victor, 693, f. 67.
3 Merc. Gallo Belg. p. 205. 4 Schotsky Prag geschildert, p. ii.
VOL. V. Y

322 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
proclamation calmed the tumult, and the people were
induced quietlv to return home, though not without a
sense of irritation against the king, and still more against
the queen, who had been heard to declare, that whilst
those monuments of Popery remained, she would never
cross the bridge of Prague. This declaration was remem
bered against Elizabeth, when, but a few months later,
her brief dream of royalty ended, she was compelled to
fly for her life over that very bridge.1
The shadow that darkened for a moment the popularity
of the queen speedily disappeared. The citizens of Prague
gave her a congratulatory present of 150 pieces of gold,
in a silver bowl ; the Jews offered a separate gift of a
silver alms-dish in the form of a ship ; and now the ladies
of 'the city were busily occupied in the preparation of a
present, well timed and equally splendid — a magnificent
cradle of ivory, with ornaments of silver-gilt, studded with
gems, and a chest of the same costly material, filled with a
complete infant's trousseau.2
On the 26th of November, old style, the little one, for
whose reception these costly preparations were made, was
ushered into the world — a prince, whose after career,
stormy and changeful, corresponded well with the times in
which he saw the light ; and whose reckless daring long
made the name of Rupert the pride or the dread of Cava
liers and Roundheads in England.3 The day following
his birth, the chief officers of state paid a visit of congra
tulation to the palace, and were admitted to see the royal
child. On the Sunday, cannons were fired, and Te Deum
was sung in all the churches. On the 27th of January,
the queen being fully recovered, her husband left her,
1 Riceius de Bellis, Germ. 4to, Venis. 1649, p. 14. Theat. Enrop.
vol. i. p. 280.
2 Gottfried Hist. Chron. voL ii. p. 42.
3 An envoy was sent off to announce the tidings at Heidelberg,
and thence was ordered to pass into England. — News Letter, Dec. 29,
Germ. Corresp. But though the messenger received a medal and
chain of gold as his reward, the child's birth was not celebrated with the
usual thanksgivings. James I. feared to commit himself, and was
railed on as a " strange king, who would neither fight for his children,
nor pray for them."— Carleton Letters, p. 32/. The king sent his daughter
a present of a diamond set in a ring, value 800/. — Devon's Pell. Rolls,
p. 237.

JAMES THE FIRST. 323
and set out on a progress to other parts of his dominions,
to receive the homage of his subjects : he was attended by
a splendid train of nobles and guards, and on the 5th of
February reached Brunn, in Moravia, where the nobility
of the province received him under a royal canopy, and
attended him, through triumphal arches to their principal
church. A solemn service was performed, and the next
day he received their oaths of homage. Thence he went
on to Breslau, the capital of Silesia, where equal honours
awaited him. The people of Lusatia, to whom he sent
messengers, requiring their homage, refused to swear to
any save the king in person; but the miserable state of
the roads, which were also infested with swarms of ban
ditti, induced him, for the present, to postpone that
journey.1 Shortly after the return of Frederic, on the 31st of
March, the royal infant was baptized in the chapel of the
palace. The king and his brother, with tbe Duke of Saxe
"Weimar, and other princes and nobles, entered first, fol
lowed by the proxies of the Duke of Wirtemburg, Beth
lehem Gabor, Elect-King of Hungary, and the States of
Bohemia, Silesia, and Upper and Lower Lusatia, who
were the sponsors. A sermon was then preached, at the
close of which, Prince Louis Philip, and the Duke of
Saxe Weimar, went for the queen. She came in royal
attire, followed by the wife of the Chief Burgrave of
Prague, bearing the infant, who was placed in the arms
of Count Turzo, Gabor's representative, and when the cere
mony was performed, and the name Rupert pronounced,
the child was transferred successively to each of the
other proxies. The king and queen, with their guests
and train, then proceeded to the new saloon in the palace,
where a beautiful collation was spread out, and this was
succeeded by pastimes of all sorts.2
' Nieuwe Tydinge Bohem. Feb. and March, 1620, a Dutch news
paper, published at Antwerp. Riccius de Bell. Germ. p. 19. A German
account of these ceremonies, containing descriptions of the triumphs,
the manifold allegories on arches and shields, and a droll display of
ingenuity in laudatory acrostics, was published at the time ; also another
poem, in Latin, printed at Breslau by Sagittarius, vindicatory of King
Frederic's free election, fol. 1620.
2 The presents of the States alone amounted to more than 70,000
Y2

324 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
From the commencement of their regal career, the king
and queen had brought their eldest boy prominently for
wards, evidently with regard to his future succession to
the throne ; and when the States of Bohemia assembled,
on the 1 8th of April, the king, in his opening speech,
represented to them, that though he had expended in their
support large sums of money, amounting, he declared, to
10,000 golden pieces, he had as yet received no revenue
from them, and considering the uncertainty of life, and the
precarious tenure of an elective crown, he asked, as sole
compensation for these sacrifices, that the kingdom should
be settled on his son. He reminded the States, that the
health of the Prince of "Wales was very feeble, that Queen
Elizabeth was the next heir to the British crown, and that
should she succeed to it, he should then be much absent
in England with her, and on that ground, disorders might
accrue ; whereas, were the succession settled on his sons,
one of them could always be present to exercise regal
authority, and thus his own dignity among the confederate
princes would be increased. He then retired, and a lively
discussion ensued. Some of the deputies concurring in
general with the king, yet preferred their own-born and
favourite prince, the infant Rupert, as successor ; but the
royal wish prevailed, and a number of deputies waited on
the king to announce the decision, which was accepted by
him and the queen with warm expressions of thanks. After
the ceremony of asking three times the common consent,
Frederic Henry was publicly proclaimed as Crown Prince
of Bohemia. The instant of the proclamation was sig
nalized by three loud thunder-claps, which, of course, were
construed into a favourable omen ; and the king, in his
exhilaration ordered all the cannon in Prague to be fired.
The deputies then presented their congratulations to the
young prince, who received them standing by his father's
side ; after which the royal party adjourned to attend a
dollars, but as the greater part was given in bonds drawn at a year's
credit, it is more than probable that the sums were never realized.
Prince Egenfurt and Count Turzo, the deputies for the Duke of Wir-
temberg and Bethlehem Gabor, gave jewels of great value, not only to
the child, but to the royal mother. — Carpenter to Naunton, April 28,
,Germ. Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 325
service in the-churchj appointed for the occasion.1 The
deputies, in their subsequent deliberations, settled upon
the queen, as her dower revenue, the lordship of Arlingen
and domain of Kinsky, of which they humbly entreated
her acceptance.2
At Prague, as previously at Heidelberg, Elizabeth
received the sacrament publicly with her husband, in
order to still the popular rumours of their difference in
religion ; but she addressed to her father a long letter of
apology and explanation on the subject.
" I hope your majesty will be satisfied," she wrote, " for before, all
the people firmly believed that I was a Lutheran ; but all that bad
never made me do it, if Baron Dhona had not sworn that your majesty
had told him that you were satisfied about it. I most humbly entreat
you to send me word whether I may continue to receive the Lord's
Supper sometimes with the king, and sometimes with my own minister ;
or whether I should not take it any more with the king, but consider
this once that I have done so, enough." 3
Amidst external marks of prosperity, flattered by the
homage of a loving people, their court thronged with
friendly princes and nobles, Frederic and Elizabeth were
still painfully aware that a conflict was impending — a
life and death conflict — with the powerful house of
Austria, which would not tamely submit to see one of the
fairest jewels snatched from the imperial crown, without
straining every nerve to regain it. Gradually the force
of the different parties was concentrating, and from all
quarters missives and manifestoes were issued. The
emperor opened the paper campaign by writing a monitory
letter to Frederic, exhorting him, under penalty of excom
munication, to surrender the Bohemian crown within a
month.4 He next issued a pamphlet, entitled " Secretis-
1 Carpenter to Naunton, April 28, Germ. Corresp. Riccius de Bell.
Germ. p. 22 ; Noris, Guerre di Germania, translated, 4to. Venice, 1633,
p. 123 ; Mercure Francais, p. 134 ; Theat. Europ. vol. i. p. 453.
2 Histoire de ce qui est passe' en Allemagne depuis Avril jusque a
Aout, 1619, p. 12. Other important regulations passed at this diet,
among which were, a grant to the king of one half, and to the queen of
one quarter, of the revenues on tin and other natural produce for their
private use ; and also to each the grant of lands of considerable value
for their table expenses.
3 Elizabeth to James I. April ||, 1620, Scotch Letters, vol. ii. No. 68,
in the Library of Dawson Turner, Esq.
4 Bethune MS. 9774, f. 98.

326 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
sima instructio," addressed to Frederic, in terms courteous
though strong, reminding him how numerous and potent
were the enemies he was creating ; how few and uncertain
his friends ; whilst even the Bohemians, for whose cause
he risked so much, were too fickle in their attachments
to be relied upon.1 The Catholic Electors held a meeting
at Mulhausen, whence they wrote to Frederic an urgent
entreaty to resign his crown and return to his allegiance
to the emperor.2 To all such proposals a calm silence
gave the negative.
One point of great importance to Frederic was to
secure the adherence of the French monarch. Large
sums of money were due to him from France; — a loan
made many years previously by his father to the French
king, the return of which he had before vainly solicited,3
and which, at this emergency, would be of twofold
value. He wrote to request its repayment, and to
assure the French king that his quarrel was not against
Boman Catholics as such ; 4 that it was a war in behalf of
political liberty ; and he earnesly besought his assistance
against the formidable powers of Austria and Spain, now
closely leagued together.5 Louis XIH .hesitated and
temporized.6 His feelings towards the Palatine family
were not unfriendly, but he learned from the English
ambassador that James I. was not prepared to act
decisively ; 7 and the recollection that the party of which
Frederic took the lead was essentially the Protestant
party, whose success could not fail to add vigour to the
struggles of the French Huguenots, decided him, and he
1 Secret. Inst. 4to. 1620 ; Mercure Frangais, 1620, p. 134.
"- This letter, dated May 15th, was immediately published ; MS. St.
Victor, 963, f. 69, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.
3 Frederic to James I. June 24 and Aug. 24, 1614, Ancient Royal
Letters, State Paper Office ; also French Correspondence, same date,
passim. The sum was 618,440 crowns.
4 At the beginning of the struggle, Richelieu wrote to Frederic,
urging him to shew, by toleration to Catholics, that it was not a war of
religion. — Vie deDu Plessis,4to. Leyden, 1647, p- 506.
5 Dated March 24, 1620, and published in Carleton Letters, p. 402. A
letter from the Duke of Bouillon to the French king, urging this plea, is
in Amb. du Due d'Angouleme, p. 99.
0 Chatillon to Carleton, March 31, 1621, Holland Corresp.
7 Herbert to Buckingham, Oct. 1, 1619, Harl. MS. 1581, f. 11.

JAMES THE FIRST. 327
determined on sending a body of forces to assist the
emperor.1 The Elector of Saxony, in spite of his Pro
testantism, refused to join the cause of Frederic. He was
united by close bonds of interest to the emperor, and after
many vacillations, ultimately took his part, thus forfeiting
the lands he held under the Bohemian crown.2
On the other hand, the Protestant princes of the union,
the States of Holland, and Bethlehem Gabor, prince of
Transylvania and elect king of Hungary, were steady in
their adherence to Frederic. His Moravian and Silesian
subjects cordially responded to his summons for help ; 3
and the Turkish emperor favourably received an embassy
sent to him.4
Meanwhile, slowly but surely a net-work of antagonist
forces was gathering round in various directions, and their
energies were evidently bearing upon one point — the city
of Prague. " Questo principe e intrato in un bello
labyrinto ! " was the exclamation of the pontiff, Paul V.,
when he first heard of Frederic's acceptance of the
Bohemian crown ; 5 and his remark was prophetic. Four
armies were now concentrating against him — under the
celebrated imperialist leader Bucquoy, the Duke of
Bavaria,6 the Marquis Spinola, and the Elector of
Saxony.7 In Bohemia military preparations were the general em
ployment. Frederic visited several parts of his kingdom to
confirm the allegiance of the people ; coined large sums of
money, towards which some of the subjects ^gave their
plate ; raised and disciplined new levies, by claiming, as
1 Memoires de Pontchartrain, Recueil Petitot, 2nd series, vol. xvii.
p. 294; Myron's Desp. Dec. 26, 1619; Egerton MS. 624, f.38; Benti-
voglio's Letters, pp. 164, 170-1.
* Newton to Puckering, Oct. 25, Harl. MS. 7004 ; Nieuwe Tydinge,
Sept. 7 ; Eyre's Despatches, Aug. 3, Sept. 13, Nov. 13, Turkey Corre
spondence, Stato Paper Office.
8 Lundorpius Suppletus, pp. 2 13-6.
4 Fred, to Turk. Emp. May 6 and July 12 ; Chmel Handschriften des
Hofbibhothek Wien, 8vo.Wien, 1840, p. 77-
5 Carleton Letters, p. 402.
" He wrote to Frederic on Aug. 20th, warning him that he was coming
down upon him with fire and sword to fulfil the imperial decree against
him. — German Corresp. State Paper Office.
7 MS. St. Victor, 963, f. 70 ; Bentivoglio's Letters, 188, 192.

328 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
recruits,1 one in ten of the peasantry and one in eight of
the burghers ; and widely circulated a spirited response to
the imperial proscription against him.2 The Lower Pala
tinate and Heidelberg, so long the happy home of Frederic
and Elizabeth, and still the residence of their two younger
children, were threatened by Spinola's army. The
Princes of the Union had a gallant army on foot for its
defence, and were aided by the Prince of Orange.
But all eyes were turned to England as the leading
power in a cause so nearly concerning the daughter of its
sovereign. Baron Dhona, the envoy whom Frederic sent
over a few months previously, had exerted his utmost efforts
to procure a favourable decision, without success.3 The
king was not to be convinced. The part he was called
upon to act would involve three important points; it
would necessitate a rupture with Spain, then in alliance
with the emperor, and the consequent breach of his most
cherished project, a Spanish match for Prince Charles.
It would favour the wishes of the obnoxious Puritan party
in England, by whom their princess and her husband
were idolized. And it would compel him to throw him
self upon the liberality of his parliament for means to
make war, and thus put it into their power to exact
conditions which he might be unwilling to grant. He
would therefore only promise to use his utmost influence
with Spain, the emperor, the Dukes of Saxony and
Bavaria, &c, to negotiate terms of accommodation.
It was surmised in confidential quarters, that at least
the king was not displeased with the enthusiasm of his
subjects. He complied with the request of his son-in-law
in permitting him to raise, at his own expense,4 a regiment
1 Nieuwe Tydinge, June 27, Oct. 2. " Harl. MS. 7015, f. 58 b.
3 At his first greeting, the king abruptly said to him, '' Can you show
me a good ground for the Palatine's invasion of the property of an
other? " The baron explained that it was not invasion, but possession
of that which a free people had offered. " So you are of opinion that
subjects can dispossess their kings ? You are come in good time to
England, to spread these principles among the people, that my subjects
may drive me away, and place another in my room." The baron
respectfully pointed out the difference between dispossessing an here- .
ditary and an elective sovereign. — Tillerie's despatch, Feb. 22, 1620;
Raumer Geschichte Europas, vol. iii. p. 238.
4 By Sir Andrew Gray, recently come from Bohemia with a commis-

JAMES THE FIRST. 329
of volunteers, designed especially to guard the person of
the queen, and wearing her liveries of red and white ; '
and it was even conjectured that his ambassadors in
Turkey, Denmark, and Poland, had instructions to
forward the Bohemian cause.2 James was careful, how
ever, not to commit himself publicly. He told the
German princes that the alliance only bound him to aid
in a war in defence of religion, which the present was
not ; 3 and he wrote to Frederic, formally refusing to
support him in his ambitious projects, but expressing
kindly feelings towards him personally, and the determina
tion to show his friendship in the most efficient way by
preserving for him his hereditary States of the Palatinate
in case of attack.4
Dhona, on the part of their majesties of Bohemia, pre
sented a request to the city of London, for a loan of
£100,000 ; which the magistrates were willing to grant,
provided the king would afford them any guarantee
authorizing their so doing. James refused either to ask or
to command the loan, and they consequently postponed their
decision till they saw the course which should be pursued
by the court and nobles. Dhona next appealed, and
more successfully, to the bishops and clergy, the nobility,
and the provincial magistrates.5
" That which I so earnestly solicit,'' he said, " is on the behalf of
the king my master, and of his queen, the only daughter of the king
your sovereign, the most glorious mother and fruitful nursery of the
royal plants, the only consideration whereof, and of those heavenly
blessings which do so clearly appear in her, will invite you to this holy
enterprize.""
sion from Frederic. He raised 2,000 men. — Fred, to James I. Jan. 16,
1620, Ancient Royal Letters, vol. v.
1 Turnbull's Despatch, May 20, Flanders Corresp. State Paper Office,
Hist, de ce qui s'est passe1 en Allemagne, 18 Frank. 1620.
2 Raunier Geschichte, vol. iii. pp. 240, 242.
3 Chamberlain to Carleton, Feb. 26, Domestic Papers, State Paper
Office ; Hist. Veritable de ce qui est passe, <fcc. p. 10. A full statement
made by Dhona of the king's reasons, and of his reply, is in Holland
Correspondence, Oct. 10, 1620, State Paper Office.
4 James I. to Frederic, June 29, Germ. Corresp.
5 Among the Addit. rolls in the British Museum, No. 6291, is the
list of sums lent by inhabitants of the Isle of Wight , amounting to 2107.
and varying in individual contributions from SOI. to lid. !
6 May 31, German Corresp. State Paper Office.

330 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
The contributions were granted at once and liberally ;
and the trade-companies of London went far to redeem the
honour of the city, by cordially responding to an appeal
made to their several bodies, and the enthusiastic populace
greeted Dhona wherever he went with cries of " Long live
Frederic, King of Bohemia."1
One ofthe queen's warmest assistants and supporters was
Sir Thomas Roe, a gentleman of good family, who had been
groom of the chamber to the late Queen Elizabeth, and from
the period of the Princess Elizabeth's arrival in England,
had held a place in her household. He had accompanied
her on her journey into Germany, but had returned to
England, still cherishing a strong and genuine attachment
to his royal mistress, which was reciprocated by her;
and with no other person did she maintain a correspon
dence so free, lengthened, and intimate.2 Writing to her
at this crisis, Sir Thomas informed her that he had written
and published a tract in defence of the Bohemian cause,
and he assured her, that though the King of Bohemia
ranked high in English estimation, yet affectionate admi
ration for herself was the leading spring of the popular
movement, and that she had raised herself more friends
than she had conquered enemies, or obtained new subjects.3
The queen, in reply, expressed her grateful estimation of
his devotion to her cause, and this elicited still warmer
protestations from the zealous knight.
" If it shall be yet necessary that I humbly offer up new vows, I do
it with all gladness, that I am ready to serve your majesty to death, to
poverty, and that if you shall ever please to command, I will be con
verted to dust and ashes for your majesty's sake."
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, April 1, Domestic Corresp. Nethersole to
Doncaster, March 21, German Corresp. State Paper Office; Riccius
de Bell. Germ. p. 21.
2 The voluminous correspondence of Sir Thomas Roe, in his diplo
matic capacity is preserved, for the most part entire, in the State Paper
Office ; one volume was lent to Harley, Earl of Oxford, and shared the
fate of many another loan to that far-famed book collector. It now
forms the Harleian MS. 1901. A selection from his early correspondence
was printed, fol. London, 1765 ; but the work was not continued. In
the State Paper Office is also a list of his letters and papers, with notes
and memoranda referring to their publication. — Foreign various corre
spondence, bundle 228.
3 Roe to Queen Bohemia, June 7> German Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 331
" It is even to princes, not the least happiness to be beloved : that I
may assure your majesty is a joyful truth — I never shall see any so
beloved here that dwells not here, nor any cause so affected as yours ;
I have laboured a little in the way of contributions, and I am now con
fident they will exceed our hopes." '
Frederic and Elizabeth deemed it important to main
tain, at least, a semblance of tranquillity and cheerful
ness. " From Prague," writes a correspondent, " we hear only that the
king was in very good health, always amusing himself with the queen,
the young prince, and other dukes, in the chase, being noways troubled
with the proscriptions, imperial, Bavarian, nor Saxon, confiding in his
right and just cause." 2
Another writer speaks of their visiting a pleasure-house
of the kings of Bohemia, called Bunditz, nine or ten miles
from Prague. During a few brief months they had leisure
to exercise their regal state, and Elizabeth, with the quick
instincts of her nature, needed few lessons to teach her how
to act the queen in becoming style. Many of their Ger
man friends visited them, and amongst others the Duke of
Saxe "Weimar, who was a suitor for the hand of one of the
Electoral princesses.3 They, with the Dowager-Electress,
also came to Prague, and it was said that the marriage
would be celebrated there ; but more serious affairs pre
vented. A rumour was afloat, that the King of Bohemia
was to wear a double diadem ; that the Hungarians, failing
to persuade Gabor to accept their crown, would offer it to
Frederic or to his son ; but the Transylvanian prince at
length decided on assuming the regal title, and a general
thanksgiving was celebrated at Prague, on his taking a
step, which, by precluding a reconciliation with the
emperor, committed him fully to the cause of German
freedom.4 Frederic again called a Diet at Prague, to raise supplies
for the war ; and there it was arranged what proportions of
the army should be paid by the different states ofthe king
dom. The popularity of the king seemed not at all
diminished ; some papists, who used threatening language
1 Roe to Queen Bohemia, June 30.
2 News Letter, May 18, German Corresp. 3 Harl. MS. 7015. f. 52.
4 Harl. MS. 7015, News Letter, Sept. 26.

332 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
about him were imprisoned, and cordial loyalty was the
prevailing temper of the people.
This was the state of affairs when the news of the inva
sion of the Palatinate reached England. The Electress-
Dowager, who had returned to Heidelberg, wrote a letter of
earnest supplication to King James, dated August 17th.
" My lord,
" I should believe, seeing the necessity to which my children, who are
also those of your majesty, are reduced, yoti might attribute my silence
to some want of affection towards them. This is the reason why I have
at length resolved to trouble you with my letters, to shew you the sym
pathy I feel for the misfortunes which will overwhelm them, if God and
your majesty do not shew your paternal love towards them. It is now
too late to doubt whether Spinola's large army is designed against the
Palatinate ; it is already at our door.
" It is impossible that this should not tonch your majesty's heart, mine
being so smitten with grief at seeing them so unjustly oppressed, that I
confess myself tenable to say what I ought ; but supplicate you most
humbly to look at the peril in which they are, and to hasten a signal aid,
by money or some diversion ; otherwise it will be impossible for us to
subsist, or to preserve your dear children from the bloody hand of our
enemies. Your majesty will know also in what pain is the queen your
daughter, and that she is about to be entirely surrounded with enemies ;
indeed the state in which I lately left her, makes me doubly pity her — it
is then at this juncture that your majesty may shew himself a good
father, as you have always been, and this by efforts worthy of your
grandeur." '
Elizabeth, having found appeals to her father fruitless,
wrote a letter to her beloved brother, in a tone how differ
ent from the sportive notes of happy childhood, before
she entered upon the " life in earnest " struggles, which
now gave painful intensity to her existence.
" My only dear brother,
" I am sure you have heard before this, that Spinola hath taken
some towns in the lower Palatinate, which makes me to trouble you
with these lines, to beseech you earnestly to move his majesty that
now he would assist us ; for he may easily see how little his em
bassages are regarded. Dear brother, be most earnest with him ; for,
to speak freely to you, his slackness to assist us doth make the
Princes of the Union slack too, who do nothing with their army ; the
king hath ever said that he would not suffer the Palatinate to be taken ;
it was never in hazard but now, and I beseech you again, dear brother,
to solicit as much as you can, for her that loves you more than all the
world. I doubt not but you will do it, since you have hitherto solicited
1 Balfour MS. A. 433, f. 56, Holog., Advocates' Library, Edinburgh.

JAMES THE FIRST. 333
his majesty for us, where you do shew your affection to me, which I
beseech you to continue to her that is ever, my only dear brother,
" Your most affectionate sister to serve you,
" Hague, this || of September." " Elizabeth.1
She wrote in the same strain to the Duke of Bucking
ham! Dhona pronounced her letter most a propos, and
seconded her efforts by entreating the king seriously to
consider the matter, declaring that he knew not whether
his master had a foot of ground left in the Palatinate.
Boused into something like energy, the king ordered
levies at once to be raised, 4000 men, to be led by the Earl
of Southampton, and 2000 by General Vere; sent a
pecuniary supply of £5000 ; and borrowed the sum of
£50,000 from the King of Denmark.2 He remonstrated
with the Spanish ambassador, Gondomar, a man of ability
and tact, recently sent over to England, upon the conduct
of his master in attacking his children's inheritance ; but
the wily diplomatist only expressed his regret that the
whole Palatinate was not in the hands of his master, in
order that he might have the pleasure of surrendering it
to the king !3
James materially lessened the value of the assistance he
afforded, by his rigid injunctions to his generals, that they
should not attack Spinola, but act solely in defence of
the Palatinate;4 and by his declarations, that though he
thus aided his son-in-law to bear the first shock of his
enemies, he did not thereby commit himself to the war;
but should endeavour to compose it by mediation.5 The
1 Copied by Roger Baldwin from the original in the possession of Sir
Roger Bradshaigh, Bart.
2 Harl. MS. 7015, News Letter, Prague, Sept. 19 ; Anstruther to
Carleton, Aug. 10, Holland Corresp.
a Carleton Letters, p. 617. Gondomar exultingly assured the Spanish
court that they had nothing to fear, as be had so lulled the King of
England that neither the cries of his daughter nor the clamours of his
subjects would be able to rouse him. On the 25th of June, Philip IV.
of Spain, wrote to the Emperor of Austria in behalf of Frederic,
requesting that the Elector might be taken into favour, but on the terms
of submission and implicit obedience. — Lunig, Epistolae procerum Europce,
vol. i. p. 127.
4 Lingelsheim's Despatch, June 1, Lamarre MS. 929112, Bibliotheque
Nationale. 5 Nethersole's Despatch, Aug. 14, 1620, Germ. Corresp. ; James I. to
Fred. June 29. Chmel Handschriften Hof bibliothek Wien, p. 48.

334 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
tardy assistance came too late to prevent the taking of
several important places by the Spanish army ; and the
Electress-dowager, in spite of the remonstrances of the
Princes of the Union, who doubted lest her " faint-hearted-
ness and fear " should injure the cause, left Heidelberg, in
company with the royal children, and threw herself upon
the protection of the Duke of Wirtemberg.1
The army of Spinola proceeded rapidly, driving before
it all opposition ; and the princes, disconcerted and
paralyzed by the coldness of James I., made but little
effort to resist him.2 The people of England were roused
to a state of high excitement. Buckingham wrote in
decisive terms to Gondomar, stating, that although King
James had never approved the assumption of the crown
of Bohemia by his son-in-law, he would not calmly see
his grandchildren's inheritance taken from them, nor
abandon Frederic, provided he followed his advice, and
did not refuse reasonable overtures of peace. He
ordered letters of the same purport to be sent to the
emperor and the King of Spain ; and the king wrote to
the Princes of the Union, exhorting them to present
vigour, and promising to support them royally in the
spring, if in the meantime peace was not made.3
" There was never so joyful a court here," notes an English letter
writer of the time, " as this declaration hath made ; I see men's hearts
risen into their faces." " All that I can contribute are my confident
prayers for the best cause aud queen in the world."4
Prince Charles gave 2,000/. from his private purse
towards the good cause, and the lords of the council taxed
themselves liberally.
Every month rendered the queen's position increasingly
1 Nieuwe Tydinge, Sept. 18 and 28 ; Brederode to States of Holland,
Sept. 19, 1620, Holland Corresp. The duke received her with kindness ;
he was preparing to join the army of her son in Bohemia. Frederic to
Dnke Wirtemberg, July 30, Sept. 1, Oct. 10, in the Library at Munich;
Cooper's Appendix A.
2 Cecil to Secretary, Sept. 14.
3 Wotton to James I. Aug. 8, Reliq. Wotton, p. 18 ; Naunton to
Nethersole, Oct. 2. 5 Precis de l'Hist. MS. 900, Bibliotheque de l'Ar-
senal, Paris ; Harl. MS. 3786, f. 52 ; Lambeth MS. 930, f. 93 ; Mercure
Francais, p. 401.
4 Rudyard to Nethersole, Sept. 27, 1620, Germ. Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 335
critical, as it became more clearly evident that Bohemia
was the destined theatre of war, and that Prague itself,
large, rambling, ill-fortified, and with a population excited
by a sense of danger to discontent, would be attacked.1
The pages of history contain few more beautiful pictures
of love and fortitude than that presented by Queen
Elizabeth at this period. Her secretary, Sir Francis
Nethersole, who had received from King James the
appointment of agent to the King of Bohemia and Princes
of the Union, arrived at Prague in the middle of August.
He was struck with the perils which encompassed his
royal mistress, and thus wrote to the English secretary of
state : —
" Considering those dangers which threaten us from all parts, the
indefensibleness of this town against any enemy that shall be master of
the field, and the great number of persons ill-affected within it (one-
fourth, by the best intimation, being Catholic, and at the least, two more
Lutheran), I have presumed, ex officio, to solicit all this king's counsel
lors who came from the palace, to provide in time for the safety of the
queen, my master's daughter, and the prince her son, by removing them
hence to some place of surety. I must bear them this record, that they
have all showed as much care hereof as myself ; and I am assured that
the king himself hath this thought both in his heart and head, day and
night, and is more troubled therewith, than with all the other thorns of
his crown." 2
Long consultations were held as to the place to which
the queen and prince should withdraw. In the propriety
of sending away her son Elizabeth fully coincided ; and
under the charge of his uncle, Duke Louis Philip, the
boy travelled secretly, and with such precaution, that
Nethersole, in his despatches, did not even venture to
name the places through which his course was to lie, lest
the letter should be intercepted and the young prince
seized. He journeyed in the countries occupied by
hostile troops, through which he had to pass, safely,
though with a very slight escort, by Gorlitz, in Lusatia,
on to Berlin, and thence to Holland, where he remained,
1 The dukes of Saxony and Bavaria, and Spinola, had, in bravado,
expressed their intention of dining at Prague on Jlichaelmas-day, " but,
by God's blessing," writes a patriotic Bohemian, "they shall find good
resistance ; and it may be, if they dine with us, tliey shall pay sorely for
their dinner." — Present state of Affairs, Aug. 31, 1620.
2 Nethersole's Despatch, Sept. 4, German Corresp.

336 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
in charge of his cousin, Ernest of Nassau. With their
son, the king and queen sent away such of their jewels
and precious things as were the most easily portable, to
be secured for them in case of misfortune.1
In reference to her own movements Elizabeth insisted
on deciding for herself. She had been firm in her resolu-
to accompany her husband to Bohemia, and she was
equally firm in resolving to share his critical fortunes.
" Her majesty," writes Nethersole, *' out of her rare and admirable
love to the king her husband, to whom she feareth that her removing
for her own safety might be the occasion of much danger, by discourag
ing the hearts of this people when his majesty goeth to the army, and,
it might be, by other worse effects ; her majesty, I say, only and merely
in this consideration, is irremoveably resolved to abide in this town,
which God bless. It were a pleasant thing, if it were not in so sharp a
point, and, I trust in God, will be, hereafter, when the danger is over
past, to recount the loving conflicts that have been between their
majesties upon this occasion. In the meantime, I am bound in con
science and by truth, to acquit both this king and his council, if any
inconvenience may befal her majesty from this her resolution, for I do
understand that they had, long before I thought of it, taken it often
into their most especial consideration and most tender care. I have
not been wanting, for my own part, to use all the persuasions that both
my duty and affection could suggest to me ; but her majesty hath at
last silenced me, not so much by the settledness of her determination,
as by the reply she made me yesterday ; — that as things now stand, I
could not tell in what place her majesty should be safer than she is
here, nor which way to stir her, without more danger than she abideth
within this place ; unless I supposed (as I did) that the Marquis
Spinola would not dare to attempt anything against her, and for that,
her majesty told me plainly she would not believe me ; for that since
Spinola is not afraid (as it now appeareth) to invade the Palatinate, for
fear of offending the king our master, who hath sufficiently showed his
good will to maintain it, her majesty doubteth he will be less afraid to
seize upon her person, which he may think and say her father hath in a
sort abandoned, by excluding this place where she is, from the benefit of
the aid he hath given and procured ; or at least that I would be less
able to draw any assurance of security from him, for her majesty, than
my lords ambassadors, Sir Edward Conway, and Sir Richard Weston,
have been, for the Palatinate. I could have distinguished upon this
objection of her majesty's, but thought it unsafe and unwise for me to
persuade further in a doubtful matter, without warrant, and therefore
only craved leave of her majesty to discharge myself from all blame to
the king my master, by acquainting your honour with what I had
moved her unto ; which her majesty granted me, upon this condition,
1 Nethersole's Despatches, Sept. 5 and 22, German Corresp. ; News
Letter, Prague, Nov. 4, Harl. MS. 7015, f. 87.

JAMES THE FIRST. 337
that I should also relate what reason she hath not to be moved with my
ungrounded1 persuasions which I could not deny to be such, having no
instructions in this business ; and I have, therefore, esteemed it high
time to advertise your honour hereof, in diligence, leaving the rest to
your wisdom, and love to this queen my most gracious mistress, of
whom, though I can hardly write more for tears, yet I may not omit to
add this, that her majesty hath, by her goodness, made already so entire
a conquest of all the hearts of this people, that have come near her, (the
more by the comparison of the behaviour of her predecessors,) that if
they were all as fully subdued to the king as I hope to see them, in time,
by his valour, their majesties would be in as little danger as they are
now in fear, of their enemies." 2
The late conduct of Spinola, in the Palatinate, had
convinced Elizabeth that Nethersole was wrong in sup
posing he would have held her person sacred ; and she
rallied her secretary on his having given advice so indis
creet. It was impossible to conceal the fact that her
father's perpetual mediations damaged rather than aided
her cause. The German princes laid it to the blame of
the king's advice, that they had acted only on the
defensive in the Palatinate, and not attacked Spinola in
the first instance, when they might have done it to
advantage ; and Nethersole, unable to defend his master's
conduct, wrote to England that the reputation of the king
must suffer if he did not come forwards vigorously to his
daughter's help.3 But no ; James had sent Sir Henry
Wotton to negotiate with the Archduke Leopold and the
emperor ; and Sir Edward Conway and Sir Bichard
Weston to the Princes of the Union and the Electors of
Saxony and Bavaria, to propose the terms of a peace ;
and Nethersole received instructions to obtain from
King Frederic, definitely in writing, a statement of the
ultimatum to which he was willing to consent.4 Baron
Dhona keenly felt the mischief of this policy.
"The assembly of united princes," he writes to Calvert, " is now
taking place at Worms. If such a letter of his majesty's as you have
read to me, appears there, still talking of neutrality, amidst the fire tbat
consumes the Palatinate, we are done for ; it is the true way of finishing
us entirely, from top to bottom. God soften his majesty's heart and
dispose it to a more salutary resolution."
1 Meaning, not officially authorized.
* Nethersole's Despatch, Sept. 5. 3 Ibid. Sept. 15.
4 Naunton to Nethersole, Sept. 13, German Corresp.
VOL. V. Z

338 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OK
The feelings of Elizabeth on this subject were equally
at rontr, though prudence forbade the full expression of
theim She wrote to her brother's tutor, Mr. Murray :—
"Spinola is still. in tho low Palatinate, fortifying those places he hath
taken, and the Union looks on and doth nothing. The king is gone to
the army : it is but seven miles hence, and the enemy's tinny is but two
miles beyond them. You seo we have enough to do, but I hope still
well, in spite of all." '
Before leaving Prague, Frederic took every precaution
for the safety of his" capital and his queen. He dis
armed all those Papists who had refused their oaths of
allegiance ; left behind him the chief officers of state, in
order that the functions of government might not suffer
in his absence ; sent for two companies of troops from
the Duke of Weimar, to defend the city ; ami charged his
own life-guard, whose services he did not relinquish
without serious inconvenience, to remain in attendance
upon Elizabeth.
These measures duly taken, the king stud queen and
the whole court solemnly partook of the Sacrament of
the Lord's Supper;2 after which, on September 18th,
Frederic bade adieu to his wile, and set out amidst
cordial farewells from his people, to join the army.8
The roads were dangerous, being partially occupied with
hostile troops, and Frederic was slenderly attended;
1 Ilenrne's Sylloge Epist. printed at the end of Titus Livius Henry
V. p. 213.
2 Present State of Affairs, 4to. 1020.
¦' " This king." wrote Nethersole, " went hence to his great itrniy on
Monday the 18th, with as cheerful a face and as resolved a heart as, it
may be, prince of his ago ever bare, so near the end of a giunu, wherein
his honour, fortune, and all worldly contentments were nt stake. His
way lying through all the length of this large oity, 1 had a ouriosity to
see what countenance the people would make him, at his parting ; and
having, to that purpose, under other pretences, attended his majesty to
the town's end, can produce my eyes for witnesses, that the confluence
of all sorts was as grout, and their uffection (as far as can be judged by
outward expressions) as sinoere and as much ns, 1 suppose, might have
made a native, hereditary, aged king think himself very happy ; sure I
um, it was much more than I expected to have found, as yonr highness
will I fear hardly believe upon my report, who protest, notwithstanding
1 neither do in this, nor I hope shall ever in ought else, willingly offend
the God of truth, to please any prinoe living, and much less one of whom
I can expect no thanks,'' — Despatch, Sept. 22.

JAMES THE FIRST. 339
Elizabeth was therefore in great anxiety about him, till
September 25th, when she received the tidings of his
safe arrival at the army. His presence in the camp was
the occasion of much joy, and created hopes that some
thing decisive would shortly be accomplished. Though
anxious to hasten the crisis which must terminate the
contest, Frederic drew up a code of articles of war, dis
tinguished for humanity, and issued the strictest regula
tions in reference to the orderly conduct of his troops,
the safety of the peasantry, the management of finances,
&c, so as to lessen, as far as possible, the horrors insepa
rable from war.1
Nethersole took the opportunity of the king's absence
to urge again upon the queen the advisability of removing
from Prague, but she continued resolute as before,2 though
the anxieties of her position, increased by the circum
stance that she was expecting the birth of another infant,
were enough to have overwhelmed ar mind of ordinary
calibre. Still she preserved her dignified fortitude and
cheerfulness, and only to her husband confessed the de
pression under which at times she laboured. He endea
voured to cheer her.
"I have got to-day two of your letters," he writes; "I entreat you
not to be melancholy, and to be assured that I love you entirely. I hope
God will long preserve us together ; but for God's sake, take care of
your health ; if not out of regard to yourself, at least for the love of me
and of our dear children ; and do not give way to melancholy. I often
wish myself with you, but my calling leading me here, I hope you will
not, on that account, think I love you the less."8
The queen's comparative solitude was at length cheered
by the arrival of the nephew of Gabor, King of Hungary,
a promising youth, who had been educated under Frederic's
auspices at Heidelberg, and whose presence, at this junc
ture, was doubly welcome, as he brought the tidings that
Gabor's troops, long delayed, were now on their march to
join the king's army.4 Elizabeth was still more gratified
by the arrival of her father's ambassadors, Conway and
Weston. They had been first to Brussels, to remonstrate
1 Bethune MS. 9774, f. 100, Lancelot MS. 88534.
2 Nethersole's Despatch, Oct. 1. - 3 Bromley Letters, p. 8.
4 Nethersole to Secretary, Sept. 24, German Corresp. State Paper
Office.
z 2

340 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
against the threatened invasion of the Palatinate; the
Archduke Albert had protested that he was merely arm
ing to assist the emperor, and was ignorant how his troops
were to be employed, though it was afterwards clear that
they were, even then, marching upon the Palatinate.1
The ambassadors had next proceeded to the courts of
Saxony and Bavaria, to urge pacific measures, and
were finally commissioned to try their skill in persuading
Frederic to a compromise.2 Before their arrival, Nether
sole had anticipated the result of their mission.
" Although this king," he wrote to Doncaster, " be this year much
disabled to maintain the cause another, yet his courage and resolution
is such, that he will never hearken to peace, upon other conditions than
such as may stand with his honour, and the safety of the evangelic
party, both in this kingdom and in the empire, and to such will be as
willing to yield, as any friend of his and of the religion can wish."
He added, that Sir Henry Wotton, the English ambas
sador at Vienna, pronounced the emperor to be equally
firm, and, that Wotton suggested, as a compromise, the
cession of the crown of Bohemia to Ferdinand for life,
with a reversion in favour of Frederic and his son ; — a
proposition, deemed not only offensive, but ridiculous."3
" Both the king and queen," writes another authority, " seem to be
much offended with Sir Henry Wotton, not only because of this which
he adviseth them to, but likewise because the inscription of his private
letters to them gives them but the title of prince and princess palatine,
and his letter to the queen beginneth thus, ' May it please your majesty
(but with a solemn protestation that I give you this title not as an

The English ambassadors arrived at Prague on October
13th. The king was absent, but the queen sent her state
1 Brief Information of Affairs Pal. 4to. 1624, p. 44 ; Cottington's and
Aston's Despatches from Spain contain assurances that Spain will cer
tainly and decidedly take the part of Austria, but will, after the war,
restore any countries that may be taken from the son-in-law of their
ally the king of England. — Spanish Correspondence, State Paper Office.
2 Conway and Weston to Calvert, Sept. 7, Germ. Corresp.
3 Nieuwe Tydinge, Oct. 7.
4 Balconquall to Doncaster, Oct. 14. See also "Wotton's despatch,
Sept. 7- To avoid giving offence to either party, "Wotton devised the
epithet of the " Crowned Elector " for King Frederic. In spite of his
obnoxious proposition, Wotton was sincerely and chivalrously attached
to the cause and person of Elizabeth. He addressed to her, about
this time, the following elegant verses : —

JAMES THE FIRST. 341
coach and a deputation of noble personages, to conduct
them to their lodgings. They were introduced to her
presence in the afternoon, and though forbidden to give
her the title of queen, accorded by all those who sur
rounded her,1 they met with a very gracious reception.2
She conversed with tbem at length ; detailed some recent
encouragements received by their party ; gave them the
particulars of the defeat and death of Colonel Dampierre,
" You meaner beauties of the night,
That poorly satisfy our eyes,
More by your number than your light ;
You common people of the skies,
What are you when the sun shall rise ?
" You curious chanters of the wood,
That warble forth dame Nature's lays,
Thinking your passions understood
By your weak accent ! what's your praise,
When Philomel his voice shall raise ?
" You violets that first appear,
By your pure purple mantles known,
Like the proud virgins of the year,
As if the spring were all your own ;
What are you, when the rose is blown ?
" So when my mistress shall be seen,
In form and beauty of her mind ;
By virtue first, then choice, a queen,
Tell me, if she were not design 'd
Th' eclipse and glory of her kind ? "
Poems of Wotton and Raleigh, edited
by Rev. J. Hannah, ]2mo. Lond. 1845, p. 14.
At the close of his fruitless negotiation at Vienna, the emperor
presented him with a magnificent jewel of the value of 1000J., as a token
of personal esteem. Etiquette forbade his declining the gift, but he
immediately presented it to the Italian countess Sabrina, in whose
house he had been lodged ; and when the emperor, in some displeasure,
inquired the cause of such a proceeding, he replied that it was not from
disrespect or ingratitude, but his feelings revolted against retaining any
gift that came from an enemy of his royal mistress. This was the title
by which the queen permitted him to address her; and her portrait, in
her regal robes, was esteemed by him among his choicest treasures.
He bequeathed it in his will to Prince Charles, her nephew. — Lodge's
Portraits, vol. ii.; Reliquce Bohemianm, \8mo. Lond. 1650/ Walton's Life,
p. 236-277. 1 Ambas. Despatch, Nov. 18, 1 620 ; Amb. du Due d'Angoul. &c. p. 339.
2 Ambas. Despatch, Oct. 13; Balconquall to Doncaster, Oct. 14, German
Corresp.

342 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
an imperial officer, and showed them a portrait of the dead
colonel, sent her by her husband. She was anxious to
have entertained them as her guests, and had written to
the king on the subject, but he advised her, considering
the pressure of their affairs, not to incur such an expense,
but to be satisfied with frequently inviting them to dine
with her.
" I beg you," he adds, " to give my compliments to the ambassa
dors, and to tell them that I am very glad of their arrival ; that there is
no one who desires peace more than I, provided it be honourable to
their master and to me; but my giving up the crown could not be so to
either of us." '
On October 14th, Frederic returned to Prague, to meet
the ambassadors ; and on the 15th, after attending the queen
at her English service in the morning, they waited upon
his majesty. They found him quite as resolute as he had
been represented. He would consent that the emperor
should be titular King of Bohemia for life, and would
allow him a handsome pension from the revenues of the
kingdom, but absolutely refused to relinquish either his own
title or possession. The following day he returned to his
camp.2 The hostile armies were now in close juxta-position ;
yet the event of a battle was felt to be so important,
that neither party was forward in pushing on the crisis ;
frequent collisions, however, took place between the ad
vanced guards.
" There are there daily skirmishes," writes Nethersole, "and we can
in this town hear the cannon play, day and night, which was enough to
fright another queen. Her majesty is nothing troubled therewith;
but would be, if she should hear how often there have been men killed
very near the king, with the cannon, and how much he adventureth his
person, further than he is commended for. His majesty, on the other
side, is afraid only for the queen ; and, to prevent the danger she might
be in here, if his army should receive any disgrace, he hath commanded
her necessaries to be put up in a readiness to be removed upon any
sudden occasion, and a part of her staff and other furniture to be sent
away beforehand, toward the place mentioned in my despatch of the
1st of September ; whither her majesty is like to be removed, howsoever,
for her lying-in, if the enemy winter in this country, which will put us
into perpetual alarms here. Many times the bruit of her majesty's
1 Bromley Letters, p. 9.
2 Conway's and Weston's Despatch, Oct. 17; Nieuwe Tydinge, Oct. 28-

JAMES THE FIRST. 343
removal doth so much trouble this town, whither all the country is fled
for safety, that it appeareth her removing indeed would breed a great
alteration in this town, and, it may be, a dangerous one at this time ;
and, therefore, I will neither persuade nor dissuade it now." '
The queen's determination to remain in the city was
strengthened by the extreme anxiety of the people to
detain her. All felt that in the person of their queen,
they had the strongest possible pledge of protection ; the
officers and garrison were zealous in guarding the walls day
and night ; and she was resolved to keep up her courage,
so as to allow no symptom of fear or dismay to be traced
by the people.2 Frederic, however, was full of anxiety
about her. On the 1st of November he wrote to her as
follows : —
" Midam, " I wrote you two letters lyesterday : believe me that what I said
proceeds from my perfect love. God grant it may not be needful for
you to leave Prague ! Still it ought to be prepared for, since else, if
necessity required it, all would get into too great confusion. Be assured
I shall be much rejoiced when I receive letters from you, which show
me that you are resolved to submit without impatience, fully and in
e?erything, to what God wills : certainly if I did not do so, I should
give way under the afflictions God sends me. Give me freely your
opinion whether you do not think it more fitting that you should leave
Prague in good order, than wait till the enemy come nearer, for then it
-vould more resemble a flight." " I beg of you, be not afflicted, and
believe that I do not wish to force you to go, but only tell you my own
opinion." " I send you herewith a letter that the duke of Bavaria
wrote to his wife ; I am sure you will laugh at it : I have had many in
tercepted letters, by which it is seen that their intention is upon Prague." s
The tidings in the intercepted letter were, that the
Bavarian Duke hoped speedily to enrich his wifie with
the regal spoils of Prague. The perils of Frederic's posi
tion were increased by the backwardness of the Bohemians
in paying their soldiery : the quota for which the king
engaged to provide was well clothed and well paid ; but
those less fortunate mutinied, and, had not timely exertion
secured for them a temporary supply, the consequences
might have been serious.4 The imperial army now secretly
dislodged from its quarters, and an attempt was made to
1 Xethersole's Despatch, Oct. 26.
" Conway and Weston's Despatch, Oct. 14.
3 Bromley Letters, p. 10.
1 Nethersole's Despatch, Oct. 6 and 22.

344 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
post it between the king and Prague; as soon as the
ruse was discovered, he marched with rapidity, and, inter
cepting its progress, threw his own troops between the
city and the enemy. The events of the important ensuing
days are given, as far as possible, from the reports of the
English ambassadors and other eye-witnesses.
" His majesty, coming to court on the Saturday, at 3 of the clock,
with a countenance of glee, told his queen that the enemy was come
within two Dutch miles of the city, which is eight English, but his array
of 28,000 was betwixt them and it. That night we slept securely, as
free from doubt, as we supposed ourselves quit from danger. On the
Sunday, the lords dined at court, with whom the queen had taken/ re
solution to go into the army ; but while we were at our cups, the
enemy was upon a march towards us." '
" On the Sunday morning, news came that the Bohemian army had
lain all night in the Star Park, which is about three miles from Prague,
on the south side ; and that the horse upon the outflanks of the army
did skirmish. We were invited to dine with the king, where, for
aught we could discover, there was confidence enough, and opinion
that both the armies were apter to decline than give a battle. After
dinner, the king resolved to go to horse, to see his army ; but before tie
king could get out of the gate, the news came of the loss of the Boht-
mian cannon, and the disorder of all the squadrons, both of horse and
foot." 2
Outside the gates, the king was met by his general
tlie Count Anhalt, who, bathed in perspiration, galloppe^
up to him, exclaiming, "Your Majesty must look to youi
own safety : the Imperialists have the victory ; our forces
are terribly slaughtered — the Bavarian is raging amongst
them — all is lost and undone." At these dreadful words,
Frederic at once turned his horse's head, and rode back to
the paMtce. His first care was for the opening of the city
gates, to admit the fugitives ;3 his next, to hasten his wife
and child from the new to the old city, in order that by
throwing the river between them and the enemy, they
might gain some reprieve. It was in this flight that
Elizabeth was compelled to pass over the image-peopled
bridge of Prague, which she had vowed not to cross till
the symbols of a false faith were removed.4
1 " A relation of the manner of the loss of Prague, by an English gen
tleman there and then present," dated Nov. 21, 1620. Harl. MS. 389,
f. 1. ' Conway's Despatch, Harl. MS. 1580.
8 Ein Tag aus der Bohemischen Geschichte, 8vo, Leipz. 1845.
4 It was noted by the Boman Catholics, that the place where

JAMES THE FIRST. 345
The loss of the battle of Prague has been attributed to
the avarice and the cowardice of King Frederic ; his
avarice in discouraging his soldiers by not paying up the
arrears of their wages ; and his cowardice in absenting
himself from his army at the critical moment ofthe battle.
The preceding account fully exculpates him from both
these charges, though hardly from that of bad generalship,
in permitting the enemy to dislodge unperceived.1 But
the Count of Anhalt, who was generalissimo, seems to
have acted in a dastardly and unskilful manner and
deserves more blame than the young and inexperienced
king.2 The younger Prince of Anhalt strove by his valour
to atone for bis father's cowardice, and he, and the old
Count de la Tour, were taken, in a vain attempt to rally
their troops.3
Frederic's empire was ended, by this battle, was the pare de Tetoile, the
very arena on which the populace first greeted him as king ; that the
battle fell on All Saints' day, the day consecrated to those saints
whose images he had displaced ; and that the gospel for the day con
tained the significant text, " Render therefore unto Caesar the things
which are Caesar's" — Riccius de Bello Germ. p. 45, News Letter, Nov. 21,
Germ. Corresp.
1 Nethersole regarded the circumstance of the king's absence in a
favourable light : —
" The king the night before had made an escapade to see the queen,
with a few of his chamber and all the English volunteers. By this
means, going forth the next day, immediately after dinner, he came to
the end of the fray, (it deserveth no other name), whether fortunately
or not is hard to determine. For as there is no question but that his
presence would have had much power to make his men stand better
than they did, so, since they were to be overthrown, it may seem a
happiness that his majesty was absent, considering the hazard his too
great adventurousness must needs have put his person unto, whereas
now there is hope that God hath preserved him for a miracle of his
power, in raising him again, and the rather because the enemies were,
it seemeth, withheld by His mighty hand from following and consum
mating their victory, which if they had adventured, they might, in all
appearance, have entered Prague that night, without resistance,"
- " The unanswerable and unparalleled unworthiness of the Prince of
Anhalt, general of the foot, and of Count Hollock, general of the horse,
must not, to their perpetual shame, be left untold ; who, at the first
appearance of danger, left the field, and came running into the city,
more pale than death could have made them, and never returned to try
if they could again rally their troops, which were but disordered." —
Relation ofthe loss of Prague, Harl. 31 S. 389, /. 1.
3 Twenty baggage wagons of the king were seized, in one of which

346 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Another cause of the loss of the battle appears to have
been the cowardice of the Hungarians, who fled at the
first attack, whilst a relay of 8000 troops of that nation,
who might have turned the scale, were so tardy in their
march, that they were not in action at all. It has been
said, that after the battle,1 Frederic demanded from the
Duke of Bavaria a respite of twenty-four hours, to decide
what course to pursue in reference to Prague ; but that
he obtained only eight.* The incorrectness of this state
ment is disproved by the following account from the
English ambassadors: —
" The king and queen went into the old town, which is divided from
the castle by a river, and with them the chiefs of the army. The con
fusion was great, the place undefeneible, the minds of the soldiers
broken, treasure wanting, and a suspected party in the town." — " About
two hours after, the king sent for us ; pressing through a confused
multitude, we found him in a principal citizen's house, accompanied
with his blessed, undaunted lady, and all the chiefs of his army and
council." The ambassadors were asked their advice on what was
to be done, and they suggested a careful consideration of
the forces and stores that remained, and then a resolve to
fight or treat accordingly. They wrote to the Duke of
Bavaria and General Bucquoy, to desire an interview for
the proposal of overtures ;
" Which overtures," they add, " were then unknown ; but time was to
be won, for the better fashioning and assuring the blessed lady's retreat.
No answer coming that night, we wrote again the next morning by the
same consents, by another trumpeter of the king's. No answer coming,
by 9 of the clock in the morning, as many things compared as that time
would permit, the best resolution appeared to be that the queen should
retire, with a strong guard of horse, and the best countenance made that
could be then formed ; and that the king and the chiefs would try the
fortune of resistance in the town."
There was one sacrifice, and one only, that Elizabeth
refused to make. She ' would not save herself and leave
her husband in peril ; and she was quite decided either to
remain with him, or to persuade him to accompany her
flight. At first the Bohemian nobles urged the king to
were his garter insignia, which were sent in triumph to the Duke of
Bavaria. — Eraahlung des haupt-treffens, Nov. 1620.
1 Conway and Weston's Desp. Nov. 14, Harl. MS. 1580, Diggs to
Carlton, Dec. 11, Holland Corresp.
2 Nieuwe Tydinge, Nov. 1620.

JAMES THE FIRST. 347
stand firm: they reminded him of his oath when he
assumed the kingdom, that he would adhere to it to his
latest breath ; they argued that Prague was well garri
soned, and that numerous troops still remained, by whose
aid the city might be defended, or even an incursion made
upon the enemy, — rendered incautious by success, — and
thus the scale of victory might be turned. But where the
safety of Elizabeth was at stake, Frederic was not to be
deluded by false hopes. He felt that he had not where
with to struggle against the forces opposed to him, and
that by prolonging his stay, he should involve the city in a
siege, and expose his wife to imminent peril.
" They assure me," wrote Sir Dudley Diggs, whose information- was
gathered from Elizabeth's servants, that " but for her, the king would
not have gone from Prague, professing himself very sorry for his
absence from the army, the day of the battle, which fell out by his going
to see her, and in the meantime the enemy marching away in a mist
toward Prague."
The nobles next suggested that he should retire no
further than the castle of Glatz, and there endeavour to
rally his troops,1 but Frederic resolved to withdraw alto
gether, and seek to repair his forces in the lands of the
neighbouring princes. He therefore made such hasty pre
parations as the brief space of time could allow, and before
many hours were past, attended by his queen, he had taken
his sorrowful departure from the scene of his short-lived
regality. He was accompanied by 'the two princes of
Weimar, Counts Hollock and Solms, and all the pro
scribed Bohemians, whose lives would be in peril for their
adherence to his cause, should they fall into the enemy's
hands. They occupied, with their trains and baggage,
300 chariots, and multitudes followed on horseback and on
foot. The young Count Thurm, or de la Tour, gallantly
offered to defend the bridge a whole day against the
enemy, in order to secure their retreat.2 In the haste of
the flight, many valuable things were left behind, including
not only a large portion of the trousseau and personal
property of Elizabeth, but the royal crown and orna
ments.'3 1 Lundorpius Suppletus, p. 315.
2 Riccius de Bello Germ. p. 46 ; Nieuwe Tydinge, Nov. 10.
3 Mercure Francais, 1620, p. 425 and 1621, p. 1 ; Riccius, p. 47.

348 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
" We, his majesty's ambassadors," again write Conway and Weston,
" found duty and counsel to be with the person of our master's daughter,
until she was in some condition of safety ; if peradventure our inter
position upon accidents might do her service. When we were a mile
from the town, Count de la Tour was returned back, to assure the
soldiers, and to dispute the passage of the bridge, to secure the queen's
retreat. He embraced the charge cheerfully, and speaking to the queen
in French, he recommended her to G-od, prayed that her journey might
be safe, and her return to that town triumphant, and assured her that he
would do the work he went for, or die to do it : and he did, and lives, and
honour live with him as his portion, for it.
" That day's journey was long, of six great leagues, to a town called
Nimbergh ; by the way were many rumours and vain alarms, only the
king bare himself through all the passages of this disaster with more
clearness of judgment, constancy, and assurance, than any of the chiefs
of his army, and indeed as well as could be looked for in such an unex
pected change, and, a man may say, total disorder. But his incom
parable lady, who truly saw the state she was in, did not let fall herself
below the dignity of a queen, and kept the freedom of her countenance
and discourse, with such an unchangeable temper, as at once did raise in
all capable men this one thought — that her mind could not be brought
under fortune." l
" Their majesties," writes Nethersole, " the queen especially, (in
whom it was most remarkable,) shewing so little change in themselves,
after so great a one in their fortune, that their retreat out of this king
dom was no less truly glorious than their entrance into it." 2
Taking leave of their royal charge, the ambassadors
returned to Prague, in order to see and treat with the
Duke of Bavaria ; and the queen permitted Nethersole to
return with them, to secure his books and papers, which in
the haste of flight, he had left behind. She pressed upon
them the care of those of her servants who remained in
Prague, and expressed her hopes that the king her father
would now do for them, and not treat.
The royal pair resumed their journey, but not without
danger : troops of Cossack horse were hovering in their
rear ; the convoy of attendants was neither steadfast nor
faithful ; they pillaged several of the queen's baggage
wagons ; yet she bore up with " brave and cheerful
patience." She travelled principally in a coach, but when
the badness of the roads, or the necessity for speed
rendered that impossible, she mounted horse, behind a
young British volunteer, named Hopton, whose life-long
1 Conway and Weston's Despatch, ut supra.
! Nethersole 's Despatch, Nov. 16, Germ. Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 349
boast was the service he had thus rendered her. At
length they arrived at Breslau, in Silesia, where, less than
a year before, Frederic was received with regal triumph.
From this place Elizabeth wrote to her father, to solicit
the aid which alone could preserve them from ruin ;
assuring him that, next to God, he was their only ground
of hope. She remained some days to recover from her
fatigue, whilst plans were devised for her future safety,
especially during her approaching accouchement. It was
decided that she should be placed under the protection
either of the Duke of Brunswick, her cousin, or of the
young Elector of Brandenburg, who had recently suc
ceeded his father, and having married a Palatine Princess,
was Frederic's brother-in-law, the choice to be influenced
by the cordiality with which the proffer of her visit was
received. The king sent an express to Brandenburg on
the subject, but the Elector being absent, the council
plainly declared that they could not advise the queen's
reception, as it might offend the emperor and induce him
to refuse the investiture of the Duchy of Prussia to the
young Elector.1 As, however, no time was to be lost, and
as Brandenburg was in the direct route towards Wolfen-
buttel, the capital of the Duke of Brunswick, — whither
De Plessen and Camerarius, two of the king's agents, had
been dispatched to request a welcome, — Ebzabeth set out
at once. She was attended by Baron Dhona, and an
escort of only sixty horse, though her road lay by the
borders of Lower Lusatia, where the Elector of Saxony
had many troops of cavalry. Oh the 25th of November,
she wrote to her husband, to announce her safe arrival at
Frankfort, and also addressed a spirited letter to one of
the English secretaries of state, in which, after recapitu
lating her movements, she says : —
" I am not yet so out of heart, though I confess we are in an evil
estate, but that (as I hope,) God will give us again the victor)', for the
wars are not ended with one battle, and I hope we shall have better luck
in the next "2
Afjter but one day's repose, the queen started for Berlin.
As neither the Elector of Brandenburg nor his wife was
1 Nethersole's Despatch, Dec. 4, Germ. Corresp.
1 Holland Corresp. 1620, State Paper Office.

350 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
there to give her the meeting, she betook herself to the
fortress of Custrin, a princely residence, forty-eight miles
from Berlin, there to await, in loneliness and anxiety, the
result of the deputation to Wolfenbuttel.1 _ The Duke of
Brunswick professed his willingness to receive the queen,
but the dowager-duchess was first to be consulted,2 and
the negotiations were so tedious that, before their termi
nation, it was considered no longer safe for the queen to
undertake another journey, and she therefore remained at
Custrin, in expectation of her "good hour," as it was
called in the quaint parlance of the day.
Meanwhile, the enemies of her husband pursued their
relentless course in Prague, pillaging on every hand,3 and
showing their wit by sarcastic jeux a" esprit, played off
against the Winter-konig, roi de neige, or king of a year,
as- they styled Frederic.4
1 Lingelsheim to Ste. Catherine, Dee. 18,Lamarre MS. 9291'2: Conway
to Buckingham, Dec. 3, Harl. MS. 1580.
* Nethersole to Secretary, Dee. 6, 1620, German Corresp.
3 Ibid. Dec. 4.
4 A Dutch poem, printed at Antwerp, entitled, " The Lamentation of
the Palsgrave over his pretended «rown of Bohemia," represents him as
regretting that he had ever accepted it ; and that his wife, the daughter
of a king, should thus be brought to shame for loving her kingly title
too well. " The Palsgrave," it continues, "sets off, possessed of a staff;
his wife wearily drags a cradle with her." — Nieuwe Tydinge, Nov. 1620.
They affixed a placard on the walls, offering a reward to any one who
would find and bring home a king, run away a few days before on
account of some misfortune, of flourishing age, rosy colour, somewhat
squint-eyed, of middle height, with the first down on his cheeks ; not
of a bad disposition, but affecting a kingdom at the instigation of others,
and whose name was Frederic. — Riccius de Bell. Germ. p. 46 ; Noris
Guerre di Germania, p. 159. Another effusion was a German song of a
postillion, a " hue andcry after the lost Prince Palatine," to this effect : —
" I must go round and round about,
In every corner to pry him out."
Each stanza ending with a strophe —
" Oh, if you know, now tell to me,
Where the lost Palatine eau be."
The appeal is made to all classes — to the princes who counselled him to
his ruin, the citizens of Prague, the soldiers, peasants, pilgrims, preachers,
couriers, innkeepers, — even to the owls and ravens — whether a young
king and his wife and child have not passed them. At length with a
halloo, he is hunted up, and promised a return to the Rhine when he

JAMES THE FIRST. 351
He did not, however, lose his courage amidst his mis
fortunes. There was no talk of treaty or peace, save on
the part of the English ambassadors, who were laughed at
for their pains.1 Frederic wrote to the celebrated Count
Ernest Mansfeldt, a soldier of fortune, who, with a body
of gallant troops, had entered his service, exhorting him to
keep to the last Pilsen and the other places in which he
held garrisons. He bestowed a month's pay on the troops
who had conducted him to Breslau, and gave them their
choice, either to remain with him or to disband ; most of
them preferred the former. Fresh levies were raised in
Moravia and Silesia, which still continued firm, though
the people of Prague were compelled to abjure, and take
oath anew to the emperor.2 The king had an interview
with the sovereign of Hungary, who, supported by
Turkey, promised adhesion to the cause ; 3 and much was
hoped from the Kings of Denmark and Sweden, and the
Duke of Brunswick. Frederic paid a short visit to
Moravia, in order to encourage his friends there : they
made strong professions of attachment, but scarcely had
he departed, when Bucquoy, the imperial general, arrived,
and taking them unprepared, as it was the depth of winter,
mastered several towns ; the States, alarmed at the im
pending danger, and disconcerted by the non-appearance
of Count de la Tour, who was gone to Hungary for
succours, abandoned the cause of their king, and made a
ceases to rebel. — From a printed copy in Qerman Corresp. State Paper
Office. " The queen," said one of the fugitive songs, " who first urged
on her husband to hunt the Papists and the emperor out of Bohemia,
soon found, amidst the howling and lamenting of her ladies, that there
was no repose for her in Prague, and though the people of Prague put
on long faces at her leaving them in their misfortune and misery — off
she set, on a wild chase for safety, in which he who could not ride with
her must be left to his fate. On English steeds the lady rode ; happy
were the swift who could trot her pace, and 6till above all things they
kept close to her bridle."
1 Wotton to Carleton, Dec. 1 8 ; Conway's Despatch, Dec. 3 ; Nieuwe
Tydinge, Nov. 9.
2 Nieuwe Tydinge, Dec. 9, Frederic to Mansfeldt, Nov. 20. " Sure I
am," wrote an eye-witness, "by what I heard and saw ever since the
disaster, that his majesty is king of more hearts than the emperor." 
Nethersole's Despatch, Dec. 4.
' Dickenson to Nethersole, Dec. 18, Germ. Corresp.

352 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
secret peace with the emperor. This wa3 a terrible blow
to Frederic. " I have not constrained them to choose me
as their king," he exclaimed ; " I could have lived con
tentedly in my own lands ; yet after all the pains and
trouble I have taken, those for whom I risked my life and
my all forsake me ! " J
The defection of Moravia threw Silesia into imminent
peril, for there was now no obstacle to the onward march
of Bucquoy. The Silesians advised their king to retire to
a place of safety, and gave him a parting present of 80,000
florins.2 He told them, that although prudent regard to
them, as well as to himself, necessitated a present retreat,
he hoped to return to them with fresh troops.3 The
Elector of Saxony, however, urged them to come to imme
diate terms with the emperor ; they sent a messenger to
consult the king, who acknowledged that there was no way
open for them but to temporize by treating ;
" concluding his speech with David's saying, when he fled from Absa
lom, ' If I shall find favour in the eyes of the Lord, He will bring me
again ; but if He thus say, I have no delight in thee ; let Him do to me
as seemeth good unto Hiin ; * 4 and so, weeping, he took leave of them
on the 13th of December, and went his way to Custrin Castle, unto the
queen, who is said to have been for some days more affected with that
disaster than with all that had before fallen out." 5
Great as were the misfortunes of the queen, they were
exaggerated by rumour. It was reported very widely
and confidently, that overcome by the fatigues she had
endured, she had expired, after giving premature birth
to a dead infant.6 At Antwerp, pictures of her hearse and
funeral procession were to be seen in the public prints, and
great uneasiness was excited amongst her friends, till the
arrival of happier tidings reassured them. In spite of all her
disasters, Elizabeth had continued well in health, and on
the 21st of December she had the delight of welcoming her
1 Courante uyt Italien, Duytsland,&c. Feb. 1621.
2 Lingelsheim's Despatch, Jan. T"5, Lamarre MS. 9291lB ; Mercure
Francais, 1621, pp. 45-53.
3 Merc. Gall. Belg. p. 42. 4 2 Samuel chap. xv. ver. 25.
5 Harl. MS. 389, f. 2.
6 Diggs to Carleton, Dec. 24 ; Carh ton to Nethersole, Dec. 25, Hol
land Corresp. ; Carpenter to Secret. Dec. 11, Germ. Corresp. The
report was so current that Sir Edward Villiers, then coming from

JAMES THE FIRST. 353
husband, who surprised her at table,1 and whose return,
after so many perils, was the cause of deep gratitude ;
Dr. Burgess, an English clergyman, writes, —
" The king and queen of Bohemia do bear their afflictions with such
patience and piety as have added to them more true honour than a
victory could have done, and makes me to hope that God, in his time,
will lift them up again, to the astonishment of their enemies, and joy of
his people. From them came lately a command for a solemn day of
fasting and prayer, beside the monthly bid (prayer) days and church
prayers, which we accordingly performed, January 14th." "¦
On the -j\ of January, Elizabeth gave birth to " a large
and goodly son." She wished him to be called Maurice,
after the brave Prince of Orange ; because, she said, the
boy would have to be a warrior.3 The baptism was per
formed on tbe 10th. Duke John of Weimar, one of the
sponsors, was present in person ; the others, Duke Ulric
of Holstein, and the Landgrave of Hesse, sent deputies,
and their ladies were the godmothers.4 Frederic announced
the child's birth to James I., and in touching terms com
mended his little family to his fatherly protection, entreat
ing that he would not allow them to be deprived of their
all.5 Two days later, the king set forth, with an escort of 500
horse, to Wolfenbuttel, to visit the Duke of Brunswick.
His reception there being cool, he went on to Zell, and
thence to Hamburg, where a settlement of English mer
chants entertained him most cordially for eight days, and
furnished him with a loan of 8000 rix dollars.6

England to the king and queen, hesitated whether to turn back. —
Trumbull's Desp. Jan. \8,Fland. Corresp.
1 Lingelsheim to Ste. Catherine, Jan. £§, Lamarre MS. 9291'2- Bil-
derbeck to Secret. Jan. 18, Germ. Corresp.
2 Lansdowne MS. 498, f. 80.
3 Lingelsheim's Desp. Jan. 29 ; Courante, Feb. 1621.
4 Nethersole's Despatch, Jan. 19, 1621.
' Fred, to James I., Jan. 6th, 1621, Ancient Royal Letters, vol. vi.
p. 772.
6 Carleton to Calvert, March 8, Holland Corresp ; Lingelsheim's Desp.
Feb. 8 and 13, and March 1, Lamarre MS. 929112. Whilst at Ham
burg, Frederic attended the English service, and the minister prayed
for him very affectionately ; Frederic expressed his gratitude, and
bestowed upon him a chain of gold, with his likeness appended to it, —
Court and Times of James ~I. vol. ii. p. 241.
VOL. V. 2 A

354 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
The tidings of the disaster of Prague aroused King
James to the necessity of making efforts in behalf of his
Bon and daughter ; but he did it in his own way, by send
ing four ambassadors:— Sir Albert Morton to the Princes
of the German Union, to exhort them to constancy, and
to carry them pecuniary aid;1 Sir Bobert Anstruther to
the King of Denmark; Lord Digby to the Archduke
Albert, and the emperor ; and Sir Edward Villiers 2 to the
King and Queen of Bohemia,3 bearing with him a pre
sent of £20,000, as a new year's gift to the queen. James
next assembled a Parliament ; announced to them the steps
already taken, the present state of the Prince Palatine,
and the necessity of immediate supplies.
" And now," he said, " I am to provide ways that my son-in-law
may be restored to his ancient possession, but nothing is to be expected
from you but by begging, as if one should beg an alms ; but now to
recover that which is lost, I declare unto you that if I cannot get it by
peace, my crown and my blood, and the blood of my son, shall not be
spared for it, but I can do nothing without sustenance from my people.
— Qui cito dat, bis dat." *
The Commons responded by most cordial assurances of
good will, and expressing their hopes that the treaties
would not be long spun out, voted two subsidies for the
support of the Palatinate.5
Villiers arrived at Custrin at a time when the king,
depressed by the defection of his subjects, and the coldness
of his allies, was in a mood to listen to propositions, which
a few months before, would have been indignantly rejected.
In a spirit of forced resignation, he signed a document,
pledging himself to implicit obedience to the wishes of his
royal father-in-law, and wrote to him to say, that he had
hoped, by his means, to recover all he had lost ; but that
since he wished a treaty, he would not withhold his sub
mission to the terms proposed by Villiers.6 These required
his consent to a frank and full resignation of the crown of
Bohemia, on condition that his hereditary possessions
1 Privy Seal Bills 18-22, James I. f. 72.
2 Brother to the celebrated Villiers, Marquis of Buckingham.
5 Journals Commons, vol. i. p. 644.
4 " He gives twice who gives quickly." — Birch MS. 4155, f. 109.
5 Ibid. f. 112.
• Fred, to James I. January 31, 1621, Harl. MS. 1583, f. 219.

JAMES THE FIRST. 355
might be restored to him, and the Imperial ban, which had
recently been hurled against, himself and his principal fol
lowers, be removed.1 Had these conditions been accepted,
what years of misery and torrents of blood had been
spared to the unfortunate Germans! But the emperor
was stern and unyielding: he resolved to improve the
advantage he had gained ; and in behalf of himself and his
partizans, renewed claims, long dormant, to certain por
tions of the Palatinate. He also issued a mandate to the
Elector of Brandenburg, requesting him not to allow the
residence of the Princess Palatine in his country to be
prolonged, beyond the period necessary for her to regain
strength for travelling.2 No Imperial mandate, however,
could prevail with the German princes to show discourtesy
to the unfortunate queen, who had been compelled to throw
herself on their generosity.
Nethersole, who was again in attendance on his royal
mistress, writes : —
" That Elector in whose country we lie, will needs put himself to
more charge by that occasion than was either expected or desired of
him. Of the Duke of Brunswick's willingness to entertain her majesty
in his country, I have formerly advertised your honour. The old
duchess exceedeth in kindness, for she hath twice already sent express
servants hither, to inquire of her majesty's health, before she had the
news of her being so happily brought to bed, for the congratulation
whereof there is certainly, ere this, a third on the way." 3
On more than one ground, Frederic was anxious to leave
Brandenburg. He feared to involve his friends in trouble,
and he was embarrassed by the vicinity of several Bohe
mian nobles, who had found their way to Frankfort, and
who, having risked and lost their all in his behalf, expected
relief from him, at a time when, far from being able
to afford it, he was even compelled to dismiss some of
his own servants for want of funds.4 At the end of
February, he proceeded to Siegenberg, where he had an
interview with his wife's uncle, the King of Denmark.5
1 Bethune MS. 9776, f. 29 ; Courante nyt Italien, Jan. 29.
2 Nethersole's Despatch, Feb. 24, German Corresp.
3 Germ. Corresp. Jan. 19.
4 Nethersole's Despatch, Feb. 24, German Corresp.
a Preuscher Geschichte Denmark, p. 96.
2 A2

356 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
An assembly of the Protestant powers was held, headed
by the Danish monarch and attended by the ambassadors
of England, Holland, Sweden, &c, and by the Princes of
Lower Saxony, who all coincided in a manifesto to the
emperor, declaring that they would not consent to publish
the ban against Frederic; but, if the Palatinate were
restored, they would induce him to relinquish Bohemia;
if not, they would arm in his defence, and drive Spinola
from the Palatinate. The Bohemian king wrote to Gabor
and to Mansfeldt, exhorting them to constancy in the great
cause of European freedom;1 and be received a pledge from
the Dutch, that they would still continue a monthly contri
bution for the payment of troops, which they had granted
at the commencement of the war.2
Frederic had arranged for the queen to meet "him at
Wolfenbuttel, on his return from Denmark, and for this
purpose she removed, with her children, on February 19th,
from Custrin to Berlin, where her sister-in-law, the
Electress of Brandenburgb, received her lovingly and
accepted the charge of her infant son, Maurice, who was
too young to undertake a lengthened journey at such a
season. The Elbe was partially frozen, and as it was not
considered safe for Elizabeth to go down to Magdeburg,
to cross the river by the bridge, she was detained some
time till the thaw allowed the passage of ferry-boats.3
Arriving at Wolfenbuttel, she was joined by the greater
part of her husband's train, who were sent thither from
Hamburg to secure her safety. Thus escorted, and still
attended by her father's ambassador, Sir Edward Villiers,
she resumed her journey, and on the 16th of March, met
the king at Stolzenau, in Westphalia, whence they pro
ceeded to Bielfelt. Here Villiers took his leave ; he was
intrusted with a letter from the queen to her father, in
which she acknowledged the faithful services of his
1 Nethersole's Desp. March 16; Mercure Francais, p. 53 ; Riccius de
Bell. Germ. p. 51 ; Theatrum Europ. p. 467. The grand Seignor had
sent men and money to Gabor, and would have afforded help more
effectual, if England had set the example. — Eyre's Despatches, Nov. 1620,
March, 1621, Turkey Corresp.
"¦ Sir D. Carleton to Queen of Bohemia, Dec. 25, 1620, Holland Corres.
* Nethersole's Despatch, Feb. 24.

JAMES THE FIRST. 357
ambassador and congratulated herself on the favourable
disposition of his majesty towards their cause.1
The next tidings from England were chilling enough.
Elizabeth heard, with mortified regret, that her father was
greatly perturbed lest either the king or herself might
wish to come into England; a false rumour having
arisen that Sir Edward Villiers' s errand was to invite them
over.2 Well did James know that they would be re
ceived with enthusiasm were they to visit his kingdom;
and that the tide of popular feeling would rise still more
strongly against himself for not having given them prompt
and effectual help. The presence of Elizabeth would
give strength and consistency to the powerful party with
whom her name was a watchword, and who, underhand,
sent her pressing entreaties to come over, urging that she
were better even behind the tower walls, were her father
sternly to punish her unpermitted entrance, than wander
ing in misery round the world. On the other hand,
Buckingham opposed her coming, because he hated the
Puritans, who were Elizabeth's firmest friends. The
Spanish party also strongly represented that it would pre
cipitate a breach with Spain.3
In reference to a rumour of Frederic's intended journey,
James I. wrote the following private instructions to Sir
Dudley Carleton, his ambassador in Holland : —
" So great is our mislike of such a course, if he should determine it,
(which God forbid) as we do hereby command you, in case he pass by
that way with an intention to repair to this place, to address yourself
unto him with all diligence, and earnestly, in our name, to divert him
by good persuasions from proceeding any farther on that journey, with
this assurance, that considering the reproach and dishonour which will
fall upon him for abandoning his own country, at this time, in the state
wherein it is, there can be nothing more displeasing unto us, than his
coming hither now. And therefore dissuade him from it, by all the
means you can, wherein we hope he will give us contentment by accom
modating himself to our desires herein, as he expects to find our care and
endeavour in other things which may highly concern him. "
With respect to Elizabeth, the king, writing a few
months later, commands that : —
1 Tanner MS. No. 73, pt. 2, f. 293, Bodleian Library, Oxford, Holo
graph. 2 News Letter, Dec. 31, 1620, German Corresp.
3 Tillieries Desp. March 20 and May 29, Raumer, pp. 252-3.

358 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
" if our daughter also do come into those parts, with any intention to
transport herself hither, you do use all possible means at this time to
divert her ; and rather than fail, to charge her, in our name and upon our
blessing, that she do not come, without our good liking and pleasure first
signified unto her ; for that her being here now would, for many reasons
well known unto us, be very prejudicial unto the proceeding of that
business, which we have now in hand for her husband's good ; howsoever
otherwise, out of our dear and .fatherly affection, we should take great
comfort to see her."
The secretary of state, on whom it devolved to convey
these unwelcome despatches, added on his own behalf: —
" I have sent this away unto you with all speed, according to his
majesty's express charge and commandment, being sorry, I must confess,
that I am of necessity become the conveyor of so unwelcome tidings to
that princely and unmatchable pattern of virtue, to whom I owe so much
duty and service." l
However secretly these instructions were given,
rumours of them transpired in England, and were known,
not only to the French, but to the Dutch ambassador ; and
by means of the latter, they reached the ears of Frederic
and Elizabeth.2 Such a rebuff, from such a quarter, was
keenly felt by both ; but Elizabeth, with great tact and
promptness, gave it out among her attendants, that she
had no wish to go into England ; and this was believed
even by those in constant intercourse with her.
" I hear it is generally spoken and believed," writes Nethersole, " that
her majesty shall go into England, and it is true that the king her hus
band doth much desire it, but the queen herself hath no inclination to it,
and hath given Sir Edward Villiers commission to make her answers
known to the king her father ; who, I presume, will not send for her
against her will, wherein neither her majesty's friends nor enemies will
importune him." 3
But the hospitality refused by her father was gene
rously manifested in another quarter. The Prince of
Orange gave the royal pair a courteous invitation to the
Hague; the proximity of that place, alike to Germany and
to England, and the cordiality with which the States
sympathised in the Bohemian cause, pointed it out as a
suitable retreat; the States General even sent a convoy
of nineteen troops of horse to Bielfelt, in order to escort
1 Holland Corresp. Jan. 25 and March 13, State Paper Office.
2 Tillieries Desp. March 20, 1621 ; Raumer Geschichte Europas, vol.i.
p. 252 ; News Letter, Hague, May 5, Harl. MS. 389, f. 67.
3 Nethersole's Despatch, Marck 24, Germ. Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 359
the king and queen to Holland. Frederic at first pro
posed to leave the queen either at Cleves or Arnheim,
whilst he himself went into the Palatinate ; a step which,
he was informed, would be agreeable to King James.1
But on learning this resolution, Prince Maurice sent to
remonstrate : he pointed out the danger of delaying their
journey, both because their enemies were becoming daily
more alert as to their movements, and because the States
already deemed the detention of their convoy discourteous.
He also represented that Cleves was by no means a safe
residence, being a weak town and situated in the midst
of their foes,2 and cordially urged their coming at once to
to the Hague, where he was already preparing for them
a town residence ; he further offered his seat at Breda,
for the summer resort of the queen, when her husband
should again take the field.
The king and queen hesitated whether they should go
to the Hague, lest their reception by the States should give
offence to King James, till Carleton's letters assured them
that the king rather desired than deprecated that step.3
Their decision was therefore taken to accept the invita
tion of the Prince of Orange ; and they sent him, at his
request, a list of their retinue, in order that he might
make suitable preparations.
Attended by Duke Bernard of Saxe Weimar, by forty
knights and their Dutch escort, the royal prrty passed
through the district of Munster, the dominion of the
Boman Catholic Archbishop of Cologne, and even under
the walls of the city. Their course thenceforward was
almost identical with that which Elizabeth had traversed
in the pomp of regal splendour, as a young and happy
bride. She now retraced her steps, an outcast and an
exile, with only her long-coveted title to compensate for
the loss of home, and country, and friends.
1 Nethersole's Despatch, Feb. 10.
2 Carleton to Duplessis, March 8 and 13 ; to Calvert, March 24 and
28 ; and to Nethersole, March o and 27 ; Nethersole to Carleton, March
24 and 2J, Holland Corresp.
3 Carleton to Calvert, March 31.

360 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF

ELIZABETH,
ELDEST DAUGHTER OF JAMES I.

CHAPTEB IV.

Sir Dudley Carleton, English ambassador at the Hague, welcomes the
king and queen — Public entrance — Queen's cheerfulness — James I.
urges Frederic to submission — Elizabeth remonstrates in vain — Her
' private life — Melancholy state of Palatinate — Frederic's depression —
He joins the Dutch army — James compels his return — Disasters in
his dominions — James I. vainly treats for peace — Sends Elizabeth
money — English enthusiasm in her favour — Distrust between king
and Parliament — Frederic goes in disguise to Palatinate — Count
Mansfeldt — Elizabeth's domestic life — Pleads for "Van der Myle —
Obtains money from England — Birth and baptism of Princess Louise
— Christian of Brunswick — Campaign in the Palatinate — James urges
Frederic to cease from war — He hesitates — Retires to Sedan — Cor
respondence with Elizabeth — Duke Christian loses an arm— Heidel
berg lost — Frederic returns to Hague — James I. promises to arm —
Spanish diplomacy — Loss of Manheim — Frankenthal given to the
infanta by James — Dismay of Frederic and Elizabeth — Prince
Charles's visit to Spain — Elizabeth's anxiety for him — King and queen
visit Breda, &c. — Establish their children at Leyden — Duke Christian
refuses imperial pardon — James compels Frederic to accept a truce —
Spanish marriage broken by refusal to restore Palatinate — Prince
Louis born — Fetes at the Hague — Visit to Culenburgh — Spain pro
poses terms of peace — Frederic objects — Parliament votes money for
Palatinate — General rejoicing — Elizabeth accused of colleaguing with
Buckingham against James I. — Defends herself — Domestic particulars
— Want of money — Elizabeth beloved by Puritans — Faux-pas of
Duke Christian— Mansfeldt levies troops in England — Death of Prince
of Orange and of James I.
Travelling by Emmerich and Cleves, the royal party
reached Arnheim on March 28th ; there they embarked
on the Bhine, and on Easter Monday, April 2nd, pushed
on towards Botterdam ; the wind failing, they were

JAMES THE FIRST. 361
obliged to stop short at Vianen, where they passed the
night. At two o'clock on the following day they reached
the capital of Holland, and the first persons to welcome
them on landing were Sir Dudley Carleton, the English
ambassador, and his lady.1 They were already well
known to Frederic and Elizabeth, for in happier days,
Carleton had visited the court at Heidelberg on his return
from a mission in Venice. He was a man of refined tastes,
a scholar, and a virtuoso, and warmly attached to the king
and queen, in whose history, during several succeeding
years, he took an influential part. Their arrival at Botter-
dam shall be recounted in his own words : —
" Yesterday, about 2 of the clock, they came well to this town, with
the young child born at Prague, the Duke of Simmeren, brother to the
king, who met them at Arnheim, the Duke of Saxe Weimar, the Count
and Countess of Solms, and the rest of their train ; all in good disposi
tion, (thanks be to God,) and received here with much demonstration
of affection ; the burghers, with the whole garrison, having been these
two days in arms to do them honour, and they are lodged and defrayed
by the town."
Two days later, writing from the Hague, he says : —
" The king and queen, with their whole train, having been lodged
and defrayed in Rotterdam, and honoured by all that could be done, either
by the burghers or the garrison, passed in boats from thence to the half
way betwixt this and Delft, where they were met by the Prince of
Orange and all his court, and so conducted to this town in coaches ; the
whole way, as well by water as land, betwixt this and the entrance
into Delft, by reason of a great concourse of people coming from all
parts, being like a continued street ; and their being saluted here, since
their coming, by all the councils and assemblies, is an argument that the
affection of this state, from the highest to the lowest, is not changed by
the change of these princes' fortune."
At the Hague, the foreign ambassadors and the chief
magistrates and citizens met them in state coaches ; and
the people were moved to tears by the spectacle of the
royal lady who had so bravely shared her husband's perils,
and was now called to share his misfortunes.2 The queen
bore ample testimony to the cordiality of her reception in
her letters to her father and to Sir Thomas Boe.3
1 Cauldwell to Calvert, April 3, Holland Corresp.
2 Johnston Rer. Brit. hist. p. 556 ; Mercure Fran?., p. 87.
3 Ancient Royal Letters, vol. v. p. 97, Holog. French ; German
Correspondence, May, 1020, State Paper Office.

362 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
The residence first prepared for the exiled princes was
that of Count Henry of Nassau, the brother of the Prinee
of Orange, which they had occupied on their bridal pro
gress ; but as their visit might be indefinitely prolonged,
it was resolved to fit up a house expressly for them, and
the States-General selected a splendid mansion, situated
next to that inhabited by Count Henry, the owner of
which, Cornelius Van der Myle, was in banishment, owing
to his being detected in secret intrigues with France.
His wife still remained in occupation of the house, but she
gladly consented to accommodate her illustrious guests,
reserving only a few rooms for her own use. The States,
on consultation, decided that it would be unbecoming in
them to pay less regard to their royal visitors on this
occasion, than during their prosperity ; they therefore
gave orders that the house should be furnished at their
expense ; some of the rooms with regal magnificence.
On the if th of April, Frederic had a formal audience of
the States ; he thanked them for all their past kindness to
him and his, and begged its continuance. They cour
teously responded, by assigning a pension of 10,000 florins
a month, for the present support of his family.1 The
Prince of Orange openly expressed his warm admiration of
the queen's magnanimous conduct,2 and her own com
patriots were equally lavish in their praises.
" Thinkest thou," writes Carleton, in a familiar letter to a friend,
" there is such another in the world for discretion and all things laudable
in her sex and rank 8 " " His majesty's most royal daughter," writes
another, " is, to use her godmother's impress, ' semper eadem,' full of
princely courage, and therefore, as well for that as her other admirable
and royally shining virtues, justly honoured, even by the enemies of her
cause." 3
Her enemies, indeed, showed their confidence in her
goodness, by applying to her within a few days of her
arrival at the Hague, to intercede with the States-
General in behalf of three Popish priests, condemned to
death for endeavouring to surrender a place in Holland
into the hands of the Spaniards ; but Elizabeth declined to
1 Riemer Beschryving Gravens-Hage, fol. Delft, 1730, vol. ii. p. 729;
Merc. Frranc. p. 734. 2 Rushworth's hist collect, vol. i. p. 23.
3 Dickenson's Despatch, April 7.

JAMES THE FIRST. 363
interfere in a cause so entirely political, where »her in
fluence would have hardly a chance of success with her
justly indignant hosts. She procured, however, for the
relatives of the unfortunate men, permission to inter their
bodies, after the execution of the law.1
The queen had now the society of two of her children,
— her eldest son, who preceded her to Holland, and young
Eupert ; — her second son, Charles Louis, and her daughter,
Elizabeth, were with their grandmother, the Dowager-
Electress, and the infant Maurice was left at Berlin.
Notwithstanding her misfortunes, the spirit of Elizabeth
was high and hopeful. The buoyant energy of youth still
bore her up, and she possessed naturally the facility of
bending, willow-like, before the blasts which broke down
hearts of sterner make. Politically, her position was dis
couraging. In spite of his declaration that he would pro
tect the Palatinate, James I. took no vigorous steps. His
treasury was low : he had sent to the King of Denmark
to borrow 50,OOOZ. for his son-in-law, but had not as yet
succeeded;2 and though the houses of parliament were
warm in the cause of German Protestantism, and declared
themselves ready, if needful, to die in the quarrel for their
princess,3 yet they were dissatisfied with the small results
of the subsidies previously voted, and disposed to couple
with their future grants demands for the redress of
grievances, which the king was not inclined to grant ; and
he dreaded involving himself in a war whose continuance
would make him dependent upon his subjects.
In Germany, there were still the elements of vigorous
resistance to the arbitrary measures of the house of
Austria,4 but they needed to be blended into a whole
before they could become effective. All looked to
England, and as that power held back, each party grew
timid, in the fear of being left alone to bear the brunt of
war. Imperial policy failed not to take advantage of this
timidity. The Princes of the Union, in compliance with
the pacific views of James I., had made a truce with the
enemy, and it was suggested to them that it would be
' Harl. MS. 389, f. 69. 2 James I. to Duke Deuxponts, April 26.
1 Whiteway's Diary, Egerton MS. 784, f. 26 ; Commons' Journal,
vol. i. p. 639. 4 Harl. MS. 389, ff. 43, 69, 72.

364 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
most uiwise to renew the war, as, on condition of their
witholding assistance from the Palatine prince, the
emperor was willing to overlook their delinquencies and
restore them to his favour. After some scruples, they
accepted these overtures, and concluded a permanent
peace, from which Frederic, by name, was excepted.1
This unexpected blow was deeply felt by Frederic and
Elizabeth; but still one chance remained. The joint
army of the Protestant princes, which was numerous and
well conditioned, consisted chiefly of hired troops, and
was not therefore obliged to lay down arms; and they
eagerly hoped that King James would enable them to
retain in their service this army, at the head of which
Frederic might march into the Palatinate, where his
subjects impatiently anticipated his appearance as their
deliverer. The king and queen both wrote on the subject
in the most earnest terms to King James and his council.1
The queen's letter informed her father that her greatesf
distress was, that the Princes of the Union laid the blame
of their conduct upon him, and earnestly entreated him to
show by his acts that he would not abandon them.2
Nethersole, in his eagerness to convey the despatches,
crossed the stormy channel in an open boat, when no
vessel dared attempt the passage.3 He hastened to court.
His first audience, which was on April 24th, opened pro
pitiously : the king expressed vehement displeasure at the
conduct of the German Princes, and taxed them with
gross duplicity, for receiving his money to keep up the
defence and then abandoning it ; 4 on which Nethersole
cautiously opened out the scheme of Frederic's heading
their army and leading it into the Palatinate ; observing,
that though the King of Bohemia was a pattern of sub
mission to the will of his royal father, still entire obedience
could not prevent his having a wish of his own, which,
on this point, was very strong. The king, without dis-
1 Contract between Spinola and princes, April 12, Brienne MS. 87,
Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris ; Lingelsheim's Desp. April 30, Lamarre
MS 929 112 ; Ibid.
- liolog. French, Ancient Royal Letters, vol. v. p. 109, State Paper
Office. s April 29, Holland Corresp.
4 lie wrote to them to that effect, May 2, 1621, Brienne MS. 87,
f. 367, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.

a

JAMES THE FIRST. 365
approving the proposal, referred to the low state of his
own exchequer. Buckingham, who was present, suggested
that the army being already on foot, the expense would
not be very serious, and that it would afford a plea to ask
from the parliament fresh subsidies, out of which the king-
might make a profit ! Nethersole urged that James
would ultimately be a gainer by granting a timely assist
ance, which might relieve him from the onerous charge
of supporting his son-in-law, his daughter, the five
children they already had, and the five or ten more which
they might have ! From the king Nethersole went to the
Prince of Wales, to gain his influence, and represented
that in spite of his affection to his sister, it would be very
embarrassing to him should she and her husband and
children be compelled to come to England as paupers.1
After these hopeful efforts, the indefatigable agent was
bitterly disappointed in receiving ultimately an unfavour
able answer. The proposal to retain the army was
refused, on the ground that it would cause jealousies
which would hinder the progress of the treaty, and would
encourage the enemy to keep up their forces also.2 The
only troops that were retained were 2000 English and
a few Dutch. Sir Horace Vere was appointed their
general, and instructed to garrison, and if possible pre
serve, the towns of Heidelberg, Manheim, and Franken-
thal, the principal places of tbe Palatinate which had not
been subdued by Spinola's Spanish forces.
At this resolution Frederic could not refrain from
giving vent to his disappointment in terms stronger than
he usually allowed himself to adopt towards his royal
father-in-law. " I see," he writes, " by this treaty, that the truce being over, I shall
be abandoned by every body, and the rest of my territory given in prey
to my enemies. I cannot but be astonished to be abandoned by those
who had so often promised me to defend the Palatinate, without which
promise, I should never have entered Bohemia. They cover all their
faults by your majesty, that you did not assist them, and they had no
hopes of aid from you, perhaps for a long time. I would hope that your

' Nethersole to Carleton, May 1 and 2, Holland Corresp,
2 Answer to Nethersole's proposals, May 1620, German Corresp.

366 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
majesty will shew the world that you neither lack means nor good will
to assist me." '
Yet, whilst adopting a line of policy that crushed their
hopes, the king continued to profess the strongest personal
regard for his daughter and her husband. He wrote to
Frederic in the most friendly terms, declaring that though
allies and neighbours had proved unfaithful, he would still
adhere to his interests and stand or fall with him ; that he
would spend, in his behalf, all the parliamentary subsidies
and all the money he could borrow from Denmark, and
exhorted him patiently to wait the result of the negotia
tions in his favour for which Lord Digby was about to
start for Vienna.2 This task, though difficult, was per
formed. Encouraged by the positive assurances he had
received, Frederic withstood all overtures from Bohemia
and Moravia, and all entreaties from Count Mansfeldt
and his oppressed subjects to take up arms, and endea
voured to school himself to the part required of him and
wait the issue of the embassy.3
The king's reluctance to engage himself in war was a
fertile subject for the wits and satirists of the age. At
one time they represented him with a scabbard without a
sword ; at another with a sword which no one could draw
out, though many were pulbng at it. At Brussels, he
was pictured with empty pockets hanging out, and his
purse turned upside down. In Antwerp, the Queen of
Bohemia was represented like an Irish beggar-woman,
with her hair hanging about her ears and her child at her
back, whilst her father carried the cradle behind her.4
The Jesuits got up a play, in which they feigned a post
to come puffing upon the stage ; and being asked what
news ? he answered, that the Palsgrave was like to have
shortly a huge formidable army ; for the King of Denmark
was to send one hundred thousand, the Hollanders one
hundred thousand, and the King of Great Britain one
hundred thousand. But being asked thousands of what?
he replied, the first would send him one hundred thousand
1 James I. to Federic, May 13.
2 Ancient Royal Letters, vol. v. p. 105.
3 Carleton to Calvert, May 23 ; same to Digby, June 7 ; Pal. Council
to King of Bohemia, May 25. 4 Wilson's Hist. p. 192.

JAMES THE FIRST. 367
red herrings ; the second, one hundred thousand cheeses ;
and the last, one hundred thousand ambassadors ; alluding
to Sir Bichard Weston and Sir Edward Conway, Lord
Carlisle, Sir Arthur Chichester, and lastly, Lord Digby,
who were all employed as ambassadors in less than two
years, since the beginning of these German wars.1
Lord Digby now set out for Vienna, primed with
instructions to obtain the restoration of the Palatinate,
just as before the Bohemian struggle, and, if possible, to
procure toleration for Bohemian Protestants.2 Busdorf,
one of Frederic's counsellors, attended him in a private
capacity, and Digby assured the unfortunate king and
queen that no effort should be wanting on his part to
accomplish the object of his mission.3 He even wished to
travel by way of the Hague, that he might personally
receive their commands, but this was thought inadvisable.4
Elizabeth sent him a request to secure the restitution of
the numerous articles of personal property which she had
left at Prague ; observing that, in courtesy, ladies' gear
should be restored to them ; and that though it behoved
not a lady of her quality to sue for such trifles, still, their
delivery would afford her much pleasure.5
In the mean time the king and queen whiled away their
anxious hours as they best might. Elizabeth was very
sedulous in her attendance upon divine service in the
English church at the Hague,6 and her husband frequently
accompanied her, though the ambassador, Carleton, does
not give a very flattering account of the suitability of the
discourses prepared for delivery before these illustrious
personages. Speaking of a Scotch minister, Mr. Forbes,
as a man of excellent learning and utterance, he adds : —
" The king and queen of Bohemia heard him twice here in our
English church, with much good liking of him ; but he and all others
they have heard, since their coming into these parts, still beat their
ears with so many arguments and persuasions to support with patience
1 Mead to Stuteville, March 17, 1621, Harl. MS. 389.
* Digby's Instructions, May 23, German Corresp.
¦ Digby to Carleton, May 28. 4 Ibid March 23.
' Carleton to Digby, June 10. It was said that at the time of the
battle, all the queen's goods, even to her night-clothes, were taken and
retained— Trumbull's Desp. Dec. 12, 1620, Flanders Corresp.
8 Harl. MS. 389, f. 67 ; News Letter, May 1620.

368 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
their afflictions, that (though they are in hard state enough) they make
them think they are worse than they are ; and, in place of comfort,
augment their sorrow. Mr. Paget of Amsterdam went so far as to
make affliction an argument of happiness,— saying that therein we were
more happy than angels, and concluding with a prayer to God to
increase our afflictions, that thereby we might be known to be his
children ; to wheh none but his own parish said, Amen."
This sermon was preached during a trip which they
made, attended by Carleton, to Amsterdam, " to pass away
three or four melancholy days."1 The newspaper account
records, that "on Thursday, the King and Queen of
Bohemia, with all their court, being a great number of
princes, earls, Bohemian and other noblemen, rode to
Amsterdam, to see the said town and the singularities
thereof, where they were most stately welcomed and
feasted by the lords of the town."2 Elizabeth held a draw
ing-room, at which all the English ladies of respectability,
resident in Amsterdam, were presented and graciously
received. On her return to the Hague, the queen endeavoured to
obtain from England some regal furniture, which should
enable her to return certain appendages of state, borrowed
from Count Henry, and Nethersole applied to the lord
chamberlain. " I have delivered the contents of your letter," writes his agent,
" into my lord chamberlain's hands, who is always exceeding careful
in whatsoever concerns that best of queens, and compassionately
sensible of the estate her majesty is now in. His lordship tells me it
shall be effected, one way or other, and with all speed. I hope her
majesty being so near England, will honour this country, and glad the
hearts of many thousands, with the favour of her presence. In my
opinion, if her majesty pleased to come, sitting the parliament, (which
is likely to hold till midsummer, at least till Whitsunday,) it might have
a good operation upon her affairs." 3
1 Carleton to Chamberlain, July 7. " The King and Queen of Bohe
mia," writes another correspondent, " were lately royally entertained at
Amsterdam, where all the Englishwomen of fashion came to the queen.
and were graciously accepted. One Mr. Paget, an English preacher,
preached before them ; his text — that of the revelation to the angel of
the church of Smyrna, — ' Be thou faithful unto death, and I will give
thee a crown of life' ; which he argued, as they say he can well do,
according to the present occasion bravely." — Court and Times of James I.
vol. ii. p. 263. 2 Courante, June 6.
3 Rudyard to Nethersole, April 13, 1621 , Domestic Corresp. State
Paper Office.

JAMES THE FIRST. 369
Elizabeth knew better than to take such a hint, however
well meant, although it came in corroboration of frequent
and urgent entreaties from other quarters. Carleton
strengthened her in her resolution of not going to England,
without giving her the mortification of telling her that in
so doing he was acting up to orders.1 He was evidently
unconscious that she already knew it too well, and that
that knowledge was one cause of her refusal of the tempt
ing and seductive persuasions addressed to her.
The queen commissioned an artist, one Michael of Delft,
to paint a full-length portait of her eldest son, a sprightly
boy of eight years, and sent it as a present to her father ;
hoping that such a remembrance, constantly before his eyes,
might enkindle his affections towards the boy.2 In return,
the king sent her a minature of himself, set in a ring, which
she acknowledged with expressions of the highest satis
faction.3 The sorrowful depression under which her husband
struggled, was a constant check upon Elizabeth's elasticity
of mind. It was not merely his own misfortunes that
oppressed him ; imperial vengeance weighed heavily, for
his sake, upon his friends and adherents : several Bohe
mian nobles, who had been most forward in his cause,
were brought to the block, others scourged or imprisoned
for life, the remnant, fearing a like fate, contrived to
escape, and join the court, already too numerous, of their
exiled king, who had neither the money to support them,
nor the heart to dismiss them.4 The troubles of his here
ditary dominions also weighed upon him. The country
had been seriously damaged by Spinola's troops ; now the
army of Mansfeldt, dismissed by the Princes of the Union,
was located there, and did as much harm as that of an
enemy, because the bands of this reckless soldier of fortune
were accustomed to summary dealing in procuring their
supplies,5 and though the king wished him success, he
1 Carleton's Despatch, April 4.
2 Carleton's Despatch, June 18, Holland Corresp.
3 Elizabeth to James I., July 23, Ancient Royal Letters, vol. v.
4 Carleton to Chamberlain, July 7, Mercure Franc, p. 720.
5 Lingelsheim's Despatch, May 28.
VOL. V. 2 B

370 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
heard with regret that he was raising fresh troops, which
would almost overrun the Palatinate. Frederic was in
tensely mortified, therefore, when informed that the pro
ceedings of Mansfeldt were made a pretext at Vienna
for refusing a renewal of the truce ;L that for them, as
well as for the hostilities committed in Bohemia by the
still insurgent party, under the Marquis Jagendorf, he was
held personally responsible ;2 and that, in retaliation, the
Duke of Bavaria was marching to invade the Higher Pala
tinate. The Prince of Orange now interceded for his royal
guests ; he wrote to James I., assuring him that since
their arrival in his territories their affairs had grown daily
worse, and that, without effectual help, they would be
irretrievably lost.3 The king and queen themselves made
an appeal to their royal father.
" Your majesty," wrote Elizabeth, " will understand by the king's
letters how the Palatinate is in danger of being utterly lost, if your
majesty give ns not some aid. I am sorry we are obliged to trouble
your majesty so much with our affairs, but their urgency is so great
that we cannot do otherwise. I entreat you then, most humbly, to
pardon me if I importune your majesty to continue the care you have
ever been pleased to take of us, and to assist us in this necessity in
which we are placed, and also to continue me in your good favour." 4
Frederic, also, in the bitterness of his spirit, wrote a
long and moving letter to his ally, Bethlehem Gabor,
titular King of Hungary, detailing a list of his miseries :
that his friends forsake him ; his few remaining towns in
Bohemia surrender; the emperor prospers; and that
surely the wrath of God is upon him.5
Elizabeth, conscious of the part she had taken in per
suading her husband to the step which was plunging him
into ruin, was anxious to prove to those by whom she was now
1 Carleton's Despatch, July 31.
' Rushworth, vol. i. pp. 21 and 37. A commission was printed under
his name, and dated May 23, 1621, appointing Jagendorf his general for
the defence of Bohemia, which Frederic solemnly declared to be a
forgery ; and Carleton avers that he is " a prince so religions of his
word," that he dares guarantee his truth. — Carleton's Despatch, July 16.
3 Ancient Royal Letters, vol. xx. State Paper Office.
* Ibid. vol. v. s Ibid. Germ. vol. vi.

JAMES THE FIRST. 371
surrounded, that she had not acted from impetuous rashness ;
but deliberately and advisedly. She took care, therefore,
on a day when visitors were expected, to leave open in the
window of her reception-room a letter from the Archbishop
of Canterbury, addressed to herself, in answer to one solicit
ing his advice on the question of the Bohemian crown ; in
which he strongly urged her to promote its acceptance,
even without her father's approval, in the confidence that
what James might not choose to advise, he would after
wards, if needful, support.1 This letter, by preconcerted
arrangement, was read to some of the company, in order
to convince them that the queen was completely unpre
pared for the dilatory policy of her royal sire.
The negotiation of Lord Digby at Vienna was spinning
out its weary length, and becoming each month less and
less promising in its results ; and though James I. still
tried to keep up the hopes of his son-in-law, he succeeded
very indifferently. Knowing that a treaty, if secured,
would only end in compelling him to degrading terms,
Frederic was inclined to repent of his former promise of
implicit obedience to the king's wishes, and, at times, felt
disposed to resume his pretensions to the Bohemian crown,
and gain or lose all.2 Though unable to raise forces in his
own behalf, he resolved to mingle in the conflict of parties,
by joining, as a volunteer, the army of the Prince of
Orange. In vain the English ambassador remonstrated
that such a step was inconsistent with the pledge of obe
dience to his father-in-law ; in vain was it opposed on the
ground of expense. Frederic replied, that he would by no
means reduce the income of his wife, but by selling to the
States a small park of artillery, and by calling in a debt
of £600, due to him from the Duke of Bouillon, he should
be able to meet the additional outlay. Elizabeth expressed
unwillingness to part with him, and seconded the ambas-
1 Goodman's Court of James I., vol. i. p. 236.
2 The queen's faithful secretary, Nethersole, who was in the interests
of James I., and yet strongly attached to his master and mistress, says
his own head and heart were well nigh broken in coping with these
conflicting interests. He speaks of Frederic as less yielding than here
tofore, not so much that he was allured by any hope of recovering his
crown, as that he deprecated the miserable state into which he should fall,
if the present conjunctures were neglected. — Nethersole's Desp. Aug. 13.
2 B 2

372 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
sador in endeavouring to change his resolution ; but they
could not prevail against the restlessness of the prince, and
on the 16th of August he set out, with a slight retinue,
for the army.
Elizabeth beguiled her lonely hours by familiar inter
course with Sir Dudley Carleton and his family, and also
with the friend of her girlhood, Lucy, Countess of Bed
ford, daughter of Lord Harrington, who came over to the
Hague, with the express purpose of visiting the queen,
and was a guest at the ambassador's house.1 But the
pleasures of social re-union were greatly marred by con
tests for precedence. Lady Carleton, as English ambas
sadress, had hitherto carefully maintained her right to the
post of honour, but on the ground of personal regard, she
now ceded it to the Countess of Bedford ; whereupon
hosts of Dutch countesses and ladies claimed similar com
pliments, which were stoutly refused ; and tranquillity
was only restored among the irritated dames, by the
queen's impatient censures of those who first raised the
disputes, and her strong declaration that she would not
allow their continuance. A few days afterwards, Lady
Bedford returned to England, whence she wrote long and
frequent letters to her royal friend, giving her all the
news of the English court.2 Elizabeth missed her society
greatly. " We have much ado," writes Carleton, " to give the Queen of
Bohemia any entertainment, yet I am beholden to our neighbours of
Delft, who invited me the last week and my wife to a dinner, and
desired us to bring our guests, which were the queen and the Countess
of Nassau, with the Countess of Solms and her two fair daughters."
The queen's cheerfulness of temper much facilitated the
efforts made for her amusement, as her willingness to be
pleased was not combined with hyper-fastidiousness about
the modes of pleasure. We find her, without notice or
ceremony, dropping in to dinner with the ambassador, and
taking him and a large English company on an excursion
of six miles, to see an enormous fish which had been
washed up on the coast of Holland.3 She was occasionally
a sufferer from maternal anxieties.
1 Carleton's Despatch, August 13, 16, and 17, Holland Corresp.
2 Carleton's Despatch, Sept. 5 ; Lady Bedford to Carleton, Aug. 30.
3 Nethersole's Desp. Aug. 22.

JAMES THE FIRST. "73
" The young Prince Rupert," again writes Carleton, " hatli been this
last week for a day and a night troubled with much bleeding at the nose,
with which the queen is less molested than others, because she was in
her childhood subject to the same indisposition, but the young prince,
with that and a cold which hath followed, is grown very sickly." '
A letter, written by the queen to Sir Thomas Boe, just
appointed ambassador to Constantinople, shows her senti
ments at this juncture : —
" Good Sir Thomas Roe, — By your letters I have understood of your
journey ; I wish it a happy one for you : the king, before his going to
the army, desired me to wish you the same from him, and we both
desire you to do us all the good offices you can, as far as you go not
beyond my father's will ; which shall ever be a law to us both, as long
as it toucheth not our honour. I am sorry you go so far, but yon say
you have yet done me no service : I will not yield to that, for I have had
good testimony of your love, by the good service you did me in England,
which I shall never forget.2 Our affairs in Bohemia begin to mend ;
the Ring of Hungary is master of the field ; Mansfeldt and Jagendorf
do daily prosper. The king is with the Prince of Orange at the army.
I will send you my picture as soon as I can have it done, for you know
I am sure that Michael of Delft is very long in his work : let me hear
from you sometimes, and be ever assured that I am constantly,
" Your most assured friend, " Elizabeth.
"The Hague, this JSJ of August.
" I find your commendations of Williams very true." 3
The perplexities of the king, however, increased with
the very circumstances which, in themselves, were favour
able to him. Spinola refused, though often solicited, to
renew the truce in the Palatinate:4 Frankenthal and
Manheim were besieged by Spanish troops. Vere, with
his handful of brave and determined men, was struggling
almost hopelessly, and yet a slight reinforcement, sent to
him by Frederic, excited the displeasure of King James,
as likely to impede the treaty at Vienna.8 The Duke of
Deuxponts, lieutenant in the Palatinate, declared his
resolution to retire and abandon the useless contest,
1 Carleton's Desp. Sep. 17.
2 This refers particularly to the liberality of the county for which
Roe was parliamentary representative, in responding, under his influence,
to the appeal for a contribution to the relief of the Palatinate. — Frederic
to Roe, May 8, W21, Germ. Corresp. State Paper Office.
3 (ierm. Corresp. 1621, State Paper Office.
4 Heuxpont's and the council's petition, June 8 ; Digby to Spinola,
June 4, and to Calvert, June 14.
3 Frederic to Carleton, Sept. 1.

374 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF

unless prompt assistance could be sent him.1 _ Mansfeldt,
Jagendorf, and the Bohemian baron Bupa, his truest and
firmest friends, were all urgent in pressing Frederic to
action ; 2 whilst Digby complained that the exertions of
his friends, in saving the wreck of his dominions from the
invading Spaniard, were the great obstacle to the success
of the negotiations for peace.3 James I. willingly believed
a testimony so fully in accordance with his views ; and to
check the symptoms of self-will in his son-in-law, he again
sent over Sir Edward Villiers, to bring him back to the
paths of obedience, which he represented as alone those of
safety.4 His arrival was anticipated by letters of solemn
remonstrance from the king to Frederic, he venturing,
against his wishes, to join the army of the Prince of
Orange.9 Frederic replied, that he was sorry his ill-
wishers should misrepresent him to the king ; that it was
not usual for German princes to be blamed for joining a
friendly army : as, however, the king disapproved the
step, he was willing not only to return from the army,
but to decline a gallant offer made by Prince Christian of
Brunswick, to place him at the head of 1000 horse, with.
whom he might march to the relief of the Palatinate.6
This compulsory abandonment of effort was most galling
to the spirit of the fallen king. Patient under misfortune,
but morbidly alive to censure, he could not brook the
reflections cast upon him for his seeming desertion of his
own cause at the battle of Prague. He bitterly exclaimed,
that were it not for the love with which, above all others
in the world, he regarded his wife, it had been better for
him to have married the daughter of a beggar than of the
King of England.7 To Carleton and Villiers he declared,
1 Deuxponts to King of Bohemia, June 1.
2 Mansfeldt to same, Aug. 2 and 15 ; Nethersole to Secretary, Aug,
13, Sept. 17 and 22.
3 Digby to King of Bohemia, and to Secretary, July 20, Oct. 3, Germ.
Corresp. ; Trumbull's Despatch, Aug. 10.
4 Lock to Carleton, Sept. 8, Domestic Corresp.
5 Dates Aug. 28 and 30, Anct. Royal Letters, vol. v. State Paper
Office. " Frederic to James I. Oct. 3 ; Carleton's Despatch, Sept. 17 ; Nether
sole's Despatch, Sept. 22, 1621.
' Mead to Stuteville, Harl. MS. 389, f. 67.

JAMES THE FIRST. 375
that since his implicit obedience to King James subjected
himself and his wife to scorn and obloquy in Holland, they
must and would seek refuge in England, and were that
shelter denied them, he would at once resort to desperate
measures — throw himself into the arms of his German
friends, and dare all for the salvation of his oppressed
country.1 His spirit of so-called insubordination greatly
disturbed the English king : he wrote to him a letter full
of irritation, charging him with being the sole hindrance
to the treaty ; 2 and directed Calvert, the secretary of
state, to address Carleton on the subject.
" The commandment I have from his majesty is this, that I should
presently let your lordship know that it is his pleasure you deal roundly
with his son-in-law there, (if you find him any puffed up, that is the word
is given me, with this news of Count Mansfeldt's arrival at Heidelberg,
and by that means do cross his majesty's settled intention of peace)
giving him to understand that his majesty will not only quit him abso
lutely, but give direct assistance against hiin, unless he continue con
stant to all his majesty's desires, according to his former promises, how
soever fortune may seem to smile on him now ; for, otherwise, he would
plainly discover that what obedience soever he pretended before, it only
proceeded out of mere necessity, and not from that filial respect he owed
unto his majesty. This is, in ipsissimis verbis, as I have received it, the
management whereof I leave to your lordship's wisdom."
The arrival of Count Mansfeldt at Heidelberg was the
result of circumstances which promised a favourable reac
tion for the unhappy Frederic, at the very crisis when his
affairs were at so low an ebb. Lord Digby, weary with
the delays and equivocations of the imperial court, gave
up the treaty in despair, and obtained his recall. On his
way home he passed through the Upper Palatinate, where
Mansfeldt, having vainly struggled with a force of 12,000
to make head against an army of 20,000, under the Duke
of Bavaria, was on the point of coming to terms.3 Digby
protested against this step ; 4 and moved by his represen
tations, Mansfeldt returned to a cause ever dear to him ;
though he had no forces with which to keep possession
of the Upper Palatinate, he devoted himself to the
defence of the Lower,5 and was cheerfully followed by
1 Carleton's Despatch, Oct. 2, Holland Corresp.
2 Anct. Royal Letters, vol. vi. 3 Nethersole to Calvert, Oct. 9.
4 Dateless paper in German Corresp. bundle 48.
t » Carleton to Calvert. Sept. 17, Oct. 12.

376 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
his troops,1 whose arrears had been paid by the emperor,
whilst the treaty was pending.
Their approach caused the Spaniards to raise the siege
of Frankenthal, the queen's dower-town, which had been
defended for her with such indomitable bravery by her
German subjects, that their courage raised admiration
even in the enemy, and won for its governor the present
of a scarf from the hands of the queen.2
Lord Digby, having obtained leave of neutrality for
Neustadt, as part of the queen's jointure still remaining,3
proceeded to Heidelberg, which was in daily expectation
of a siege by Tilly's troops.4 He summoned Mansfeldt
to their aid, and finding the citizens in a deplorable con
dition, pawned his own plate to raise money for their
relief ; declaring that, if King James would not authorize
and repay the loan, he had rather lose it all than see so
many subjects of his master's daughter perish.5 This
noble deed procured him the warmest gratitude of the
royal exiles.6
On Digby's arrival in England, his representations of the
treachery of Austria carried all before him.7 The king
himself confessed that his treaty was a failure, that
recourse must now be had to arms; ordered a present
supply of 30,000/., and an immediate levy of forces for
the Palatinate, and summoned a parliament to take up
the war in good earnest.8 The joy which these resolu
tions created at the Hague was soon damped by the astute
policy of Austria and Spain, in availing themselves of the
well-known foible of the English king.
The emperor's design with Lord Digby had been to
delay a reply to his propositions, till the truce was expired
and the Duke of Bavaria ready to march into the Higher
Palatinate ; whilst the hopes he gave of its renewal pre
cluded the preparations for a vigorous resistance. Having
1 Mercure Francais, vol. viii. p. 13.
2 J. Dineley to Carleton, Jan. 24, 1622. 3 Carleton Letters, p. 173.
4 Relatio Obsidionis, Heid. 4to. Frankf. 1622.
1 Digby's Despatch, Oct. 3.
0 Elizabeth sent him a letter of thanks; Frankland's James I. p. 124.
7 See letter from Lady Bedford to Carleton, Nov. 5, Holland Corresp.
" Cnlvn-t and Digby to Carleton, Nov. 5 & 6 ; James I. to Frederic,
Nov. 12.

JAMES THE FIRST. 377
accomplished his point, instead of giving a definite reply,
he referred the question of the Electorate to the Diet at
Batisbon1 and that of the truce to the Infanta v^.rch-
duchess Isabella Clara Eugenia, the regent of Flanders,
and made use of the advantageous terms of peace offered
by James only to send them to Bethlehem Gabor, and
thus encourage him to make a separate peace for himself.
The Infanta, when appealed to, made loud professions of
regard to King James and to the Queen of Bohemia,2 but
referred tbe truce to the decision of the Duke of Bavaria.
He threw it back again upou the Infanta, and she then
said that she could not consent to any truce, unless the
English agent were in possession of pledges, signed anew
and expressly by Frederic, to abide by the proposals of
his father-in-law.3 An instrument was therefore drawn
up and forwarded to Frederic, requiring his signature to
terms, of which the principal were, that he should first,
renounce Bohemia and all its dependent countries ;
secondly, be henceforth obedient to the emperor ; thirdly,
crave pardon from him on the knee;4 fourthly, reconcile
himself with the other princes of the empire.5
Frederic struggled hard against this measure, despite
all the efforts of Carleton and Nethersole to persuade him
to " drink his cup off roundly and cheerfully ; " he felt
the required submission to be most revolting.6 Very
earnestly did he solicit leave to stipulate for an amnesty
for his friends and freedom of religion in Bohemia ; 7 but
1 Frederic to Digby, Aug. 13, and to Carleton, Aug. 24 ; Lingelsheim's
Desp. Sept. 11, Lamarre MS. 929 l12.
2 Trumbull's Desp. Sept. 7, Flanders Corresp.
3 Brief Information of Affairs Palatinate, 4to. 1624, p. 50.
4 The emperor considered that Frederic might think himself privi
leged, could he obtain permission to throw himself at the imperial feet.
— Camerarius Cancel. Hisp. 4to. 1622. This work, containing a clear
exposition of imperial duplicity, was replied to by a pamphlet of Fabius
Hercynianus in 1624, and Camerarius, who was a chief counsellor of the
king of Bohemia, published a rejoinder.
5 Scrinia Sacra, 4to. Lond. 1654.
8 The emperor had bitterly declared, in reference to the restoration
of the electorate, that he would rather cherish a crashed snake in his
bosom, than re-admit his vassal to his former dignities. — Empiror to
Secretary of Spain, Oct. 15, Spanish Corresp., Tanner MS. 73, pt. ],/. 68,
printed in Luingius, vol. i. p. 159.
7 Fred, to James I. Dec. 5, Anc. Royal Letters, vol. vi.

378 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
James was firm, and he had an additional hold upon the
prince, on account of his pecuniary difficulties.
" In one thing," wrote Carleton to Villiers,1 " both himself and the
queen have desired me to remember (remind) you : it is of their hard
condition here, where the cash is empty, and not one penny remaining
of those monies his majesty sent the queen for a present by you, when
you found her at Custrin, which, though it was designed for her private
use, she hath been content should supply her husband's necessities, and
thereupon they have sustained themselves until now. My lord Digby
hath done well for the troops in the Palatinate ; now, this garrison in
the Hague (the household), which is 200 foot and 100 horse, is recom
mended to your particular solicitation to his majesty, for supply against
a hard time of winter, when forage will fail, and provisions follow them
no longer than money is stirring."
The allowance received from the friendly Hollanders
was already anticipated. A considerable debt was owing
to Carleton; and James I. refused to send any part ofthe
30,000Z. ordered for the king and queen till the instru
ment of acquiescence should be signed. Thus entangled in
the meshes of a diplomatic net, from which he found it im
possible to extricate himself, Frederic yielded a reluctant
consent.2 On this the 30,000/. was paid, with a stipulation
that the arrears of the English and Scottish troops in the
Palatinate should be discharged, and a sufficient amount
reserved to support the honour and dignity of the exiled
queen.3 Of this sum more than two-thirds were disposed
of to the garrisons in the Palatinate and the few troops
still in the field ; the remaining third went to pay off debts
contracted at the Hague, for household expenses, and to
redeem a quantity of plate, &c, which the queen had
been compelled to pawn in Brandenburg during the time
of her flight from Prague. But when this was done,
nothing remained to meet present charges: the queen
was looking forward to her accouchement, and as her
whole trousseau had been left behind at Prague, she sent
a humble petition for a further grant of 5000Z. to enable
her to make adequate provision. After some hesitation
1 Oct. 29, 1621, Holland Corresp.
8 Holland Corresp, Nov. passim. ; Williams to Carleton, Dec. 1 ;
Calvert to Carleton, Dec. 3, 8, 19.
3 Council Order, Nov. 12, Privy Council Book, 1621, f. 187, in the
Privy Council Office ; Lord Cranfield to Buckingham, Dec. 4, Appendix
to Goodman's Court of James I. vol. ii. p. 215.

JAMES THE FIRST. 379
and delay, this sum was ordered to be paid, at the rate of
1000/. weekly, and King James received many thanks for
his generosity.1
The English parliament again assembled, and on its
movements depended greatly the prosperity of the Pala
tinate. The general feeling of the nation was with
the Queen of Bohemia and her family. Of this ample
proof had been given in the severe punishments inflicted
upon several English Papists, who had ventured to write
or speak disrespectfully of her and her cause.2 One
expression of chivalric enthusiasm was strikingly charac
teristic of the age, A company of young men of the
middle temple, scions of England's ancient gentry, met
together, for supper, and when the wine went round the
first man rose, and holding a cup in one hand and a sword
in the other, pledged the health of their distressed
princess, the Lady Elizabeth; and having drunk, he
kissed the sword, and laying his hand upon it, took a
solemn oath to live and die in her service. His ardour
1 The whole and more than the amount bestowed was, in fact, the
result of the subsidies granted by the preceding House of Commons. —
Carleton to Council, Feb. 8 ; Council to Buckingham, March 1 5 ; Privy
Seal Bills, 18 to 22, /. i. ; March 30 and Aug. 19, 1622 ; Orders in Council,
March 23, April 6, Privy Council Office. The warrant was issued on
March 29. Domestic Records, 1622, State Paper Office.
2 A barrister named Floyd was convicted of having spoken of good-
man Palsgrave and good wife Palsgrave taking to their heels and running
away from Prague, and that now Bess must come home to her father ;
adding that he had as much right to be King of Wales as Frederic to be
King of Bohemia. Public whipping, branding, the pillory, imprison
ment, and a heavy fine, were decreed as the penalty, the whipping only
being remitted from the advanced age of the criminal. — Chamberlain and
Locke to Carleton, May 2, 5, and 26, 1621, Domestic Papers, State Paper
Office ; Report of the Action against Floyd, Harl. MS. 6274,./. 30-31, 40,
62, Court and Times of James I. vol. ii. p. 256. John Cranfield was com
mitted to the Fleet for a similar, though lighter, misdemeanor. A
third offender, who had maligned the Lady Elizabeth, after narrowly
escaping being torn to pieces by the populace, was condemned to per
petual imprisonment. A fourth had his ears nailed to the pillory, and
was there to remain till he tore himself loose ; and a fifth, James Max
well, was imprisoned for writing a work to prove that the crown of
Bohemia was not elective ; but he received pardon, on publicly recanting
and burning his book. — Lords' Journals, vol. iii. p. 155; Johnston Rer.
Brit. Hist. p. 623 ; Mercure Franc, vol. x. p. 339 ; Domestic Records, Nov.
7, 1620, Jan. 26, 1621, State Paper Office.

380 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
kindled the whole company. They all rose, and from one
to another the cup and sword went round, till each had
taken the pledge. '-
This incident excited the royal displeasure. Political
movements placed the monarch and his daughter in a
singular position of antagonism. It was the Puritan
party in England, ever most averse to James I., that
most warmly espoused the cause of Elizabeth ; and they
did so, not only from regard to the interests of Protes
tantism, but from a desire to see the king adopt a course of
policy which, by plunging him into war, would compel
him to have frequent recourse to parliament, and thus to
comply with its requisitions ; he, — from reasons just the
opposite, — clung to the forlorn hope of peace. On this
account, a too warm attachment to his daughter was
looked upon by the king as a reflection upon himself.
The busy pens of popular writers did not tend to con
ciliate matters; there were those who scrupled not to
publish their views of the king's conduct towards his
child. A writer, under the soubriquet of Tom Tell-truth,
expressed his opinions more freely than elegantly, that the
king's permitting the Palatine family to " drink so deep
in the cup of affliction, as not to be able to stand upon
their legs, but reel up and down, without hope of recovery,
is the scorn and opprobry of the nations of the earth."8
Another writer, in a tone of stern eloquence, exclaims : —
" Look upon the princess, your only daughter, and you shall find all
her husband's misfortunes and losses do no way blemish but rather
illustrate her virtues, as if her fortitude and resolution were too divine
to be outbraced by any earthly crosses and afflictions. For the remem
brance of reason and honour, of her blood and her virtues, coming to
form itself in her understanding, makes her to entertain different acci
dents and afflictions with an equal erected consistency ; and although
she have only this comfort and consolation left her, that she is not the
cause of his misfortunes, yet those who see her beauty, and know her
virtue, do likewise know, that she who is one of the greatest ladies of
the world, should not be reduced to this point of misery and misfortune
1 Nichols's Progresses, vol. iii. p. 751.
2 Harl. Miscel. by Park, vol. ii. p. 419. A work appeared entitled
" Vox Populi," and dedicated to the King and Queen of Bohemia, in
which the treacherous practises of Austria to ruin England, were freely
and satirically detailed. Another writer addressed to James I. a stern
philippic.

JAMES THE FIRST. 381
to be one of the poorest and least of the world : Sir, God hath made her
your daughter, and our princess, and adorned her with so many virtues
as she rather deserves to be empress of the whole world, than lady of a
small province ; she inheriteth the name and virtues, the majesty and
generosity, of our immortal Queen Elizabeth, and is a princess of such
excellent hopes and exquisite perfections, that I cannot speak of her
without praise, nor praise her without admiration, since she can be
imitated by none, nor paralleled by any but by herself; and yet will
your majesty neglect her, and will you not draw your sword in her just
quarrel whose fame and virtue hath drawn rnost hearts to adore, all to
admire her ? " l
On the opening of parliament, the king, in a serious
appeal, declared his renewed purpose of recovering the
palatinate.2 He was seconded by Lord Digby, who ex
posed his own views of Austrian policy, and urged the
importance of immediate assistance to Mansfeldt in his
defence of the Lower Palatinate.3 The houses cordially
responded to these remarks; but before granting the
required subsidies, they proceeded to discuss the foreign
policy of James and his ministers. This exasperated the
king, and he sent down a letter of imperious tone, for
bidding his lieges to meddle with what did not belong to
them, and ordering them to turn at once to the business
of the subsidies. They refused : the breach widened ; and
finally the parliament was dissolved.4
The king now addressed himself again to his subjects,
to levy a voluntary contribution from the more opulent,
in the shape of a loan ;5 and to the Scottish parliament, —
amongst whom their princess, born in their own country,
was even more popular than in England, — he subsequently
made an appeal, urging upon them to vindicate the title
they had requested her to adopt, of daughter of Scotland,
by now coming forward in her behalf. The Earl of Mel
rose pressed the subject upon the Scottish members, and
with some effect ; but the poverty of the country, and a
fear of misappropriation of the funds, prevented its fuller
¦ Scott, votiva Anglije. 2 Egerton MS. 1048, f. 6.
3 Lords' Journals, vol. iii. p. 195.
4 Calvert to Carleton, Dec. 8, 1621.
5 Domestic Papers, Feb. 2, State Paper Office, Privy Council Order,
Feb. 4, 1622 ; Council Book at the Office Downing Street ; Privy Seal
Bills 18-22, J. I., No. 9, f. 122, b.

382 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
success.1 These limited means, however, enabled the king
to equip the promised levies for the Palatinate, which
were placed under the conduct of General Vere, with
instructions to act strictly on the defensive.2
Meanwhile King James, who could not still give up
hopes of a favourable result from the treaty of Brussels,
instructed his daughter to write to the infanta a letter of
acknowledgment, for the kindly words she had used to her
father's agent about herself.3 The infanta received the
letter with many affectionate expressions towards the
queen, and wrote a courteous reply, dated April, 1622,
and addressed to Elizabeth as Princess of Great Britain
and Countess Palatine, assuring her of her attachment,
both on account of alliance with her father, and favours
received from the late queen her mother, protesting her
regret at her present sufferings and her desire to remedy
them. But the very letter contained a discordant element,
for it refused the title of Electress to Elizabeth, and she
vainly tried to persuade herself that the omission was the
result of accident.
James, having fruitlessly attempted to persuade his son-
in-law, to wait the issue of the treaty, gave no further
opposition to his long-frustrated desire to join his struggling
subjects. His presence in the Palatinate was rendered
doubly important, by a want of union between Mansfeldt
and General Vere ;4 but much difficulty occurred in refer
ence to his route thither, Flanders being decidedly hostile,
and France by no means to be trusted. After the failure
of several proposed plans,5 he adopted a scheme suggested
by Nethersole. He, as agent of James I., with the princes
of Germany, had a free pass through all countries not in
hostility against England, and proffered his companionship
to his royal master, if he would condescend to travel in
cognito.6 To this the king, who was all ardour to be
1 Melrose State Papers, printed for the Abbotsford Club, pp. 374,
388-9, 414.
2 Fred, to James L, Jan. 19, 1622, Ancient Royal Letters, vol. vi.
p. 782, German Corresp. March passim.
3 Copy in Nethersole's hand, Feb. 1, Flanders Corresp.
4 Carleton's Despatch, Feb. 9. s Ibid. Dec. 30.
8 Nethersole's Desp. Jan. 14, Feb. 6, March 24, 31. Such was the

JAMES THE FIRST. 383
gone, willingly consented; and shaving his beard and
putting on the disguise of a merchant, he bade farewell to
his wife and set out, with a train of only six persons, on
his uncertain expedition.
Stormy winds at first thwarted his progress, and com
pelled him to put back ; but on the 31st of March, 1622,
he landed safely at Calais, and posted on, with rapidity,
to Paris.1 There, to avoid suspicion, he parted from
Nethersole, and, with only two attendants, travelled
direct through Lorraine, towards the Palatinate. At
Bitche he encountered several horsemen of the Archduke
Leopold, Bishop of Strasburgh, and in order to escape
detection, joined in their toasts and merriment, though his
own unfortunate condition formed the chief subject of
their sport.2 Proceeding to Dourlach, he had an interview
with the veteran Marquis of Baden-Dourlach.3 This
prince, long one of Frederic's firmest friends, had just
abdicated in favour of his son, knowing well that his con
tinued opposition to the emperor risked the entire forfei
ture of his dominions, if retained in his own hands. He
only stipulated for the command of the troops, and with
these he was now ready to take the field. With him
Frederic concerted military operations, and thence went
on to Landau, the head-quarters of Count Mansfeldt.
This general, whose love of the Protestant cause,
though sincere, was not sufficiently strong to stand out
through distress and desertion against Spanish gold, was
listening, at this very juncture, to the persuasions of
Ravillac, an envoy sent by the infanta to draw him over
to the other side. Hearing this, Frederic sent to him one
of his officers, Count Lewenstein, who found him at table
with Ravillac ; the count, taking him aside, imparted the
tidings of the king's arrival. Mansfeldt excused himself
to his guest ; went at once to meet his former master ;
care exercised to prevent the transpiration of this intelligence, that
Nethersole does not name it in his correspondence, except in cipher,
and wrote of him merelv as the gentleman who was going with him.
1 Carleton's Desp. March 29 ; Nethersole's Desp. April ; Fred, to
James I., March 31.
2 News Letter, Spires, April 2(", 1022, German Corresp.
5 Lingelsheim's Despatch, April, Lamarre MS. 9291'2 Bibliotheque
Nationale, Paris.

384 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
and heartily renewed his promises of adherence.1 At
Frederic's request he then returned to Bavillac, and ask
ing for a bowl of wine, drank to the health of King
Frederic, and coolly informed his astonished guest that, as
His Majesty of Bohemia was now arrived in his hereditary
lands, treaties were at an end. As he spoke, the king,
with his three companions, made his appearance. The
terrified agent was about to depart, but Frederic invited
him to supper, and then gave him leave to go in safety,
telling him that there was no present opening for his task,
as he himself needed Mansfeldt's help ; but that when he
had done with his general, he was quite at liberty to serve
any other prince.2 On the 12th of April the king arrived
at Germersheim,3 where we must now leave him, to return
to the more immediate subject of our biography.
Elizabeth's private life at the Hague admitted of little
diversity : although the elasticity of her temper preserved
her from gloom, yet her exiled position and limited means
constantly acted as painful restraints. Her principal
diversion consisted in the society of the minor German
princes and princesses, and of the English nobility who
frequently visited the court at the Hague, — the latter
class attracted principally by her presence.
Sir Dudley Carleton, in answer to an application from
his sister, Lady Sedley, to know whether she might pre
sume to offer a present to the Queen of Bohemia, and if
so, what should be its nature, — assured her, that in so
doing she would not be charged with presumption, as the
queen knew her well by character. In reference to the
kind of present, he writes :4 —
" Goldsmith work she needs not, and what you spare in housekeeping
and building will not go far in that kind. Horses are welcome hither,
though here be no place to ride them, but of them she is sufficiently
stored ; of little dogs and monkeys she hath no great want, having
sixteen or seventeen in her own train, and your sister, (Lady Carleton,)
as many more at her service. Sweetmeats she doth not very well taste."
" Of stuff's, here is better choice than England affords, and what can
be had in London-exchange, the London ladies send over ; so as nothing

1 Mercure Francais, vol. viii. p. 272.
2 Riccius, p. 73 ; Coke's Detection, p. 124: Theatrum Europ. vol. i.
p. 622. 3 Nethersole's Desp. April 18.
4 Feb. 9, 1022, Holland Corresp

JAMES THE FIRST. 385
remains but fine and curious works, and for such a -one, I will give you
an invention, — let it be a wheel of fortune turning, made by a cunning
hand." The queen's sad experience of her own vicissitudes of
fortune made her tenderly compassionate towards those of
others. She renewed an attempt, fruitlessly made by her
husband at the close of the preceding year, to procure from
the States-General a reversion, or at least a mitigation of
the sentence of exile pronounced against Cornelius Van
der Myle, the husband of the lady whose house was her
present home, and who laboured to show her all possible
courtesy. The queen wrote a pleading letter in his behalf,
dated March 22nd, 1622, urging, amongst other reasons,
that her own increasing family would soon require an
enlargement of her habitation ; that this could not be
made without the consent of the proprietor ; and that she
could hardly request such a favour, unless she had pre
viously conferred upon him some obligation. The first
impulse of the States was to refuse the petition, as the
feeling against Van der Myle was one of stern indignation ;
but a request from the hand of a royal lady, and an exiled
queen, was not a thing of every day occurrence ; and after
a little further deliberation, they agreed partially to accord
her petition, and to permit the return of the exile, from
the islands of Holland to Beverwyk, within the main land,
though he was still prohibited from entering the Hague.1
The grateful Dutchman, writing to Carleton, gave expres
sion to a warm outburst of feeding.
" I hope that you will remember to employ, for my perfect relief, al
some fitting time, the favour of that incomparable and most high prin
cess, as much exalted and renowned through the universe for her
goodness as her generosity, — the most serene Queen of Bohemia. My
wife will also not fail to come and thank her majesty most humbly on
my behalf, for the most gracious and truly royal recommendation and
intercession that she designed to employ so earnestly for me."2
The queen had now to contend with severe pecuniary
difficulties ; but she had a steady friend in the ambassador
Carleton. He wrote on her behalf, to remonstrate with
Calvert, on the tardiness in the arrival of her promised sup-
1 Reimer Beschryving Graven-Hage, p. 730. Carleton to Nethersole,
April 29.
2 Van der Myle to Carleton, May 11, 1622.
. VOL. V. 2 C

386 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
plies : after mentioning one of the secretary's despatches,
which, he says,
" Came after an extraordinary manner, locked up in one of her
highness's trunks, at which she makes herself very merry with us
both;" he adds, "but her mirth is mixed with as much sorrow
and anger as the cheerfulness and sweetness of her disposition can
permit; in that, being informed by me, out of your lordship's
letters, of the 24th of March, of the privy seal of 5000/. granted
by his majesty for her highness' service, and express order taken
by the council table to have the same sent over hither, by 1000/.
weekly, whereupon her highness's words and my poor credit in her
behalf was engaged for some payments here accordingly, there is
hitherto only the first parcel furnished."
He then enlarged on the difficulties of the queen ; that
she was left with a debt of 30007., and a household of 200
persons and 50 horses in a town where provisions were high,
and when extraordinary expenses were in prospect ; and
he urged not only promptitude in present payments, but a
discharge of the 3000/. debt, and a monthly allowance of
1000Z., to prevent her from falhng into these constant
embarrassments. '
On April 17th, 1622, Elizabeth gave birth to an infant
daughter. The baptism took place on the 26th; the
sponsors were the States of Holland, the Count and
Countess of Nassau-Dietz, and Prince Christian of Bruns
wick; the name selected was Louise Hollandine, the
former in compliment to the Electress-Dowager, the
latter to gratify the States of Holland.
"The christening, writes Carleton, "was performed with as much
solemnity as this place can afford ; the Prince of Orange, with the
captains and commanders of all nations, and all his court, going before,
with the young prince and myself; the child following, being carried
under a canopy by the young Princess of Portugal, who was led by Don
Gulielmo her brother, and the Duke of Holstein ; and the train of the
bearing-cloth by the Rheingravine and the young Countess of Solins.
After came three deputies of the States of Holland, one representing
the nobility, the two other the two first towns of South and North Hol
land, with Count Henry; there being no representative ofthe Duke
Christian of Brunswick, which was omitted in regard of a competition
about place betwixt German princes of his quality and the States of
these provinces. After them followed the two godmothers, the Princess
of Portugal and the Countess of Nassau ; and after them all, the ladies
of quality in this town ; which order was observed. :is well in the return
as going to church, and all without any-confusion, though theconoourse
1 Carleton's Despatches, April 17 and June 10.

JAMES THE FIRST. 387
was great. The church was the next to the queen's court, that in the
Voorhout, brought in use during the late disputes, where Count Henry
and two of the godfathers, both of the Arminian fashion, never ap
peared before, and many others, as well Arminian as Papists, remained
there during the sermon ; so as this little princess hath done more than
is like to be done by the great Archbishop of Spalatro, for reconciling
of religions, and bringing all to one church." '
The States granted their god-daughter a life pension of
2007. ;2 but their bounty was eclipsed by that of her god
father of Brunswick. Having just received a heavy sum
as ransom for a prisoner taken in war, he sent it, en masse,
to his fair cousin.3
The devotion of this prince to the person and cause of
Elizabeth of Bohemia, was a complete return to the
enthusiasm of the age of chivalry. A glove drawn from
her hand was the ornament which always decorated his
helmet, and by it he swore to shed his last drop of blood
in her service ;4 his favourite motto was " Fur Gott und
fur sie," — " For God and for her." In its French render
ing, — " Tout pour Dieu et ma tres chere reine," this
motto, inscribed with his own hand, is still to be seen in
an album, which belonged to one of the queen's sons, and
is preserved in the British Museum.5 " The mad Bruns
wicker," was the title which his rashness earned for him,
when, with a regiment of gallant horse, he swept the
country, directing his steps wherever he could obtain an
advantage, or redress a wrong for her. He thundered
with his great cannon at the city of Munster, because the
citizens had refused to give up some personal property
belonging to the King and Queen of Bohemia, which was
pillaged at Prague, and now lodged in their town, and also
had protected certain Jesuits guilty of pasquinades against
them.6 He was characterized by personal bravery, rather
1 Carleton to Nethersole and Chamberlain, April 28 and 30, 1622.
'Act of Pension, May 6, Holland Corresp.
3 Carleton to Nethersole, June 10, 1622.
4 Weekly News, June 5, 1622; Lodge's Portraits, Elizabeth of Bo
hemia ; Savage's Germany, vol. ii p. 475.
3 MSS. of George IV. No. 436, f. 10. This curious little book con
tains the arms and autographs of the English royal family and many of
the nobility, and most of the German princes who were in the habit of
visiting the Hague.
" Mead to Stuteville, Feb. 22, Harl, MS. 3!19, f. 150 ; Christian's
2 C 2

388 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
than by good generalship. At the queen's request, Carleton
wrote to urge upon him the necessity of caution in exposing
his person ; adding, that as to his honour, she needed not
to send him any charge, as he was already too keenly alive
to that ; but she begged him to distinguish between^ the
honour of a general and that of a common soldier ; since,
if he risked his life so rashly, some unhappy accident
might prevent his reaching a pitch of fame which no prince
so young, had hitherto attained.1 All hints of prudence
were thrown away on the reckless prince, and a short
time afterwards he received a severe defeat from Tilly.
" This blow," wrote Carleton, " much afflicts the qneen, because that
young prince is carried forward to that service, by his nearness of
blood to her highness, and affection to her person, as well as to her
cause, in which he doth adventure all his fortune."
Christian wrote an account of the affair to the queen,
representing it as favourably as possible, and laying the
blame on Count Mansfeldt.
" Madam, my dearest and most beloved queen," he added, "the fault is
not that of your most faithful and affectionate servant, who ever loves and
cherishes you. I entreat you most humbly, not to be angry with your
faithful slave, for this misfortune, nor take away the good affection
which your majesty has hitherto shown me, who love you above all in this
world ; consider that victory is in God's hands, not miue, and that I
cannot challenge victory, although my courage in dying for your
majesty and serving yon, will never fail me : for I esteem your favour
a hundred times dearer than life ; and be assured that I shall try, with
all my power, not only to reassemble my troops, but also, moreover, to
raise as many more that I may be in better condition to serve faithfully
your majesty, whom I love ' outre le possible,' assuring you that as long
as God gives me life, I shall serve you faithfully, and expend all I have
in the world for you.
" Signed — Your most humblest, most constant, most faithful, most
affectionate, and most obedient slave, who loves you, and will love you,
infinitely and incessantly to death, '¦' Cheistias."2
Following out the cheerful tone -of his letter, the Duke
rallied a body of 5000 horse and 6000 foot, with which to
join the King of Bohemia.
The first appearance of Frederic among his subjects in
the Palatinate, caused tumultuous rejoicings, and so
demand, Holland Corresp. State Paper Office ; Weekly News, May 23,
1622. 1 Carleton to Prince Christian, April 23, Holland Corresp.
' Holland Corresp. May 15. 1622.

JAMES THE FIRST. 389
revived their ardour that they were sanguine of success ;
their enthusiasm was increased by a victory, won by the
king and Mansfeldt at Mingelsheim, three leagues from
Heidelberg, over the forces of Tilly, the imperial general,
by which he was diverted from the siege of that place. On
the 26th of April, Frederic had once again the joy of re
entering his former capital.1 This advantage, however, was
neutralised in a few days, by a signal defeat given by Tilly
to the Marquis of Baden's army at Wimpfen.2 Still the
fortunes of war varied : the king's party took Ladenburg,
and repulsed the army of Archduke Leopold from the
siege of Hanau; the emperor even made overtures of
peace to the Duke of Wertemberg, and requested Frederic
to consent to a month's truce. The request was over
ruled by a message from Gabor, King of Hungary, urging
him to exertion ; and by the declaration of Prince "Chris
tian, of Brunswick, that if Frederic made a truce without
obtaining the restoration of his estates, he would turn his
back upon him as an arrant coward. Though compelled
by Tilly to retreat from Heidelberg, Frederic marched on
with Mansfeldt's army, passed the Bhine at Manheim, and
entered Hesse Darmstadt.3
These movements, as may be imagined, were sorely
against the views of James I. He had merely consented to
allow his son-in-law to act on the defensive, in the deliver
ance of the Palatinate ; and he was very indignant at his
presuming to adopt bolder measures, which, he declared,
would prove injurious to the treaty at Brussels.4 Once
again an express messenger was sent off to bring him back
to obedience. The agent employed was the Earl of
Chichester, who, having married a daughter of Lord
Harrington, was deemed likely to be acceptable to the
king and queen. He landed at the Hague, and commu
nicated to Elizabeth the contents of a letter, written, as
he confessed, "with sour ink," from her father to her
1 Vere to Carleton, April 26, Holland Corresp. State Paper Office.
Same to Earl Oxford, May 1, Harl. MS. 1581, f. 160 ; Lingelsheim's
Desp. April 23.
2 Mercure Franc, vol. viii. p. 292.
3 German Corresp. June passim. Weekly News, May and June.
4 James I. to Frederic, March 22 ; Frederic's Reply, May 3.

390 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF

husband, which sternly reproached him for his evil pro
ceedings, in expending upon active warfare the money
intended for garrisons, and in refusing the overtures for a
truce, though he knew England was engaged in it ; and
threatened him with the instant withdrawal of pecuniary
aid and the recall of the English troops under Vere,
unless he at once sent an agent to Brussels to forward
the treaty, and followed the counsels of Lord Chichester.1
These were heavy tidings for Elizabeth. She was well
aware, that though the States-General allowed Mansfeldt
a pension for his troops, and those of Prince Christian
were maintained at his own expense, yet her husband had
no resources, excepting as afforded by King James, to
supply the English troops under Vere.
" It is hard to say," writes Carleton to Calvert,2 " whether her
highness were more troubled with the apprehension of the danger of
her husband's divided and unpaid army, or the conceit (conception) how
much he will be afflicted at the receipt of a- father's so sharp repre
hension, in a style which her highness, (out of the tender love of a kind
wife, as she is ever, both absent and present,) doth wish might be con
verted upon her husband's enemies ; observing them to entertain time,
in all other parts, and to bend their chief strength to the utter ruin of
his countries ; whilst his misfortune is to have his proceedings discoun
tenanced and disgraced, with his chief friends."
Elizabeth comforted herself, however, with thoughts of
the personal bravery and good fortune of her husband in
the late campaign, and grounded on this some hopes of
the returning dawn of prosperity.3
From the Hague, Lord Chichester hastened to May
ence, where he found the king and Mansfeldt at the head
of an army of 30,000 men. He urged upon Frederic the
commands of his father-in-law, that he should consent to
a truce for three weeks, and withdraw to some place in
the Palatinate, to await the issue of the treaty. Nether
sole had previously, in fulfilment of orders, pressed upon
him the same course, but without effect. To both the
envoys Frederic replied that he would never act so dis
honourably as to lay down his arms and leave others to
fight his battles ; and he declared, strongly and repeatedly
1 James I. to Frederic, June 3, German Corresp.
a June 18, Holland Corresp.
8 Carleton to Buckingham, June 18, Harl. MS. 1580. f. 336.

JAMES THE FIRST. 391
that he foresaw, if he took such a step in obedience to
the king, it would lead to his utter ruin.1 Chichester
still urged the point, though he refrained from outraging
the feelings of Frederic by presenting King James's letter ; 2
and promised, on behalf of his master, that if he would
now leave the army and refrain from action, he should,
in case of the failure of the treaty, be furnished, the
ensuing year, with an army of 10,000, at the expense of
England. The pressure of pecuniary wants, the con-
. sciousness that without English gold he was utterly help
less ; the loud complaints of the troops, ready to mutiny
for want of the pay, which was withheld till his compli
ance, at length prevailed, and the king retired to Manheim.
But there he was again beset by Mansfeldt and Duke
Christain, who urged that it were madness, out of blind
obedience to the King of England, to expose himself to
almost certain siege and capture, in a town, the provisions
of which were already nearly exhausted.
Distracted by these conflicting influences, Frederic
adopted a middle course ; he retired to Sedan, the resi
dence of the Duke of Bouillon, in which so many of his
boyish years were passed, and sent Pawel, a confidential
counsellor, to represent his views at Brussels.3 Yet, at
the very time that James exacted from his son-in-law a
sacrifice so great, his agent at Brussels did not hesitate to
pronounce that the treaty would fail ; and that he would
be as profitably occupied in making ropes of sand as in
dancing attendance upon such protracted negotiations.4
Tilly, meanwhile, declaring that he had received no direc
tions to observe the truce to which Frederic bound
himself, laid formal siege to Heidelberg ; 6 a piece of
treachery which roused the indignation even of the
Infanta.6 In a letter to his wife, dated from Sedan,
August 20th, 1622, Frederic bitterly writes: —
1 Lord Chichester'*! declaration of passages in the Palatinate, during
his employment there, MS. 180, f. 164, All Souls' College, Oxford.
2 Calvert's Despatch, July 1 .
* His Christian name was the sole designation that was there allowed
to him, even that of Count Palatine was withheld — Calvert to Carleton,
July 1. 4 Woodward to Roe, July 3, Roe's Negot. p. 63.
5 Relatio Obsidionis Heidelb. 4to, Frankf. 1622.
6 Digby's Despatch, Sep. 16, Harl. MS. 1580, f. 122.

392 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF

" The treaty at Brussels has the same effect as tbat of Digby at Vienna ;
the one lost us the High, and- the other will make us lose the Low Pakn
tinate! God grant that the king might at last take good resolutions;"1
At Sedan, the position of Frederic was most painful.
Though the Duke of Bouillon would not refuse a shelter
to his nephew, in his distress, it was at his own personal
risk that he granted it. The presence of Frederic ren
dered him apprehensive of a siege from the Spanish
general Cordova. The king's troops, and those of Mans
feldt and Brunswick, which followed in the rear, consumed
the provisions of the country ; whilst their accumulation
around his town made him an object of suspicion to his
liege master of France, who remonstrated against these
warlike demonstrations and ordered the Duke of Nevers,
with his forces, to march towards Sedan. In vain Bouillon
appealed to the English king for assistance in these emer
gencies.2 He succeeded, however, by his representations
to the King of France,3 in obtaining the withdrawal of
the French forces; and Frederic also relieved him by
dismissing Count Mansfeldt and Duke Christian, with
many thanks for their gallant conduct, and an intimation
that they were at liberty to take engagements with other
princes.4 This position of affairs caused Elizabeth great uneasi
ness ; though, as Carleton observed, " her princely heart
was not soon dejected." 'Writing on June 2 1st he says: —
" The queen hath been this day to dine at Hounslerdike, and seeketh
all means to divert her melancholy, which every ordinary [post] almost
reneweth, so that the days betwixt ordinaries are best." 5
Her greatest fear was for Heidelberg, and her spirits
rose or fell as she thought that city was or was not likely
to support a siege.6 Frankenthal, Germersheim, and
Manheim were in equal peril, as the garrisons were feeble
and inefficient, and there was no force in the field to cope
with the imperialist army.7
1 Bromley. Letters, p. 16.
2 Bouillon to Carleton, Aug. 15 ; to Trumbull, Aug. 5 ; to James I.,
Sep. 6 ; Frederic to James 1., Aug. 4 and 9 ; Carleton to Buckingham,
Aug. 23; Cabala, p. 174. 3 Newspapers, (Jot. 4, 1622.
4 Frederic to James I., July 6 and 14. 5 Holland Corresp. 1622.
• Carleton's Despatches, June 21, July 15.
' Chichester's Despatch, July 3.

JAMES THE FIRST. 393
During the period of his absence, Frederic was in close
and constant correspondence with his wife ; but none of
her letters are in preservation, and only few of his. A
dateless fragment from one letter, copied by Elizabeth's
hand, recounts the progress of affairs and states that
Count Mansfeldt wished him to return to the army; but
that he was unwilling to go, as the count had done him
several indignities ; that the troops were dying of hunger ;
that the Duke of Bouillon would not bear the expense of
supporting them, and was in great dread of being himself
besieged. " If so," he adds, " I am in a pretty condition here ; but where am I
to go ? My thoughts are often with my soul's star, whom 1 love per
fectly, even to death. God sends me many afflictions, and it is not the
least to be so far separated from my dear heart, whose portrait I always
wear most carefully. I kiss the dear lock of hair a thousand times in
imagination."1 Again he writes : —
" Believe, my dear heart, tbat I often wish myself near you. I have
already told you what keeps me from you : might it please God to grant
us some little corner of the world in which we could live happily together,
it would be all the happiness that I could wish for myself. But my
abode at the Hague does not suit me at all." 2
Such manifestations of feeling on the part of her husband,
convinced Elizabeth that he was sinking into profound and
almost despairing melancholy ; ¦ and as her father opposed
his return to her, she proposed to join him at Sedan.3 But
ihis was over-ruled ; and her friend Carleton wrote a long
tetter of advice to King Frederic, exhorting him not to
brpod over cogitations of the past, and cherish his natural
tendency to melancholy, when the emergencies of his situ
ation demanded the utmost activity and energy; he
reminded him of the duties he owed to his wife and family ;
that though the queen's amiable temper would lead her to
accommodate herself to any position, yet he was not the
less bound to protect her ; and that the genius of his chil
dren, particularly of his eldest son, a boy of unusual
promise, demanded that they should be princes and not
private persons, &c.4
1 Ancient Royal Letters, vol. v. 2 Bromley Letters, p. 16.
3 Van der Myle to Carleton, Aug. 5, Holland Corresp.
4 Carleton to King of Bohemia, Sept. 19.

394 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Elizabeth ever exerted herself to supply the wants of
her husband, even at her own inconvenience, and though
harassed and poverty stricken herself, she yet contrived
to send remittances to him.
« I have safely received the 3000 florins," he says in one of his letters,
" but living is so dear here, and I have so many extraordinanes to defray,
for the people who followed me in the army, of whom I rid myself as far
as I can. If you could send me 4000 or 5000 florins more, I stand greatly
in need of them. I have already expended here almost as much as 5000.
If I could once get rid of my horses, of which I still have many, I hope
I should be a better manager. I am so afraid of inconveniencing you."
The sum thus solicited was duly sent.1
Elizabeth knew how her husband's sensitive tempera
ment was wounded by the stress of debt and embarrass
ment, and she struggled hard to procure from England
such supplies as would enable her to remove that burthen,
before bis return to the Hague.. Carleton represented to
the English officials, that it would be no less economy than
kindness to pay tbe king's debts, and to furnish the queen
with some fixed income ; that she might know on what
scale to regulate her establishment, and not have to buy
everything on credit, and contend against clamorous
demands for payment. The Lords of the Council strongly
sympathized in the opinion ; but King James, anxious to
keep his son-in-law in constant dependence upon himself,
preferred giving present relief, rather than conferring a
pension, which might be calculated upon as matter of
right,2 and he simply gave the 3000Z. which were required
to discharge the debt.3
Difficult as was the position of the queen, when her
father was really, though unintentionally, the most insi
dious and dangerous foe of her husband, she conducted
herself with a tact and propriety which procured for her
general commendation.
" I know not so great a lady in the world," writes Carleton, " nor ever
did — though I have seen many courts — of such natural affection. An
obedient daughter, a loving sister, and a tender wife, whose care of her
1 Bromley Letters, pp. 15, 20.
2 Carleton's Despatch, July 15 and 23; Privy Council Order, July 17 ;
Ashburnham to Carleton, Aug. 13.
3 Cranfield to Carleton, Aug. 1, 15; Warrant for payment, Domestic
Papers, Aug. 1622.

JAMES THE FIRST. 395
husband doth augment with his misfortunes ; your lordship cannot
therefore show your care of her more, than by bringing them together,
with the soonest." '
The desired reunion of husband and wife was protracted
for some time, and the interval was fraught with disaster.
Mansfeldt and Brunswick, marching towards Holland to
assist the Prince of Orange in raising the siege of Bergen,
then beleaguered by Spinola, were pursued by the Spanish
general Cordova; a conflict ensued, in which, though they
were not defeated, Duke Christian had his left arm shot
off.2 The brave prince, nothing daunted, retired to Breda,
to put himself under medical treatment, amputation above
the elbow being necessary to save his life ; — and sent word
to his fair cousin of Bohemia, that though he had lost one
arm in her service, he had another arm, and a life remain
ing to use in her behalf.
, " He hath a good courage," writes Carleton, " being already devising
how to make an iron arm for his bridle hand, and using this glorious
speecli — that he hath another arm left to fight God's battles. His sister,
the Countess of Nassau, who hath remained here all this summer to keep
the Queen of Bohemia company, is gone to find him at Breda ; driven
thither by a prophecy that this brother of hers, the only joy and honour
of that house, should receive a desperate wound in a battle, betwixt the
years of twenty-one and twenty-two, which is now his just age,^and if he
could escape the same with life, he should be a prince of great renown
in the world." 3
The misfortune of Duke Christian, with the death, in
the battle, of a prince of Saxe Weimar, brother to one of
that family, then visiting at the Hague, spread a gloom
over the members of the courtly circle and they were
kept in a state of constant anxiety in reference to the
success of the Prince of Orange at Bergen. The thunders
of the cannon sometimes reached their ears and several
English officers, friends of the queen, lost their lives ; one
of them, Colonel Henderson, who was brought still alive,
to the Hague, sent Elizabeth a pathetic message, pre
senting to her the last service and prayers of a dying
man.4 As a climax to these disasters, on the -J-J- of Sep
tember, the town of Heidelberg surrendered to Tilly,
1 Carleton's Despatch, Aug. 23.
2 Roe's Negot. p. 97 ; Weekly News, Sept. 23.
3 Harl. MS. 389, f. 232 b.
4 German Corresp. Aug. 1622, passim.

396 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
and a few days later, its castle, long proudly called
Trotz-kaiser,1 or, Defiance to the Emperor, followed the
example. The soldiers, with their arms, banners, and
baggage, were allowed to march out ; but they were not
permitted to take away from the castle, the furniture,
plate, jewels, or papers of the King and Queen of Bohemia.
The restoration of these was left entirely to the courtesy
of Tilly, a courtesy from which little was to be hoped, as he
had previously refused the queen's request, to return to
her a dais, from her cabinet at Heidelberg, on which she
placed a special value.2 Provoked by the stern resistance
of the inhabitants — who had declared that they would shed
their last drop of blood for their prince, he committed many
cruelties on the unfortunate citizens.3 The splendid
library, so long the pride of the Palatine family, was
given up to the Duke of Bavaria, who removed part of it
to Munich ; but the principal part was sent to the Pope
and still remains in the Vatican.4
The loss of Heidelberg touched Elizabeth very sensibly,
not only on her own account, but on that of her husband;
for she well knew how painfully it would affect him. She
wrote to him at once, and in reply, he sent her a letter,
pathetic in its bitterness of grief, from which the following
are extracts : —
" I received yesterday, by way of Brussels, three of your so dear
letters, dated the T|, T'j-, and \'i °f September. In them I traced, with
great delight, the love you bear me : the blessing of being loved by you
is the only one which I have left : it is the greatest consolation I
have in all my afflictions, which are inexpressible. See now the end
of the Brussels' treaty : Heidelberg is taken ! Yet they have amused
the king all the summer, and he does not now seem able to help us,
if he would. At Brussels, they have effrontery enough to propose to
demolish Manheim, and only give us the bailiwicks of Heidelberg,
Germersheim, and Neustadt. God only knows what the king will
say ! In England, they persist in drawing a distinction between the
Emperor and the King of Spain ; and yet both are taking all away from
1 Savage's Germany, Ancient and Present, vol. ii. p. 227.
- Nethersole to King of Bohemia, Sept. 11 ; to Tilly, Sept. 6.
3 Mercure Francais, vol. viii. p. 27-
4 Ibid. p. 320. The Vatican portion was sent to Rome on mules,
bearing about their necks the following inscription : " Sum de Biblio-
theca quam, Heidelbergae capta, spolium fecit, et P. M. Gregorio XV.
trophajum misit Maximil. utriusque Bavaria? dux. S. R. I. Archi-dapifer
& Elector, a. c. 1622."

JAMES THE FIRST. 397
me, and it seems as though they had divided the Palatinate. See my
poor Heidelberg taken ! all sorts of cruelties have been exercised there :
the whole town pillaged, and the fauxbourg, which was the handsomest
part of it, burnt." " God visits us very severely : I am sadly distressed
at the misery of these poor people. It is said that Mauheim is be
sieged : I fear that they will be treating in England till that is lost
too. " I will tell you many particulars when I have the happiness of
seeing you again, which I long for with as much ardour as you do,
and more. It seems years to me since I saw her whom I love best
in the world, from which, but for you, I would rather retire than
live in it ; for I could better serve my God, and I should have a
lighter heart, in the smallest corner of the world, than would the
greatest monarch, in the most splendid palace. Certainly were I to
follow my own humours, I would withdraw altogether and leave the King
of England to act as he thinks fit, for the welfare of his children. But
the tenderness you show towards me makes me change my opinion, in
the desire to see you again. No other obstacle remains to my doing so,
except the king's desire that I should stay here. I hope he will soon
permit me to leave ; and in order that I may have no after hindrance,
I shall, in a few days, send on my baggage and equipage, which is by
no means large. You assure me strongly that I shall be welcome. It
is a misery to live amongst such a populace ; but patience, — I am most
gladjtoo that you promise me freedom from importunity about my
debts, for I should be very sorry to have to take up my abode in the
debtor's prison at the Hague.
" I hope you received the letter I wrote you last Sunday, about the
taking of Heidelberg. I do all I can to divert myself from thinking
about it, for it is a very sensitive wound. I am rejoiced that Duke
Christian is recovering : for I had certainly rather lose an arm myself,
than that he should die. We are extremely indebted to him, and God
knows that I love him as a brother ! " " Continue still to love your
poor Celadon, and be assured that his thoughts turn continually to his
soul's star, and that he is, even to the tomb,
" Your most faithful friend and affectionate servant,
" This |§ September, 1622." " Frederic." '
A few days after the date of this letter, Frederic set out
from Sedan, with an escort of 100 horse, lent him by the
Duke of Bouillon, and travelled to Calais. The people
received him with the respect due to his rank and misfor
tunes, and he proceeded to Flushing in a vessel belonging
to the States, and thence to the Hague, where he arrived
unexpectedly on the TVth of October,2 and " where," says a
' Bromley Letters, pp. 18-22. The printed letter is dated from the
Hague, palpably a mistake, either on the part of Frederic or of his
copyist. " Carleton to Roe, Roe's Negot. p. 96; Newspapers', Oct 15.

398 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
contemporary news-writer, "the welcome of his wife
proved rather an ecstasy than a meeting."
But sorrow and anxiety had painfully told upon a con
stitution never very strong; the change in his appear
ance so affected Elizabeth, that she fell into a succession
of fainting fits,1 and it was not without difficulty that she
regained sufficient composure to welcome her cousin of
Brunswick, who arrived the same day, to complete in her
society the cure of the injury he had sustained.2 Count
Mansfeldt, whose troops were in the neighbourhood, also
came to kiss the hands of the queen; and thus were
brought together the three chief actors in the war of
Protestantism ; all anxious to return to action, and es
pecially to succour Manheim, if they could only gain
encouragement from King James.3
Omens of good augury began to appear in England.
By a fortunate coincidence, there arrived in London at
the same juncture, Schomberg, who came on the part of
the Bohemian king, to carry tidings of the loss of Heidel
berg ; Nethersole, sent over by ambassador Chichester, to
record the treachery of imperial councils, and the all but
ruin of the Low Palatinate ; and Weston, the agent at
Brussels, to declare that, in spite of the strictest com
pliance with all the demands made, and the removal of
every alleged obstacle to the treaty, he could not obtain
the slightest satisfaction. The emperor, having gained
his purpose by delay, now declared that the negotiation
for a truce was too complicated and involved too many
conflicting interests, to be settled by any authority less
than a diet of the empire ; and finished by transferring the
electoral dignity from the Palatine family to the Duke of
Bavaria.4 The excitement produced in England was strong. The
Prince of Wales, on bended knees, implored his father to
be no longer abused by treaties, but to take pity on his
poor distressed sister, her husband, and children, and to
1 Harl. MS. 389, f. 245 ; News Letter, Oct. 25, 1622.
2 Carleton to Roe, ut sup. 3 Pawel to Nethersole, Oct. 26.
4 Weston to Buckingham, Sept. 3, Cabala, p. 368 ; Bouillon to James I.
Sept. 6, Ancient Royal Letters, vol. viii. Carleton's Despatch, Sept. 23 ;
Nethersole to Carleton, Sept. 28.

JAMES THE FIRST. 399
permit him to raise an army of loyal subjects, — who would
readily obey his call, — and to go in person to avenge her
wrongs.1 Buckingham said that he would gladly serve
personally ; and if he could not do for the queen all that
Christian of Brunswick had done, he would be no whit
behind him in affection. The lords of the council, also,
were warmly in favour of instant action, and Nethersole,
whose sanguine temperament led him to see things in
their brightest light, sent a glowing account of affairs to
his royal mistress.
" I must begin this," he writes, " with saying that sister was never so
much beholden to brother as your majesty is to the prince ; I except not
him that is with God ; 2 — and for proof, I must add quickly, that his
highness is resolved, and which is more, by my lord admiral's 3 means,
hath obtained leave of the king your father, to go in person, with an
army, into Germany, to reduce (bring back) your majesty thither with
honour. For his way and passage will be presently demanded through
Flanders, both at Brussels and in Spain now by Mr. Porter ; and that
king required to join his forces with those of the king, your father, for
the recovery of the Palatinate ; till which be done there is to be no more
speech of the marriage ; and upon refusal of either, a breach to be made
instead thereof. His highness stayeth at London, to begin early to put
all things in a readiness for this great design ; toward which, at home,
there is a parliament shortly to be called, and tbe navy to be made ready,
under colour of wafting his highness over the seas. Abroad, the Prince
<if Orange shall presently be consulted with , the States treated with,
the Kings of France and Denmark, the Venetians, princes and towns of
Germany sent to, and prayed to join in the action. And that your
majesty may not fear backsliding, the prince hath vowed before the
lords to be his utter ruin, whosoever he be, that shall any way go about
to hinder him in this enterprise. There are many other particulars,
sufficient to demonstrate what I said in the beginning, which I reserve
till 1 may kiss your majesty's hands, which, I hope, will be shortly."4
This letter, penned on the 3rd of October, was casually
delayed in its passage ; and before it reached the Hague,
Elizabeth received one of more doubtful character, written
on the 9th, in which Nethersole records that the prince
and lords remain firm, but that the king would not, he
feared, be prevailed upon to act decisively, till he had had
a last communication from Spain. Though Austria and
Spain had acted throughout the war in the strictest con-
1 Mead to Stuteville, Oct. 19, 1622, Appendix to Goodman's Court of
James I. vol. ii. p. 250. z The late Prince Henry.
3 Buckingham was then lord admiral.

400 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
cert, yet James, when he could no longer keep up a
semblance of terms with the emperor, was willingly
deluded into the belief that Spain was more propitious,
He had long been negotiating a match for his son, Prince
Charles, with the Spanish infanta, — an alliance which was
to fill his empty exchequer with a princely portion,— and
to this match he clung with strong tenacity of purpose,
Spain, of course, availed herself of his weakness, professed
a strong desire to see the Prince Palatine restored, and
even a resolution, if needful, to aid in compelling his
restoration ; and proposed the surrender of certain towns,
as an intermediate measure.1 In spite, therefore, of the
remonstrances of Lord Chichester, who told him how
delusive were the infanta's promises,2 the king declined all
active steps, till he had sent an order to Digby, — now
Earl of Bristol and British resident at Madrid, — to de
mand that, within seventy days, Heidelberg should be
restored, and, that if the emperor refused its restitution,
the King of Spain should unite with England to compel
him ; 3 at the same time, he gave a pledge which nobody
believed, that, should his messenger bring an unfavourable
reply, he would proceed at once to war.4
The messenger for Spain, Mr. Porter, was taken ill at
Calais, and unable to proceed ; but though his despatches
were conveyed by a post express, the king still refused to
act, till Porter had himself fulfilled his mission. This
conduct led to the suspicion that an autograph letter from
James to the King of Spain, which he had not permitted
any one to see, and of which Porter was the bearer, con
tained sentiments adverse to the tenor of the public
despatches : he even refused, before the return of Porter,
to listen to the proposal for a parliament, — the necessary
preliminary to providing supplies for a war.5 The Duke
of Buckingham, in announcing to the council this deter-
1 Harl. MS. 1583, Nov. 8,1622; Whiteway's Diary, Egerton MS. 784,
f. 56. - Chichester to Carlton, Nov. 25th.
3 James I. to Digby, Oct. 3, Cabala, p. 238.
4 Court and Times of James I. vol. ii. p. 349.
5 Nethersole even surmised that all the previous countenance given to
warlike movements by the king, was only with the view of procuring a
favourable reply from Spain.

JAMES THE FIRST. 401
mination, suggested another voluntary contribution, offer
ing to commence it himself with a handsome sum ; but the
proposal was declined, as it was felt that operations on the
needful scale could only be carried on through the medium
of parliamentary subsidies.1 The king's conduct, strange
as it may appear, was in some degree justified by the tenor
of the despatches he received from Digby and Aston, his
agents in Spain, who confidently assured him of that
king's intention peaceably to restore tbe Palatinate. They
were evidently imposed upon ; the recent conduct of Lord
Digby, in reference to the Palatinate, proved the sincerity
bf his heart ; but his character was impulsive, and he was,
therefore, the more easily made the tool of diplomatists
superior to himself in skill.2
The suspense of the exiled monarchs at the Hague was
very trying. Their long experience of Spanish intrigue
made their hearts sink within them, when they found
themselves once more involved in it; and at this very
period, they received the tidings of the loss of Gratz, the
last town in Bohemia which held out for Frederic. Gabor
wrote in strong terms, to challenge him either to defend
his crown, or to renounce it ; since, if he could not do the
one, he was bound in honour to do the other, that his
people might find a more vigorous assistant, — a demand
to which Frederic found it most difficult to reply, as he
had always hoped to bribe the emperor to favourable
terms for the Palatinate,, by a renunciation of his title to
the Bohemian crown.3
Another blow followed, in the loss of Manheim, which
was surrendered on November 2nd, 1622, by General Vere.4
As the place was well stocked with provisions, it was
suspected that the influence of his master had induced him
to yield prematurely, but he justified the step by the fact
of the moat having dried up, and thus rendered the
approaches easy to the Spaniards.5 Both the king and
queen were sorely touched with this added misfortune.
1 Nethersole's Desp. Oct. 18 and 24. Court of James I. vol. ii. p. 341.
' Digby and Aston' s Despatches, Aug. to Dec. 1622, passim, Spanish
Corresp. State Paper Office. 3 Carleton's Despatches, Oct. 1622.
4 Articles Surrender Manheim, Harl. MS. 6845, f.-127.
5 Plasquinto Ste. Catherine, Nov. 1, Lamarre MS. 92917.
VOL. V. 2 D

402 , ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGH TEE OF
" Of all the ill news," writes Carleton to Secretary Calvert, " which
have come unto him, like Job's messengers, I have observed none, since
his first arrival in these parts, to drive him into so much distemper and
passion as this, for which the sorrow of her highness s heart, (who was
present at the reading of the letters,) was seen in her watery eyes and
silence. God send them both patience."
In a letter to Nethersole, the same day, he adds, " here
we are full of sorrow, despair, and want ; I may add,
scorn and disgrace, for accomplishment of all misery."
Could sympathy have availed to console the distressed
queen, she had it, warm and genuine, from her true-
hearted friends.
" Most excellent lady," writes Sir Thomas Roe, " be your 'own queen ;
banish all despairs and fears; be assured the cause in which you suffer
cannot perish : if God had not planted it, it had long since been rooted
out. Vouchsafe to remember the motto of our last, eternally glorious
Elizabeth, ' This is done of the Lord, and it is wonderful in our eyes.'
So shall the day of your return be to those honours, which you, above
all princes,' merit."1
The English agent in Flanders, speaking of the queen,
as " saint among ladies," " the goddess of her sex, and
"the most incomparable lady of this age,*' writes, "for
her majesty, I will spend the last drop of my blood ; and
if my eldest son should refuse to do the like, he should
never enjoy one pennyworth of my poor estate." 2
Sir Henry Wotton, writing to Carleton, says : —
" Good my lord, do me the right to let both their majesties there
know, and especially my most royal mistress, that though I am stricken
into silence, as I have been long, toward herself, and, God is my judge,
congealed in my very spirits, at the indignity of her present fortunes, so
unsuitable to such inestimable virtue, yet I will never be mute in the
least occasion that I can conceive of her service." 3
The celebrated Dr. Donne, whose epithalamium on her
marriage has already been noticed, sent her a letter of
sympathy, assuring her of his prayers, and enclosing a
sermon preached before the king, which had been recently
printed. He begs her to pardon his approaching her in
presenting his publications, and to say to herself: —
" Surely this poor soul who comes to me every year, in these his
meditations for the public, takes me with him every morning in his
1 Roe's Negotiations, p. 135.
2 Turnbull to Carleton, Nov. 4th, 1622, Flanders Corresp.
3 Germ. Corresp. Feb. 1623.

JAMES THE FIRST. 403
private prayers and devotions to Almighty God. And when I am
defective in that sacrifice," he adds, " let me lose the effect of all my
other sacrifices which I make for the happiness of your majesty. " '
The queen sent the following reply to his letter : —
« Good Doctor D.
" You lay a double obligation upon me : first in praying for me, then
in teaching me to pray for myself, by presenting to me your labours.
The benefit likewise I hope will be double, both of your prayers and my
own, and of them both to both of us ; and as I am assured hereof,
(though it hath pleased God to try me by some affliction,) so I desire you
to be of my thankfulness unto you, and that I will remain ready, upon
any good occasion, to express as much as lies in the power of
" Yows, &c. "Elizabeth.2 "
The only place in the Palatinate which remained
untaken was Elizabeth's dower-town of Frankenthal,
whither General Vere and his English troops had re
moved from Manheim. This was now summoned, but
the governor bravely declaring that " it was not a place
to be surrendered for the stroke of a pen," refused to
yield, and it was formally invested. After a long
blockade the Infanta persuaded King James to compel
his son-in-law to give up this last town, with the promise,
that on a certain fixed day, it should be ceded into the
hands of England, provided troops were sent to garrison
it.3 It were difficult to imagine a position more trying
than that of Frederic and Elizabeth at this time. The
king could not control the perturbation of his spirit. He
vented his displeasure upon General Vere, whom he could
not forgive for the loss of Manheim, and in discourse
with the English ambassador, he chafed sorely against
the policy of King James, declaring that he had rather
have his towns fairly taken from him in battle than
given to the King of Spain ; and adding moodily, that it
mattered little what became of him, but he hoped the
king would at least take care of his wife and children.4
1 Matthews^ Letters, p. 298. 3 Ibid. p. 299.
* Frederic to James I. Jan. 11, Feb. 4; James I. to Frederic, March
13, 1623, Anct. Royal Letters, vol. vi. ; James I. to Calvert, Jan. 23 ;
Carleton to Calvert, Jan. 31, and to James I. Feb. 5. Privy Council
Records, March 21, 1623. The original treaty of delivery is in the
Spanish Correspondence, and a copy in the Holland Correspondence,
State Paper Office. ' Carleton's Despatches, Dec. 3, 17,27,
2 d2

404 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Elizabeth, collected and cheerful as she usually was, could
not refrain from exclaiming in a confidential letter, " My
father hath hitherto done us more hurt than good." " Ae
for our affairs they were never worse." " The kinft my
father, is cozened and abused, but will not ecc it till it be
too late." '
In spite of his repeated protestations to his son-in-law,
that he was still steady in his cause,2 James refused to be
at the expense of maintaining Vere's army during the
winter, ordered its return to England,3 and continued
his exhortations to Frederic to remain passive and wait the
issue of events.4 Elizabeth wrote to her father in terms
of passionate entreaty, imploring that he would not, for
want of a little money, permit the troops of Mansfeldt
:tnd the Duke of Brunswick, now in arms and near the
scene of action, to disperse ; as the loss to their cause
would be irreparable.6 The only satisfaction she could
obtain was the confident assurance that arms were now
needless, as the Palatinate was on the eve of being
restored by treaty. Porter had returned from Spain,
bringing tidings that the long-projected match between
Prince Charles and the Infanta was at once to be con
summated and the Palatinate to be restored, in compliment
to the bride. Because Frederic would not and could not
be satisfied with this chimerical tale, but had an opinion
of his own in his own affairs, and still entreated aid for
Mansfcldt's army, he was reproached with being ill-
advised, and King James petulantly exclaimed that he
was not made of money, and that after the rate of Man«-
feldt's demands, 500,0007. a-year would not be enough to
sustain tin; war. lie wrote to Frederic to this purport,
and the ambassador had the painful task of delivering the
letter, which he did in presence of the queen, whose
constant habit it was to peruse all state despatches
especially those from England.
Slowly and surely the chains were rivetted that bound
1 Elizabeth to Sir T. Roc, Dec. 6, 1622, Gorman Corresp.
2 Frederic to James I. Oct. 24, 1622, Balfour MS. A. 433, Advocate's
Library, Ivlinburgh.
' Gorman Corresp. Dec. 1622. * Calvert to Carleton, Nov. 20.
8 German Corresp. Nov. 1622.

JAMES THE FIRST. 40-5
the unfortunate king to helpless exile. The emperor
summoned a Diet; and though the Protestant princes
refused to attend, the ecclesiastical Electors did not
hesitate to confirm the previous decree of the emperor,
by transferring the electoral dignity to the Duke of
Bavaria, with only a proviso that its reversion, after his
death — for he was then childless — should remain an open
question; the emperor representing it as a marvellous act
of grace that there was left a possibility of its restoration
to tne children of Frederic, if not precluded by his mis
conduct ! l
Matters were in this position when Europe and the
world were startled by the tidings that the Prince of
Wales and the Duke of Buckingham had gone in disguise
to Spain, on a knight-errand pilgrimage, to fetch home
the Infanta. King James, struggling with the conscious
sensitiveness of a man that knows he has done a foolish
thing, but would not have others think it so, was so
keenly alive to any expression of disapprobation on the
subject that he even imprisoned an English minister for
venturing, in the pulpit, to pray for the safe return of the
prince. Elizabeth, who had had so many sad experiences of the
treachery of Spain, was shocked and alarmed by the
tidings. " We are here very sad," writes 8ir,T. Edmondes to Carleton, "to
understand that our peerless queen is so much afflicted with the appre
hension of the prince's journey, and therefore it is desired that your
lordship, who hath been so faithful a servant unto her, will assist her
highness with your wise and comfortable counsels, not to let fall that
heroical spirit of hers, which she hath hitherto so generously maintained,
but to attend with a constant patience that recompense which is due to
so singular virtue." z
Elizabeth wrote a letter, in which she expressed herself
with more warmth than discretion, to the Duchess of
Bichmond and Lenox, a Stuart by blood, and, therefore,
allied to the royal family. Bustorf, the agent of the King
of Bohemia in England, writes:—
1 Frederic to James L March 6, 1623. Du Puy MS. 648, f. 166; Addit.
MS. 11403, f. 162.
' Holland Corresp. State Paper Office.

406 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
" I will tell you what I heard a few days ago ; that our queen wrote
letters to a certain lady of the highest rank, whose name I will not
mention, in which she mentioned her brother's journey, and is said to
have added that she herself, even in her humble and afflicted state, was
his shield, whilst he staid amongst the Spaniards/' —
a sentiment perfectly true — since the fact that she stood
next in succession removed all temptation to foul play,
whilst the heir of England was in their hands ; but no less
true than offensive to King James.
¦' Those letters," adds Rusdorf, " either through zeal or imprudence,
have been shown, and have afforded a handle of worse interpretations
and cogitations, to some whose names I will not mention."
The false interpretation put upon the matter was, that
Elizabeth intended to come into England herself, or to
send thither her eldest son, in order promptly to advance
her claim to the throne, in case of any misfortune happen
ing to her brother.1 On this, the Earl of Pembroke wrote
privately and hastily to Carleton, to represent the danger
of such a step, and to urge him, if possible, to prevent it ;
adding, in conclusion, a serious caution to the queen,
not to entrust any matters of a secret nature in her letters
to the Duchess of Lenox.2 Lady Bedford also took the
alarm, and wrote both to the queen and Carleton. To
the latter, she says: — "For God's sake, preach more
wariness to the queen, whom she uses freedom to ; else she
will undo herself, and make others afraid how they interest
themselves in her service."3 The Countess of Bedford was
more valuable than any paid agent could have been, in
communicating to her royal friend every change in the
political gales that passed through the English atmosphere,
1 Holland Corresp. 1623.
, s The following occurs in a letter from the Duchess of Richmond to
Lady Carleton : — " I only forbear now to write to the queen my mistress,
in respect we expect another post from the prince her brother, when I
doubt not but to have welcome and certain news to send her majesty,
even the very day that her brother will take shipping : and besides why
should I write now, when the Queen of Bohemia's ambassador can say
more of from me, than I can commit to paper 2 but, I pray, remember
my humble service ; kiss the queen's hands from me, and give her this
six pair of gloves. These skins will smell well in a jerkin if it please the
King of Bohemia to like them ; to his majesty I pray remember my
service. Christ bless all theirs. I had rather see their young prince here,
than send to them."
3 Holland Corresp. bundle 129.

JAMES THE FIRST. 407
and in giving hints of the course it would be advisable to
take in certain emergencies. She was in constant corres
pondence with Carleton, and begged him to second her
advice to the queen, trusting to its sincerity, though she
might not always venture to give reasons for what she
suggested. At this very period Elizabeth was disturbed, if not
endangered, by a conspiracy against the life of the Prince
of Orange, said to have included the King and Queen
of Bohemia; but which was fortunately discovered in
time. The principal conspirators were a brother and two
sons of the old republican Barnevelt, executed a few years
previously ; his son-in-law, Van der Myle, in whose house
the king and queen lodged, was suspected, brought to
the Hague, and severely questioned, but he escaped ; yet
Lady Van der Myle had the grief of seeing her other rela
tives fall under the sword of the executioner,1 and the chief
avenues of the Hague were rendered loathsome by the
exposure of the heads and quarters of the traitors.
In the month of April, 1623, the Prince of Orange
invited the royal exiles to accompany him on a pleasure
excursion to Helvoetsluys, on the other side of Voorn
Island, whither he was going to inspect some newly
constructed vessels. Changeful weather and a quarrel
among the prince's servants, leading to the death of one,
greatly lessened the enjoyment of the party.2 A few
weeks afterwards, the queen undertook a short journey to
Breda, attended, as before, by her husband and ambassa
dor Carleton; they passed several days in visiting the
fortifications and places of pleasure within and without the
town. " The Prince-Elector and her highness," writes Carleton to Calvef t,
" returned from Breda, on Tuesday last, the fifth day after their going
thither, in all which time they were lodged and defrayed by the Prince
of Orange, and entertained with much contentment, though no great
cost. To-morrow they are going to Leyden, to visit a house belonging
to the Prince of Orange, which he lends them, where they intend to
1 Conway to Buckingham, Feb. 10, Tanner MS. 73, pt. 2, f. 275 ;
Weekly News, Feb. 13 ; Egerton MS. 784, f. 59 ; Carleton's Despatch,
Jan. 30 ; News Letter, Feb. 7, Harl. MS. 389, f. 280.
2 Carleton to Chamberlain, April 19 ; News Letter, April 23, Harl
MS. 7016.

408 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
settle the three children they have here, for sometime, under the
government of Mons. de Plessen and his wife, both persons very fit for
such a charge— their highnesses are in part compelled to this course,
by reason ofthe greatness of their family, which exceeds tlie proportion
of the small house they have here, and will increase by one more,
within this few months, when it shall please God to send her highness
a safe delivery."
The children for whom the establishment was to be pro
vided, were Frederic Henry, the eldest son, Bupert, and
the infant Louise. Mauriee was still in the charge of his
aunt of Brandenburg at Berlin, and Charles, Louis,
and Elizabeth, after being driven from Heidelberg with
their grandmother, the Electress-Do wager, wandered from
one to another ofthe friendly princes of Germany, and, at
last settled down at Berlin.1 The eldest son, occupying
the position of third in succession to the crown of England,
was regarded with much interest. By the special direction
of King James, ambassador Carleton had a share in the
control of his education, and attended the monthly examin
ations into the progress of his royal pupil, at most of which
Frederic was also present.2
During the summer, Elizabeth was visited by several
ladies from England, her former acquaintances, who made
a journey to the German spas the pretext for visiting
their princess at the Hague.3 Ladies Hatton, Purbeck,
1 Nethersole to Calvert, Feb. 16, 1 623, Carleton's Despatch. Dec. 8,1622.
* The king's instructions to his tutor were—" Be careful to Meed
him in the love of English, and of my people, for that must be his best
lining ; and above all things take heed he prove not a Puritan, which
is incompatible with princes, who live by order, but they by confus
ion." — Dinely to Buckingham, March 4, 1626. A letter which the boy
sent to his grandfather, when he was in his tenth year, is still preserved,
wj-i tten in a large, childish hand : —
'¦ Sire, " I kiss your hand. I would fain see your Matie. I can say Nomi-
nativo hic, hcec, hoc, and all 5 declensions, and a part of pronomen, and a
part of verbum. I have two horses alive, that can go up my stairs,
a black horse and a chestnut horse,
" I pray God to bless your Matie,
" Your Maties,
" Obedient Grand-child,
" To the king.*" " Frederick Henry."
Maitland Club, Roynl Letters, facsimile.
" Carleton's Despatch, May 31, June 9, Roe's Negot. p. 169. A
party of them, under escort of the Earl of Essex, landing in Holland,

JAMES THE FIRST. 409
Wharton, and Wallingsford, were among the number. In
a letter to Genral Cecil,1 Carleton remarks : —
" It gives new life to this good and gracious princess to see her old
friends ; so as I am very glad when such occasions happen, which do
minister some entertainment, of which (God knoweth) she hath need ;
for she is otherwise full of discomfort."
Elizabeth, in her own frank and sprightly style, refers
to her naturally cheerful temper in a letter to Sir Thomas
Roe. " Though I have cause enough to be sad, yet I am still of my wild
humour, to be as merry as I can, in spite of fortune." " My young
cousin of Brunswick," she adds, " is still constant. He hath a fair
array of 20,000 men. He was forced to leave Mansfeldt by his evil
usage ; Mansfeldt is a brave man, but all is not- gold that glitters in
him." '
The constancy of Duke Christian, which is here lauded,
had been severely tested. The King of Denmark endea
voured to make peace between him and the emperor ; and
his mother, the old Duchess of Brunswick, solicited the
influence of her niece, the Queen of Bohemia, in per
suading him to abandon his adventurous enterprises on
her behalf; this, however, Elizabeth declined to exert,
" rather answering the matter with silence ; as thinking
fit neither to kindle nor quench that fire that shines the
brightest among all the German princes."3 Christian
refused even to visit his uncle of Denmark, lest he should
be urged to change his mind ; tore up the imperial pardon
which, at his mother's intercession, was drawn out and
presented to him ; and declared that unless his cousin, the
Prince Palatine, for whose sake he had taken arms, were
fully restored to his dominions, he would never make
peace with the emperor. He offered his bishopric of
Halberstadt as a place of rendezvous for any troops that
might assemble in her cause, and with his usual reckless-
sent a comical letter to Carleton, in which they represented that having
been long under protection of the land gods, they had recently put
themselves into that of Neptune, and by him were driven upon that
coast ; which, they hear, is ennobled by the possession of two excellent
princes, the King and Queen of Bohemia, to whom they request an in
troduction. 1 June 9, German Corresp. State Paper Office.
5 May 19, 1623, Roe's Negotiations vol. i.p. 144.
3 Carleton to Calvert, May 15 1623.

410 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
ness sallied forth, at the head of 20,000 foot and 5000
horse, with only fifty ducats in his purse, to seek and
attack the imperial general Tilly ; over whom, in conjunc
tion with Mansfeldt, he gained some advantage.
Austria and Spain now began to weary ofthe prolonged
contest in Germany ; it drained their resources, and pre
vented the emperor from giving his undivided attention to
the control of the Turks, who were encroaching on the
eastern limits of the empire. As Brunswick and Mans
feldt in Holland, and Gabor and Jagendorf in Bohemia
and its environs, were still in arms,1 and might prove for
midable, in case they concentrated their plans of action, it
became advisable to check them by policy ; and once
again, King James was made the tool.2 Now, indeed,
his weakness had an apology, in the fact that his only son
was in the power of Spain, and might be detained at
pleasure.3 When, therefore, a truce of fifteen months was
proposed by the imperial party, as a prelude to a peace, he
cordially approved and signed it ; 4 and undertook to pro
cure the consent of his son-in-law, promising, as usual,
vigorous war at the end of the period, in case the treaty
failed.5 The only part of the proposal to which James
objected was a suggestion of the Infanta, that it would be
a most becoming mark of the king's desire for peace, and
a greater security to the house of Austria to remove the
Palatine family from the Hague to Alzheim in the Pala
tinate, there to be under guard of the King of Spain !6
The difficult task of imposing the truce on the unfor
tunate Frederic was once again deputed to Carleton,
whose friendliness had procured him considerable in
fluence, though it caused him several reprimands from
England, as being too partial in the discharge of his duty.
Frederic replied by reminding his father-in-law of the
solemn promise made him the preceding year, that if he
1 Holland gave them some support in money. — Newspapers, June 30,
1623. 2 Brief information of affairs Palatinate, p. 56.
3 Conway to Buckingham, April 2, 1623 ; Goodman's Court James I.
vol. ii. p. 273.
4 Mercure Frangais, vol. viii, p. 338. It was dated April 21.
5 James I. to Duke Saxony, May 3, 1623 ; Brienne MS. 87, f. 395 ;
St. Germain MS. 34, f. 298 ; Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.
6 Bromley Letters, p. 16 ; Court and Times of James I. vol, ii. p. 390.

JAMES THE FIRST. 411
would retire from the Palatinate, and it were not restored
before the next year began, he should have an army of
10,000 paid troops to reinstate him. This was an incon
venient reminder ; ' but the king still maintained the
opinion that he could best judge how the restoration was
to be effected, and that the Palatine Prince had nothing
to do but to follow his guidance, and all would be well.2
Frederic, however, presumed to differ: he declared that
he would rather die at once, than live to be always waiting
the result of treaties ; and before the messenger could
return from England with any further arguments, he had
disappeared ! 3
The next despatch from Holland conveyed the startling
tidings, that on June -|-f-th, the King of Bohemia had
slipped away from the Hague, with only two attendants,
informing his wife that he was going to try the wind-
carriages at Scheveling. But his manner in taking leave
of her was more than usually tender ; and when a day
elapsed and he did not appear, it was feared that he must
have some desperate project in view, and was, perhaps,
gone to join Duke Christian, who was in the north of
Holland. He wrote to his wife, however, to tell her that
he should come back speedily ; and haying visited Haarlem
and Amsterdam, and gratified his tastes by inspecting the
collections of art and galleries of pictures in both places,
he returned home, leaving it uncertain whether he had
originally any further design, and had repented en route,
or whether this was really the object of his journey.
Carleton thought the latter, because his humour now was
rather "latitare" than "militare,"— to hide himself rather
than to fight.4
Calculating upon the hitherto unfailing submission of
his son-in-law, King James had appointed Lord Chichester
to attend a meeting at Cologne, in August, for the pur
pose of concluding a treaty founded on the terms of the
1 James abruptly stopped Secretary Calvert, who was reading the
letter to him, by calling out ' Oh, my toe ! ' and assuming the grimaces
of his usual complaint, the gout I— Court and Times of James I. ut sup.
2 Rusdorf to Camerarius, p. 257 in an appendix of letters printed at
the close of Sylburgius's Catalogue of MSS. Palat. 4to, Frank. 1702.
3 Harl. MS. 389, f. 210.
* Nethersole's Despatch, June 14 and 18 ; Carleton's Desp. June 14.

412 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
proposed truce. To his surprise, Frederic absolutely
refused his consent, objecting most strenuously that the
truce would be cruelty to his subjects, would take away
hope from the German princes, and make the States of
Holland regard him with suspicion. He objected more
especially to the third article, which involved his abandon
ment of his friends and allies, and enjoined him to prevent
their efforts on his behalf, and accept no friends nor foes ,
but those of the emperor. " How," he said, " could he
control the actions of Christian of Brunswick, an inde
pendent prince, or call him an enemy who had taken arms
in his behalf?" Having already sacrificed everything but
his honour, if he threw away that also, what security had
he that some paltry ground of quarrel would not again be
contrived against him?1 Serious remonstrances ensued,
and threats, so efficacious on former occasions, were held
out. The secretaries of state regretted the painful duty
devolved upon them, of declaring that, unless Frederic
submitted, the king would be compelled to abandon him,
to disavow his actions, and to withhold all pecuniary sup
port. a Carleton urged upon him these considerations, and,
as he assured King James, used remonstrances "beyond
the bounds of good manners;" but he was compelled to
write word to England that neither argument nor entreaty
availed. The king stormed and raved in a perfect frenzy
of passion, of which he made a very undignified display in
presence. of Lady Carleton, who was then in England.3
The struggle ended, as the contest between might and
right too often does end, in victory on the part of the
stronger. The submission of Frederic was hastened, if
not caused, by the recent defeat of' his gallant cousin of
Brunswick. No bravery could provide food for a large
army, in an exhausted country : the duke was obliged to
retire to Holland, in search of provisions and money ; and
in so doing, by his want of management, and his scorn of
enemies who were too formidable to be treated with con-
1 Carleton's Desp. July 8, 14 ; Chichester to Buckingham, July 23,
Harl. MS. 1581, f. 292.
2 Conway to Carleton, July 25 and 30.
" Lady Carleton to her husband, July 27, Domestic Papers, State
Paper Office.

JAMES THE FIRST. 413
tempt, he subjected himself to a severe defeat from the
combined forces of Cordova, Anhalt and Tilly. He
returned to the Hague, assuming the semblance of cheer
fulness, and attended the King and Queen of Bohemia to
a feast given in their honour at Delft, by the English
merchants of the East India Company, resident in that
place ; but he was observed to sigh so often and so deeply
that his loss was well surmised to be greater than he
wished to make it appear.
Sullenly and almost desparingly Frederic once again
signed away his hopes, at the stern bidding of his so-called
protector. He was rewarded by the publication, at
Brussels, of a treaty, professing to be that which he had
signed, but containing articles much less favourable to
him. Whether published by consent of King James or
not no one could tell.1 Elizabeth, writing to the secretary
of state, in language sufficiently guarded, says : —
" By this time I hope his majesty is pleased with the king, who hath,
to obey his command, signed the treaty ; though to speak freely to you,
as I know I may, the conditions are very hard — to be so long without
succouring his poor subjects, as fifteen months, and at the end of all,
not certain then to do it; but the king my father's will to us is a law
which we will ever obey in what we can. You say the king must believe;
he hath long believed, but hath gotten little; yet I hope his majesty will
one day see the falsehood of our enemies. But I pray God send my
dear brother safe in England again, and then I shall be more quiet in
my mind ; but I hear they will make their profit of his being there, before
they let him go." 2
The welfare of her brother lay very near Elizabeth's
heart. Gladly did she welcome the messengers, Sir
George Goring and Sir William Crofts, whom he sent to
assure her of his good will ; and Nethersole was dispatched
to Spain, to offer her greetings in return. Goring, on
his arrival at the Hague, thus writes to Buckingham : —
"The 7th of this month I arrived at this town, with his highness'
and your lordship's letters to the blessed, though most unfortunate
queen, who is not a little relieved by the assurance they brought her of
your constant care of her, in the midst of all her desolation, and now
more especially upon the defeat of her dear cousin, Brunswick ; which
hath strangely turned the state of these affairs here. Your letters and
this news met within ten hours of each other. I humbly beseech your
1 Frederic to James I. Aug. 15, 1623; Carleton's Desp. same date.
2 Holland Corresp. Sept. 6, 1623.

414 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
lordship to let his highness know that it is impossible for a sister to love'
or trust a brother more ; and for your lordship, she saith she never had
such obligation to any; which she shall as heartily remember, if ever
she be so fortunate to have the means whereby to let you know it,
Continue this your goodness still ; for a better subject can you never
encounter, than the state she now is in, which would rend any true
English heart to consider." " If ever any good come to this sweet, dis
tressed queen, it will neither be by home treaties, nor foreign forces."1
On the breach or fulfilment of the Spanish treaty
seemed greatly to depend the fate of the Palatine family ;
and for their sakes, as well as to free himself from the
protracted uncertainty attending the question of his
marriage with the Infanta, Prince Charles resolved to
insist on decisive measures. The Duke of Bavaria was
now put into possession of the Upper Palatinate ; not as
a permanence, but to hold it in pledge, till the sum of
18,000,000 florins, which he had expended in its conquest,
should be repaid. The lands of Frederic's old and faithful
servants, and even the dower-estates of the Electress-
mother, never an offender, and of his brother, Louis
Philip, who had long ago desisted from hostilities, were
kept from them.2 Under these circumstances, it may
well be imagined that, even had the court of Spain been
sincere in desiring the restoration of the Palatinate, the
task would have been difficult ; much more so when Spain
was at best but half-hearted, and when the negotiation
was carried on with the heir of England in their hands.
At first all seemed to augur well. The private articles of
the marriage were arranged, the Infanta styled and treated
as Princess of Wales, and general promises were made
for the restoration of the Palatinate.3 But when these
promises came to be brought to definite points, fresh
and startling proposals were offered, to which it was
most improbable that the king and queen of Bohemia
would ever consent. Other difficulties gathered round
the negotiation, arising from the conduct of the Duke of
Buckingham. With his usual rashness, he had picked a
1 Date Aug. 15, Harl. MS. 1580.
* Newspapers, June to Sept. 1623.
3 Aston's Despatch, June 28; Bristol to Carleton, July 9, Spanish
Corresp. State Paper Office. In the British Museum is a rare and
curious tract, containing 186 pages, illustrated, to celebrate the antici
pated nuptials of Charles I. and the Infanta Maria.

JAMES THE FIRST. 415
quarrel with Count Olivarez, the Spanish minister, and
his dashing manners were so opposed to those of the grave
court of Spain, that, knowing his influence with the king
and prince, they augured ill for the happiness of the
Infanta in a court over which he had rule.1 The lady
herself, though at first struck with the courtly grace of
her suitor, became so alarmed at the prospect before her
that she threatened to retire into a nunnery.
The absence of his son occasioned King James constant
anxiety, yet he knew that the ridicule of Europe would
be turned against him should the prince come back still
engaged, but without his bride ; he therefore sent word
to the prince and Buckingham that they were either to
conclude the match, leaving the Palatinate to a future
treaty, or to throw up the affair altogether, and return
home.2 Placed by his position in the power of Spain,
Charles was obliged to temporize, and to listen to his
father's proposal to sever the two subjects of treaty, by
arranging the conclusion of the marriage, and leaving the
restitution of the Palatinate to the honour of the Spanish
king and the intercession of the Infanta herself when she
became his wife.
The prince's visit became unpleasant to him; he was by
no means treated with the friendliness he expected, and
therefore, on pretext of his father's urgent recall, he
refused to wait the arrival of the dispensation for his
marriage, and prepared for his departure.3 It was
arranged for the betrothal to take place about Christmas,
and the Infanta to sail for England in spring, and the
prince was promised a carte blanche, to insert in it what
terms he pleased about the restoration of the Palatinate.
But when escaped from Madrid, and arrived at the sea
shore, on the point of setting sail, he penned a declara
tion, that without good conditions made before hand for
the Palatinate, he would never marry the Infanta.4
1 Bristol's Despatches, Aug. 29 and Sept. 9 ; Letter from Madrid,
3ept. 30.
2 Conway to Buckingham, Aug. 1, 1623, Harl. MS. 1580.
3 Roe's Negot. p. 252.
4 Buckingham to Aston, Sept. 1623. He also left a stringent charge
ivith the Earl of Bristol, at the Spanish court, not to allow a monastery

416 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
On the 6th of October the prince and duke landed in
England, and hastened to Boyston, where they had a
private interview of four hours with the king. Much
curiosity was excited to know how the king would receive
his son, since his hopes were frustrated by the non-arrival
of the Infanta ; and there were eves-droppers who reported
that they —
" heard sometimes a still voice and then a loud; sometime they laughed
and sometime they chafed; and noted such variety as they could not
guess what the close might prove ; but it broke out at supper, tlftt the
king appeared to take all well that no more was effected in the voyage,
because the proffers for the restitution of bis son-in-law were no better
stated by the Spanish ; and then that sentence fell from him, which is
in memory to this hour, that he ' liked not to marry his son with a por
tion of his daughter's tears.' " '
By the next post the duke wrote to the Earl of Bristol
from the King, that his Majesty desired to be assured of
the restitution of the Palatinate before the betrothal,
seeing that he would be sorry to welcome home one
daughter with a smiling cheer and leave his own only
daughter at the same time weeping and disconsolate.2
These instructions, so contrary in their tenor to what
he had lately received, greatly perplexed the Earl of
Bristol.3 He remonstrated that he had been directed to
consider the marriage as the best pledge of the restora
tion of the Palatinate, and not to hazard the match hy
annexing that as a previous condition ; and if now he
was ordered to delay the betrothal till the long treaties
concering the latter were ended, the prince must remain
unmarried for an indefinite period, and probably lose the
Infanta and the Palatinate too, as the pride of the
Spaniards would lead them to hold back, lest it were
supposed that they yielded only to secure the alliance for
their princess. These remonstrances disconcerted the
king, but the combined influences of the prince and
to rob him of his wife, and not to sign the articles of betrothal unless
he were well certified that she would not then turn nun. — Prince of
Wales to the Earl of Bristol, from the sea-side, dateless, Spanish Corresp.
bundle 62, State Paper Office; Bristol's Despatch, Sept. 24, 1623.
1 Hacket's Life of Archbishop Williams, fol. Lond. 1693, pt. i. p. 165.
8 James I. to Bristol, Oct. 3. See Letter of Prince to Sir W. Aston,
same date.
3 De la Gardie to Ste. Catherine, Jan. 6, 1624, Lamarre MS. 929P.

JAMES THE FIRST. 417
Buckingham kept him quiet ; and as Charles positively
declared that he would never marry at his sister's cost,
the king adopted the same strain.1
Buckingham had intended to make a favourable impres
sion in Spain, and to support his credit by his influence
with the bride of tbe prince ; but disappointed in these
hopes, he now professed great devotion to the Queen of
Bohemia. He told Busdorf, the Palatine agent in
England, that though the Spanish journey had been
looked on witb suspicion, it would tend to good for his
master and mistress.2 " Madam," he wrote to the queen,
" be confident that whatsoever hath not been compassed
in Moses' time, may be perfected in Joshua's, though not
in the old man's days."3 Elizabeth had taken some pains
by friendly messages and letters, to conciliate the good
will of the favourite, and she paid him the compliment of
inviting him, in conjunction with the King and Queen of
Sweden, the King of France, and the Duke of Bichmond,
to stand sponsors for an infant son.
This child was born under unfavourable auspices. The
queen, in returning from Delft, where, as before named,
she had been feted by the English merchants, was thrown
into great alarm by two of her pages- drawing their
swords in a sudden quarrel, and fighting in the boat.
The consequence was, her premature confinement on
August 21st. Her friend and cousin, the Countess of
Nassau-Dietz, was her companion through this trying
period,4 as she had been on a former occasion.
The two English dukes returned their humblest thanks
for the unexpected honour of the sponsorship, but
regretted that, on account of the approaching marriage of
their prince, they could not officiate in person. This was
a mere excuse. The truth was, that the king did not
choose for Buckingham to come within the fascination of
1 Bristol to James I. Oct. 24; James I. to Bristol, Nov. 13 ; Prince
to Aston, Nov. 14; Aston to Conway, Nov. 23.
2 Rusdorf to King of Bohemia, Oct. 1 1, 1623, Rusdorf 's Memoirs and
Negotiations, 8vo., Leipsic, 1789, vol. i. p. 132.
3 The Non-such Charles's Character, 12mo. Lond. 1651, p. 96.
4 Carleton's Desp. Aug. 16 and 21 ; News Letter, Sept. 5 ; Court and
Times of James I. vol. ii. p. 417.

418 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
his daughter's influence, and therefore detained both dukes
at home ; though by so doing a slight was thrown upon the
queen, as custom only allowed proxies to persons of
royal or princely rank. The baptism, postponed for some
weeks owing to the delicacy of the child, was performed
on its father's birthday, November 19th, in the same
church in which the Princess Louise had been christened.
The Swedish monarchs were represented by the Prince
of Orange ; the Sovereign of France by his ambassador
at the Hague: and the English dukes by Sir Dudley
Carleton.1 The child was named Louis, in compliment
to the French king.2
Early in December, Sir George Goring again arrived
at the Hague. He was sent by Buckingham nominally
to express his regret in not being permitted to attend
the christening of the little Louis, but really, to assure
the queen that her brother and he were fully convinced
of the duplicity of Spain, and that though the match was
not yet formally broken off, he considered it to be so in
effect, as he felt sure that Spain would not stand the test
to which England was now prepared to adhere : that of
making her husband's restoration a sine qua non of the
marriage.3 These were joyous tidings to Elizabeth.4 Goring was
a fitting messenger of good news : he was one of the wits
of King James's court, and having been in the service of
the Queen of Bohemia in early life, was personally
attached to her.6 " That rogue Goring" was the title by
which Elizabeth usually designated him. The Prince of
Orange and his brother sympathized in the queen's
exhilaration. On Twelfth-night, the Prince gave a
splendid feast to the king and queen and their whole
court; and Prince Henry celebrated New Year's Day
by treating them with a masque both costly and beautiful ;
but some parts of it were considered by the queen as
1 News Letter, Nov. 28, Harl. MS. 7006.
5 Rusdorf Memoires, vol. i. p. 132 ; Carleton to CalVert, Aug, 21 ; to
Buckingham, Sept. 23, Oct. 21, Dec. 13 ; and to Chamberlain, Dec. 23,
Richmond to Carleton, Oct. 10.
3 Conway to Prince of Orange, Jan. 1624 ; Carleton's Despatoh,
Dec. 28, 1623 ; Carleton to Roe, Dec. 8 ; Roe's Negot. p. 199.
4 Cabala, pt. i. p. 178 s Carleton to Chamberlain, Dec. 23.

JAMES THE FTRST. 419
wanting in delicacy; and before its second representa
tion it was altered and the objectionable passages
omitted.1 The queen's enjoyments, however, brought her
into unexpected trouble ; they were considered very ill-
timed on account of an overflow of water in Holland,
which had brought much distress on the people. Carleton
writes, in humourous style : —
" Alas ! our joy has been turned into sadness ; for, last Friday, the
king being at preaching in the cloister church, was reproved before all
the company, for assisting at such rejoicings, in a time of sadness ; but
as he excused himself on the ground that he had not danced, all the
blame fell upon our sovereign lady, who maintains her cause, and sum
mons the preacher, Rosceus, in court before the judges, on their first
assembly on the 1st of April, because he accuses God of injustice,
saying that because they have danced here, the waters have danced
across the dykes near Vianen, as though God had punished the poor
peasants of those quarters for the seemly recreations which we take
here at the Hague." 2
The royal pair were beset by more serious annoyance
from the troops of Spain, with which Holland was then
at war, and those of the emperor, one of whose reasons
for quarrelling with Holland was that that country afforded
an asylum to his enemies. The winter being unusually
severe, and the rivers firmly frozen over, an opportunity
was given for a sudden attack, by Count Henry Vander-
burg, who with 7000 foot and 35 troops of horse, marched
to the close vicinity of a place where Frederic and Eliza
beth, were visiting.
" The Prince Elector and her highness," writes Carleton, " were
making merry at Culenburgh, with that count and countess, and at Vianen,
with the Baron of Brederode, (to which places they had been long
invited, and now took the commodity to go thither, in sledges,) when
they had this alarum of the enemy's approaching; so as they returned
hither on Monday last ; and their persons being of more consideration
than any else in this place, they are not without thought of providing
in time for their safety, which they may easily do, when they please, to
1 Carleton's Desp. Jan. 1624. Even in the court of Elizabeth of
Bohemia, with her high-toned delicacy, expressions were habitually
used which could not be read before a modern audience. In the letters
and conversations of that period, it was the custom to express, in plain
downwright terms, facts and opinions which would now be enveloped in
delicate circumlocution ; but the fault was one of the times, and not of
individuals. * Carleton to Smelsing, Jan, 24, Holland Corresp. 0 17 0

420 ELIZABETH, KLDKHT IMUGHTKE OF
Delft— and more assuredly, to tho Brill ; but became their remove on
this occasion would much dishearten the whole country, and prove a
matter of scorn and obloquy in case it should prove unnecessary, (a» in
all appearance it will), they forbear showing any apprehension ; but,
whatsoever happen, will bo watchful enough not to be surprised."1
The enemy marched so far that the Hague was in
danger; but a threatened thaw, and want of food com
pelled them to retire.2
The ultimatum offered in Spain to the Prince of Wales,
in reference to his sister and her husband, was, that on
condition of Frederic's aliKolute submission to his Imperial
majesty, the two Palatinates and the Electorate should be
cof'crrcd on his cldent son, under his administration, with
the understanding that the boy should be brought up in the
Imperial court, married to the daughter of the emperor,
and embrace the Boman Catholic religion.8 Such a scheme,
unlikely as it appears, when, in addition to the strong
Protestant principles of both the boy's parents, it is remem
bered that he was so near in succession to the Protestant
crown of England, was regarded with consideration hy
King James. Rut he was well aware that it would be
worse than nucleus to propow; to Frederic and Elizabeth
the perversion of their child's religious faith. Of this
article, therefore, he obtained a modification, viz., that the
young prince should be educated in the English court,
under the immediate eye of the Infanta, on her arrival
there. He then Hent the proportions to the king and
queen, in a carefully worded letter ; in which, after dila
ting on the advantages to be derived from submission, he
appealed to them, whether it would not be better to adopt
1 Carleton's Desp. Feb. 13, 1624.
5 Lingelsheim's Desp. March 12. This attack provoked the following
indignant tirade from Carleton: — "The emperor, not content with
having chased her husband out of the empire, in the proposition of thn
diet of Ratisbon, makes this one article, to make war upon th(*c pro
vincial, because, amongst other quarrels, they give refuge to the Prince
I'alatine. Where will this persecution cease ? And what place in the
world tu which they are driven from hence is not subject to tho Kami;
quarrel? Within this week that I now write, we were herein that
state, (if God had not prevented it), this country had been too hot for
them to remain in, and it hod been a happiness for them if they could
have got a poor 8cheveling boat to have transpnt-tod them elsewhere."
" Prince and Duke to James I. Aug. 29, Iliirdwick Htate Papon,
vol. i. [i. 429 ; Bristol to James I. Aug. 29, Spanish Corresp.

JAMES THE FIKST. 421
this course than to pursue their present dependent life,
clinging to uncertain hopes.1
'J his letter was the subject of long and earnest delibera
tion between their majesties of Bohemia and the English
' ambassador. Frederic revolted Horely against the required
humiliation : he reminded Carleton that twice before sub
missions had been extorted from him, both of which had
tended to his injury ; that now, it was only demanded in
order to gain time for disuniting and beating in detail those
who upheld his cause;2 and that if he agreed to submit
at all, it must only be by deputy, or it might be considered
a tacit acknowledgment of the right to translate the Elec
torate, and thus a virtual abandonment of himself and the
good cause, which he yet hoped to see revive. He could
not refrain from expressing his surprise, that after all his
endurance, and the promises made to him, his restitution
should be only in the capacity of administrator to his son.
To the education of the boy in England he made no
objection, as soon as he had laid a good foundation at
Leyden. " In this cogitation," writes Carleton, the king and queen remain
"not prescribing anything to his majesty, nor willing to submit them
selves anew to the same rod with which they have been so often
scourged. " '¦'
Finding that the feeling in England was strongly in
their favour, that the Prince of Wales was untiring in his
exertions, and that the king held back, rather because he
shrunk from war, than because he had any further
hopes from Spain, they thought it best not to be too com
plying.4 The reply of Frederic was prepared with great
care, —
. " First," he says," I ihank your majesty most humbly for the paternal
care that you continue -to show us in this occasion, which consoles me,
with my dearest wife, in our afflictions, more tlian any fear of human
events can sadden us, or render us content to recover the loss of our
goods by the loss of our honour."
1 Ancient Royal Letters, vol. vi. f. 276, State Paper Office : Rawlinson
MS. 138, Art. 14, Tanner MS. 82, f. 817, Bodleian Library, Oxford;
Mercure Francais for 1624, p. 2 ; Cabala, pt. i. p. 245.
2 Carleton to Buckingham, Harl. MS. 1580.
3 Ibid. Dec 2, Holland Corresp. State Paper Office.
' Mr. Carleton to Sir D. Carleton, Nov. 1 ; Conway to same, Nov. 20.

422 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
He then states in full his objections to pacific measures,
and sums up by endeavouring to show the propriety of
resorting to warlike action.1
All eyes were now turned with interest to an approach-^
ing meeting of the English Parliament, which was sum
moned for the 19th of February. Prince Charles had done
his utmost to prepare his father to act with decision,
exhorting him to look upon his sister and her children, and
to forget that he had a son.2 When the members assem
bled, the king, in his address, told them, that he was now
growing an old man, and did not wish to lose his title of
" rex pacificus ;" but would fain, " like aged Simeon, die
in peace ;" which he could not do, unless his daughter were
restored ; and should war prove necessary, he must have
large supplies, to enable him to bear its charges. The
Houses concurred in declaring for a war with Spain, advis
ing the king formally to discontinue his treaties, and to
show that the English lion had both teeth and claws.3
The prince himself attended the meetings of the Lords,
and Lady Bedford gives Elizabeth a glowing account of his
conduct, and says in conclusion : —
" I presume your majesty will not be displeased that I fill so much
paper with this subject, which, when I fall upon it, is so much all our
joys, and so great a part of your happiness to have such a brother, as I
cannot satisfy myself ever to have said enough. And, madam, give me
leave to wish that you would, in one letter at least, take notice of what
you hear of him." " It cannot fall so well from any pen as yours that
being so near him, may best, without fearing to make his modesty blush
or suspect, press his due upon him.4 "
Carried away by the prince's earnestness, the Parlia
ment declared they would offer their lives and fortunes for
the restoration of the Palatinate, and voted three subsidies
and three fifteenths, amounting in all to 300,000/., of
which the king declared he would not touch a penny, but
leave the whole to the management of a Parliamentary
1 Rawlinson MS. 138, art. 13 ; Lansdowne MS. 491, f. 205 ; Mercure
Francais, vol. x. p. 4 ; Anc. Koyal Letters, vol. vi. p. 300 ; Spanish
Corresp. 1623.
2 Coke's Detection, p. 135.
3 Domestic Papers, March, 1624, State Paper Office, passim ; Journal
of Lords, vol. iii. p. 209 ; Conway to Carleton, Feb. 26, Mercure Fran9.
vol. x. p. 216.
4 Addit. MS. 5503, f. 127 ; Matthews's Letters, p. 58.

JAMES THE FIRST. 423
* committee. The people were overjoyed : Buckingham
became popular in the extreme, from his promotion of the
measure ; bell-ringings and bonfires took place unbidden,
and the largest fire was kindled just before the house of
i the Spanish ambassador.1 The Prince of Wales exultingly
said, that now he had something worth writing to his sister
about, and that she would hear tidings better and better
every day.2
Elizabeth was highly elated with the prospect of the
termination of her long and harassing anxieties. She
read aloud to her husband the whole proceedings of parlia
ment, her father's speech, the long declaration sent in
reply, &c, &c, ; 3 and that, with such care, that the acci
dental omission by King James, in his speech, of the word
" grand-children," in reference to her children, was marked
and noted for correction.4 The queen thus communicated
her good news to her old friend, Sir T. Roe : —
" Since my dear brother's return into England, all is changed from
being Spanish; in which, I assure you, tbat Buckingham doth most
nobly and faithfully for me ; worthy Southampton is much in favour,
and all those that are not Spanish," " I leave all particulars to Sir
Dudley Carleton's letters, only I will tell you that one thing gives me
much hope of this parliament, because it began upon my dear dead
brother's birth-day. I must also tell you that my brother doth show so
much love to me in all things, as I cannot tell you how much I am glad
of it." All those who had bravely adhered to Elizabeth's cause,
when it was at a low ebb, now flooked round her, in the
hope of procuring, through her influence, appointments in
the English army that was expected to be organized. The
two Counts de la Tour, her Bohemian friends, the younger
of whom still bore the marks of his valiant defence of the
queen's retreat from Prague;5 — the Landgrave Maurice
of Hesse-Cassel, a prince of Saxe Weimar, and others,
were among the number ; but the principal candidates were
1 Nethersole to Carleton, March 25.
2 Mr. Carleton to Sir D. Carleton, March ; Conway to Carleton
March 6; extract of printed letter to Queen of Bohemia, March 23,
Holland Correspondence, State Paper Office.
3 Carleton to Nethersole, April 19.
4 Nethersole to Carleton, April 15.
5 Carleton to Calvert, Jan. 26, Feb. 4, March 8, April 7 ; to Cham
berlain, Feb. 26.

424 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Mansfeldt and Christian of Brunswick, who had licensed
their troops ; and both, weary of inaction, longed to enter
into the service of England.1 Brunswick was only dis- I
suaded from going into England by the influence of I
Elizabeth, who promised to watch as sedulously over his
interests as though he were present. Mansfeldt went
over, and though James, who had already begun to repent
the course he had taken, looked coolly upon him, he met
with the most cordial reception from the prince and the
Duke of Buckingham. Charles lodged him, as his own
guest, in St. James's Palace, in the very rooms recently
fitted up for the Infanta ; — rode out with him in public,
and paid him every attention; — while the people, who
regarded him as the defender of their beloved prineesB,
hailed him, whenever he appeared, with joyful shouts of
"Long live Mansfeldt; God bless you, my lord;" — and
even crowded round him to kiss the hem of his mantlei
His object was to raise and organize an army in England,
and to obtain supplies for his own veteran, but disbanded
troops, who were eager to re-assemble under his banners ;
but James said, that before he actually broke with Spaing
he must first know how far the French king was willing
to lend his support, and Mansfeldt accordingly started off
to try his success in the court of France.
The Spanish monarch, driven to the last resources of
his ingenuity to devise some method of stemming the
current set in so strongly against him, sent over a disguised
Capuchin friar, whose machinations involved Elizabeth in
the utmost anxiety ; '2 he privately spread a report that
the prince and duke were trying to remove the king, as
superannuated, from the government, which they wished
to engross ; and that Elizabeth was in league with Buck
ingham, and had formed with him a design to obstruct all
proposals of marriage for her brother, in the hope of
securing the crown for her eldest son, who was to marry
the duke's daughter.3 In order to give the weight of
1 Carleton's Despatches, April 18 and 19; Rusdorf's Despatches,
April 24 and 25 ; Mr. Carleton to Queen of Bohemia, April 24, German
Correspondence, State Paper Office.
2 Newspapers, May, 1624 : Lingelsheim's Despatches, April 16, Hol
land Corresp. Jan. 14 ; Espesses' Despatches, Sept. 19, Bethune MS.
9175, f. 37 b. " Johnston Rer. Brit. Historia, p. 619.

tr

JAMES THE FIRST. 425
circumstantial evidence to the story he added, that when
Elizabeth sent her agent, Nethersole, to Spain, it was
with a view to this object; omitting the fact that the
prince had reached the sea -side, on his way home, before
Nethersole arrived.
When this accusation transpired, an examination was
made, at the prince's request. Nethersole and Goring
were questioned on oath ; but their replies were uniform
and clear in contradicting it, and no sort of proof could be
brought to substantiate the tale. The friar, on this,
wanted to leave the country, but he was told that he must
either eat his words or prove them : the prince wished him
to be prosecuted, alleging that there were precedents to
justify the step ; James, in his cool, quaint style, replied,
" Yes, such sort of precedents as they found when they
Cut off my mother's head ! "' and refused his consent.2
The indignation of Elizabeth was aroused at the sup
position that she was plotting to sully the royal blood of
her descendants, by blending it with that of a low-born
parvenu, and she requested Carleton and Nethersole, as
best acquainted with her counsels, to clear her from such
a blot on her reputation.3 But she thought it necessary,
in a point of such importance, to undertake her own vindi
cation with her father. She declined taking an oath of
her innocence, as was at first proposed, because she con
sidered it derogatory to her dignity,4 but she wrote to the
king, in terms explicit, yet carefully guarded, so as not to
give umbrage to the favourite.
" Sire,— I have heard from my secretary, Sir Francis Nethersole,
that my enemies have accused me to your majesty of two things, which
are most false; one is that I sent my secretary into Spain, with com
mission to try to break off Or hinder my brother's marriage ; and the
other is that by the said secretary, I treated for a marriage between my
eldest son and the Duke of Buckingham's daughter. These are two of
the greatest falsehoods that could have been invented ; for as to the
first, it has been the entire contrary : the king and I, to please your
majesty in following out these ways, had sent Nethersole to Spain, with
a letter from the king to the King of Spain, full of good will, and I had
1 Nethersole to Carleton, May 6, Holland Corresp. State Paper
Offiee, Mercure Francais, p. 35 1 .
2 Mr. Carleton to Sir D. Carleton, May 13.
' Cabala, p. 223. 4 Cai-leton to Nethersole, May 28.

426 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
written another to the Infanta, in the same style, in which I called her
' sister ;' I sent her a little present of two diamonds in pendants, the
best I could afford, in the condition I am in ; as for the other accusa
tion, I protest that I never had a thought of it, nor has it ever been
mentioned to me directly or indirectly, in any fashion whatever; and
when I saw such a thing in a, book of news printed at Paris,1 (and
also before this book, the secretary of Mr. Herbert had sent word
to the king that the Spanish ambassador had related such a thing),
I laughed at it as a folly which nobody would believe : but now that
I see that the Spaniards have the effrontery to accuse me of it with
so much pertinacity, I cannot refrain from complaining to your majesty
of the wrongs they do me ; that after having taken away from the
king and me all that we possess, they want to deprive us of your
Majesty's good favour, the only blessing which remains to us, and
which I esteem most in this world, and which I shall try in everything
that I can, to preserve to myself by my most humble obedience to your
commands. I therefore most humbly entreat your majesty not to
believe these slanderers, and ever to continue to use the paternal friend
ship which I have at all times found in your majesty towards me, which
I shall try to merit, in being for ever, Sire,
" Your majesty's most humble, most obedient daughter and servant,
" Elizaheth."2
" The Hague, this 28 of May St. V. (1624)."
Although the king was troubled with anonymous letters
on the subject of this rumour, now widely spread, yet his
daughter's calm and convincing statement seems to have
dispelled his apprehensions.3 This obstacle removed,
James still declared that before he could act decisively he
must be certain of his allies, as without good support, he
should not be able to cope with the opponent powers. Sir
Robert Anstruther was therefore sent on a special mission
to Germany, Sweden and Denmark,4 and Lord Holland,
to Paris, with the Earl of Carlisle, formerly Lord Don
caster, to whom, from some peculiarity of physiognomy,
Elizabeth generally gave the epithet of her "camel.''
Meanwhile, the Queen of Bohemia exerted herself to
promote the common cause by forwarding a renewed
alliance between England and Holland ; she wished it not
only on account of its bearing upon her own interest, but
as likely to prove advantageous to the Dutch, towards
1 The Mercure Francais, vol. x. p. 31 mentions it.
2 Holog. French, Holland Corresp.
3 Carleton's Despatch, May 28, 1624.
4 Anstruther's Instructions, June 1624, Denmark Corresp., State
Paper Office ; Frederic to James I., July 13.

JAMES THE FIRST. 427
(j. whom she was anxious to evince her gratitude for her
»> kindly reception and entertainment. They hesitated, at
tie first, to embrace her overtures, from the fear that King
"¦ James might make peace without them, and leave them in
' the lurch ; but at length they agreed to send two ambas-
j sadors to the English court, who were provided with full
a powers to conclude the treaty,1 which subsequently was
i happily accomplished and signed.2
1 The influence of Frederic and Elizabeth, both in Eng-
i land and at the Hague, sensibly augmented. The first
use made of it by the queen, was to obtain some advan
tages for the numerous family now springing up around
her. She sent for her second son, Charles Louis, from the
court at Berlin, to join his brothers at Leyden, and pro
cured for him a pension of 20007. from her father, who
had already granted a similar favour to her eldest.3 For
her youngest son, Louis, she endeavoured to secure the
colonelcy of a regiment of French guards, which had been
in the hands of the Duke of Richmond, lately deceased,
and in this also, she was successful.4
In the month of March we find the queen attending a
fete given in her honour by the Duke of Brunswick, who
had borrowed a house for the purpose, between the Hague
and Leyden, and invited the gentry of the neighbourhood
to meet her.5; In April the royal pair were again enter
tained by the East India Company at Delft ; 6 and in
May, the Prince of Orange invited them to spend a week
with him at his country house at Breda ; he wished to
consult them about an extensive park, which he was
intending to enclose. The country scenery presented
many attractions to Frederic and Elizabeth, and though.
1 Carleton to Buckingham, Dec. 18, Jan. 14, Harl, MS. 1580, f. 249 1
Elizabeth to Conway, Feb. 16, Holland Corresp., Carleton to Bucking
ham, Dec. 9, Ibid. The passage relating to this point is in the rough
draught in the Holland Correspondenpe, but is crossed out, and there
fore does not appear in the letter in Harl. MS. 1580, which is printed
in Cabala. 2 Holland Corresp. June 1624.
3 Carleton to merchants Hamburg, March 3 ; Elizabeth to Conway,
Oct. 25, 1624, Holland Corresp. Frederic to Conway, Nov. 8, 1624 •
Charles Louis to Treasurer, April 2, 1625, Anc. Boyal Letters, vol. v.
4 Carleton to Nethersole, March 7 ; Elizabeth to Conway, April 19.
' Carleton's Despatch, March 8. 6 Ibid. April 30.

428 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
they were beyond the limits of Holland, properly so
called, they met with no molestation from the enemy,
in walking abroad and surveying the fair fields and woods
of Brabant.1 The Venetian ambassador, who had shown
every attention to the royal exiles, gave them a magnifi
cent entertainment in June, previous to surrendering his
post to a successor.2 ,?
The summer of 1624 was remarkably unhealthy ,Jn
Holland. A pestilence, originated by the desolate condi
tion of the Palatinate, had slowly travelled down the
Rhine, and now made fearful ravages.3 At Delft, 100
persons died in a-day, and the Hague was not exempt
from the contagion : there were deaths in the houses
adjoining that of the queen, and one of her ladies fell a
victim to the disease.4 Elizabeth was still more affected
by the untimely removal of her true-hearted friends, the
Earl of Southampton and his son, Lord Wriothesley.5
Another noble Englishman, the brother of Sir Edward
Conway, secretary of state, was also seized ; the queen
ordered her own physician and chaplain to attend him,
and sent frequently to inquire after him ; he died at the
Hague, after a week's illness.6
The mortality amongst children, in particular, was
very great. As Leyden was one of the places most
affected, the Prince of Orange, compassionating the
anxiety of the royal mother, lent her his house at
Hounslerdyke, whither all her children were removed.'
In October, an addition was made to their number by
the birth of another prince, who was named Edward.8
The sponsors were, the States of Venice, represented by
the young Duke of Bouillon, son of Frederic's tutor,
lately deceased ; the Duke of Savoy, by the English
Earl of Oxford; and the Queen-mother of France, by
the Princess of Portugal. The foreign ambassadors
1 Carleton's Despatch, May 28. ! Ibid. June 1.
3 Carleton to Chamberlain, Sept. 30.
4 Epesse's Desp. Sept. 2.
5 Carleton's Desp. Nov. 13 ; Elizabeth to Roe, Dec. 27.
0 Carleton to Conway, Jan. 6, 1625. i
7 Carleton's Desp. Sept. 4 ; Roe's Negot. p. 298. ;
8 Carleton's Desp. Oct. 6.

JAMES THE FIRST. 429
were invited to a re-union in the evening, at which a
large company was handsomely entertained.1
Hardly had the queen recovered her strength when she
was called to encounter a severe trial in the illness and
death of her fifth son, Louis, who was a special favourite.
" It hath pleased God," wrote Carleton, " to intermix the blessing of
these princes' plentiful and hopeful issue with a cross, in taking the
youngest save one to himself; on whom their highnesses having placed
a particular affection, and this being the first they have lost, they take
it the more heavily. It is now a full month since the deceased prince,
by breeding of teeth, fell into a fever, at Hounslerdike ; from whence
he was brought, ten days past, by counsel of physicians, to this place, as
less exposed to sharpness of air ; where it wanted no human help ; but
God took it yesterday, about two of the clock in the afternoon."
"It was the prettiest child I had," Elizabeth writes
to Sir Thomas Roe, " and the first I ever lost." Difficul
ties arose concerning the interment of this little one.
The sepulchres of its paternal ancestors were in the
hands of enemies, and at the Hague there were no
churches set apart for royal sepulture; the parents
desired that it should be taken to England and laid by
the side of Queen Anne of Denmark. If King James
objected to this, they proposed to lay it in the burial
place of the Prince of Orange, at Delft ; an alternative
which was ultimately adopted. The French regiment,
just bestowed on this child, was, at their request, trans
ferred to their new-born son, Edward.2
During many months past, the exiled princes, depend
ing mostly for support on the chary liberality of their
father of England, had been exposed, by the lack of
means, to great humiliations. The monthly allowance
to the queen of 1000Z. was found so inadequate to meet
her wants and those of her family, that in April, 1623,
500/. a-month was added for the king's establishment ; 3
and from this amount he was expected, not only to
supply his own expenses, but to provide for the main
tenance of his younger children, with their attendants,
and to pay his counsellors and servants at the Hague, and
1 Carleton's Desp. Dec.23 ; Espesse's Desp. Jan. 2, 1625, Bethune
MS. 9176 f.63b. Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.
2 Frederic to James I. Jan. 4, 1625 ; Carleton's Desp. Dec. 25.
3 Conway to Carleton, Sept. 19, 1623.

430 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
his agents in England and elsewhere.1 The sum was
totally insufficient to meet the demands, and he solicited,
but in vain, an augmentation to 10007. ; 2 he therefore
sold, to the Duke of Lorraine, the Lordship of Lixheim,
in Lorraine, of which he was proprietor, for 130,000
rix-dollars, and placed the principal in the hands of the
States of Holland, that the interest might be expended
in behalf of his children, till his restitution.3 By blend
ing their funds and curtailing their establishment, the
king and queen contrived to accommodate their expen
diture to their income ; but the frequent delays in the
time of payment of the allowance gave them constant
anxiety, and was the subject of perpetual correspondence
with the English ministers.4 The expressions used by
ambassador Carleton in his dispatches, are both painful
and amusing. He says, the shopkeepers, their creditors
at the Hague, are very difficult to be silenced, and wait
the messenger expected with money from England with as
much earnestness as the Jews look for their Messiah;,
that the court longs, " with hunger and thirst," for
tidings from the queen's agent, Ashburnham; and that
he is obliged to conceal the worst from her, lest her
cheerful temper, unbroken by public distresses, should
be dejected with the pressure of private wants.5 He was
compelled sometimes to forestall her income or to lend her
money from his own purse.6 His wife, Lady Carleton,
visited England, and one of her chief anxieties was to
obtain from the king a present for his daughter. She
persuaded him to order her a chain of pearls, value 1000/.,
and Elizabeth requested that the value in cash might be
1 Carleton to Weston, May 9, 1624.
2 Carleton to Treasurer, May 17, 1623 ; Memorial of Debts of King
of Bohemia, German Corresp. bundle 57.
1 Carleton's Desp. Feb. 19, Nov. 11,1 623. The king was embarrassed
by a heavy debt which accumulated in the interval between his return
from Sedan and the grant of the pension — from October, 1622, to April
1623— but this King James was pleased to discharge.— -Mr. Carleton to
Sir D. Carleton, Sept. 6 ; Frederic to Conway, Oct. 20 ; Calvert to Conway,
¦dug. 7 / Carleton's Despatch, Sept. 6, 1623.
4 Elizabeth to Conway and James I. Sept. 10, 1624 ; Mr. Carleton to
Sir D. Carleton, March 21, 1623 ; Fred, to James I. Sept. 10, 1624.
5 Carleton to Treasurer, Aug. 9, 1623.
" Carleton to Burlomachi, Oct. 22, 1624.

JAMES THE FIRST. 431
' sent in its stead, which was done, and the same also in
' reference to another pearl chain of 500Z. value, given at a
t! later date. She preferred the discharge of her debts to
' the decoration of her person.1
The king and queen were also in difficulties about the
rent of their house. On their first entry it was under
stood that occupying the residence of a banished traitor,
they would be free from any obligation for rent; but
when Van der Myle came to the Hague, under suspicion
of a share in the conspiracy of February, 1623, he obtained
from the States a promise that they would regularly pay
him the rent of the house ; and he had an interview on
the subject with the maitre d'hStel of the king and queen
of Bohemia. Distressed at the idea of occupying another
person's mansion, and receiving civilities from his widow,
without any due compensation, they ordered their servant
to assure him that if any delay or unpunctuality arose, they
would take the matter into their own hands and pay the
amount themselves. This promise they performed, dis
charging all arrears from the time of their coming to the
Hague, at the rate of 1200 livres per annum.2 They
fulfilled, with great fidelity, a request still more urgently
made, that their influence might be nsed to procure the
return of Van der Myle from banishment ; and in this,
after the lapse of another year or two, they succeeded.3
The zeal with which King James had seemed to espouse
his daughter's cause, proved evanescent. The summer
passed away in negotiating treaties of alliance with foreign
states, most of whom would have treated with tenfold
alacrity had they seen the English king assume the initia
tive in arms; but as he even declined to publish war
against Spain, he was universally distrusted.4 Elizabeth
endeavoured to induce him to some overt act of hostility
at sea. An English captain, named Gifford, came to her,
1 Lady Carleton to Sir D. Carleton, May 8, June 31 ; Mr. Carleton to
same, Aug. 21, 1623, Holland Corresp ; "Weston to Conway, Dec. 1, 1624,
Domestic Corresp.
2 Van der Myle to Carleton, Oct. 7, Nov. 20, Dec. 20, 1623.
3 He was one of the assistants at the funeral of the Prince ef Orange
in May, 1625.
4 Carleton to Nethersole, April 21, 1621.

432 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
and begged her to authorize him to fit out, at his own ex
pense, two ships and a pinnace, with which to intercept a
Spanish galleon, freighted to the value of 100,000/. He
assured her that there were many English ready and long
ing to put to sea, if they might but have the warrant of her
name.1 Elizabeth referred him to her father, and he was
refused, though with a partial promise that when matters
were more matured, the project of fitting out a fleet, in the
name of the queen and her husband, should be considered.
A few months later, four Spanish vessels, of immense
value, were driven by tempest to take shelter in the
Downs. Elizabeth heard of it, and with her husband and
the Prince of Orange, went at once to Carleton, to request
him to urge upon King James the propriety of taking pos
session of them. They represented, that as it was intended
in England to fit out a fleet in the name of the King and
Queen of Behemia, it would be a mockery to let slip the
present chance of advantage, merely because war had
not been formally declared; and reminded the King of
England, that Spain had stood on no such ceremony in
reference to the Palatinate.2 The ambassador replied,
that he would leave the matter in the hands of Elizabeth,
and she wrote letters on the subject both to her father and
brother, ordering Nethersole to deliver that to the prince
first, and unless he approved the scheme, not to suggest
it to the king. Charles condemned it as unfair and impo
litic. He thought his sister's impetuosity had hurried her
beyond the bounds of discretion, as he neither considered
it honourable to begin the war by taking such an advan
tage of an enemy, nor politic to do it, when the King of
Spain could so easily retaliate upon English vessels in his
harbours.3 To the sore disappointment, therefore, of both
England and Holland, the stately vessels, with their cargo,
worth a million sterling, sailed peaceably away.
Rusdorf, Frederic's agent in England, was in despair,
He was constant witness to the affection of the nation for
his master and mistress, and to collisions of feeling between
them and the king. He heard, that when the King of
1 Carleton to Buckingham, April 16, 1624, Cabala, p. 181.
2 Carleton's Desp. May 28, 1624.
3 Nethersole to Carleton, June 7, 1624.

JAMES THE FIRST. 433
Bohemia was extolled before his father-in-law, James
gruffly replied, that he knew well enough that the Puri
tans loved him better than himself, though he had done
all he could to satisfy them.1 He knew that even in
England anonymous pamphlets were published by that
party, asserting that the king was unfit to reign, and pro
posing to dethrone him, to disinherit the prince, and to
exalt the idols of the nation to its sovereignty ;2 he, there
fore, wrote to urge the queen to throw herself boldly, and
at once upon the sympathies, ofthe English.
"What now shall the King of Boliemia do ¦?" he says — "If we expend
all our energies in devising all the remedies in the world, I «ee none that
better pleases wise reflectors on things than that the queen should be
sent here into England, that by her perpetual aspect and by her prayers,
the king, the prince, and the people, moved with compassion, might
attempt something, and those who favour our2 cause receive fresh
courage by the presence and impulse of such a heroine. Surely the
King -of Britain would be impelled to more manly -counsels, from very
fear lest he should exasperate the people, and offend his son, his daughter,
and the rest of the lords. If by any other mode or spring we think we
can drag'-the wheels of this chariot, may we not err ? but unless another
order Of affairs is at once undertaken, and there is a change for the
better, we must yield to the hard weapon of necessity, and the queen
must be sent here : such a'step would not fail of effect. But she must
not yield her children out of her own hands to the British king." 3
" As to sending the queen here into England," he adds a few months
latter, " if nothing else be done than to seem to request it, you may be
confident that you will be able to obtain something as a relief of her
exile. For I know not what the King of England would not grant you,
rather than permit her to come here. If you like I will secretly hunt
out the opinion of the prince, who, I believe, in the inmost shrine of
his heart, would be delighted at her coming, but for fear of giving
offence, he dares not give the slightest indication of his wishes." 4
Elizabeth's affectionate feeling served her at this critical
juncture. From the beginning of the movements in her
favour, she had declined to take any share in their manage
ment, beyond sending a private letter of thanks to the
Speaker of the House of Commons, who was warmly
devoted to her cause ; declaring she would leave all in the
1 Rusdorf Concilia, vol. ii. 713.
' Harl. MS. 389,-f. 186 b. Court and Times of James I. vol. ii. p. 390 ;
Addit. MS. 10,224, f. 17 ; Carafa's Relazione dello stato Presente, &c.
1623. 3 Rusdorf Concilia et Epist. Franc, fol. 1725, p. 47. f.
4 Rusdorf to Camerarius, Sep. 14, 1624, Sylburgius, p. 629.
VOL. V. 2 F

434 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OP
r
hands of her father and brother. Now she refused to
darken the declining years of her father, already prema
turely old with the cares of more than half-a-century of
royalty, by intruding herself as his rival in his own king
dom. The only step she took was, with her ready pen
and readier courtesies, to win and rivet the affections of all
who came into contact with her, and to use the influence
thus acquired for the benefit of her friends.
At the head of this list was her cousin, the Duke of
Brunswick. He passed a weary summer, between dis
appointment at English tardiness in commencing warfare,1
vexation at the repeated efforts of his relatives to seduce
him from his allegiance to her to whom he had vowed to
devote his life,2 and annoyance at the threatened risk of
losing his bishopric of Halberstadt. Elizabeth advised and
comforted him to the best of her power, and generously
offered, if he were reduced to straits, either to give him
half the pension bestowed upon her son Charles, or a pen
sion in the Order of the Garter, which was also promised
to the boy ; the Garter, itself, vacated by the recent death
of the Duke of Holstein, she had requested expressly for
her cousin, as it was an honour he earnestly coveted.3 But
whilst she was soliciting it for him, a circumstance arose
which clouded the fame of this preux chevalier, and ren
dered him if " sans peur" certainly not " sans reproche."
Duke Christian had given several cartes blanches to
Kniphausen and Rooke, two of his favourite officers, and
availing themselves of these, they had, under plea of his
name, seized a rich citizen of Hamburg, and carried
him off secretly to East Friesland, where they compelled
him to draw a cheque for 9000 rix- dollars on his brother,
a merchant of Amsterdam. Suspicions were raised, the
matter was investigated, and opinion went sorely against
the duke, whose poverty was well known. He treated
the matter very cavalierly, and although those who loved
him took every pains to suppress any allusion to him per-
1 Elizabeth to James I. Jan. 19, Holland Corresp. and Aug. 7, Anc.
Royal Letters, vol. v.
2 Anc. Royal Letters, vol. iv. March 22, 1624 ; Carleton to Conway.
Sept. 16.
» Elizabeth to Conway, April 19 ; Carleton's Desp. May 28, Jane 3.

JAMES THE FIRST. 435
sonally, yet popular feeling was so strong, that he was
advised to leave the Hague, and take a long- postponed
journey into Denmark. Elizabeth, as may be imagined,
was greatly concerned.
"I find her highness," writes Carleton, "much afflicted with the
accident ; but her love to the person whom it most concerns is guided
by this rule, ' dum quod re dignum est facis ; ' and she is no less troubled
with his setting light by it, than with the thing itself: whether this
carriage of his proceed of innocency or carefulness, your highness shall
be soon advertised."
Zealous for the honour of the noblest badge of England's
chivalry, Elizabeth requested that the duke's election into
the Order of the Garter should be suspended ; or, if her
request arrived too late, that the insignia should not be
sent till he was cleared from so foul a blot.1 He, mean
while, departed, leaving an order for Kniphausen to libe
rate the Hamburg merchant as soon as those agents who
were imprisoned for their share in the transaction, should
be set free; and Carleton requested that the matter
might thus be silently dropped, urging in plea, the duke's
multiplied services and high connections.2 Christian,
however, was partially guilty ; he had allowed Knip
hausen to influence him contrary to his own sense of
right, and he would not let his servants bear the brunt of
his misdoings ; he confessed that they had, in the main,
acted with his permission, though in some respects they
had exceeded it, and wrote on their behalf to the magis
trates of Amsterdam.3 Candour availed him more than
his previous nonchalance. Elizabeth restored him to his
place in her good graces, and a few months afterwards,
he went over to England with warm letters of recom
mendation from her,4 became the guest of the Prince of
Wales, was flattered and caressed by the whole court
circle, and received the chivalric badge of the garter.5
The time had now arrived for the vacation of Frank-
enthal by the troops of the Infanta; and though the
prince, Buckingham, and the privy council strongly urged
1 Carleton to Prince of "Wales, June 10, 1624.
2 Carleton to Calandrini, &c. June 17.
3 Carleton to Prince of Wales, June 19.
4 Elizabeth to James I. Dec. 15.
5 Holland Corresp. Jan. 2, 1625 ; Domestic Corresp. Jan. 1625.
2 f 2

436 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
on the king to redeem his pledge and to garrison it,
his troops were not ready in time, to save his daughters
do wer- town.1 Consequently, on the appointed day, the
Spanish troops were marched out with banner and drum ;
no English garrison appearing, after a brief delay they
marched in again, compelling the reluctant inhabitants td
pay them their wages ; and Frankenthal was no longer &
pledge to be held for the exiled family.2
Mansfeldt, after encountering and conquering many
obstacles in the French court,3 had at last obtained such
promises of support as took away from James I. all
pretext of refusal to co-operate, and in September, 1624,
he returned to England to collect forces. All Europe
looked with anxiety to see what reception he would now
find.4 The Princes of Germany favoured the interests of
Frederic ; the King of Denmark was propitious, though
less forward than was hoped ; the King of Sweden was
heartily zealous in the cause ; 5 and the friendship of
France was consolidated by the marriage alliance of
Prince Charles with Henrietta Maria, one of the terms of
which involved the support of the Palatinate,6 Great
efforts, on the part of England, were therefore expected.
King James issued a commission, authorizing the levy of
an army of 12,000 foot and 8000 horse, to be paid by
a monthly allowance of 20,0007. ; the King of France
promising an equal number of troops, with payment

1 Privy Council Orders, July 15, from Minute Book in Privy Council
Office, Whitehall ; Conway to Queen of Bohemia, Sept. 23.
2 Brief Information of Palat. p. 52; Rushworth's Collect, vol. i. p. 151;
Mercure Franc, vol. x. p. 363.
3 Carlisle and Kensington to Carleton, May and Aug. 1624.
4 Carlisle and Kensington to Jaines I. Sept. 9, lo'24.
5 Elizabeth to Sir T. Roe, Dec. 27, Roe's Negoc. ; Carleton to An-
struther and Spense, Sept. 2.
6 Carlisle, one of the ambassadors, writing to Carleton, says — '' Upon
the return of a courier whom we have dispatched into England, we shall
see clearly what will be the issue of our negotiations here, which
stoppeth only upon the service of the 'Queen of Bohemia, which I
beseech your lordship to assure her majesty is embraced and pursued
with infinite devotion by her camel, who will always stoop to all her
commandments, and receive what burden soever she shall please to
impose Upon him."— Holland Corresp. 1624.

JAMES THE FIRST. 437
for them for six months.1 The zeal of the kingdom in
Elizabeth's cause rendered the levy an easy task.2
The tidings that an English army was at length rising
to vindicate their rights infused new life into the hearts of
the King and Queen of Bohemia. Dreams long-cherished
of seeing again the home of their early married life were
once more indulged, and the end of their painful years of
exile was confidently anticipated. Elizabeth was " almost
out of measure joyed" to think that her own countrymen
were to be the means of effecting her restoration.3 Their
joy, however, was greatly damped, when it appeared that
Mansfeldt's commission was restricted ; that he was pro
hibited from any hostile movement against Spain or
Flanders, and ordered to confine bis operations to the
expulsion of the imperialists from the Palatinate.4 The
mortification was the greater as they had hoped to make
an early use of the English army, by rendering it availa
ble to the Prince of Orange, in his endeavours to defend
Breda, than besieged by the Spaniards. They remon
strated with King James on this decision. The States
sent over agents on the same errand ; and Carleton
expressed himself as strongly as he dared ; saying, that
an army raised for the king's son-in-law should be at his
absolute disposal, and that he little thought to have seen
the time when the King of England should be less for
ward in the cause than the King of France.5
The troops set sail early in February, 1625, and
arrived in the Low Countries ; but the Infanta opposed
their landing, and drove them back to their ships, in which
they then sailed to Flushing.6 Frederic wished to have
headed the army himself, but Mansfeldt objected, and he
waived the point ; the old Count de la Tour was lieu
tenant-general, and the Duke of Brunswick general of the
horse. The troops, however, were so ill-provided and
' Carlisle's Desp. Oct. 16, French Corresp.
2 Pembroke to Carleton, Dec. 10 ; Rushworth, vol. i. p. 152.
3 Frederic to James I. Feb. 16.
4 James I. to Mansfeldt, Nov. 1 7, Du Puy MS. 33, f. 65 ; Nethersole's
Desp. Dec. 22.
5 Carleton's Desp. Feb. 14 ; Eliz. to James I. Feb. 15, 1625.
• Harl. MS. 389, f. 395 ; News Letter, Feb. 4.

438 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
victualled, that they died away rapidly, forty or fifty in a
night. The States granted them a little assistance, but
were unwilling to do more, so long as the king positively
refused to allow them to aid the Prince of Orange
against Breda ; • and thus the armament, procured with
such difficulty, was in danger of melting away through
want and disease. James wavered so far as to permit them
to march through the Low Countries, and if the Infanta
opposed their passage^ to secure it by force ; 2 beyond this
he would not be persuaded to go. They marched accord
ingly, towards Gertruydenbergj to await the cavalry of
France and Germany, which was to meet them ; 3 when
an event occurred which changed the face of affairs ; this
was the death of James I., on the 27th of March, 1625 ;4
followed with in a few days by that of Maurice, Prince
of Orange. This prince had acted almost a father's part to the King
and Queen of Bohemia, and to the last gave proofs of his
esteem for Elizabeth, by bequeathing to her, in his will,
some shares in a West Indian company, in which he was
concerned, and also by insisting, even from his dying bed,
that his brother and successor Count Henry, of Nassau,
should marry Amelia of Solms, one of her ladies, because
she had been brought up under the eye of the queen, and
therefore he felt confident that she would prove worthy of
his brother's love.5 Frederic followed as second mourner,
and his eldest son as fifth mourner, in the splendid funeral
pageant ofthe deceased prince.6 The ambassador Carleton
was invited, but some hesitation arising about precedence,
he stayed away on pretence that he would bear the Queen
of Bohemia company, as she ought not to be left alone.
Though so many of Elizabeth's troubles had been caused
by her father's mistaken policy, yet personally she had
1 Carleton's Desp. March 1, 1625"; Nethersole to Carlisle, Feb. 7.
2 German Correspondence, bundle 57.
* Mercure Francais, p. 844.
4 In the Domestic Records, State Paper Office, is a letter from J.
Chambermaid to the Queen of Bohemia, written on the day of the king's
death, recording the circumstances, and especially his earnestness to
have it known that he died a Protestant.
6 Van der Vynckt Hist, des Pays Bas, vol. iii. p. 66.
• Mercure Frangais, vol. xii. p. 92 ; Carleton's Despatch, Aug. 20.

JAMES THE FIRST. 439
never experienced unkindness from him, and their corre
spondence was marked by expressions of mutual love and
good-will. She sorrowed sincerely for the loss of this last
surviving parent. One of her friends speaks of her taking
it " extreme heavily ; " another says, that on receiving the
condolences of the foreign ambassadors, and their congratu
lations on her brother's accession, she "carried herself with
a comely mixture of sorrow and joy."1 In one. of her
letters, she writes : —
" You may easily judge what an affliction it was to me to understand
the evil news of the loss of so loving a father as his late majesty was to
me : it would be much more but that God hath left me so dear and
loving a brother as the king is to me, in whom, next God, I have now
all my confidence." 2
The dying monarch had not been without compunctions
respecting his treatment of his only daughter, and his last
charge to the prince was to take care of his sister and
her children.3
1 St. Leger to Carleton, April 3; Carleton's Despatch, April 8, 1625.
In Harl. MS. 376, f. 6, is a holograph letter to the queen from Christian
. of Brunswick, consolatory on her father's death, and expressing the
strongest hopes of her speedy restoration, through the influence of her
brothei-. , A letter of similar import from Sir T. Roe is in Turkey
Corresp. bundle 8, State Paper Office.
* Elizabeth to Conway, April 11. a Rushworth, vol. i. p. 155.

440 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OP

ELIZABETH^
ELDEST DAUGHTER OF JAMES II

CHAPTER V.
Position of Charles I. — His efforts to aid his sister — Want of money —
Tour of the king and qneen in North Holland — They give fetes in.
honour of King Charles's marriage — Discontents of Parliament —
Supplies for Palatinate refused — Buckingham's manoeuvres — Charles
I. attempts a general Protestant alliance — Partially succeeds — Par
liament attacks Buckingham — Is dissolved — Frederic's despondency-
Death of Duke Christian — Birth of Princess Henrietta Maria —
Elizabeth ill — Lord Carleton leaves Hague— King and queen visit
Dutch army — Christening; of Prince Orange's son — Marriage of Lord
Strange — Death of Mansfeldt — Low state of Frederic and Eliza
beth — Charles I. pays their debts — Queen's obliging temper — Her
correspondence — Poltical affairs — Death of Buckingham — Frederic
builds a country house at Rhenen — Family portrait group — The
queen's family— Death of her eldest son — Condolences — She removes
to Rhenen — Endangered by Spanish troops — Visits army at Bois
le-duc — She and husband ill — Pecuniary embarrassments — Charles
privately negotiates peace with Spain — Distress of Frederic and
Elizabeth — Charles's explanations— Electoral diet — Elizabeth's resig
nation — Birth of Prince Charles of England — And of Princess
Sophia — Death of Princess Charlotte — Visit of Duke de Vendome —
Gustavus Adolphus and the Marquis of Hamilton— King of Sweden
asks aid from England for German war — Charles I. in treaty with
emperor — Elizabeth's strong remonstrances — Charles offended, but
reconciled — Queen's letter to Roe — Birth of Prince Gustavus —
Frederic joins Swedish army — His movements — Correspondence
with his wife — Vane's embassy — Queen's letters to him — Policy of
Gustavus - His death at Lntzen — Dismay of Frederic — He has the
plague — His death — And character.
The position of Charles I., on his accession to the
English throne, was that of a successful leader of oppo
sition suddenly translated to the ministerial bench,
and invested with the difficulties and responsibilities of

JAMES THE EIBST. 441
office. _ For several years previous to the decease of the
late king, though Charles had never transgressed the
bounds of filial deference, it was known that he strongly
disapproved of some of his father's measures, and of none
more so than his proceedings in reference to the Palati
nate. The time was now come when he had to prove
how much easier it is to blame, than to improve upon,
a course of action, and when he was to contend with
embarrassments very similar- to those which had agitated
his father's councils. But we must not anticipate.
In expectation of King James's impending decease,
Rusdorf had strongly urged the propriety of having ships
prepared, on some other pretext, by which, immediately
on the accession of Charles I., the Queen of Bohemia
might go over to England, where, received with acclama
tions by the people and the parliament, she might suitably
influence the first councils of the new king ; but Elizabeth
thought the step needless.1 Instantly upon his accession,
Charles sent over his cofferer, Sir Henry Vane, to his
sister, to give her the strongest assurances of his good
will, and she deputed her faithful secretary,. Sir Francis
Nethersole, to offer her congratulations to him.2 Charles
declared, publicly and repeatedly, that he thought nothing
so important as to begin his reign by the restoration of
his sister and her family.3 His first act was to revoke the
restrictions laid by his father on Mansfeldt's troops,, and
place them entirely at the disposal of Frederic, who,
having borrowed 40,000 francs from the States, for their
payment, ordered them to march at once to aid in raising
the siege of Breda., A gallant attack was made on the
outposts of the enemy ; but they were strongly fortified,
the place was ill victualled, and on the 29th of May, the.
mournful news of its surrender reached the Hague, where
the gallant Earl of Oxford was dying from a fever taken
in the war.4
Still, under the auspices ofthe new monarch, warlike pre-
' Rusdorf to Camerarius, March 31, 1625, Syllburgius,, ut supra.
2 Frederic to Charles I., April 12, 1625, Ancient Royal Letters,
vol. vi. ; Elizabeth to Conway, April 11, Holland Corresp. Court and
Times of James I. vol. i. p. 6.
3 Harl. MS. 1684, f. 31. " Mercure Francais, p. 849.

442 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OP
parations in England advanced with vigour ; troops, well
armed and appointed, were rapidly levied ; ' a fleet, already
in forwardness, was manned and fitted out for sea ; and
when the Spanish monarch asked an explanation of all this
military array, Charles's cool reply was, that the Queen
of Bohemia now had a king for her brother.2 Frederic
unhesitatingly renewed to his brother-in-law the pledge ex
torted from him by King James I. to be entirely governed
by his wishes, saving his conscience, honour, and the
fundamental laws of the empire.3 But an empty ex
chequer hampered the execution of Charles's zealous
schemes. Mansfeldt, not receiving such supplies for his
troops as he hoped for, left them to maintain themselves
as they could in the towns of North Holland, where they
endured great misery. One of their officers, Lord Crom
well, assures Carleton that for four days they have not
had a morsel of bread :
" "We are," he says, " in that disorder that we are weary of our life ;
yet to leave the queen's service I will never 5 for misery, with her sacred
majesty, is a thing far exceeding any bliss else. I have sent my plate
and clothes away to the Hague, that if I escape and live to see the good
queen, I may not appear like a poor coarse chambermaid, or a poor
Welsh clerk, before her." *
It was probably with a view of examining into the situa
tion of these distressed soldiers that the king and queen,
with the Princess of Orange, undertook a journey into
north Holland. But as the record of their excursion,
though minute, was written by a young lady of the court,
whose only thought was amusement, we must be content
with such details as are afforded in her sprightly narrative,
from which all serious subjects are banished.
" Thursday, June 26th,*" she writes to her cousin, Sir G. Goring,5
" we left the Hague in coaches for Haarlem, wearing our usual travel-
1 Rushworth, vol. i. p. 168.
2 Court and Times of Charles I. vol. i, p. 12.
3 German Corresp. June 6 1625.
4 June 7, 1625, Holland Corresp.
s This journal is in the Holland Corresp. 1625, State Paper Office,
marked " an intercepted letter from one of the Queen of Bohemia's
maids of honour, to her cousin in England," and a letter from Goring
to Carleton, September 8th, naming the journal, proves him to have been
the cousin in question.

JAMES THE FIRST. 443
ling dress, only in hats, instead of hoods, which caused mistakes in the
good people who watched us passing; they thinking the queen and
princess were the boys, William and Louis, and that we were their
pages : the same thing happened to a good woman of Haarlem, who,
coming to see the queen, left the room dissatisfied, saying she had seen
three young men at table, but no one else in their company. The bur
gomaster of the said place, visiting the princess in her chamber, when
bareheaded and with her hat upon the table, would not put his own on
the first, but insisted so often on 'couvrez vous, Madame,' that she was
obliged to put on her hat. As good luck would have it, we happened to
be at Haarlem, in the time of the Kermesse.1 This enabled us to send a
great packet of presents to the Hague, which arrived opportunely the
day after, when Lord Cromwell was giving a feast to the English am
bassador and all the good company of our nation, at the court of Hol
land, so that each person received their own ; especially Mr. St. Leger,
who being curious in portraits, received one sent him by the queen —
the device was an angry woman, beating her child furiously with her
hands. Mr. St. Leger said it was from the hands of Mabuse."
The journalist records their arrival, on the 27th, at
Alkmaar, where they feasted on beautiful peaches. The
boorishness of the Dutch peasantry afforded the travellers
constant amusement, especially the maids of honour, who
came into closer contact with them than their royal
mistresses. " We arrived at Enkhuisen at midnight on the 28th," writes our
narrator, " very weary and annoyed with the length of the dykes, which,
in these quarters, are measured more by German than English miles.
We were immediately visited by the Consistory, and invited to partake
of the holy communion the next day, — being Sunday ; but we excused
ourselves, not being in charity with the aforesaid dykes, nor with the
steeples, after having mounted that of Haarlem, which made us afraid
of approaching churches all the rest of our journey. The cabinet of
Doctor Paludarius is the greatest curiosity in Enkhuisen."
The learned doctor showed the party over his collection,
conversing with them chiefly in Italian, but our frivolous
writer mentions only an enormous elephant, and a skit, too
coarse for repetition, played off against the Countess of
Lewenstein. This lady was Elizabeth Dudley, who had
attended the queen since her first coming into Germany,
and under her auspices had been married to the German
count, Ernest Casimir de Lewenstein,2 whose death, the
preceding year, left her a widow.3
1 Kirchmesse, a Dutch fair.
2 Carleton's Desp. April 18, 1622.
3 " We need not fear," wrote Carleton, " that she will die of grief.

444 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OE
Lady Lewenstein was generally styled by the queen her j
" reverend countess," and was the butt at _ which the
younger wits of the court vented their sallies, but the
queen loved her for her fidelity, and ultimately procured j
for her an English pension of 200/. a-year.
"The 29th," continues the journal, "we slept at Hoorn, where the
burgomaster, being a widower, begged the queen to give him a wife
amongst us. She, allowing him to choose' for himself, he selected the
said countess, but entertained us all with great compliments."
On the 30th the party reached Eidam, where the king
and queen and the princess were requested to make their
entry on foot, the streets being strewn with rose leaves
and rushes ; and on July 1 st, they dined at Monniken.
" Throughout all north Holland," observes our lady writer, " people
were greatly scandalized with two things which they thought unneces
sary superfluities — first, the length of our robes ; secondly, the number
of six horses in our coaches-rr-pursuading us to shorten our robes after
their fashion, and so influencing their neighbours of Amsterdam,
(desiring to correct our excesses by the contrary) that instead of six
horses for the coach of the king and queen, they only gave them one to
tak.e them to their lodgings. Arriving there the evening of the 1st of
July, we found Ambassador Carleton, with Colonel Morgan, awaiting
our coming. Lord Cromwell was there too, with some other of Mans-
feldt's officers, in the suite of Paymaster Dolbier, more ready to calcu
late than to count out money. We were magnificently entertained, and
there, as throughout north Holland, defrayed by the magistrates of the
place, and entertained with divers shows."
The next day was passed in visiting the buildings of
different merchants, where the company were much
annoyed by the ill odours of the trading town.
" The music at each repast," continues our narrator, " after having
stumbled a little, was composed of a spinnett, a violin, and two voices ;
our escort, and one of the burgomasters trilling and drinking, drinking
and quavering to the tone and measure. It was there that, as the
climax of his attentions, our escort presented the queen with two twins,
girls, three months old, named Becea and Gertrod ; the queen (who is
careful to support herself by good alliances,) immediately thought of a
double marriage between them and two twin boys bom at the Hague, in
her palace, since she left — Castor and Pollux — children of fortune ;
but, with great people, time is required for affairs of such consequence.
On leaving Amsterdam, we passed the sea of Haarlem, in a fine fleet of
chaloupes and a gallion of 40 tons, well provided with artillery and
everything- necessary, excepting food ; only having one shoulder of
She told Villebronne that a tear or two would not be mis-spent, if the
news proved false ! "

JAMES THE PTRST. 445
mutton to dine the whole company. This was Colonel Morgan's pro
viding ; perhaps he was thinking of the famine of Breda. Alighting at
Luss, midway between Haarlem and the Hague, we there found our
coaches, and an ambassador of the Grand Duke of Muscovy, who fore
seeing our voyage by the art of divination, (which is much practised in
those parts), after having presented to the princess his letters of credence,
magnificently folded and sealed, greeted our return with a fine harangue ;
and thus we arrived at the Hague, the evening of the 4th of this
month." The party had been so pleased with their trip that they
projected another to Utrecht, Amersfort, and as far as
Daventer, to see the famous cabinet of M. de Smelsing ;
but more serious occupations detained them a,t home.
Immediately on their return, Sir Albert Morton, now
secretary of state, arrived at the Hague, on a mission from
King Charles, to communicate to his sister the arrival in
England of his queen, Henrietta Maria, and the comple
tion of the marriage. His person and message rendered
him doubly welcome. It will be remembered that he was
a former servant of Elizabeth, and his connection with her
had recently been revived, by his marriage with one of her
maids of honour, Mrs. Apsley ;l his visit also tended to
increase the reputation of the good understanding that
subsisted between her and the king.2
On the -|-J- of July, Elizabeth gave a feast in honour of
her brother's marriage, to which the foreign ambassadors
were invited ; the English diplomatists made an excuse of
absence, on account of a dispute which still remained as to
their precedence before those of France, and which caused
continual disturbance in the courtly circles, and actually
prevented the envoys from meeting on any formal occa
sion. A few days afterwards, Elizabeth driving out with
Sir Albert Morton, in his own coach, was encountered by
that of the French ambassador, and the queen's coachman
attempted to pass first, on the ground that the presence
of a king's daughter in the coach rendered all hesitation
unnecessary. This was not allowed, and the French lady
kept her ground. In private, Elizabeth was on very good
terms with this ambassador, but in his public capacity he
was a stickler for etiquette, and he never gave the King
1 Elizabeth to Conway, Nov. 12, and to Roe, Dec. 27, 1624.
* D'Espesse's Desp. July 14, Bethune MS. 9178, f. 41.

446 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OP
and Queen of Bohemia the regal titles by which they were '
usually known in Holland.1
In September, the king and queen, after visiting their
children at Leyden, went on a hunting expedition to the
Island of Goree, where they were joined by their cousin
of Brunswick. He came to bid them farewell, preparatory
to leading the troops furnished by his uncle, the King of
Denmark, against the Imperial general "Wallenstein, who
now made his appearance on the theatre ofthe German war,
in which he was destined to play so conspicuous a part.2
We must now return to trace the course adopted by
England in the general struggle which was impending.
On the 18th of June, King Charles opened his first par
liament, and in few words reminded its members, that by
their advice and concurrence he had undertaken war, and he
should, therefore, expect their cordial support in its prose-
cution.3 The commons were discontented with the appro
priation of their former grant, as no one could deny that
hitherto the war had been greatly mismanaged ; they laid
the blame upon Buckingham, and yet to him the Palatinate
cause was more especially intrusted.4 Their supplies, in con
sequence, were scanty and inefficient; and Mansfeldt, still
without resources, disbanded many of his half starved
troops, whose officers were already becoming insubor
dinate, attributing their sufferings to the mismanagement
of their general.5
The king and queen in vain endeavoured to conciliate
matters, and to reason Mansfeldt into a different spirit : in
the end he quarrelled with them, as he had already done
with Prince Christian of Brunwick,6 and, along with the
regiments that yet adhered to him, he joined the King of
Denmark.7 The grief of Elizabeth, at this disappointment of her
1 D'Espesse's Desp. Aug. 24, Sep. 2 and 22, 1624, Bethune MSS.
9175, ff. 12-14 b. 18 b. and 9179, f. 32. 2 Ibid. f.39.
3 Journal of Lords, vol. iii. p. 435.
4 Buckingham to Carleton, May 4.
5 Blainville's Negoc. 1625, Royal MS. 4, C. 2, f. 52, British Museum;
Holland Corresp. Aug. 24, 1625, State Paper Office.
0 D'Espesses Desp. Aug. 24, 26 ; Bethune MS. 9178, f. 101-2.
' Harl. MS. 4471.

JAMES THE FIRST. 447
hopes was in proportion to her former buoyancy of expec
tation. "So it is," writes Carleton, " that time begins to seem long to her
here, and, since the last Prince of Orange's sickness and death, nothing
so agreeable as formerly ; which proceeds not of defect in the prince
that now is, of applying himself to her service and studying her content
ment ; neither is here want of other good entertainment, Madame de
Tremouille being here at this present with her daughter, and the town
full of the best company of these parts, which are frequent at the court ;
but as there is satiety of all things, even of the best, so must there be
of exiles, which is one of the worst, though it may be borne for a time,
as it hath been by her princely virtue, and that with admirable patience,
which yet she doth not lose, but her servants do in her regard.'' '
The selfish policy and restless imprudence of Bucking
ham threw away another opportunity of retrieving the
condition of the distressed king and queen. Having failed
to underprop his tottering fortunes by Spanish influence,
he had been next anxious to secure that of France, and
consequently had gone to Paris on the business of the
marriage treaty, and professed himself the avowed adorer
of Anne of Austria. To gratify these new allies, he
actually prevailed on his master to assist King Louis
in the siege of Rochelle, then held against him by the
Huguenots ; it failed, owing chiefly to the dislike of
the English soldiers to fight against their fellow Protes
tants, in a war of religion.2 The quarrels which soon after
ensued between the favourite and the young queen, who
had, of course, the sympathies of the French court in her
favour, soon proved to Buckingham that there was no
hope of his supporting himself by the influence of France.
Yet he had been threatened with prosecution by the last
Parliament, and he dreaded the effects of another assembly,
should the king find it necessary to summon one. He,
therefore, resolved to obtain the interest of the Puritans,
by throwing himself into the party of the Queen of
Bohemia, who was their idol, and, if possible, to secure her
permanent influence, by means of the family union which
had been suspected and rumoured the preceding year ; for
though the regal pride of James I. would have revolted
1 Holland Corresp. Aug. 7 ; Carleton repeats the same sentiments in
a letter to Buckingham, Aug. 20, Harl. MS. 1580.
2 Lud!"Vs Letters, 4to. Lond. 1812, p. 7.

448 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
from an alliance even with his favourite " Steenie," Buck
ingham hoped that the facile Charles would be more
pliant. The duke had no son to -inherit his fortunes, and
was the more eager for a connexion which, by uniting his
eldest daughter to Prince Frederic Henry, now second in
succession to the crown of England, might eventually raise
his descendants to the throne.1 He induced the king to
send him over to the Hague, in conjunction with the Earl
of Holland, with the professed object of cementing, under
the auspices of Elizabeth, an alliance between the sove
reigns of Denmark, Sweden, and England, the States of
Holland, and the German Princes; cherishing, at the
same time, the reserved intention of sounding the queen
in reference to this marriage.
The king was .probably not ignorant of his design, as it
had reached the ears of the French ambassador. His
instructions to the duke were to assure his brother-in-law
that he was fully 'resolved to execute the purpose formed,
though tardily, by the late king, of restoring him to his
lost possessions, and further, —
" to tell our dear and only sister, what you have formerly said to the
Prince Elector Palatine of the Rhine, our brother, and to assure her
from us, that we intend, for the good of her and hers, to make a league,
offensive and defensive, with the States of the Low Countries, until both
the 'Palatinates and Electorship be entirely recovered by arms, or other
wise restored ; and to desire her from us to propose and manage this
proposition, as it may proceed from the States to us, and not from us to
them ; and that we conceive that the States proceeding thus to us,
(which we shall be willing to accept), it will conduce and facilitate much
the recovery of the Palatinates and Electorship, either by arms or other
wise. And this you are to tell our dear sister only."2
B-usdorf, the Palatine agent in England, was in intimate
communication with several friends of his royal mistress
in the English court, and therefore was well informed of
what passed behind the scenes. He felt great anxiety
concerning the schemes of the Duke of Buckingham, and
' Blainville's Desp. Oct. 22, Bethune MS. 9191 ; Royal MS. 4, C. 2,
f. 433. 2 German Corresp. 1625, State Paper Office. The prominence given
to Elizabeth, in these negotiations, was in accordance with the king's
opinion expressed in a letter to Buckingham, giving him some instruc
tions to his sister and brother, in which he says — " I place them so,
because I think the grey mare is the best horse."

JAMES THE FIRST. 449
sent to the Hague a full account of their origin and
object. It was his opinion that Buckingham must have
some expectation of the king's concurrence, and if so, the
Queen of Bohemia was placed in a critical dilemma : she
must either give hopes of an alliance which would lower
the dignity of her house, and convert the love of the
English nation, to whom the duke was most obnoxious,
into hatred; or she must, by a positive refusal, exasperate
the proud and irritable, yet all - powerful favourite.
Rusdorf advised a middle course ; to temporize with the
duke ; to speak of the necessity of consulting family con
nections, &c. ; but, above all, to prevent the young prince
from falling into Buckingham's hands, by being sent into
England. The love of the people towards the children of
the King of Bohemia was stronger than towards himself,
and if the eldest were in hands so odious to them, his
popularity would be at an end.1
Elizabeth adopted the caution recommended by her
counsellor, and neither did she pledge herself to anything
detrimental to her honour, nor did she, as her subsequent
correspondence proves, offend her powerful visitor. On
other grounds his mission was not very acceptable ; she
had always found extraordinary embassies, set forth with
so much parade, to end in air ; but still she anticipated,
almost with trepidation, intercourse with a man whose
powerful interest with her brother might make or mar her
future fortunes.2 The duke's reception at the Hague was
made a matter of some importance. The States fitted up
for him splendid apartments adjoining those of the queen,
in the same pile of building. After a stormy passage,
which shattered his fleet and left him only two ships, he
arrived at Helvoetsluys on November 18th, and on the
following day made his public entrance into the Hague,
where he was received with the highest honours ever paid
to foreign ambassadors. " He alighted," says Nethersole,
"at our court, where then and ever since he hath been
used with that graciousness is natural to the mistress of
' Rusdorf to Cameraius, Oct. 19, 1625 ; Memoirs and Negot. &c.
p. 364 ; Sylburgius Append, to MSS. Pal. p. 70.
2 Carleton's Desp. Oct. 9.
VOL. V. 2 G

450 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
the place, and borne himself with all fitting respect to her
and the king." '
The duke went over to Leyden, to visit the juvenile
royal family, and he evidently treated Prince Frederic
Henry, his hoped-for son-in-law, with great distinction,
for the boy wrote him a courteous letter in acknow
ledgment of his kindness;2 but he received little real
satisfaction, and it was observed that he appeared discon
tented.3 At the Hague, several days were passed in
assemblies and feastings ; many more in diplomatic meet
ings between the various ambassadors, at which the' dis
cussions were long and animated, and the conclusion was
a resolution to maintain German liberty, and re-establish
the disinherited princes.4 To this effect, on December 9th,
a treaty of alliance was signed by the agents of England,
the States-General, and Denmark ; those of the Elector
of Brandenburg, of Gabor, and the King of Sweden, were
not present, though known to be favourable to the com
mon cause/ — the two latter even inclining to a renewal of
the claims of Frederic on the crown of Bohemia.6
Union was, indeed, more than ever necessary, as the
emperor, by breaking up the territories of the Palatinate,
and giving portions to most of the neighbouring Roman
Catholic princes, had interested them personally in the
continuation of the present state of affairs.7 The impe
rialists were gathering in force, and it was feared that
they might march to Berlin, and demand the surrender of
the two royal children, Elizabeth and Maurice, who still
remained there.8 On the other hand, the Protestant
European powers were more earnest than they had before
1 Nethersole's Desp. Nov. 25, 1625.
2 Feb. 10, 1626, Harl. MS. 6988, f. 18.
3 Royal MS. 4 C. 2, f. 978 ; Blainville's Desp. Dec. 29.
* D'Espesse's Desp. Nov. 27, Bethune MS. 9179, f. 134.
6 The recent marriage of Gabor to a sister of the Elector of Bran
denburg, was considered by all parties a most auspicious event, as
tending the more firmly to secure his adherence. — Elect. Brand, to
Charles I. Oct. 10, 1625, Royal Letters Prussia, vol. xv.
" Swedish Correspondence, Spring, 1626.
7 Carleton to Buckingham, Aug. 20.
8 Anstruther's Despalcli, Feb. 5, 1626, Denmark Corresp. State Paper
Office.

JAMES THE FIRST. 451
been in the vindication of fhe cause of liberty. Sweden
prepared to arm, and Christian of Denmark, relying on
the late treaty with England, by which he was to receive
considerable pecuniary .aid, assembled a large body of
troops, and entered heartily upon the campaign.1
But the evil destiny of the Stuarts brooded over the
head of Elizabeth. Charles I. loved his sister truly and
fondly, but'he loved himself and his favourite Buckingham
better ; «the nation, too, though they loved their princess
heartily, could not overlook their own interests, and those
interests were sorely at variance with the extent of prero
gative assumed by the king, and still more so with the
avaricious mis-government of Buckingham. The parlia
ment, assembled in February, refused all consideration of
supplies till it had first prosecuted the favourite, and after
much angry altercation, characterized by hauteur on the
one part and turbulence on the other, it was dissolved.
Elizabeth thus addressed the Duke of Buckingham on
the subject : —
" My lord,
" I give you many thanks for your letter by Charles Morgan, and am
sorry to hear how much you are persecuted by your enemies. I doubt
not but you will be very well able to clear yourself, which my good
wishes shall ever be for, being most confident of your affection to us,
and our cause. I pray God that you were all well agreed, for the loss
of time is a great evil to us. The King of Denmark begins to think the
time long that he has 'no resolution from the king, my dear brother ;
therefore, I pray, do your best that he may quickly have a good answer.
This bearer can tell you all that passeth here. I will only assure you
that I am ever, " Your most affectionate friend,
" I pray remember our horses." " Elizabeth.' 2
" The Hague, this '# of June."
Writing to secretary Conway, she says : —
" I shall not need to tell you how sorry I am for the distractions of
the present time you mention ; for nobody doth suffer so much by them
as I. But I have the same confidence with you, tbat the wisdom and
constancy of the king my brother will, at the last, overcome tbem all.
My only doubt is that others, not so confident thereof, may not have

1 Lingelsheim's Despatch, May 18, 1626. He was assisted by a regi
ment of Scottish troops who, according to the account of their literary
Lieutenant Munro, entered into the cause of their royal compatriot with
great warmth. ! Harl. MS. 6988, f. 21.
2G2

452 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
patience enough to attend the time. In that respect I should be glad
that the gentleman you mention were presently dispatched to my uncle,
the King of Denmark, so that he may as well carry with him some
performance of things already agreed on, as power to treat."
The King of Denmark exclaimed loudly against the bad
faith of Charles I. in leaving him to struggle alone with
the powers banded against him ; ' yet, without Parlia
mentary money, it was difficult for Charles to raise even
the needful supplies for his own government. Bjj means
of forced loans, however, monies were procured, and he
ordered another fleet to be prepared, to carry out the war
with Spain, and commissioned the Marquis of Baden to
raise troops on his behalf. But these orders were little
more than matter of form.2 Meanwhile the Danish monarch
received a severe defeat from Tilly on the plains of Lutzen,
and was forced to retreat ; and Mansfeldt's troops were
cut in pieces by "Wallenstein.3 One of the parliamentary
party printed a letter to King Frederic, painting strongly
the hopelessness of his position, and the fallacy of his
looking for help from foreign powers, who despise the
condition of a poor exile, or from the booty-loving soldier,
Mansfeldt : that as to England if he attach himself to the
duke, the people will hate him and refuse subsidies ; if to
the opposite party, then the king will refuse him help ;
and even suggesting that it were better for him to join
the French Protestants at Rochelle, who were his fellows
in religion and in distress.4
To add to the misfortunes of the year the queen lost
her faithful cousin, Christian, of Brunswick, who died in
June, of a virulent fever, though not without strong
suspicions of poison.5 The depression caused by the
1 Anstruther's Despatches, Sept. 27, Harl. MS. 2390, f. 129 ; Chris
tian to Charles I., Ancient Royal Letters, vol. xiii. ; Frederic to
Charles I. and to Buckingham, Aug. 28, Harl. MS. 6988, ff. 12-14.
2 Fcedera, vol. viii. pt. ii. pp. 83, 106, 1 12.
" Mercure Francais, 1626, pp. 130, 678.
4 Tertia secretissima instructio Frid. V. data, 4to, Hague, 1626. The
author of this pamphlet was called to account for his boldness. See
Court and Times of James I. vol. i. p. 190, D'Ewes Autobiography,,
vol. i. p. 193.
5 There were two motives for wishing to get rid of him — not only
was he very essential, from the '' vastness of his burning zeal," to the
general cause, but his decease threw his estates into the hands of the

JAMES THE FIRST. 453
los3 of her gallant defender had an unfavourable effect,
on the health of Elizabeth. She was then near her
confinement, and after a period of severe and dangerous
suffering, she gave birth to an infant daughter. A. few
days after the event the English resident, Mr. Carleton,
writes : —
" The Queen of Bohemia's little infant had such a sudden and great fit
of sickness on Sunday, in the evening, that every one thought it would
presently die ; and therefore it was forthwith christened by' the name
of Mary, being that of her Majesty of England, who will be invited to
be the godmother notwithstanding, by such letters of the king as were
presently dispatched at the hour of the birth. Since, God be thanked,
it is reasonable well again." '
The queen herself writes : —
" We were fain to christen the girl in haste, she was so sick. I
have called her Henrietta, after the queen, who, I hope, will esteem her
god-daughter." 2
Henrietta Maria gracefully accepted this compliment; she
felt kindly towards her unfortunate sister-in-law, and took
every opportunity of expressing her sympathy and regret
at being unable to assist her, and her hopes of seeing her
one day in England.3 To her no small pleasure Elizabeth
found that Queen Henrietta participated in some of the
favourite tastes, especially in her love for animals, towards
which she still retained her juvenile predilections, and
was continually receiving presents for her menagerie from
those who courted her favour.
The exiled queen still continuing an invalid, she sent
for advice to the French doctor Mayerne, her brother's
physician, who, for many years, had attended the royal
family, and knew her well, his daughter, Louisa being one
of her domestics. Elizabeth requested him to prescribe a
regimen, or mode of life, telling him that she would
Duke of Luneburg. who was known to be a friend of the emperor.
— Mr. Carleton to Conway, June 22, 1626, Harl. MS. 390, /. 89 ; News
Letter, July 8 ; Mercure Francais, p. 664.
1 Mr. Carleton's Despatch, July 12, 1626; the other sponsors were
the States of Guelderland, E. Giles to Coke, July 24 ; Domestic Papers,
State Paper Office.
2 The princess was called Henrietta Maria. Mary was the usual
name given to the queen of Charles I. in England.
3 Rusdorf's Desp., Aug. 11, 1625, Jan. 18, 1627 ; Memoires, vol. i.pp.
605, 802.

454 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OP
#
submit to being bled, but that medecine she utterly
abhorred. The doctor noted down in his prescription
book that her constitution closely resembled that of her
late mother, Queen Anne ; that though naturally robust,
she was not careful of herself, and did not sufficiently
avoid over fatigue.1 Her spirits were, at this time, much
depressed, as is testified by the concurrence of contem
porary writers : —
" The magnanimous Queen- of Bohemia,, who hath hitherto, with a
foi-'itude beyond her sex, borne so many calamities undauntedly, is now
suddenly marvellously dejected, and will not be comforted. The reason
I hear not, nor know whether it be known ; but the Countess of Bed
ford, from whom my authority saith he hath this, hath a purpose to go
over unto her." 2
At the Hague, Elizabeth lost one of her faithful friends,
in the removal of Sir Dudley Carleton, afterwards Lord
Carleton and Earl of Dorchester, from his post of Dutch
ambassador to that of vice-chamberlain to Charles I., and
subsequently of secretary of state. During her fathers
lifetime, Elizabeth endeavoured to promote this statesman :
his attachment to herself and that of his wife, who was
said to neglect her other friends in her devotion to the
queen, won her warm regard, and induced her to seek his
interests, even at the risk of losing him from the Hague.
In his place she had wished for either Sir Thomas Eoe,
her old and tried friend ; or her secretary, Nethersole ;
but the former was just then under a cloud of temporary
disgrace, and the latter was not considered of sufficient
standing to occupy so important a post.3 It was there
fore filled, for the present,, by Mr., afterwards the younger
Sir Dudley, Carleton, nephew and long associate of the
late ambassador. He writes to his uncle that the queen
is weary of the Hague, and much wants him back.
" Upon all occasions her majesty doth not fail to express her wonted
graciousness and affection unto your lordship, with complaints both
publicly before company, and privately in her chamber with her ladies,
how much she hath lost sinceyou left this place." 4
' Ellis's Letters, 2nd series, vol. iii. p. 247.
* Harl. MS. 390, f. 148. See also f. 146.
1 Nethersole to Conway, March 5, 1625, Domestic Papers,
4 Mr. Carleton to Sir D. Carleton, Jan. 25, 1627.

JAMES THE FIRST. 455
He adds, that she highly prizes his letters, and thanks
him for a present sent to her little daughter, Hollandine.
The court circle was also reduced by the removal of the
Prince of Portugal,1 who had married a princess of
Nassau, and who now, with his family, went over to
reside in Flanders, allured by promises of a pension from
the King of Spain, if they would embrace that party.2
Towards the autumn, King Frederic took his wife out
on a hunting expedition; hoping, by means of her favourite
amusement, to drive away the melancholy that oppressed
her. They went first to Harderwyck, where all their
expenses were repaid to them by the liberality of the
magistracy,3 and thence to Arnheim, in the neighbourhood
of which lay the army of the Prince of Orange.4 The
prince invited the king and queen to visit him in his
camp, and sent for his wife from the Hague, to assist in
their entertainment. Inured for years to the clang of
arms, Elizabeth had learned to look unshrinkingly on
glittering cuirass and steel, and she did not hesitate to
accept the invitation. On Saturday, September 2nd,
they arrived at Emmerich, and the following Tuesday the
prince entertained them with a sight of his army, drawn
up in the full array of march ; after which he escorted
them back to Emmerich and rejoined his soldiers.fl On
their return they made a brief tour through the Yssel.
" Her majesty bids me tell you," wrote Mr. Carleton to his uncle,
" she hath a long relation to make you of her journey to Arnheim, her
hunting in those parts, with ber progress over all the towns on the
Yssel, and how that coming unto Utrecht, and visiting the house of
Blommaert, a famous painter, she there found a true original picture of
her dog Babler; which she bath bought, and intends to send it you by
the first, that you may give your opinion. Now she hath no leisure to
write, she being entertained with the king this night, at Sir John
Ashburnham's house, whose little daughter hath been christened this
day." The Prince of Orange, who on his first accession to his
dignities, had pledged himself to do all in his power in
1 Mr. Carleton to Sir D. Carleton, May 1, 1626.
3 Mercure Francais, p. 658.
8 Schrassert beschriving Van Harderwyck, vol. ii. p. 141.
4 Mr. Carleton to Sir D. Carleton, Sept. 4, and 10, 1626.
' Jermine to Coke, Sept. 10, 1626, Holland Corresp.

456 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
favour of the Queen of Bohemia,1 paid her a marked
testimony of respect, by requesting her to stand sole god
mother for his infant heir, William of Orange, whose sub
sequent marriage with her niece, Mary of England, proved
so great a solace to her after life. Tbe queen, in spite of
her poverty, presented the child with a basin and ewer of
solid gold,2 and she endeavoured to procure for his
father the place in the Order of the Garter vacated by
the death of Christian of Brunswick.3
Another ceremony, of considerable influence in its
ultimate bearings, took place a few days after the christen
ing of tbe young prince. The Queen of Bohemia was
notoriously fond of match-making, and it is amusing to
trace the number of the alliances made among her servants.
But an opportunity was afforded of trying her powers in
a higher grade of society. She had as a visitor in her court,
her husband's cousin, the beautiful and accomplished
Mademoiselle de la Tremouille, whose family were among
the firmest supporters of the French Huguenots. At the
same time, one of the numerous young English noblemen
who visited the Hague with the expresis object of kissing
the hands of their royal lady, was Lord Strange, son and
heir of the house of Derby. It suggested itself to the
ready wit of the queen, that a union between this youthful
couple would prove most advantageous, as they would then
be enabled to offer a sure andMsafe refuge to oppressed Pro
testants in the Isle of Man, which belonged in proud and
exclusive sovereignty to the Earls of Derby. The Earl
of Bedford, who had a hand in the matter, writes to
a Frenchman at the Hague : —
" My Lady Derby hath absolutely given her son, with a particular of
the present state and possibilities of the House of Derby, to the Queen
of Bohemia, to dispose of both, in this matcii, as she pleases, who ex
tremely affects the good success thereof. I shall, within u day or two,
write to the Queen of Bohemia some reasons why it will be best she set
a full and speedy end to this, wherein she is so much trusted, and so
great respect showed to her."4

1 Prince of Orange to Charles I. June 4, 1625, Ancient Royal Letters,
vol. 20. i Mr. Carleton to ( 'onway, Ji  22.
• Elizabeth to Sir II. Carleton, July 20, and to Duke of Buckingham,
Aug. 13; Harl. MS. 69118, f. 35, &c.
4 Harl. MS. 7000, f. 110.

JAMES THE FIRST. 457
The only proviso made with the queen was, that the
terms of the match should not in any way be unfavourable
to the interests of the Derby family.1 Accordingly, on
July 5th, in a palace of the Prince of Orange, the mar
riage of Lord Strange with Mademoiselle de la Tremouille
was solemnized with much splendour, though disturbed by
the contests for precedence between the English and
French ambassadors, both of whose signatures were re
quired ; which contests were renewed more seriously, at
the sport of running at the ring prepared by Elizabeth for
the entertainment of the guests.2 The lady thus intro
duced, under Elizabeth's auspices, into the peerage of
England, was the Countess of Derby, whose heroic
defence of Latham House for Charles I. forms one of the
most striking episodes in the civil wars.
In the close of this year died Count Mansfeldt, whose
untiring though reckless energy had been of the greatest
service to the Palatine cause ; but the fact that he left
behind him an immense fortune proved that disinterested
attachment either to the person or service of the Bohemian
king had little effect in. influencing his conduct.3
The English agent at the Hague regarded the state of
affairs in a very discouraging light: he declared that
everything was going to ruin in Germany — Mansfeldt
dead, the Germans vanquished, the King of Denmark,
with neither money nor officers of experience, the Duke
of Weimar dead, and Gabor compelled to a truce with the
emperor ; and he fancied that the credit of the queen
diminished with the low state of her affairs.
" I know not how it cometh topass, but I see the wonted respect is
much diminished.. The Prince of Orange comes seldom, nor yet bis
wife, (though she have more leisure than he,) and stayeth little when
they come. The French ambassador makes himself a stranger, framing
to himself certain discontentments in the air, as if there were a party
1 Sir Robert Carr to Carleton, Oct. 22, 1625.
2 The dexterous management of the ambassador's coachman to push
in his master before the English ladies so enraged them that some blows
ensued, and the poor fellow received and gave several wounds. One
English lady was so exasperated that she declared sbfl only wished she
had been killed, and then he would have been hung for it ! — D'Espesse's
Desp. Bethune MS.9\80,f. 201 b.
1 Mercure Franc, p. 715.

458 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
against him in her majesty's court ; and so it is almost with the rest of
those that are of quality, as if all had conspired in neglect ; but I dare
not write all I could tell your lordship in this behalf." '
The point which the envoy dared not name, was a ten
dency on the part of the States to prefer the alliance of
France to that of England, should a rupture transpire,
which now threatened, owing to jealousies between the
two courts, exasperated by Buckingham, in reference, to
the fulfilment of the marriage articles. Lord Carleton
was sent to the Hague, to reassure the States, to carry to
the Prince of Orange the insignia of the Garter, procured
for him by Elizabeth, and to visit and comfort the king
and queen.
" You are further," continue his instructions, " to let our dear brother
and sister know the continuance of our care for their support and main
tenance, having taken order for both their monthly entertainments : and
because we understand that our dear sister, being charged with some
ancient debts, grown upon her since her first coming to Holland, to the
value of 10,000/., doth desire the same may be cleared, with promise, in
both their behalfs, that they will hereafter sustain themselves with their
ordinary monthly allowances, without charging us with any extraordi
nary accounts ; we do, at this present, give order to our treasurer totally
to clear those debts to the foresaid value, relying upon their promise
that they will hereafter accommodate themselves and their expenses to
the necessity of our affairs, contenting themselves with our ordinary
allowance (which shall be monthly continued till it please God to settle
them in better condition), without charge of further disbursement."*
Carleton arrived early in June, and to Elizabeth, as she
herself declares,3 no messenger could, have been more
welcome. He records that the conduct of the Prince and
Princess of Orange was by no means so inattentive as he
had been led to suppose, whilst the coldness of the French
and Venetian ambassadors arose only from quarrels about
the precedence of their coaches; but he mentions the
poverty of the king and queen as so extreme that they
hardly know how to get bread, adding, "lay about you on
all hands, for here is neither money nor credit!" Lord
Carleton states that he shall be in great difficulties when
1 Mr. Carleton to Sir D. Carleton, Jan. 25, 1627.
2 Sir D. Carleton's State Letters in 1627, 4to. Middehill, 1841 ; printed
from the originals by Sir Thomas Phillipps. There are copies of the
instructions and of several of the papers in the State Paper Office.
3 Elizabeth to Buckingham, April 1, 1627, Harl. MS. 6988, f. 19.

JAMES THE FIRST.

459

it is known that he has not brought with him money
sufficient to discharge the queen's most pressing liabilities,
as some of the most substantial people in the town, who
have kept up in hopes of his bringing them relief, will
be bankrupt. The 10,000Z. extraordinary having been
passed by privy seal bill the preceding year, its arrival,
rather than a renewal of promises, was ardently desired.1
1 Elizabeth to Secret. July 4, 1626, Ancient Royal Letters, vol. v.
The following list of the debts was drawn up by Sir Francis Nethersole.
An Extract of the Debts of their Majesties' Household, to the
1st of January, 1628, Sti. No.
To the Apothecary 
To the Chandler 
To the Eggwife 
To the Milkboore 
To the Lardman ....
To the Butcher 
To the Poulterer 
To the Freshfishers 
To the Seafisher 
To the Winewoman, and for Linen
To the Brewer
To the Baker 
To the Fruiterer 
To the Herbwife 
To the Turfman .... 
To a Merchant of Amsterdam, for Rhenish wine
The Debts of the Stable, for oats, hay, straw, smith, &e.,
about
Due for wages to her Majesty's own servants, together
with the Household and Stable servants .... about
Her Majesty's private debts  about
Monies borrowed.
Of Monsieur Myrsop, Receiver of Holland, which was
part of the Lady Hollandina's portion given by the
States of Holland
Of Monsieur Philip Calendrini, upon my lord Carleton's
bond 
Of Sir Francis. Nethersole, upon his plate 

£ 5.

d.

369 4

0

554 12

0

016 02

0

140 18

0

210 0

0

400 0

0

464 11

0

88 12

0

79 12

0

293 12

0

220 16

0

478 04

0

180 14

0

20 11

0

117 05

0

61 15

0

1000 0

0

650 0

0

3335 0

0

2000 0 0

1000 455

0
11

Xotal  about £12,138 2 0
In reference to the plate of Sir Francis Nethersole, he writes : " The
plate of mine mentioned in the enclosed is that which it pleased the
French king to bestow on me ; which about three months since, I gave
Sir John Ashburnham commission to pawn or sell, and to give the
money to the most troublesome of the queen's creditors, to be repaid

460 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
These representations so moved upon the sympathies of
Charles I. that he pledged some of his jewels, in order
to procure relief for his sister's wants.1 The queen attri
buted her distress and much of her debt to the uncertainty
in the times of payment of her monthly allowance, and
she begged earnestly and repeatedly that this abuse
might be rectified, by having her monies made payable
upon some settled branch of the revenue.2 Her request
was met by an order to the treasurer, that the debts should
be paid from the fund which discharged those of Queen
Henrietta Maria.3 But though her statement was par
tially true, it is not to be doubted that one cause of the
queen's repeated embarrassments was the facility of temper
and reluctance to deny the requests of those about her
which, in her early married life, so sorely deranged her
household. When those who were sufferers in her hus
band's cause had recourse to her for aid, she gave it,
without considering that in so doing she incurred respon
sibilities which she had no means of discharging. Frederic
spoke the truth, when in one of his letters to her he wrote :
" I know well your custom ; you cannot refuse anything to
anybody." The same easiness of disposition often led her
into difficulties by inducing her to recommend persons to
posts of office in England, for which they were not always
fitted; she was once gently rebuked for requesting a place in
her brother's bedchamber on behalf of a youth whom she had
never seen ; and again, for recommending to notice Lady
Eleanor Douglas, alias Davies,4 tbe well-known fortune
teller, in reference to whom one of the secretaries, apolo
gizing that her note had not taken due effect, writes that :
" Her devilish practices in pretended conjurings have got
her imprisoned ; and she had been worse treated, was she
me out of the extraordinary, thereby to assure the rest that I gave them
no false hopes of satisfaction from hence ; which I write that neither his
majesty nor you may think me so vain a man as to have so much plate
of my own buying."— Nethersole to Sec. 22 Feb. 1627-8, Domestic Papers,
Slate Paper Office.
1 Conway to Carleton, Feb. 24, 1 628.
2 Elizabeth to Treasurer, Jan. 13, 1625.
" Conway to Nethersole, March 9, 1628, Domestic Papers, State Paper
Office. 4 Elizabeth to Charles I. Sept. 22, 1633, Anc. Royal Letters, vol. v.

JAMES THE FIRST. 461
not thought frantic." 1 A collection of all the queen's
little notes of recommendations of servants for rewards, of
chaplains for benefices, military men for promotions, and
other parties for aid in their various businesses or suits in
England, would form a curious medlev.2
The correspondence which the queen maintained with
Englishmen of different ranks and positions, was very-
extensive ; in epistolary communication with learned men,
as well as in their works, she took great delight.3 With
the ministers of the English court, policy recommended a
1 Coke to Boswell, Oct. 26, 1633.
1 Her friends would sometimes take advantage of her good nature.
Sir Robert Killigrew succeeded in placing in her service a page who
was dismissed by her brother because of his crooked legs. — Killigrew io
Carleton, March 24, 1 625, Domestic Papers, State Paper Office. Even Lady
Carleton could not resist the temptation of palming upon her majesty
one of her nieces, Bessy Dhona, of whom she gives the following flat
tering description : — " As for Bess, I much fear the queen will not have
her, and on my conscience she is no way fit for her, for she will never
come in ho fashion, no not tolerable. I am ashamed to carry her abroad
with me. You may think 1 write this in passion, but of my faith it is
most true, and I think my nephew cannot deny it ; for I am sure he says
as much to me, that he is ashamed to see her out of fashion in all com
panies. I wish you would speak to the queen about her, to know what
you may trust to, for Mrs. Crofts is to come over with me ; her mother
and she was here with me, the queen said she would take them both
together. I would you could so prevail with her, for what I shall do
with her, I know not. She hath been in physic almost ever since I came
over ; I am sure it will cost well. She was far gone in the scurvy, which
none but idle folks have." Yet the girl was taken by the good-natured
queen, because several of the family of Dhona had been faithful in her
service ! — Lady Carleton to Sir D. Carleton, June 8, 1623 ; Carleton to
Chamb. Sept. 20.
3 See Letters of Lord Bacon by Stephens, p. 188, in which he men
tions sending her a Treatise on the Spanish War, because of the dehght
she takes in his writings. Also Reliquse Wottonianae, p. 495, et. seq.
and Wotton's Letters to Bacon, pp. 55-6. Rodolph Welkherlin, a Ger
man poet, dedicated to her his work entitled " Weltlichen Gedichte,"
with an assurance that neither fortune nor misfortune can hinder his true
and humble love.— Muller's Bibliothek, vol. iv. In Harleian Miscel.
vol. iii. p. 68, is a sketch of the Palatine House, by W. H. printed in
1631, " consecrated and dedicated to the Most High and Peerless Prin
cess, Elizabeth, Princess of Great Britain, Queen of Bohemia," &c.
Daniel de Viduis, English chaplain to one of the regiments in the Dutch
service, dedicated to her an Exposition of Prophecy. See also Goodall's
Tryall of Travel, 1630 ; Sir T. Wortley's Duty Delineated, 1641,
&c. &c.

462 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
friendly intercourse, and amongt these Lord Conway stood
high in her favour.1 She addressed to him a friendly
letter, shortly after he was created Viscount Killultagh,
thanking him for his continued interest in her affairs, and
saying in reference to his new titles
" You have gotten the maddest new name that can be ; it will spoil
any good mouth to pronounce it right, but in earnest I wish you all
happiness with it."
Her correspondence with the Duke of Buckingham was
frequent ; but the strained though courteous style in which
she writes, shows it to have been dictated by policy rather
than by inclination. The ladies with whom the queen
exchanged letters and presents are too numerous to men
tion, from the Duchess of Richmond and Countess of
Bedford to the humble but not less faithful friends of her
childhood.2 The following letter records an interview which she had
with Sir Thomas Meautys, the brother of Lady Cornwallis,
with whom she had associated intimately, when under the
roof of Lord and Lady Harrington, at Combe Abbey, and
whom she declared she had reason to love as well or better
than any lady in England.3 It is addressed by him to
Lady Cornwallis, and dated July 25, 1627.
" Dearest sister,
" By this you shall receive an account of the present that you left
with me, for the queen of Bohemia. As soon as she saw me come into
the room where her majesty was, her second words were, ' How doth my
lady Cornwallis ? ' I gave her your present, and told her that I had
left you with a heart charged with grief for the death of your husband,
but with a mind full of will and readiness to do her majesty service.
She took the box, and before all the company that was there, did open
it, and did very much commend the propriety of it, and return you
 1  . 
1 Captain T. Conway to Sir E. Conway, Sept, 18, 1623.
2 One of these, formerly her foster-sister, wife of the Bishop of
Cashel, took a long journey, in delicate health, for the sake of seeing
her once more, and, in return, the queen interested herself warmly in
securing a promotion for her husband. Another person, whose present
of some ornamental head-tire had met with a gracious reception, writes
— " It was too great an humility for her majesty to stoop so low as to
raise and prefer those poor toys, which were scarce fit to lie at her feet,
so high as to that head which is worthy to be the seat of imperial
crowns, whether blind fortune will or no."— Toby Matthews's Letters,
P- 95. 3 Cornwallis's Letters, p. 252.

JAMES THE FIRST. 463
many thanks ; for that I saw that it was a gift very agreeable to her,
for the same day, at my lord ambassador's house, where the king and
queen and princess of Orange did dine, she took occasion to speak of it
again, and said that the old love between you two must not be forgotten.
I pray therefore continue this interchange to her, as often as you shall
find occasion ; for, upon my soul, if it lay in her power to do you a good
office, she would not be sparing to perform it. She looks her within
this month or six weeks, to be brought to bed : God send her a safe and
happy hour, if it be his will."
The good wish of her friend was accomplished. On
September 27th, the queen presented her husband with a
seventh son, the strongest and finest child to which she
had given birth, who was baptized by the name of Philip,
the States of Guelderland and Utrecht standing sponsors.1
She recovered well, in spite of an attack of measles, which
followed close upon her confinement.2 The difficulty of
obtaining effectual aid from England, led the King of
Bohemia to have recourse once more to treaty. At
his request, Sir Robert Anstruther was sent over to the
emperor and the German princes, to express on the part
of Charles I., his regret at the wars of European Christen
dom, and his sincere desire that all might be conciliated
by the restoration of Frederic, for which he was anxious
to mediate,3 with a proviso that nothing should be per
mitted contrary to the honour of his brother-in-law. As
the result of this request, on July 18th, 1627, a meeting
was held at Colmar, between the deputies of the emperor
on the one part, and the dukes of Lorraine and Wurtem
berg, in behalf of Frederic, on the other, to try whether
at last some terms of mutual accommodation could not be
arranged. The demands were first, that as the emperor
had been so hugely offended, Frederic should make the
most uncompromising submission, in person and on his
knees.; and not only renounce all pretensions to Bohemia,
but confess his election to the crown to have been invalid.
Secondly, that the Duke of Bavaria, having been made
Elector Palatine, should not be disturbed in that dignity.
Thirdly that the different orders of monks introduced into
' Lord Carleton to Coke, Sept. 28, 1627.
2 Elizabeth to Roe, Jan. 27, 1628.
1 Harl. MS. 1584, f. 140; Anstruther's Instructions, Foedera, vol, viii.
pt. i. p. 171 ; Domestic Papers, March 31, 162-7.

464 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
the Palatinate should not be molested. Fourthly, that
the emperor should be repaid the large sums he had
expended in the war, since in order to raise them he had
been obliged to pledge part of his dominions to the Duke
of Bavaria, and had only regained possession of them by a
provisional transfer to that duke of lands in the Palatinate.
On his compliance with these terms, Frederic was to be
restored to his patrimonial dominions. His reply was,
first, that he was willing to express, through the medium
of some third person of quality, his regret at having been
the means of causing such disturbance of public tranquillity,
his petition for pardon, and his promise to make no further
attemps on Bohemia. Secondly, that he would agree to an
alternation between himself and the Duke of Bavaria, in
the exercise of the electoral functions, on condition of
their reverting to his family on the death of the duke.
Thirdly, he could not suppose that the emperor intended
to force the Roman Catholic religion upon his subjects,
but should this article prove the only hindrance to peace,
he would consent, though reluctantly, to permit two or
three monasteries to remain in the Palatinate. Fourthly,
he could hardly believe the emperor to be earnest in his
demand for money, since his castles had been spoiled,
his plate and furniture taken, his library removed, his
artillery seized, the revenues of his mother and brother
alienated ; so that on his return to his ruined lands, it
would be all he could do to maintain himself, and quite
impossible to pay away the large sums required.1
The unfortunate prince hoped these concessions would
avail for the long-talked-of restitution. The emperor,
however, coolly replied, that if Frederic could come no
nearer his proposals, there was no chance of peace, and
that all impartial persons must see that he was not to
blame !2 Deeply disappointed, Frederic declared that he
was " saddened almost to death," and begged his friend,
the Duke of Wurtemberg, to urge the emperor to more
1 Bethune MS. 9779, f. 28. Du Puy MS. 10 f. 172, Bibliotheque
nationale, Paris. Mercure Francais, vol. xiii. p. 147. Lundorpius
suppletus, p. 676. Theatrum Europ. vol. i. p. 996.
2 Emperor to Duke Wurtemberg, Aug. 27, 1627, Bethune MS. 9779,
f. 43.

JAMES THE FIRST. 465
moderate terms.1 Another meeting consequently was
held at Mulhausen, on October 15th, but attended with
no better ultimate results ; 2 nor did greater success
attend the electoral diet, a few weeks later, at which
Anstruther was again present, on the part of England.3
The exiled prince had the grief of seeing his subjects
oppressed, and the Romish religion gradually gaining
ground ; and within a few more months, his last hopes
were blighted by an imperial mandate settling his elec
torate, and most of his dominions, hereditarily, on the
Duke of Bavaria. The King of Denmark, beaten by
Tilly and Wallenstein and unspported by England, retired
from the conflict ; and, as a climax of disaster, Buckingham
quarrelled with France ; and having, by means of loans
and forced contributions, raised a small armv, under pre
tence of assisting the Queen of Bohemia, effected a land
ing at Rochelle. The French Protestants shut up in that
place, rendered suspicious by his previous attack upon
them, refused him entrance, but advised him to take the
island of Rh£, which they had been forced to surrender to
the French king. It is difficult to say whether the folly
or the mismanagement of the enterprise deserved the
heavier condemnation. Louis XIII. good-humoiiredly
laughed at the affair, and said had he known his brother
of England so much coveted the island, he would have
sold it to him for less than half the money he had
expended upon it.4 Buckingham was obliged to retire
with disgrace and loss, and became the laughing-stock of
Holland and of Europe.8 He talked loudly of returning
the following spring ; and a fleet did actually set sail to
relieve the distressed Rochellers, now reduced to a great
extremity of suffering.
Having obtained some supplies from parliament, the
king and the Duke of Buckingham were very eagerly
1 Bethune MS. 9779, f. 44.
2 Mercure Francais, vol. xiii. p. 678.
' Fcedera, vol. viii. pt. i. p. 170. Holland Corresp. July 1627
4 Harl. MS. 390, f. 285.
s See Holland Corresp. Rushworth's collections, vol i. p. 425. Claren
don's Hist. Rebel, vol. i. p. 5.
VOL. V. 2 H

466 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
renewing warlike preparations ; ' when just at the crisis of
action the assassination of Buckingham took place.
" You may believe,'* wrote Elizabeth to Lord Conway, " the duke
of Buckingham's death did breed no small wonder here ; I am sorry
tor it, and specially to have him die in such a manner so suddenly.
It did not a little amaze me ; but I am much comforted to see by your
letter the care the king, my dear brother, doth continue to take in
those affairs that concern me, which I see you still further all you can."2
This letter was dated from Rhenen, a small town on the
Rhine, situated in the midst of a wooded district, whither
the king and queen resorted, at first merely for the sake of
hunting, but Frederic found it such a relief to be absent
from the Hague, a residence which he extremely disliked,
that he planned and afterwards erected a villa with
beautiful gardens, at this spot; drawing his funds for
the purpose from the profits of the sale of Lixheim, which
he had laid up in Amsterdam for his children.3 This
erection afforded a pleasant diversion to his thoughts, and
he superintended the work with great interest.4 From the
time of its completion, it became a frequent summer resi
dence of the Icing and queen. The spring of 1628 was
passed there and at Utrecht ; at the latter place Lord
Carleton visited them, to take leave, previous to his depar
ture for England. They parted from him with the
sincerest regret, and sent him a playful message, when he
was wind-bound at the Brill, that he would find it danger
ous to visit Hounslerdike, as they would send an ambus
cade to lie in wait for him and bring him back to the
Hague.5 1 Conway to Queen of Bohemia, June, 1628.
2 Sep. 1, 1628, Holland Corresp.
3 Yane to Dorchester, Sep. 10, 1630.
4 '' C'est toujours un divertissement," was his plaintive reply, when
remonstrated with upon the expense he incurred. — List debts, King
Bohem. Jan. 1633, Holland Corresp. When it was completed, he play
fully styled it Palazzo Renense, and constructed a model of it to send
to his friend, Lord Dorchester. — Frederic and Vane to Dorchester, Aug.
8 and Sept. 10. Dorchester to Frederic, Aug. 16, 1630. The building is
now an inn at Rhenen, and still bears the name of Der Konig von
Boheim, though few indeed associate it with him in whose honour it
was bestowed.
1 Carleton to Conway, April 28, 1628.

JAMES THE FIRST. 467
The king and queen repaired again to Rhenen in
September, and stayed until October, returning to the
Hague by way of Leyden, in order to visit their family.1
Their long-absent children, Elizabeth and Maurice, the
latter of whom they had not seen since they left him,
an unconscious infant of a few weeks old, had recently
been sent from Berlin ; and, at the request of King
Charles, the portraits of this charming group were painted,
under their mother's superintendence, by Pallenburgh, —
the "great portrait," as their father describes it in a letter
to the king, " in which your majesty will see all your little
servants and maidens, whom you bring up, or rather who
live on your bounty."2 The two youngest, being mere
infants, were not introduced : the seven elder children are
grouped in a landscape picture, as just returned from
hunting.3 Elizabeth loved painting, and pictorial memen
toes of herself were frequently given by her to her friends,
as one of the few marks of favour which it was left in her
power to bestow. Many a noble family in England can
boast a portrait of this royal lady, and there are several in
the royal collections.4 Combe Abbey, the seat of the Earl
of Craven, contains numerous portraits of her and of her
family ; and the tale of her troublous destiny may almost
be read in the change of expression, from the buoyancy of
early womanhood to the worn and faded, but still beautiful
contour of after life.
As Elizabeth's elder children became of age to enter
1 Carleton to Conway, March 8 ; Lord Carleton to same, April
13. 2 Frederic to Charles I. March 6, 1629 ; Anc. Roy. Letters, vol. v.
3 This picture is described in Harl. MS. 7639, f. 46 b. and is now in
Queen Caroline's closet, Kensington Palace. During the Common
wealth it was sold for 25/.! — Harl. MS. 7352, /. 88 b. There are two
engravings of pictures of the king and queen, one with five, the other
with ten of their children ; in a third picture, the Duke of Buckingham
is introduced, presenting seven of these children, in the characters of
the seven liberal sciences.
4 The best collection of engraved portraits of the queen is in the
illustrated Granger, in the print-room of the British Museum. For
notices of pictures see Fiorillo, geschichte der zeichenden kunste, pp.
372-3 ; Vertue's catalogue of pictures of Charles I ; Lady Theresa
Lewis's Clarendon gallery, vol. iii. p. 340 ; Harl. MS. 7352, ff. 91, llu,
155 b. 158 b.
2 H 2

468 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF

into society, it was thought expedient to remove them
from the seclusion of their establishment at Leyden,
where, writes a contemporary, the young princes
"kept one of the most regular courts in the world, the firm and com
manding mind of their mother eliciting from them an obedience as
implicit as that paid to their father, religion being the base of their
education, and its superstructure of learning reared by the best instruc
tions which Holland or England could produce.1 "
The Princess Elizabeth was placed under the care of
Lord and Lady Vere, then residents at the Hague, who
watched carefully and affectionately over her expanding
talents;2 and the young heir, Frederic Henry, was also
brought to the Hague, to be more fully trained in manly
and military exercises.
The developments of this prince were already very
promising.3 He was regarded with pride and hope, not
only in Bohemia, where the people delighted to give him
the title of their crown-prince, but in England, where after
his mother he was the next heir to the yet childless king.
His uncle, Charles I., showed his approval of the inten
tion of his parents to train him to arms, by placing him as
volunteer in the army of the Prince of Orange.
But his opening prospects were quickly closed by a
sudden and fatal calamity. On the yVth of January, 1629,
the prince set out with his father on a pleasure excursion,
to see the fleet returned from the West Indies, in which
his mother herself was interested, as a rich prize had been
secured, of which a share belonged to her, by the will of
the late Prince of Orange.4 Elizabeth parted from her
son in buoyant and vigorous health. The next day he was
brought back to her palace a corpse. The circumstances
of his disatrous fate have been given with much difference
of detail ; but the official record sent to England relates,
that shortly before reaching Amsterdam, the vessel con-
* Rokyczanus, Carmina lngubrica, Lansdowne MS. 817, f. 158.
2 Sir D. Carleton to Lord Carleton, Sept. 13, 1628.
* He wrote and spoke English, French, and German. Latin he
understood so well that his examinations in his historical studies were
conducted in that language.— -Frederic Henry to ambassador Carleton.
Holland Corresp. State Paper Office.
4 Court and Times Charles I. vol. i. p. 140.

JAMES THE FIRST. 469
taining Frederic and his son came into collision with one
of much larger make, and sustained so serious an injury,
that it immediately filled with water, and all on board
perished, except the king, who was saved by the prompt
efforts of one ofthe sailors. The tide of the next morning
brought on shore the body of the drowned prince.1
When Frederic reached home, shocked and ill from his
sufferings of mind and contusions of body, he could not
bring himself to communicate the tidings to his wife, who
was still in delicate health, having been confined only
nineteen days before of her eleventh child and fourth
daughter, Charlotte.2 But she soon perceived that some
untoward event had occurred, and from her friend, Lord
Carlisle, learned the dreadful truth. So vehement was the
first outburst of grief, that apprehensions were entertained
for her life ; 3 but she soon roused herself to forget her own
sorrow in the desire to alleviate the settled mournfulness
of her husband, on whose morbid spirit the idea of having
saved himself whilst his son was lost, left a distressing
impression. She endeavoured to console him by the dic
tates of religion, alone available in a time of sorrow so
intense, and by pointing him to their still numerous and
flourishing family, as their best earthly comfort. The
beloved pleader was not disregarded. The letter wbich
Frederic wrote to Charles I., three days after the event,
expresses the most poignant grief, with an attempt at
resignation ;4 that to the Queen-Mother of France, written
a little later, breathes a spirit of Christian fortitude.5
The afflicted parents had the body of their son embalmed
and placed in their own house, till they communicated
with the King of England in reference to its burial, as
they had not the means to provide a decent interment.
' True recital of the accident happened to tbe King of Bohemia
T'7 Jan. 1629 ; German Corresp. bundle 61, State Paper Office.
2 Frederic to Charles I. ; Ancient Royal Letters, vol. v.
3 Court and Times Charles I. vol. ii. p. 7 ; Le Strange's Life of Charles
I., fol. Loud. 1656 ; Johnston p. 737-
4 Ancient Royal Letters, vol. v.
5 Bethune MS. 9310, fol. 65, Orig. Frederic also sent to Lord Dor
chester an affecting letter, at the close of which he added—" I send
you a little remembrance of him, something which he always used,
because he loved you." — German Corresp. March 6, 1629.

470 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Their desire was to lay their child in the_ aisle of the
cloister church, near their residence, to remain there till a
way was opened for his removal to Heidelberg or West
minster. But King Charles objected and expressed his
wish that the body should be placed in the tomb of the
princes of Orange at Delft, with the proviso, that it should
be allowed to be transferred to another place of sepulture
at some future time.-J The expense of its conveyance to
such a distance proved a sufficient obstacle, and it was,
therefore, privately interred in the cloister church.2
The sorrow in England was great and general: the
court appeared in mourning, and Sir Robert Carey was
sent on a mission of condolence to the king and queen.
Many were the odes and elegies, in various languages and
grades of merit, addressed to the royal mother, valuable to
her as proving how warmly her own nation and her adopted
people sympathized in her grief.3 Her brother testified
his kindly feeling by paying the debts of the late prince,
by transferring his pension of 2000Z. a-year to the second
1 Dorchester to Carleton, Jan. 26. 1629 ; Foreign various Corresp.
vol. 87 ; State Paper Office, Frederic to Dorchester, Jan. 21.
2 The poverty of the Palatine family, which obliged them to have
recourse to England for any extraordinary expense, prevented their
going into formal mourning for the deceased prince ; but his immediate
attendants and the establishment at Leyden, amounting to 120 persons,
and his brothers and sisters put on deep black, for which they humbly
begged 1000/. from King Charles. — Sir D. Carleton to Conway, Jan. 12
and 26, Holland Corresp.
3 Daniel Souterius, a Haarlem minister, wrote on this occasion a work
entitled " Dakrua Basilika, that is the princely tears of Elizabeth,
Queen of Bohemia, over the death of her eldest son, Fredericus
Henricus, Count Palatin, Duke of Bavaria," which was published in
English, French, and Dutch. It is thrown into the form of a dialogue
in which the queen, quoting principally from Scripture, utters the most
sorrowful lamentations, whilst a minister offers her consolation mainly
derived from the same sacred volume. The author addressed to the
king six orations on the subject, in Latin verse. Isaac Barre, a writing-
master and French teacher at the Hague, dedicated to Elizabeth some
doleful stanzas, apologizing for their want of grace on the ground that
all ornaments are put off in mourning, and addressing her as "Great
queen, who have, in spite of all fates, curbed the Hydras of adversity
which have crossed your years," &c.
Rudolph Meyer sent her a poem, written in an admonitory and religious
strain, at one part of which he introduces her as uttering a wild and
wailing song of lamentation over the drowned body of her son.

JAMES THE FIRST. 471
son Charles, and Charles's pension of 300Z. to his brother
Rupert, and also by bestowing on their eldest sister, Eliza
beth, 300?., instead of the 1001. a-year, which she formerly
enjoyed.1 The Prince and Princess of Orange were un
wearying in their efforts of sympathy and consolation,
and their whole court, by sharing in the sorrow of the
bereavement, contributed to alleviate its poignancy.2
Frederic was still weak and suffering ; and as soon as
his wife was able to go abroad, she accompanied him to
Rhenen, where they endeavoured to beguile their woe by
the rural amusements in which they both delighted. More
cheering, however, than their sports, was the company of
Sir Thomas Roe, who paid a visit to the queen on his
return from an official residence at Constantinople.3 His
stay was only short, but when he reached the Brill, on his
way home, he sent a letter -to Elizabeth, with a copy of
elegiac verses on the death of her son, which she very
gratefully acknowledged.4 On the 13th of March, she
wrote to Lord Essex : —

1 Fcedera, vol. viii. pt. iii. p. 38 ; Privy Seal Bill, Jan. 25, 1629,
Burlamachi's Account Audit Office ; Charles Louis and Rupert to
Charles I. Feb. 15, Frederic to Charles I. March 6, Ancient Royal
Letters, vol. v.
* Countess Lewenstein to Lord Dorchester, Jan . 16, 1629. The following
extract is from a beautiful letter addressed to the queen by a Dutch
minister then at the Brill : —
" I deny not your majesty a right liberty of tender nature, but
beseech you as a Christian to look upward to your first son as not lost ;
and down upon the rest with comfort, that God hath left more of his
pledges with you than you have given him ; and forward upon him tbat
was miraculously preserved to you for some greater work of 'glory." — ¦
"And thus in him you seem to have lost, in him that was saved, and
in those which live .your comforts, you may discern a model of God's
ways and purposes toward you, by sorrows, fears, escapes, and yet
plenties, to lead you to assurance in Him, that the end of his trials shall
be a crown of victory. This is a secret discovered only to deep hearts,
that there is a mixture of good, either really or in use, in every appear
ing evil of chastisement."
3 Harl. MS. 390, f. 440. In compliance with Elizabeth's wish, Sir
Thomas took into his charge, and ultimately adopted, the elder of two
sisters, daughters of the old Bohemian baron, Rupa, who, with his
whole family, had fled to her for protection, and for whom she had
formerly solicited English charity. — Elizabeth to \Nethersole, July 16,
IU28. " 4 March T23 1629 ; Domestic Corresp.

472 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
" I do easily believe your affliction on the loss of my poor boy, which
I cannot but think of still, and I assure you he did love you very much,
as both your love to him and me did well deserve." " I long to
hear some good of the parliament ; I hope that now the great man is
gone you will the better agree."1
The queen's hopes in reference to the parliament were
not fulfilled. The conduct of the Commons was so dis
pleasing to Charles that he abruptly dissolved the assembly,
and was glad not only to conclude a peace with France,
but to negotiate a treaty with Spain ; and the King of
Denmark, seeing no prospect of aid, made peace with the
emperor.2 During the summer of 1629, the King of Bohemia,
weary of inaction, served as volunteer in the army of
the Prince of Orange, engaged in the siege of Bois-
le-duc, in Brabant.3 Elizabeth, for the sake of being
near her husband, spent most of her time at Rhenen,
where she was again visited by Sir Thomas Roe, who
passed through Holland on a diplomatic mission to the
Kings of Denmark and Poland." His orders were to
visit the States and the Prince of Orange, and then to
communicate to the queen the whole tenor of his instruc
tions. He arrived at Rhenen on July 7th, in company
with the younger Dudley Carleton, now knighted, and
the king returned from the army to give him the meet
ing. After several business deliberations with him, and
friendly consultations with Elizabeth, he ' took his leave,
and accompanied Frederic to the army, there to obtain
an interview with the Prince of Orange.4
On the 14th of July the prince's council sent a request
to the queen that she would remove further from the seat
of war ; the enemy had crossed the Yssel, and they feared
a sudden attack upon her person. She first proposed to
go only to Baunnel, an island at the junction of the Waal
and the Meuse, but was prevailed upon to select Vianen>
en route towards Rotterdam. This change of abode
1 Harl. MS. 6988. f. 113.
2 Frederic to Roe, May 19, 1629, German Corresp.
1 Maurice to Nethersole, July 2, 1629. Two letters to the queen from
her husband, written during the siege, are in the Bromley Collection,
pp. 22, 26 ; the former is misdated 1626.
1 July 1 and 10, 1629, Holland Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 473
greatly comforted her faithful servant Roe, who thus
wrote to her, on July 19th, in acknowledgment of a letter
he had received from her : —
" Your majesty's letter brought a great deal of fear with it, but none
in it, as if it concerned you not. "We were two days in trouble for you,
and hi resolution to wait upon you, but that we still heard you would
grace the Hague. At last we resolved to send you a garrison, under
the conduct of my Lord Paget, whose care of himself would have made
yonr majesty safe. Since, hearing you were retired to Vianen, and that
the alarm of the enemy was taken into consideration, we hope your
majesty's presence will make the country safe. I wDl write you no
news of the camp I saw, for things admirable are beyond description ;
but I cannot so sin against humanity, as not to acknowledge the virtue
of your brave king, who is so diligent to observe the royal trade of
taking towns, that it doth augur his taking more than Heidelberg,
without a treaty. I have seen his majesty, without sense of an enemy,
look upon them, and I beseech you to prevent that he look not too much ;
for no man doth more than he, that is worthy an army of men. Madam,
I cannot say enough of him : he is a most brave, sad,1 just, and obliging
prince, whom God bless to your majesty, as your own heart desires.
" The news of this town (Amsterdam) is that the air is in the first
degree, their ditches in the next, their beer in the third, and their heads
in the last degree — muddy. And lest I be infected therewith, to-mor
row by God's grace, I will get into salt water.
" Almighty God balance your sufferings with his blessings, for when
I can do no more, I will pray heartily for you : so do thousands, and
therefore nothing is worthy acceptance that comes from your majesty's
unfruitful, humble, honest, east, west, north and south servant."2
The siege of Bois-le-duc advanced prosperously : the
town was compelled to surrender, and the Prince of
Orange invited Elizabeth to witness the scene. Tents
were erected, from which the King and Queen of Bohemia,
the Prince and Princess of Orange, and the Prince of
Denmark, with forty dukes, counts, and barons, viewed
the spectacle ; and on September -jVth, nrst tne garrison,
then the sick and wounded, and lastly the governor, with
the Jesuits, nuns, and friars, marched out by one gate,
whilst the troops of the Prince of Orange marched in at
another.3 On the -^th, the princely party entered the
1 Serious.
2 Holland Corresp. State Paper Office.
3 " His excellency," writes Carleton to Roe, " hath invited the Queen
of Bohemia to the army, where her majesty arrived on Sunday night,
and was yesterday present at the time the Spaniards marched forth, and
hath all the honour showed to her that can be expressed."

474 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
shot-battered town, and attended divine service in St.
John's Church, when each of them stood sponsor for a
child ; ' and the next day the Prince of Orange celebrated
his conquest, by giving a grand fete to the King and
Queen of Bohemia and the principal personages of the
States of Holland. He detained them a few days longer,
after which they returned to the Hague, with the Princess
of Orange.2
On their arrival, Elizabeth was seized with an attack
of fever, which, with the necessary depletive treatment,
brought her very low ; she went to Rhenen to recruit,
accompanied by her husband, who amused himself with
the arrangements of his favourite villa. Lord Dorchester,
writing to her on the 24th, says : —
" May it please your majesty,
" Your sickness and letting blood made some of your servants here
bleed at heart, till they understood the danger was past, and your
majesty no further hurt than that your hunting at Rhenen was hindered ;
which if the weather be as bad on that side as on this, your majesty
need not repent. And now, I am heartily glad all is clear in those parts,
that your majesty may take your time, when you please — and I wish
myself often with the king to assist him in his building, wherein I figure
to myself how curious and exact he is, and truly am very glad he hath
that entertainment, whilst his fortune is now building again." 3
The king also had an attack of illness, accompanied by
great weakness, — the result, his physicians said, of his
sufferings in the water on the fearful night when his son
was drowned. No danger was apprehended by himself or
by his wife ; but he had a dry, consumptive cough, and
the physicians privately sent word to England that he was
the subject of a physical infirmity, which would terminate
his life, before many years were past.4 At first he acted
very incautiously, in spite of the exhortations of Elizabeth
and the friendly warnings of King Charles ; 5 one relapse
after another kept him under medical care the whole

1 Description of Tshertogen Busch (Bois-le-duc), with prints of the
siege, 4to. Lond. 1629, p. 31.
2 Carleton's Despatches, Sept. 14 and 15.
3 German Corresp. S.P. 0.
4 Nethersole to Carleton, Nov. 3, 1629.
* Ibid, to Dorchester, March 8; Frederic to Carlisle, April 10.

JAMES THE FIRST. 475
winter, and greatly reduced him ; but at the end of several
months his case assumed a less discouraging aspect.1
Political prospects were very unfavourable. Exhausted
by war, Europe sighed for a general peace, and yet
Frederic knew well, by painful experience, that a peace,
in the present state of affairs, would leave him an outcast
and an exile, dragging on an existence which every year
became less supportable.
As early as 1626, after the defeat of the Danish king at
Lutzen, Elizabeth, who watched with earnest eye every
cloud in the political horizon, began to suspect some
inclination on the part of England to treat of peace with
Spain, and expressed her fears that no terms favourable
to her husband could be expected from that quarter.2
The queen was assured, and probably with truth, that no
such scheme was in project ; but in June, 1628, she was
startled to find that Lord Carlisle, who had visited the
Hague to settle some shipping disputes, went on secretly
to Brussels.
" My Lord Carlisle is at Brussels," she writes : " I wonder he made
that such a secret here, for he told the king and the Prince of Orange
and me that he would not go : but now I hear that he had a commission
to the Infanta. This doth much startle our people here ; 1 know not
what to think of these things." '
Elizabeth heard rumours, too, of a boast, on the part of
Spain, that the King of England had been the first to
break the peace, but he was glad enough to try to renew it.
The English diplomatists tried to " settle the minds" of
the queen and her friends.4 By degrees, Elizabeth
became reassured ; she used her utmost endeavours to put
a stop to the rumours, and they gradually died away.5
The next month, however, Frederic and Elizabeth were
secretly informed that a treaty was actually on foot, but
that their interests and those of Denmark would be sedu
lously regarded ; that all would be done with their know-
1 Carleton's Desp. Nov. 30, 1629 ; Elizabeth to Roe, March 5, 1630.
* Nethersole's Desp. Sept. 11, 1626, Holland Corresp.
' Elizabeth to Lord Carleton, June 6, 1628, Ancient Royal Letters,
vol. v.
4 May 7, 1628. Points to be considered in Low Countries, Holland
Corresp. 5 Sir D. Carleton to Lord Carleton, June 29, 1628.

476 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
ledge ; and that, meanwhile, warlike preparations woula
continue, so as to be ready in case the peace should
fail.1' The following spring Charles I. sent Sir Henry Vane
to the Hague, to reconcile his sister to the hard necessity,
assuring her that Spain had herself expressed a willing
ness to treat.2
" Those ways," he writes, " which be, (Vane), shall shew you that I
am taking, is like those physics which men call benigna medicamenta ;
which if they do no good, shall do no hurt, therefore not to be despised
since they are offered. To conclude, I doubt not, since you know that
one of my chiefest ambitions is to do you real service, that you will give
a willing ear to the counsels of your loving brother." 3
A promise so frankly made, by the brother who had
never deceived them, satisfied Elizabeth and her husband,
and they consented to the negotiation, with the express
understanding that their restitution should be a sine qua
non of the proposed peace.4 After remaining two months
in Holland, Vane returned home for further instructions,
and to await the issue of a mission sent into Spain.5
The queen wrote by him to Charles I., greatly commend
ing his effective agency, and expressing her satisfaction
that the eyes of her brother were fully opened to the pro
ceedings of Spain.
State secrets are seldom secrets long. Whilst England
sought, apart from Holland, to make peace with Spain,
Holland, hearing of the negotiation, was treating a sepa
rate peace for herself. Each party was jealous of being
left in the lurch by the other, and Vane was dispatched in
haste back to Holland, to assure the States that England
was willing to bind herself to make no separate peace, if
they would give a similar pledge.6 He was eagerly
welcomed by the king and queen of Bohemia ; for though,
relying on the king's promise, they had not manifested
any anxiety or impatience, they felt that these proceed-
1 Lord Carleton, now Dorchester, to his nephew, Aug. 1628.
2 Vane's instructions, Holland Corresp.
3 Charles 1. to Elizabeth, March 2, 1629, German Corresp.
4 Conway to Anstruther, April 10, 1629.
5 Holland Corresp. April 26.
0 Sept. and Oct. passim. Holland Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 477
ings were to them of vital importance.1 The following
January, Carleton was ordered to tell the queen that the
treaty with Spain was in a state of forwardness, but she
was forbidden to divulge the matter to the States.2 She
still kept up her confidence that all would go on well,
and that the treaty would not be concluded on terms
unfavourable to her husband. The subject is thus referred
to in her letters to Roe and Carlisle : —
" Sir Henry Vane is still here, and not like to stir so soon ; he carrieth
himself very well, and is as little confident of the treaties with Spain as
we are, though by Dudley Carleton, who is every day expected here
out of England, we shall hear great matters from thence ; when he
comes I will let you know what it is : the speech here of truce is not
so much as it was." 3
"1 hear the treaty with Spain goeth on. You know my mind, that
I am still incredulous that they will do anything, except it be upon dis
honourable conditions ; but I am confident that the king, my deal-
brother, will not suffer any such thing to be spoken on, and that you will
do all that you can in it ; for I have ever found you so true a friend to
me on all occasions, as binds me ever to be honest, worthy Camel's face.4
" Your constant, affectionate friend,
"Elizabeth."5
Frederic was much less confident : he cautiously said
that he hoped he might be mistaken in his expectations of
tlie result of the Spanish embassy ; 6 but as the issue
proved, he was right. The king's recent quarrel with,
and dissolution of, his parliament, rendered peace abso
lutely essential to him ; and Vane, who had returned to
England, was sent back to the Hague, to break to the
king and queen the tidings that the treaty was on the
point of conclusion, without any more definite condition
on their behalf, than a general promise that the King
of Spain would do his utmost to promote their interests ,
with the emperor, at the Diet which was being held at
1 Frederic to Dorchester, Oct. 18, 1629; Elizabeth to Roe, Nov. 9,
1629, Polish Corresp.
2 Carleton's letters, 4to. Lond. 1780, preface p. 26; Charles I. to Cot-
tington, Feb. 4, 1630, Spanish Corresp.
3 Elizabeth to Sir T. Roe, March 5, 1630, Poland Corresp.
4 The epithet, originating in some physiognomical peculiarity, by
which the queen always designated Lord Carlisle.
5 Elizabeth to Lord Carlisle, March 8, 1630, German Corresp.
0 Frederic to Dorchester, April 10, 1630, Holland Corresp.

478 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Ratisbon : the very terms, in fact, to which King James
had consented in 1623, but which Charles, then Prince of
Wales, indignantly rejected.
The mission was one of great delicacy, and Vane
thought it better not to open the subject by word of
mouth, but to leave it to be gathered from the king's
letters to his sister. These, accordingly, were delivered
at a formal audience, after which the ambassador retired,
and left the royal pair to peruse them alone. Shortly after
wards he was surprised by a visit from Frederic himself.
In the bitterness of intense feeling, he declared that he
was forsaken by all the world : that he knew well, though
they tried to conceal it from him, that the treaty was
concluded and signed ; that he was kept in the dark till it
was too late to remonstrate ; and unable longer to restrain
himself, he burst into a passionate fit of weeping. The
ambassador begged him not to give way too much to his
feelings, and to listen to what he had to say. Frederic
asked what could be said to comfort him, when the king's
own letters proved that the peace, if not made, was
re.-olved upon; and he declared again that he believed
Vane had in his possession the articles of the treaty,
drawn out and perhaps signed too, though he would not
confess to it. He requested that if this were not the case,
an article might still be inserted for the restoration of the
Palatinate, in case the negotiations at the Diet failed.
Vane begged that he would weigh the reasons that
had induced King Charles to adopt the present course,
and judge whether he could, without ruin to his kingdom,
have acted otherwise, as he was not able, single-handed,
to recover the Palatinate, and the States refused their aid.
With a heavy heart, Frederic took his leave and went
home. " That evening," writes the ambassador, " I waited upon the queen,
whom I found a little distracted betwixt the love of a husband and a
brother ; but after I had spoken a while with her, she was very well
satisfied, and submits herself, in this and all things else that may con
cern her, absolutely to your majesty's wisdom. And I shall beseech
your majesty, upon this occasion, to permit me to tell you that I do not
think there is a sister this day living in the world that can love a brother
with more passion and true affection than she doth your majesty."
" The next day, I waited upon the king, and the first word he said unto

JAMES THE FIRST. 479
me was, that he was reduced to that want and necessity, by the non
payment of the queen's pension, as that, if I had not brought money
with me, to supply their present wants, he was resolved to put away all
his servants, himself to live obscurely with a couple of men, and to send
the queen by the next passage to England, to throw herself at your
majesty's feet ; for that he was not able to put bread into her mouth." '
Vane replied that he was surprised to hear the king
speak thus ; that he knew orders had been given to the
treasurer concerning the debts and the monthly pension.
Frederic asserted that unless money were immediately
forthcoming he would certainly do as he had said ; as he
had but 2001. left, and knew not which way to look for
more. The clamours of his creditors at the Hague, or
rather those of the queen, had indeed become almost
insupportable. The privy seal bill, passed several years
before by Charles I., for the payment of 10,000Z. for her
debts, still remained unhonoured; though Frederic and
Elizabeth made many promises that could they obtain
this relief, they would not again outrun their expenditure.2
Nethersole had long been in England, urgently and perse-
veringly pressing for money ; but without satisfaction.
Charles I., who always lent an ear to the cries of his dis
tressed sister, had given orders in the first instance that the
10,000/. should be paid from his private revenues as prince,
with an addition of 2,000Z. for interest; but the monies were
diverted to another use. Failing in this, he had attempted
her relief by pawning part of the Tower ordnance ; but
the commission was unfortunately given to Burlomachi,
an Italian merchant, the Rothschild of his day, through
whom the money transactions of the queen were carried
on, and he appropriated the greater part of the sum to
pay off arrears due to himself, in spite of the indignant
remonstrances ofthe queen's servants at his presuming to
prefer himself before the king's sister. They charged him
also with claiming enormous discounts.3 He, on his part,
threw the blame on the treasurer, saying that he could
no longer afford to supply monies beforehand; that he
was already greatly in advance, and knew not bow to
1 Vane's Despatch, Aug, 8, 1630, Swedish Corresp. State Paper Office.
2 Frederic to Dorchester, Dec. 1, 1629, German Corresp.
3 Dorchester to Vane, Jan. 6, 1630, German Corresp.

480 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
repay himself or to get funds for the regular allowance of
the king and queen ; that a subsidy from the clergy, out
of which they had lately been supplied, was exhausted.
He declared that those who controlled the queen's affairs,
knowing the present state of things, ought to be more
managing and moderate ; that for his part, he was more
than willing to abandon the business ; it was no advantage
to him, as he often waited on the treasurer from seven
o'clock on Monday morning till twelve on Saturday
night, without avail.1 The treasurer, on the other hand,
pleaded the utmost good-will in the cause, but the exche
quer was empty ; and without money and without credit,
how could he act ? The queen had, therefore, been
obliged to be content with her ordinary allowance which
the banker paid as a favour rather than a right ; and with
his promise of discharging the debt by instalments,2 —
3,000/. in December, 1629; 3,0007. the following March,
and the remainder at an early period. Of this, however,
not a penny had yet reached the queen : the allowance
had been paid with still greater irregularity ; 3 her impa
tient creditors had become outrageous, and had even
attacked her in the streets with their importunities. Some
declared they would go and state their case in England,
whilst others sent a petition for relief to the provincial
courts of Holland.
All this Frederic detailed to the ambassador ; he replied
by charging the deficiency upon the negligence of the
king's agents, who had given a promise to furnish the
monthly payments.
"Hereupon," continues the despatch, "your majesty's sister, with
tears in her eyes, desired (if it were possible) to avoid further disputes,
that I would engage my credit, and take up 4,500/. for three months
that they were in arrear; which accordingly I have done, and was most
necessary in this conjuncture; for that I judged nothing so unfit at this
time as to hazard the publishing nf these particularities, or the endea
vouring of sending your sister for England, which nothing but this course
would have prevented."
Frederic, by degrees, recovered from the disappoint
ment which the first intelligence of the Spanish negotia-
1 Burlamachi's Letter of Exculpation, March 21, 1630, German
Corresp. 2 Ashburnham to Conway, Nov, .5, 1629.
3 Ashburnham 's Memorial, April 5, 1630, Holland Corresp,

JAMES THE FIRST. 481
tion had occasioned.1 Dorchester affirmed that the treaty
was not signed, and that it would not be so without the
required promise of restitution, and would only be con
sidered permanent if that promise was fulfilled.2 To
soothe the feelings of his sister, which she had expressed
at full in a letter to himself, Charles sent her a kind note
of explanation, showing that in the present position of
affairs, no course more advantageous could have been
adopted ; that the negotiations with Spain did not at all
interfere with any assistance from France or the United
Provinces, which might be forthcoming, and reiterating
his firm resolve, under every aspect of affairs, to adhere to
her interests.3 This letter tended to calm the perturbed
spirits of the queen and her husband. They felt the
weight of the arguments used by Charles, and they knew
that if he failed to assist them, it was not because he was
unfaithful to their cause, but because the dissensions with
his parliament made it impracticable. How far he might
have prevented these dissensions, by conceding to the
spirit of the times, it falls not within our limits to discuss.
At any rate, his course of policy inflicted on himself suffer
ings still more severe than those which it caused to his
sister. The imperial diet was held at Ratisbon, in July, 1630.
Frederic had hopes from it, because the emperor, ex
tremely anxious to conciliate the electors and procure the
nomination of his son as King of the Romans, was in a
more complying mood than usual; he even permitted
Frederic, for the first time since his deposition, to send an
official agent to the diet. Anstruther attended on the
part of England, with a paper signed by Frederic, accept
ing any terms to which his brother-in-law agreed.4
The conditions proposed to the unfortunate prince were
but little more favourable, and there still remained the
same exactions as before, in point, of submission, resigna
tion to his son, &c. The only alleviation was a promise
1 See private letter to his friend, Lord Dorchester, Aug. 8, German
Corresp. 2 Dorchester to Vane, Aug. 1 6.
3 Aug. 16, 1630, German Corresp. State Paper Office. Printed, but
incorrectly, in Frankland's James 1. and Charles I. p. 376.
4 Dorchester to Vane, April 5 ; Vane's Despatch, July 8.
VOL. V. 2l

482 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
of removal of the imperial ban, and of a yearly revenue
from those lands in the Palatinate which were in the
hands of the King of Spain.1 Yet even these terms the
broken-spirited Frederic did not reject. Pie requested
that the negotiation might be prolonged, in the hope of
procuring some amelioration, either from the emperor or
from Spain.2 In his treaty with England, the Spanish
monarch fully acknowledged the reasonableness of surren
dering the places he held in the Lower Palatinate, but
excused himself from restoring them at once, on the-
ground that, as there were many claimants of the lands,
and prudence necessitated his keeping them, till the Pala
tine Prince, or the English king on his behalf, could
garrison and defend them, in which case they pledged
themselves to immediate restitution. This plea was not
without reason: Charles accepted it, — in spite of the
remonstrances of his brother-in-law, who suspected its
sincerity, — and the peace was signed, provisionally on the
fulfilment of this promise.3
The patience with which Elizabeth resigned herself to
circumstances is shown in the following letter to the Earl
of Carlisle. The quaint, uncouth mode of address is startling
to the nerves of modern refinement : —
" Thou ugly, filthy, camel's face,
" You chid ine once for not writing to you ; now I have my revenge,
and more justly chide you, for not having heard from you so long as I
fear you have forgot to write. I have charged this fat fellow 4 to tell you
all this, and that I cannot forget your villany. He can inform (you)
how all things are here, and what they say to the peace with Spain ;
and though I confess I am not much rejoiced at it, yet I am so confident
of my dear brother's love, and the promise he hath made me, not to
forsake our cause, that it troubles me the less. I must desire your

1 Resolutions at Ratisbon, Nov. 12 ; Du Puy MS. 10, f. 194, Biblio
theque Nationale, Paris.
2 German Corresp. Dec. 1630 ; Mercure Francais, vol. xvi.
* Frederic to Dorchester, Sept. 8, Oct. 3 ; Dorchester to Elizabeth,
Dec. 14. At its formal announcement in Whitehall chapel, much
excitement was caused by a voice from the ladies' gallery, which was
heard to exclaim — " Ou est le Palatinat ? " This ominous inquiry was
uttered by the Duchess De la Tremouille, the mother of the young
and heroic Countess of Derby. — The Non-such Charles, p. 89.
4 Sir II. Vane.

JAMES THE FIRST. 483
sweet face to continue your help to us, in this business which concerns
me so near ; and in spite of you, I am ever constantly

0Cfcc.

" The Hague, this r25 of June.
" To the Lord of Carlisle."1
In this year, 1630, and within a few months of each
other, two children, a boy and a girl, were born to the
brother and sister, Charles of England and Elizabeth of
Bohemia. The English prince came into the world as the
heir of three kingdoms ; and his birth was the occasion of
general gratulation. Public tokens of rejoicing at the
Hague evidenced the cordiality with which Frederic and
Elizabeth welcomed their brother's infant son, even though
he diverted the fine of succession from themselves and their
offspring.2 But there were those in England who shared
not the general joy ; they muttered that there were Pro
testant heirs enough to the crown, in the flourishing
offspring of the Queen of Bohemia ; and that they needed
none from the Popish stock of their French queen.3
Words of ominous meaning, — the faint and early expres
sion of the strong national feeling which afterwards hurled
1 Holland Corresp. S. P. 0.
- Dorchester to Vane, May 30 ; Frederic to Charles I., June 8, and
to Dorchester, June 17 ; Charles Louis to Charles L, June 10. "I may
not shut up my relation of our public rejoicings," writes A'ane in his
despatch of June 7th, " without adding one word more concerning their
highnesses of Bohemia, who truly, ever since the coming of this news,
have showed the greatest joy and alacrity that possibly can be expressed.
The invitation of the King of Bohemia to christen the child, he taketh
for a wonderful great honour, favour, and obligation. They are resolved,
within two or three days, to send Sir John Ashburnham expressly over
to congratulate."
1 Oldnixon's England under the Stuarts, vol. i. p. 112.
2 I 2

484 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
the elder branch of the Stuarts from the throne of Great
Britain. Elizabeth's infant was a girl, the twelfth child of a .
family already too numerous to be supported ^ by the
dependent parents, who required all the elasticity of
parental affection to enable them to welcome into the
world, one after another, a tribe of helpless children, with
out home and without possessions. Who could have
dreamed that this infant would become the progenitress
of a race of monarchs, who should sway the mightiest
sceptre in the world, long after the " last of the Stuarts "
had laid his unhonoured dust in the Papal soil of that
Rome, for whose sake his fathers forfeited a crown?
Yet so it was. This child was afterwards Sophia of
Brunswick, the mother of George I., the direct ancestress
of a queen, whose rule, over dominions tenfold as great as
those that own her sceptre, were less honourable to her
than the sway, unrivalled in history, which she possesses
over the hearts of millions of British subjects.
The Queen of Bohemia had spent the autumn at
Rhenen and Utrecht, "where," she says, "they are hunt
ing as hard as they can, and I think I was born for it, for
I never had my health better in my life." She returned
to the Hague on the -^ of October, travelling that day
from Utrecht, a distance of forty English miles,1 and on
the £§ of October, at 9 p.m., her infant was born.2 The
queen's recovery was rapid; but she was scarcely con
valescent, when her husband was placed under medical
treatment for an attack of his former complaint, more
severe than any he had yet experienced, and for some
time he was confined to his room. Elizabeth tried in vain
to persuade herself that there was no danger ; and she
entreated Sir Harry Vane, then about to return to
England, to remain with her till January, when the
physicians said they might be able to speak more decidedly
upon the case.3 The improvement of the king relieved her
1 Vane to Dorchester, Oct. 12. They went about the 18th of August.
* Frederic to Charles I. Ancient Royal Letters, vol. v. State Paper
Office; Vane to Dorchester, Oct. 13.
3 Vane's Despatch, Oct. 19 ; German Corresp. Nov. 10 ; Holland
Corresp. Nov. 15 ; Harl. MS. 7000, f. 156.

JAMES THE FIRST. 48$
mind from anxiety on his behalf; but another trial awaited
her in the" illness and death of her daughter Charlotte,
the youngest child but one ; she died on January 23rd.
Vane, writing on the 27th, says; —
" This night we lay into the ground the youngest daughter save one of
their majesties of Bohemia, who died four days since, after a long and
languishing sickness, being Madame Charlotte, a child of not more than
two years of age, and buried by her brother Henry in the cloister
church." The baptism of the infant Sophia, delayed by these
unpropitious circumstances, was performed on the 30th of
January. The States of Friesland and Groningen, and
the Prince Palatine of Neuburg, stood Godfathers; her
Godmothers were the Countess of Culenberg and Madame
de Brederode. The Godfathers presented the child with
the patent for a life pension of 46/., in a gold box worth
50/. They also gave 40/. each, and the Godmothers 20/.
each, to be distributed in the royal nursery.1
A change had recently occurred in the French embassy
at the Hague : M. d'Espesses, who, in spite of his
obstinacy about precedence, had conducted himself in a
friendly manner towards the King and Queen of Bohemia,2
was recalled; his successor, M. de Hauterive, proved much
less complaisant. He did not visit them, nor offer the
marks of respect to which they were accustomed ; and
moreover, he endeavoured to prevail on others to adopt a
similar course. In March, 1631, as Frederic and Eliza
beth were on the point of leaving the Hague for Rhenen,
the Duke de Vend6me arrived in the town. According
to custom, the queen's secretary, Nethersole, waited upon
him with the compliments of his master and mistress,
which he received courteously but coldly, and the next
day but one, he sent an acknowledgment by his esquire,
who committed the uncourtly blunder of going to the
palace between nine and ten o'clock in the morning,
before the king and queen had risen. In an hour he went
' ' Court and Times of James I. vol. ii. p. 94 ; Mercur. Gallo Belg. 1631,
p. 80. 2 Under his auspices, a friendly correspondence of letters and presents
took place between Elizabeth and the queen-mother of France, Mary
de Medicis. — Carleton's Despatch, Aug. and Oct. 1627.

486 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
again, and paid his compliments to the king, but did not
visit the queen at all. The duke did not come in person
to the court, because, as he told the English ambassador,
though to the queen he would pay the honours of an
empress, if she wished it, he could only give the title of
" highness" to her husband, and on such terms Elizabeth
was unwilling to meet him. She sent him a polite inti
mation that, as they were just prepared for leaving home,
and most of their servants and baggage were gone, it
would not be convenient to receive his visit.
The queen was fully aware that his scruples were
infused by the French ambassador, who had tampered
in like manner with the resident of Denmark ; and she
was much displeased at an interference that tended to
diminish those royal honours which were the only relics of
the dignity she had so dearly loved. Without her know
ledge, though in accordance with her feelings, the zeal
ous Nethersole wrote these particulars to Dorchester,
adding : —
" Although the queen my mistress be the lady of the world that hath
least of the woman in her, and least revenge, of all other woman's
humours, as your lordship well knoweth, yet I dare give your lordship
full assurance that if you could find means to procure the revocation of
this French ambassador resident here, your lordship never did her
majesty a more acceptable, though you have done her many most accept
able services ; her majesty's desire hereof being grounded on her
desires of righting the king her husband, which you know is no less
stirring a passion in her, than revenge of wrong is in most of her sex."
Unaware of her servant's interference, Elizabeth was
equally surprised and pleased when she found that a
request for the removal of the obnoxious ambassador,
which was readily granted, had actually been sent to France
from England.
The Duke de Vendome, meanwhile, was much galled by
the total neglect with which he was treated by the English
at the Hague, who were indignant at his slighting treat
ment of their princess. He saw that the ambassador had
led him to commit an absurdity, in refusing titles which
were granted by the common consent of the place, and,
therefore, as soon as the king and queen returned to the
Hague, he sent an apology ; this was graciously accepted,
and he called on them in company with the Princess of

JAMES THE FIRST. 487
Orange, trusting to her presence for the avoidance of all
disputes as to the form of his reception.1 Thus ended a
squabble, ridiculous enough, were it not that names some
times mean things, and that the recognition of a title may
be more significant than at first sight it would appear.
Two characters now made their appearance on the stage
of German warfare, previously unknown to each other,
but possessing in common many of the qualities of noble
minds ; both valiant soldiers, skilful generals, honest men,
and firm Protestants, and by a singular coincidence, both
rejected suitors of our Elizabeth. These were Gustavus
Adolphus, King of Sweden, and James, Marquis of
Hamilton. It rarely happens that a lady's slighted lovers
become the warmest advocates of her cause, but so it was
in the present instance, though with this difference, Gus
tavus fought for the liberties of Germany; Hamilton
unsheathed his sword in defence of the " royal daughter
of Scotland," his fair and injured compatriot and relative.
The first entry of Gustavus Adolphus into Germany was
in 1630 ; but the results of that brief campaign, though
favourable, were unimportant, except as inspiring him
with fresh ardour to renew it the following year. In June,
1631, he returned, and bringing the energies of a strong
nature and of a prosperous country to bear upon states
enfeebled and exhausted by long warfare, and distracted
by conflicting interests, he gained a career of brilliant
victories unequalled except by those of Napoleon.
The Marquis of Hamilton obtained the permission of
Charles I. to raise 10,000 troops with which to join the
Swedish king, who as yet was fighting almost single-
handed.2 They were to be levied and sent out at the
expense of Charles, and he entered into an agreement to
pay them, but this was to be kept secret, lest it might he
prejudicial to his treaties.3 Hamilton went over to the
Hague to explain his designs to Queen Elizabeth,4 and
1 Nethersole's Despatches, March 14, April 26, June 26, 1631 ; Fre
deric to King of Denmark, Oct. 13.
2 The States of Holland allowed him 5,000 florins a month towards
the expense of the war.
3 Life of James, Duke Hamilton, 18 Lond. 1717, pp. 22-26.
4 Roe to Queen of Bohemia, March 31, 1631.

488 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
then, as soon as the men were mustered, he set out for
Germany. He was cordially welcomed by Gustavus, and
took an active part in the rest ofthe campaign, which ter
minated in the defeat of the Imperialists at the battle of
Leipsic : —
" For which success," says Gustavus in his letter to Charles I. " let
all praise be rendered to Almighty God, as unto the author of it ; unto
whose divine goodness it ought of due to be ascribed, that hereby appears
an easier hope, (which hath by the prayers of so many thousands been
heretofore so much desired,) both to restore religion and liberty to their
former conditions, as also to set up again the distressed estate of the
King of Bohemia. We nothing doubt but that your highness will make
• judgment hereupon, that there is reason not only to rejoice heartily for
this victory, but withal to make advantage of so fair an opportunity, and
that all your forces are from henceforth to be employed this way." '
The tone of the concluding remark intimates that the
King of Sweden did not consider Charles to have entered
as yet heartily into the contest, neither in truth had he, for
he was glad by any means to be spared recourse to the
costly experiment of foreign war. He professed to place
great faith in the treaty still going on at Vienna, and in
the promises of the King of Spain to restore the Pala
tinate. " They talk much," writes Elizabeth, " of a letter from that king to
my brother, where all is promised ; yet since we cannot have a sight of
that letter I fear there is nothing in it."
Sir Henry Vane was, however, sent to the King of
Sweden. "I wish," she writes, "Vane's employment may be to some good
purpose, but I fear it, since they are set so much upon their treaty at
Vienna. Yet my dear brother did assure me, by a letter that my Lord
Wimbledon brought me, that he would not be lulled asleep by that
treaty, in which he will not trust, but be provided for the worst, and
will never quit our quarrel ; this is his very words, and I am confident
he speaks as he thinks; but there are so many devices to change him,
as I believe nothing but what I see ; for he gave me as much assurance
that he would never make truce or peace with Spain, without the entire
restitution of the Palatinate, and yet you see the contrary, so as I am
confident of nothing but my brother's love, and this also be sure, that
1 Harl. MS. 3786, f. 44. An excellent summary of the campaign of
1631 is given by Dreyhaupt, in his Beschreibung Magdeburg, vol. i.
pp. 387-397.

JAMES THE FIRST. 489
the king will never be forced to any dishonourable condition whatsoever
those wise statesmen put out." '
Now that the Swedish conquests gave hopes of restitu
tion by another medium, Frederic would willingly have put
a stop to treaty, and he was less pliant in reference to
terms. He declared that he cared not to return to his own
country, unless it were as Elector ; that to the predomi
nance of the Romish religion he would never consent ; but
that rather than endure the weary continuance of exile, he
would accept any amicable adjustment of the electorate
which should secure its reversion to his family.
The summer months rolled by, still no end was made
to the treaty, and no succours arrived from England to
second the King of Sweden. Elizabeth, therefore, took
the bold step of conveying her views freely to her brother
in the following letter : — 2
" My only dear brother,
"This worthy Lord Wharton gives me means to write these lines to
yon, and humbly beseech you now, to shew your favour to your brother
and me. You shall understand by his letters to the Lord of Dorchester,
more particularly all things ; I only beseech you to give me leave to say
truly to you, that if this opportunity be neglected, we may be in despair
of ever recovering anything ; for by treaty it will never be done, as you
may easily see by the delays they have already made; and let not your
self be deceived, that it may be some will persuade you, that now the
treaty will be easier than ever; for assure yourself, if they give you
good words now, it will be only to gain time, and keep you from assisting,
so that the king of Sweden may be disheartened to do anything for us,
and make his own peace, so as we shall never have anything, but live to
be a burden to you, and a grief and affliction to ourselves and posterity.
Therefore I most humbly beseech you, my dear brother, now show the
effects of the love you are pleased to bear me and mine, and let none
persuade you from it ; for your own honor is as much interested in it,
as our good; for if you now do nothing but treat, I beseech you give
me leave to say, that the world will wonder at it. I have need to
ask you many pardons for this free and plain writing to you; which I
protest proceeds as much out of my love to you and to your honour, as
for the king and myself, whose good is now to be procured or never; and
therefore I beseech you to pardon this freedom of mine, which necessity
doth force ine to, and ever to love me, that am, what fortune soever
come to me, " My only dear brother,
" Your most affectionate sister and humble servant,
" From the Hague, this r'7 October. " Elizabeth."
1 July 1, 1631, German Corresp.
2 Carleton Letters, 4to. Lond. 1780, Original in German Corresp.

490 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
This letter excited much surprise, and even displeasure,
in the mind of Charles. His courtiers were in the habit
of eulogizing his love for his sister, his liberality in equip
ping Hamilton's troops, in fitting out embassies, &C.,1 and
the king was, therefore, the less prepared to receive with
patience such a rebuke. After perusing the letter, he sent
for Lord Dorchester, and bade him read it aloud to him.
Whilst so doing, he was often interrupted by exclamations
from the king, that his sister mistook the whole course of
his proceedings ; and when Dorchester came to the passage
"if you do nothing but.treat," he vehemently declared that
it was unkind in her to say so, and that if he did treat, it
was with the pen in the one hand and the sword in the
other ; that he was maintaining Hamilton's troops in her
behalf ; that Anstruther's despatch to the emperor was at
her husband's request ; that Vane's mission to the King
of Sweden was not to cry " peace, peace ;" but to consoli
date a war alliance, in case the Imperial embassy should
fail ; that his brother and sister were his chief occupation
and anxiety, and that he was, therefore, the more pained
to be suspected of indifference.
The King of Bohemia also had written to Charles, more
haughtily than judiciously, that he hoped soon to hear from
the King of Sweden, and then to have no occasion further
to trouble his brother of England. This expression led to
the belief that Frederic and Gustavus were in secret
treaty together; it was confirmed by a report, that
Frederic was soon to march at the head of 15,000 men, to
join the victorious monarch.2
Charles did not reply himself to his sister and brother,
but his sentiments were faithfully communicated to them
by Dorchester.3 In responding to them, Frederic remarked
at great length on the business points of the letter, and
1 See Reliq. Wott. p. 156.
2 Hulme to Vane, Nov. 29, Swedish Corresp. State Paper Office. In
the course of the negotiations, the emperor coolly proposed to Charles 1,
to prevail on the King of Sweden to quit the Palatinate, as his presence
there would greatly impede their success! — Germ. Corresp. Dec. 17,
1631. 3 German Corresp. Nov. 10, Dorchester to King and Queen Bohemia ;
originals in Stato Paper Office, printed in Carleton's Letters, pp.
61-2.

JAMES THE FIRST. 491
Elizabeth also penned long epistles to the king and
Dorchester, in which she warmly vindicated her husband
from all underhand dealing, and justified the free and
faithful style of her late communication to the king, by
the very urgent need which existed for prompt assistance
and exertion.1 Dorchester took the letters to St. James's
Palace, where, as he writes to the queen, he found his
royal master —
" In the midst of his antique pictures, no less earnestly employed than I
know your majesties are, in like businesses, when you take them in hand
in right order ; which work being ended, I besought him that, now he
had done disposing his emperors, he would think of supporting the
kings." Charles read the letters attentively ; his displeasure had
subsided, and Dorchester wrote to assure the queen that —
" All is fully rectified betwixt you and his majesty, who is so far from
excepting against your freedom of writing, that I know no pen from
which he doth more willingly and gladly understand the state of affairs
than your majesty's own."
Sir Robert Honeywood, one of the queen's faithful
servants, then in England, was called in to a consultation
upon the letters; he pleaded earnestly in behalf of a
present arming for his master and mistress, yet an ex
chequer two millions in debt was an incontrovertible
argument on the other side,2 and the king declared his
resolution to await the issue of an express sent into Spain;
which power was bound, by the articles of the late treaty,
to deliver up, that very month, the lands it possessed in
the Palatinate.3
The letters reporting this decision were sent by the
hands of Honeywood. The queen, in her answer to Lord
Dorchester, referred to the successful progress of Gustavus
Adolphus as much more likely to tell upon Spain than all
King Charles's arguments, and strongly represented the
advisableness of her husband's co-operation in his move
ments.4 This letter was intended to meet her brother's
.' Frederic expressed similar sentiments in a letter to Dorchester,
Dec. 6.
2 Court and Times of Charles I. vol. ii. pp. 138, 153.
3 Slingsby to Puckering, Dec. 21, Harl. MS. 7000.
4 Dec. 18, 1631, German Corresp.

492 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
eye ; to her friend, Sir T. Roe, Elizabeth expressed her
self with more freedom.1
" Honest Tom,
" This good old duke will deliver you this in thanks for yours by Honey
wood and Gomelton. I soe by what Honeywood brought me from Eng-
land that we are like to have little assistance from thence, they will still
be blind, and not see what time and reputation they lose by their fruitless
treaties. Now that all the world is in notion, wo must sit still and treat.
That with the Spaniard will quickly be ended, by the King of Sweden,
who hath left them nothing but Frankonthal and Creutznach, so ns they
may oblige my brother with a small matter in delivering them up, if
be will take it for good. And now in your conscience think what you
would have the king2 to do, if the King of Sweden said to him .to j;o jmd
relieve his country, and help to take the rest ; should he stay till the
Spaniard and emperor give him leave to treat to take it 1 Yet. this is
thought reasonable on your side the sen, but I fear the king will follow
what shall be said to him from the King of Sweden by Slavata, whom we
expect daily, and likely will come before you have this letter, which I
wrote to you principally, because I know not how soon 1 shall be takm.'
I am glad my dear brother hath used you so well, but 1 had wished you
now where the other4 is, who is at Frankfort ; we are not made acquainted
with anything that he treats there though they sny it is for our good.
You may judge what comfort that is to us, to be used as little children
that cannot keep counsel ; for when we desire to know what is treated,
we are answered that it is not fit, that such things should be divulged
abroad. I write this freely to you, because 1 have a sure messenger; and
to sum up all, I confess that I look for no help from my brother, whose
nature and affection I know are as good as can be, but is deceived by
those he trusts. I would you might be believed in what you would
counsel, but I know it will not be. The king commendsUiis love to you,
and we both desire you to be assured of our love, which, if ever we have
means, you shall find ; believe this from
" Your most constant friend "Elizaheth.
" The Hague, this T^ of January.
" I pray commend my love to your wife."
The assistance requested by Gustavus from Charles
was, an army of 20,000 foot and 5000 horse, to be main
tained during four years ; — terms with which the king was
utterly unable to comply. Frederic, on his own behalf, had
sent one of his counsellors, Baron Slavata, to the Swedish
head quarters, offering to join the king as volunteer,
with the little money he had, and declaring himself willing
to pawn his jewels and risk all he had upon this chance.
' German Corresp. 1631. s King of Bohemia.
3 The queen was daily expecting her confinement.
4 Sir Henry Vane.

JAMES THE FIRST. 493
Gustavus had for some time been anxious to secure the
presence of the Bohemian king in his camp, because it
would be a guarantee, in the eyes of Protestant Germany,
of the sincerity of his intentions towards the Prince, whom
they formerly regarded as their head, and because he
knew that the whole Palatinate would rise to support
their king.1 He urged on him, in the first instance, to
seek assistance from England, and to raise an army for
himself.2 Frederic replied that he had neither men nor
money to raise them. " No !" exclaimed the king ; "what,
a brother of the King of Great Britain and protected by
the States, and must he come to me in his doublet and
hose ? Let him come, however, and I will do my best to
restore him to his patrimony."3 The king offered to form
an alliance with him on the same terms as with the other
princes of the Union, leaving the arrangements for the
restoration of his territory to be made subsequently.4
Moved by his sister's eloquent pleadings, or yielding to
a necessity which he could no longer control, Charles I.,
after much hesitation, gave his consent to the king of
Bohemia's projected journey.5 Before acting upon the
permission, Frederic waited the expected birth of his
thirteenth child, the commencement of a "second dozen,"
as a humourist termed it, which came into the world on,
the T\ of January, 1632. This was the first son born
since the melancholy decease of Prince Frederic Henry,
and the father was anxious that he should bear the same
name,6 but Elizabeth preferred to call him after the living
rather than the dead, and the boy received the name of
1 Vane's Despatch, Dec. 3, 1631. A number of Vane's despatches
about this period, missing from the State Paper Office, are in a MS.
formerly in the possession of Lord Wharton. A volume of Transcripts
from them is in the library of Sir Thomas Phillipps, and forms Middle-
hill MS. 4880.
* German Corresp. Dec. 15, 1631 ; Court and Times of Charles I.
pp. 136-8. a Harl. MS, 7000, f. 174.
4 Vane and Nethersole to Dorchester, Dec. 21, Jan. 5.
5 Comptroller to Vane, Dec. 21, 1631 ; Frederic to Charles I. Jan. 4,
and to Dorchester, Jan. 5, 1632.
0 This name was actually entered in a brief catalogue of the Palatine
family, printed in the early part of 1632, which closes with the following
sentiment — " God of his unspeakable mercy bless, protect, and defend
this noble queen, with her royal progeny, to the enlargement of his

494 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
the hero of Sweden, Gustavus Adolphus.1 The baptism
took place on the »| of January, in the cloister church.
The sponsors were the King of Sweden and William
Lord Craven, a young English nobleman now at the
Hague, who, having completed his education by conti
nental travel, burned to distinguish himself under the
banners of Gustavus and in the cause of Elizabeth, and
had offered to raise 3000 men and transport them at his
own expense to join the Swedish army.2 He was one of
the most chivalric and devoted of the noble spirits who
fought and suffered in Elizabeth's behalf, and was inti
mately associated with her later life.3
Frederic took leave of the States-General in full council,
thanked them for their past favours, and recommended his
wife and children to their further protection, during the
few months which must necessarily elapse before he could
be prepared to send for them into his own dominions;
promising that his future conduct should amply com
pensate the courteous liberality with which they had
treated him. They, on their part, assured him of their
best wishes for his prosperity, and gave him a handsome
present of 150,000 francs towards the expenses of the
war. In addition to this sum, the Prince of" Orange pre
sented him with 20,000 francs for his private require
ments. The king had pawned plate to the value of
20,000 more, and drawn from the Bank of Amsterdam
150,000 francs of the money laid up for his children's use,
hoping to employ it most effectually for their benefit, by
the recovery of their patrimony.4 Before his departure,
Frederic drew out a clear account of his property and its
various deposits ; committed to the hands of authenticated
agents the inventories of all his personal goods;5 and

church, to the farther ruin of Antichrist, to the comfort of all the godly,
dispersed through the world." — Harl. Miscel. vol. iii. p. 76.
1 Nethersole to Dorchester, Jan. 3, 1632 ; Gazette Franc. 1632, p. 64.
2 Pory to Puckering, Dec. 1, 1631, Harl. MS. 7000.
8 To his Godchild he presented plate to the value of 1,500/. and a
pension for life of 200/. — Pory to Puckering, Jan, 26, 1632 ,• Harl. MS.
7000,/. 173.
4 List of debts ofthe King of Bohemia, Jan. 1633. Holland Corresp.
5 Boswell to Coke, Dec. 17, 1632, Holland Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 495
wrote farewell letters to Charles I., commending earnestly
to him the care of his wife and children.1
His preparations completed, on the -§|-th of January he
took a fond farewell of Elizabeth and his elder children,
and, attended by Lord Craven, set out on his journey.
The queen was much disappointed that she could not
accompany him to the Palatinate ; but her health was not
sufficiently recovered to permit it.2 Frederic was escorted
out of the Hague by the States-General in full procession,
under a guard of 2500 of their cavalry, and amidst the
prayers and acclamations of the people. He went first to
Leyden, to visit his little nursery there.3 The people
flocked round him with their congratulations, and in the
excitement of leaving those with whom his family were
so associated, he gave his hand to any of the good bur
gesses who wished to shake hands with a king. Sleeping
at Rhenen he next proceeded to Wesel, whither the
Prince of Orange accompanied him ; and thence to Hesse-
Cassel, where the Landgrave received him kindly, sent
home the troops of the States, and provided him with a
guard for his further journey to the camp of the Swedish
king. " On" the 6th," writes Sir H. Vane, " the King of Bohemia sent an
express to the King of Sweden and myself, to give notice of his coming.
On the 7th, I went to Hanau, and a Dutch mile beyond the town had
the honour to meet "him and kiss his hands. That night he came to
Hanau, where he was received with much joy and affection, as well by
the court of that place as by all the.people ; for they came out to meet
him two Dutch miles from the town, and as he entered the same, the
people flocked all about him, making great acclamations of joy, and
crying, ' Vive le roy de Boeme ! ' The great rains that fell having made
the ways so ill that neither his coaches nor baggage could come up, he
was enforced to rest himself the 8th and 9th."4
On February 10th, Frederic, with an escort of seventy
horses and forty coaches, entered the city of Frankfort, the
head quarters of Gustavus, and finding the king gone on
to Hochst, six miles further, he followed him thither.5
1 Frederic to Charles I. Jan. 16, 1632, German Corresp. Holog.
2 Pory to Puckering, Jan. 12, 1632, Harl. MS. 7000.
3 Gazette Franc. 1632, p. 64.
4 Middlehill MS. 4880, f. 7.
' That same day Charles I. wrote to Gustavus. recommending in
cordial terms the Prince Palatine, by this time in his camp, to a speedy

496 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
"On the 11th," continues Vane, "the King and Queen of Sweden
being at Hochst, at 7 in the morning, himself, with some twenty cavaliers
more, went to Hochst, without giving the king notice thereof, having
resolved to avoid all formalities ; but he could not so surprise him but
that he met him in the middle of the court, and having passed some
compliments with him, the King of Sweden taking the right hand, led
him ,up into his lodgings, where having entertained him with the dis
course of the battle of Leipsic, using him with all respect and civility,
his majesty stayed him at dinner, and there at the table gave him the
right hand. After dinner, the queen,1 with the two kings, came to
Frankfort, and in the coach, the King of Sweden gave him also the right
hand. The King of Bohemia brought their majesties to their lodgings,
and after some compliments passed, he took his leave, and besought the
king that he would permit him to go and come as one of his domestics,
without ceremony ; but the king would by no means consent thereunto,
but brought him down the stairs into the court. This modest carriage
of the King of Bohemia is much approved by the King of Sweden and
all of this place." 2
Gustavus constantly greeted his guest by his royal title,
gave him the precedence over himself, and exacted the
same courtesies towards him from all his camp, not few in
number, for more than twenty German princes, dukes, and
counts, and foreign ambassadors swelled the train of the
victorious monarch.3 From this time the two kings shared
together such recreation as a camp life afforded,4 and were
generally found side by side in all their warlike expedi
tions like brethren-in-arms.5

restoration. The King of England did not give him the royal title on
which the King of Sweden insisted ! — Ancient Royal Letters, Sweden,
vol. 18.
1 Frederic had himself been instrumental in bringing about the mar
riage of the King of Sweden with this princess, Eleonora of Branden-
burgh, a House with which his own was allied by a twofold marriage,
that of his brother and sister to a Prince and Princess of Brandenburgh.
2 Middlehill MS. 4880, f. 9. 3 Harl. MS. 7000, f. 237.
\ Dineley to Roe, April 28, German Corresp. A dateless fragment in
the Holland Correspondence mentions a masque, at which the King
of Bohemia played the part of a Jesuit, and the King of Sweden that
of son of the host.
4 A servant of Frederic writes — " As you were glad that the King of
Bohemia went upon his journey, so he found upon his arrival it was
necessary for him so to do. He is present at all actions and adventures,
and I do believe he taketh such a gust of the wars waged by so rare a
general, that he will not think of resting while he is in the field." "As to
the King of Sweden," he adds, "he is the man whom neither seas, nor
mountains, nor armies, nor rivers, can resist, and yet his enemies have

JAMES THE FIRST. 497
They now advanced into the Palatinate.
" The people," writes Lieutenant Munro, " were overjoyed to see the
King of Sweden, but chiefly their affections most abundantly did extend
towards his majesty of Bohemia, which is impossible for any tongue to
express." * Wonderful welcome," says Sir T. Roe, " was this prince to his own
subjects of the Palatinate, who every where ran out to see his majesty,
with infinite expressions of joy and contentation, with many a hearty
prayer, and tear, and high-sounding acclamation."
The whole Palatinate was already ceded to the arms of
the victorious Swede, and had, at his bidding, renewed
their oaths of homage to their sovereign, excepting the
three fortresses of Creuznach, Frankenthal, and Heidelberg.
To the siege of the first-named they now advanced.
Gustavus, in crossing the Rhine, declared he was careless
of incurring the enmity of Austria and Spain, if he could
only render service to his dear and oppressed sister, the
Queen of Bohemia. The English and Scottish regiment
in his employ was full of ardour : —
" Who," exclaims Munro, in his record of the expedition, " who
would not then press to discharge the duty of valorous soldiers and
captains, in sight of their master and king, having crossed the Rhine
fighting for the queen of soldiers, being led by the king of captains, and
captain of kings ? "
Such enthusiasm was a pledge of success. Creuznach
soon yielded to the invading army ; Lord Craven, in par
ticular, distinguished himself by prodigies of valour, and
though wounded, was the first to mount the breach.1
The soldier-king himself chided his too rash self-exposure,
and clapping him on the shoulder, rallied him on the
chances he had that day given his younger brother of
inheriting his estates. The citizens rejoiced at the cap
ture, and threw open their doors to the Swedish soldiers.2
A review of the whole army took place, in which Frederic
came forward to salute the English brigade, t6 thank
them for the services already performed, and to request
the continuance of their valour.3
a film upon their eyes, and will not see the hand that guideth him." —
Dinely to Roe, April 28.
1 Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 177-
2 Rowe's Swed. Intelligencer, p. 79, Harl. MS. 7010, f. 228 ; Gazette
de France, p. 119. ' Munro's Expedition, p. 110.
VOL. V. 2 K

498 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Frederic and Elizabeth loved to commemorate the
leading events of their lives by medallic representations.
On their exile into Holland, a coin was struck, bearing
their portraits and the motto " Spes sola superest," " Hope
alone remains;" now Elizabeth struck another, bearing
on the obverse their joint profiles; on the reverse, the sun
setting behind the sea, with the motto " Sol Occident*
renascitur," " The setting sun rises again," in allusion to
the anticipated restoration of her husband.1 _
The joy of conquest in the hearts of the King and Queen
of Bohemia was checked by the melancholy tidings of the
burning of Heidelberg castle, the happy home of their
early married life. It was more than suspected that the
Spaniards, had set fire to the building, desiring, in anticipa
tion, that the town would be retaken, to render it as use
less as possible.8
The mustering of the Imperial troops in western1
Germany compelled Gustavus to recross the Rhine,
leaving Frankenthal and Heidelberg still untaken. Fre
deric was now anxious to come to some definite terms-
with his royal friend : Vane thus writes to the English
secretary of state : —
" The King of Bohemia is well looked upon by the king for what
concerns his person, and is often with him, but cannot come to any
resolution how he shall dispose of himself, though he often presses the
same, to whieh the king gives the answer that he intends to restore him
his countries, but he will first make an alliance with him ; that he will
send him a minute thereof, which he) hath promised since the King of
Bohemia's first arrival, but hitherto it cannot be gotten. This last night
the King of Bohemia, with divers other princes, counts, and ladies
supped with the King and Queen of Sweden. They were aux petits jeux
till 12 of the clock : the queen and the ladies then retired, but the two
kings and the rest of the company did chopiner till 3 in the morning.
The two kings did caress one another very much, there being nothing
but mon fri-re every word — the King of Sweden assuring the King of
Bohemia that he would restore him his countries, though the King of
England should not give him such assistance as he thought fit, and then
he should owe the obligation to him only. I have advised him that
1 Van Loon, Nederlandische Historipenning, vol. ii. p. 120.
* Mercure Franc, p. 155. It was previously rumoured, that had
Gustavus attacked the town, it would have yielded at once ; and then
when he and his officers were all lodged in the castle, it would have
been exploded, and blown them to atoms. — Vane's Desp. Dec. 8, 1631 ;
Middlehill MS. 4880.

JAMES THE FIRST. 499
whithersoever the King of Sweden goes to follow him, until he get
some resolution from him." '
Frederic reluctantly took this advice, and followed the
Swedish monarch; but he took every opportunity of
urging his request for permission to raise and head an
independent army.2
" Upon discourse between the two kings," writes Lord Craven, " the
King of Bohemia, with a great deal of modesty and reason, desired
liberty from the king to levy troops, that he might accompany him with
a better garb. The king demanded him where he would make his levies,
upon which he told him that in the Palatinate there were diverse of his
own subjects which he could draw together, in a short time, and at a
little expense. This was so unwelcome to the king, that he told him
plainly that he already levies himself in those parts, and that it was not
secure to have more than one chief; besides he said, if he had a mind to
be inaction, he would give him Oppenheim to fortify, and when that were
done, furnish him with men for to take in Heidelberg. Since this un-
pleasing compliment from the King, his good majesty of Bohemia is
treated with more courtesy and fair show of welcome than what he hath
been heretofore, which I think is only to take away the ill relish of this
sour pill." 3
The king, however, felt the refusal keenly. He thus
wrote to Elizabeth upon the subject : — 4
"My dearest heart,
" I received your letter yesterday, between Aschaffenburg and here,
marching with the King of Sweden, who continues to treat me very
civilly. As to the rest, I know not what I am about ; I see clearly that
the King of Sweden 5 does not desire me to have troops ; he said that if /
1 Middlehill MS. 4880. p. 17.
1 Abstract of Vane's Letters, 1632, Swed. Corresp.
» March 18, 1632, Holl. Corresp.
4 Bromley Letters, p. 31, date March T8g.
* The passages in Italics are in cypher in the Bromley Letters. The
editor of those Letters, extremely valuable though they are as a collec
tion, performed his task with more zeal than knowledge. Instances
frequently occur, where the original is palpably misread, and the cyphers,
when not interpreted in the original, are frequently mistaken. The
comprehension of a few of them has baffled all the pains bestowed upon
them, as the correspondence is brief, and the same cyphers sometimes
occur only once. For the information of those interested in the Bromley
Letters, the following corrected decipherings are given : —
116. Charles I. 170. Sir Henry Vane.
140. Prince d'Orange. 181. Ambassadeur.
129. Duke de Saxony. 102. Argent.
149. General Vere. 199. Armee.
165. La Haye. 214. Due de Simmeren.
2 K2

500 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
raised any, it would ruin his army — I know not therefore what / shall be
good for, nor why the King of Sweden has desired me to come. If there
be nothing more to do that what I see as yet, / had better have stayed
at the Hague. Now that the king is going to meet Tilly, or visit the
Duke of Bavaria, I am resolved to follow him, although the trade of a
volunteer is tiresome enough. After that, if I cannot get some resolu
tion, I shall go to the English ambassador, to consult what / must do."
The ambassador here alluded to was Sir Henry Vane,
employed to negotiate the conditions of the restoration of
the Palatinate on the part of Charles I. The king offered
to pay 10,000/. a month towards war expenses, and
Vane was also commissioned to add, that in case of
Charles's failure to perform this promise, some places in
the Palatinate should still remain in the hands of Sweden,
as guarantee for the full payment. To this condition
Frederic objected in the strongest terms. "With his
natural apprehensiveness, he augured the worst results
from such an arrangement; and going to Hamilton and
Vane, declared, with tears in his eyes, that he wished
himself out of the world, and desired no treaty at all,
rather than one that should place him in eternal subjec
tion to the King of Sweden ; that he would rather accept
any portion, however small, of his estates, unfettered,
than be curbed with a condition which he thought dis
honourable.1 He entreated Vane to suppress this article,
adding, that if the treaty failed, he feared not to throw
himself on the generosity of the King of Sweden, who
had promised him full restoration, independently of all
treaties. The ambassador obtained Charles's consent so to
do, though with the remark that he would offer no other
security for payment, and therefore if the treaty fell
through on that score, the king of Bohemia would be the
only person to blame.2
Vane was unequal to the difficulties of his position.
1 " There is a strange article," he writes to the queen, " in the point to
¦ be treated with the King of Sweden; it is that if Me king failed to give
the money promised to the King of Sweden, the Palatinate should remain
in pledge to him for it. I have told Vane that if that were put in, the
king would disoblige me much, and that in such a case, / would rather
he did not treat for me." — Bromley Letters, p. 43. The Italic passages aro
in cypher in the original.
2 Vane to Treasurer, July 1, 1632, Swed. Corresp.; Frederic to
Elizabeth, March 8, Bromley Letters, p. 31.

JAMES THE FIRST. 501
He treated the King of Bohemia imperiously, and his
manner was unconciliating towards Gustavus himself,
whose hasty temper ill brooking control, he quarrelled
with the ambassador, and then repented of the quarrel.1
" I did hear," wrote the queen to Vane, " of the mal-enlendu that
passed between the king of Sweden and you, which I was sorry for ; I
am glad that all is well again. I know that he himself was sorry for it
after that his choler was passed. It is a great pity that he is so subject
to that, he hath so many other good parts. I pray make the best of all,
and remember his good actions, and forget his words." 2
Had the cautious and friendly policy of Sir Thomas
Roe been in operation at the Swedish court, the treaty
had probably taken effect, but Vane did not succeed in
completing it. The parties could not agree either as to
the amount of the subsidies or to the time of payment;
Charles's necessities inducing him to urge delay, and Gus
tavus declaring he would be no man's servant for a few
thousand pounds.
Meanwhile Elizabeth led an anxious and excited life at
the Hague, or at Rhenen, hearing from her husband and
writing to him several times a week, and indulging eager
hopes of speedily rejoining him in Germany. The best
illustration of her history will be found in her corre
spondence. Many of Frederic's letters to her are in pre
servation, but none of hers to him. We have, however,
several which she wrote to Sir Harry Vane. The follow
ing extract, half droll, half earnest, was written on the
iS-th of April.3
" Honest Harry,
" I hope these letters by Home will pass as well to you as my little
monkey, Astley's, did to me. He can tell you all the news of England,
' Puffendorf Comment de Reb. Suec. fol. Utrecht, 1686. " It is
usual with this king,4' writes Vane, " to repent himself when the blow is
given, for he hath often told me, since the occasion at Munich, speaking
with regret of that proceeding, that he would give all he had to be
master of his passions, but that when he begins but to be moved, he
hath something rises in his brain that makes him forget what he says or
does ; that this he finds in himself, and the inconveniences that grow
thereof as soon as he is composed again ; but yet he cannot get it
mastered, though he lias often desired the same, and therefore he hopes
God and all the world will forgive him."— MiddlehUl, MS. 4880, /. 124.
2 July 12, 1632, Holland Corresp.
3 Holland Corresp. State Paper Office.

502 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
en matiere de dames, and of the Hague. The prince1 is preparing to go
into the field, and most of our officers are come. His old grace is here,2
and saith that his gracious aunt, the Duchess of Richmond, will come
to see me this summer, with all her white staves.3 She doth write so
to me herself, but I confess I do not believe her. We look for my
Lady Strange every day, and my wise widow." 4
"I hear your pretty gentleman, Mr. Gifford, is laid by the heels, and
another towards it for talking foolishly. I long to hear the end of yonr
treaty ; I see by the king's letters the King of Sweden doth not desire
he should make levies, saying it would spoil his army. If my dear
brother would have been pleased to have granted the king's request by
Robin Honeywood, it had been better both for him and your treaty, for
then, the king having troops, might have had more voix en chapitre than
now he hath, being but a volunteer, which is a very wearisome pro
fession ; but I hope God will turn all to the best, and am confident that
you will still continue to do your best for him. I pray believe me ever,
" Your most constant affectionate friend, " Elizabeth.
" The Hague, this 15th of April, St. N.
"To Sir Harry Vane."
A few weeks later she writes : —
" I can assure you that the king is very well satisfied with yonr actions
there, and hath written to me how much he is beholden to you. He is
still as he was concerning his own particular ; the King of Sweden doth
still use him very well. I hope when you follow the King of Sweden's
army you will find it at Munich, where I think they are going. I con
fess I do not pity the Duke of Bavaria of all men. The King of Sweden
doth but pay him for what he lent us.''
When it is remembered how long and tedious were the
sufferings which the Duke of Bavaria had been the means
of inflicting on the Palatine family, the queen's expres
sion in reference to him cannot be wondered at. Her
wish was accomplished, and Frederic dined in the princely
palace of his rival with the monarch who had won it, and
who significantly told him that as he was dining in
Munich, he might hope soon to sup at Heidelberg.5 From
Munich he thus wrote to Elizabeth : —
1 The Prince of Orange.
2 The Duke of Lenox. He went into Spain. A long letter, holog.,
from him about his aunt is in the Span. Corresp. May, 1632, S. P. O.
3 Alluding to the duchess's absurd love of state. It is recorded of
her, that in the article of death she ordered all her household officers
to surround her bed, with their staves of office, and thus to remain till
she expired !
4 The Countess of Lewenstein. » Harte, vol. ii. p. 225.

JAMES THE FIRST. 503
" I came this morning with the king to the handsome house of my
good cousin. The Marquis of Hamilton admires it, and says he never
saw anything handsomer. He has had his best goods taken away, but
there are yet plenty of handsome things which could not easily be
removed, but if that were not the case, J should have none of them."
The Swedish king maintained with strictness his reso
lution not to plunder the cities which he took. The ex
pressions of conjugal and parental tenderness in the letters
of Frederic, are numerous and touching.
The queen informed her husband of a present made her
by Charles I. of his share in the property of their grand
mother, the lately deceased Queen Dowager of Denmark,
assuring him of her anxiety to employ her anticipated
wealth on his behalf. Alluding to this, he writes : —
" I have seen the grant of the king your brother : he shows us much
affection : I am greatly rejoiced at it, and still more so to see yours, in
your desire to employ it for my good. I cannot thank you enough for
it ; but I had rather you should keep that inheritance, and put it out to
interest, and so by degrees pay your debts. I ask nothing from you,
except that you love me ever as much as I love you. You may rest
assured that no absence can ever cool my love, which is entirely yours.1
Writing from Nuremberg, on the 13th of July, he
says : —
" All these ladies wish much to see you in Germany ; God grant that
may soon be ! but you may be assured that I love you with all my heart,
and that my thoughts are ever with you. I have no letters from yon
this week ; I fear they are intercepted, with the portraits of my two
daughters, for which 1 should be very sorry." a
The portraits alluded to were two of a series of minia
tures of his little ones, which were painted at their
mother's command for their father, and highly prized by
him.3 His letters contain many allusions to them. He
expresses concern that his eldest son has had some dis
agreement with his tutors, and that Charles had an attack
of the small-pox : his pleasure in the learning of young
Rupert, who understands "so many languages;" and his
fond and earnest hope that they would all be spared to
grow up in health and vigour, and to see brighter days.
In another letter Frederic expresses his fears that he
shall not be at Frankfort during the fair, otherwise he
1 Bromley Letters, p. 39. « Jbid. p. 50. " Ibid. pp. 44-47.

504 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
would be sure to remember the "stuff" which his wife had
commissioned him to purchase. This fair has already!
been mentioned as a resort for all classes during the
seventeenth century; nobles and peasants alike laid in
their stores, and bought presents for each other from its
miscellaneous collections. Vane had promised to buy
fairings both for the queen and the Princess of Orange on
this occasion, and Elizabeth makes merry allusions to
them in her letters : —
" We look for your fairing, in great devotion, not doubting but that it
will be some rare device, and we will not fail to recompense it with one
from hence."1 And again, " I thank you very much for your wine, and
will be no less thankful for my fairings ; the princess, my Lady Strange,
and I having provided some for you out of the great Kermesso2 of this
country, which yon should have had by my little monkey,' if he had gone
this way ; but now we must stay for a rare messenger, because such
precious things must not fall into the enemy's hands." 4
After having passed several months with the King of
Sweden, Frederic at length requested his dismissal, and
at the same time entreated that such of his dominions as
were already in the hands of that monarch, should be
restored to him; a favour which he was the more
emboldened to ask, because a similar privilege had just
been accorded to his brother Louis, Duke of Simmeren.
Gustavus at once consented that his royal friend should
return to the Palatinate, which he accordingly did, early
in September, but he waived the latter part of his request,
saying that as there were two important towns in the
Palatinate still untaken, Heidelberg and Frankenthal, it
was premature to talk of restoration.5 He renewed his
assurances that this was the object he had ultimately
in view, but he had certain conditions which he was
resolved to carry out. He was a strong Lutheran ;
Frederic an equally determined Calvinist ; the opposition
between the two parties was then almost as strong as
between the Romish and Reformed churches ; and Gus
tavus wished to obtain for his fellow-religionists in the
Palatinate, not only toleration but protection.6 He
1 Holl. Corresp. April 12. * Kirchmesse, Dutch fair.
3 Sir Jacob Astley. ¦ Holl. Corresp. July 2.
8 Vane to Treasurer, Aug. 28, Sweden Corresp. State Paper Office.
8 Addit. MS. 11403, f. 166. Vane in one of his despatches writes .—

in.

JAMES THE FIRST. 505
demanded, therefore, full freedom for the Lutheran reli
gion, and an acknowledgment that Frederic owed his
restoration solely to Sweden. A close examination of the
original state papers and correspondence of the period
leads to the conclusion that religious zeal was the sole
cause of the policy adopted by the Swedish monarch, and
that he was perfectly sincere in the repeated declarations
of his intention to replace Frederic in his dominions.
Unfortunately, in the courts of kings there are never
wanting those who are too ready to throw fuel upon the
flames of discord, and to inspire and foster jealousy and
suspicion ; men of this class worked successfully upon the
mind of Frederic, in whom these tendencies were inherent.1
Under their influence he wrote to Charles L, expressing
his dissatisfaction with the requirements of Gustavus, and
asking advice in the matter.2
" You will see," he writes to the queen, " by the enclosed paper,
what the king of Sweden has declared, which is no great thing." " I
send Dingen to him with a letter, to beg him to be satisfied with my
preceding declaration, or to restore nie my country, as he has done to
my brother. If he will neither do one nor the other, I know not how I
should act." 3
Frederic's letter to the Swedish king was tinged with
the jealousy under which he was smarting. He begged
Gustavus to restore him to his estates, and then make
reasonable terms ; or at least to act in some way which
should give proof of confidence and affection. The reply
of Gustavus was full of noble feeling. He reminded
Frederic that he had undergone the perils of war for
more than three years; that the only recompense he
asked was the free exercise of the Lutheran religion in
"There is one thing of importance which I must represent unto your
lordship ; which is that the king is resolved, what paction soever shall be
hereafter made between himself and the King of Bohemia, that he will
have the Lutheran religion established in his country, which doth not a
little dishearten and discourage the Calvinists, since he permits the free
exercise of the Catholic religion in all places wheresoever he comes : the
truth is the hatred of the Lutherans to the Calvinists is great, if not
greater, than to the Romanists. — Middlehill MS. 4880, /. 6.
1 Spanheim Soldat Suedois, p. 225.
3 Sept. 24, 1632, Ancient Royal Letters, vol. v.
* Bromley Letters, p. 57.

506 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
the Palatinate, a recognition of himself as benefactor, and
assurances of fidelity, loyalty^ and love ; which terms
could not be considered injurious, when, had he been
guided by custom, he might have kept the Palatinate,
which he had rescued from the hands of enemies, or at
least retained it in possession till the war- expenses were
paid ; whereas, for all his cost and trouble, he asked not a
single foot of ground.1 This letter fully re-assured King
Frederic, and set at rest all his brooding suspicions.
Early in October, Frederic went from Frankfort to the
Palatinate.2 But his pleasure in visiting once more his
ruined estates was tempered by the aspect of devastation
which every where met his gaze. Writing to the queen
from Alzey, he says : —
" On Tuesday I arrived at Oppenheim, which is very unlike what you
have seen it; the house is in ruins, the half of the town burnt. On
Wednesday I arrived here. The place where we lodge is still in fair
condition, but the house opposite has neither doors, nor windows, nor
stoves, and not a lock in the whole house. But all this would be easy
to restore. I thought the Spaniards had done something in fortifying ;
but I find one cannot even be safe against a surprise, and Frankenthal
is only four leagues from here. I have thought it necessary therefore
to play a sure game ; I have resolved to go and stay some time at
Mayence, where the rheingrave and the king's people have granted me
a lodging in the castle : it is more pleasant there than here, and I
shall get your letters oftener; I have had none this last week." "I
have been hunting once with greyhounds ; you may believe I wished for
you by my side, with the hounds. I caught two hares." 3
A few days later, Frederic expresses great weariness
of his residence at Mayence, and makes some allusion to a
proposed return to the Hague ; a return which was never
to take place.
On the 6th of November, old style, was fought the
celebrated battle of Lutzen, in which the victory of
the Swedish army was dearly purchased by the loss
of its heroic monarch ; 4 a loss which none had greater
cause to mourn than the King and Queen of Bohemia.
By a singular fatality, one after another of those who
1 Gustavus to Frederic, Oct. 28, German Corresp. Harl. MS. 7015,
f. 160 ; Grisley to Puckering, Jan. 3, 16, Harl. MS. 7000.
2 Spanheim, Soldat Sued. p. 225. » Bromley Letters, p. 28.
4 There were mysterious circumstances connected with the death of
Gustavus, but our limits forbid more than a reference to the principal

JAMES THE FIRST. 507
had espoused their cause had fallen in its defence.
Schlick, of Bohemia ; Maurice, of Orange ; Christian,
of Brunswick ; Ernest, Count Mansfeldt, and now Gus
tavus Adolphus, of Sweden.
After the first shock of dismay, Elizabeth collected her
energies, and sent into England to request her brother to
grant to Frederic the monthly allowance which he had
offered to the King of Sweden, that he might be able to
pursue the war, whilst she forwarded to the States a
petition for the continuance of their war allowance.
She rejoiced .that the Marquis of Hamilton was in Scot
land, as she knew his strong influence there would be
exerted in her favour.1 King Charles,1 at her request,
drew out instructions to procure for Frederic the vacant
leadership of the Germanic host.2 But another destiny
was in store for him : the tidings of the death of his
royal friend and protector reached him at an unfor
tunate moment ; he had paid a visit to his cousin, the
Duke of Deuxponts, in whose dominions the plague was
raging ; and feeling indisposed, had returned to Mayence,
where, by care and repose, he began to recover his
strength. But at this crisis of promising improvement,
the fatal news arrived, and overwhelmed him with anxiety
and sorrow.3
"Wearied with his anxious solitude, and wishful for diversion,''
writes the physician who attended him, " he went out of doors, though
the air was not free from infection, and on the fourth day he even went
to a church where was a great concourse of people. On his return, he
complained a little of his head, but took his dinner as usual, the two
Counts Isenberg dining with him."
During this interval of relief the king was able to
attend to his affairs and gave orders for the garrisoning
sources in which contemporary and other accounts may be found :
Dreyhaupt Beschreib. Magdeburgh, vol. ii. p. 405, et seq. ; Spanheim,
Soldat Sued. pp. 476, 482 ; Rush worth's Hist. Collect, vol. iii. p. 301 ;
Harl. Miscel. vol. iv. p. 197 ; a News Letter in Harl. MS. 7000, date
Dec. 6 ; Vane's Despatch, Nov. 29, Swed. Corresp. State Paper Office ;
Recherches Hist. Curieuses, 12mo. Paris, 1723, p. 191; Relation von
der bljitigen schlacht bey Lutzen. Burling commendatio de Pyrrhonismo
historico Bibl. Germ. p. 34.
1 Dineley to Roe, Nov. 29.
2 Instructions to Elphinston, Nov. 1632, German Corresp.
3 D'Ewes' Diary, vol. ii. p. 85.

508 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
of Frankenthal, which, from the effects of plague and
famine upon the Spanish soldiery, had been brought to
surrender.1 He received and read the despatches of
Oxenstiern, the Swedish chancellor, on whom the con
duct of the war now devolved, and who renewed the
professions made by his master of desire for his restitu
tion; but with the same provisoes for the Lutheran
form of faith, which greatly disturbed his excited nerves.2
Still he did not anticipate serious results. His secretary,
Curtius, thus writes from Frankfort, on November
19th:— " On Friday last, the 15th of this month, I had the honour of con
versing with his majesty of Bohemia, in his bed in the morning ; and he
told me that his fever had quite left him, but that the swelling in his
neck troubled him a little, and he hoped when that had burst, he should
be cured. For the rest, he spoke of business, and smiled at the physicians
who wanted to charge him with the plague ; so I returned to this town."
The very evening of that day, however, delirium came
on ; the fever raged with fearful force, and a physician,
Dr. Spina, was summoned from Darmstadt : the doctor
records that he found him, on the 16th, extremely weak,
his face swollen, his eyes red, and his brain wandering.
Sudorifics were given, which had a tranquillizing effect,
but three fatal tubercles became distinctly apparent.3
The plague spots grew larger and more virulent, and the
physicians declared the case to be desperate, and that
nothing short of a miracle could effect a cure ; but the
following night the king gained some tranquil rest, and
the dangerous symptoms began to abate.4 He availed
himself of this respite to write a few lines to his beloved
Elizabeth, to relieve the anxiety under which he knew
she must labour. He told her that the physicians pro
nounced the worst to be passed, that the fever had left
him, but that he still found himself extremely weak, and
wished to be resigned to the will of God ; yet, might he
but live to see her once more, he could die contented."
1 Court and Times of Charles I. vol. ii. p. 199 ; Spanheim, Sold.
Swed. p. 485. 2 Curtius Desp. Nov. 21, 1632.
3 Spina to Rumph, physician to the Queen of Bohemia, Nov. 20, 1623,
Holland Corresp.
L 4 Curtius Disp. Nov. 19, German Corresp.
1 Elizabeth to Sir T. Roe, April 12, 1633, German Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 509
This was the last effort of his pen. Weakness, oppres
sive and distressing, rapidly increased ; he himself felt
that the decree had gone forth — "thou shalt die, and not
live," and he read his sentence in the tearful countenances
of his servants, who strove in vain to repress or conceal
their sorrow. At first the tenderness of, earthly love led
to yearning thoughts of wife and children far away, so
soon to be left alone to struggle with difficulty and adver
sity. His dying request implored, on their behalf, the
care of the States-General, the Prince of Orange, and the
King of England ; J and falling back upon the high reli
gious principles which he had long held and practised, he
was able calmly to resign them to the same Omnipotent
love to which he trusted for his own hopes of eternal
happiness, and by his firmness and devout expressions, he
became the comforter of the mourners who surrounded
his dying bed. His troubled career was exchanged for
one of endless repose at seven a.m., on Tuesday, the -|~|th of
November, 1632.
Various rumours became current as to the immediate
cause of his death. Some said that he had never recovered
the loss of his eldest son, and its concomitant physical
hardships ; others that he died of a broken heart for the
death of the king of Sweden ; some whispered of poison ;
but the general and correct opinion was that his days were
cut short by the plague, acting upon an enfeebled consti
tution and an agitated mind.2
1 Queen of Bohemia's proposals to States, Dee. 23, 1632.
- The grandson of his physician, Peter de Spina, expressly says that
his grandfather declared repeatedly the three swellings which appeared
in his body to be pestilential pustules. — Miscel. Hist. Palat. 4, Frankf.
1725, p. 254.

510 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF

ELIZABETH,
ELDEST DAUGHTER OF JAMES I.

CHAPTER VI.

Elizabeth's emotions on her husband's death — Letter of Charles I. to her
— Her reply — Letter of her children — Embassy of condolence — Invi
tation to England declined — Burial of Frederic— State of his affaire —
Pecuniary arrangements — Charles Louis recognized Elector — Elizabeth
addresses the States of Holland— German politics — Nethersole's plot to
gain money for the Queen — He is disgraced by Charles I. — Elizabeth's
sons — Difficulties in England — Nethersole's anger — He is sent to the
Tower — The Queen intercedes for him — Elizabeth's political activity
— She claims her grandmother's inheritance — But fails to obtain it —
Swedish policy about the Palatinate — Elizabeth suspected of leaning to
France — Her private life — Fortitude — Illness — Visited by Oxensteirn
— Correspondence with Land — Charles Louis andRupertsentto England
— Rupert projects an expedition to Madagascar — Elizabeth prevents it
— Attempts made to change his religion — They fail — King of Poland
wooes the Princess Palatine — She refuses to become a Catholic — Match
broken off — Emperor totally excludes Elizabeth's children from suc
cession — She appeals to England — Charles I. temporizes — Arundel's
embassy— Elizabeth opposes half-measures — Distress in the Pala
tinate — Failure of Treaty — Charles Louis sues for aid — Partially
granted — Death of Emperor,, and election of his successor— Elizabeth
anxious to have her son in action — Charles I. assists him — Mary de
Medici visits the Hague— Charles Louis defeated, and Rupert impri
soned — Hamburgh treaty — Charles Louis wishes to head a German
army — Is taken prisoner on his route through France — But liberated
— Imperial diet — Charles Louis returns to England — Parliamentary
aid promised — Compromise with Emperor proposed — Rupert liberated
He and Maurice go to England — Elizabeth gradually withdraws from
public life.
The mournful tidings of her widowhood were brought
to Elizabeth just at the time when, relieved from serious
apprehension by her husband's last letter, she was in-

JAMES THE FIRST. 511
dulging hopes of the termination of long years of exile,
and of happy re-union with him in their own land ; for he
had sent her word that, on the surrender of Heidelderg,
which was weekly expected, he should come to fetch her
back to their beloved Germany. Dr. Rumph, for many
years the physician and faithful friend of the Palatine
family, was deputed to break the news to her. He
fulfilled his mission as cautiously and discreetly as possible,
but still Elizabeth was completely stunned ; the stupor of
grief was so overwhelming that, for three days, she
remained cold and immoveable, though not senseless ; she
could neither eat, nor drink, nor sleep ; and neither spoke
a word nor shed a single tear.1
At the time of her husband's last illness, Elizabeth was
attacked by intermittent fever, which had not yet left her,
and she was, therefore, the less able to withstand the
shock. During eight days she never left her bed, and
serious apprehensions were entertained for her life.
"I cannot but let you know," writes Sir J. Meautys, then at the
Hague, to Lady Bacon,2 " what an afflicted and grieved lady the Queen
of Bohemia is, for the death of the king, who died at Mayence in Ger
many. Certainly no woman could take the death of a husband more
to heart than this queen doth."
" Whether the queen will long be able to bear the grief thereof, they
who are nearest about her do much doubt," writes Boswell, who had
succeeded Carleton as English ambassador at the Hague.3
Rusdorf speaks in terms very similar of her grief and
consternation,4 and the elder Countess of Solms, mother
of the Princess of Orange, writing to Vane, on December
13th, says: —
" The queen's affliction is greater than any one can imagine. God
comfort her and preserve her the heart of your king, who should comfort
her on this occasion. I can assure you that the good princess has need
enough of counsel and assistance ; she can only look for it from God
and the king. It pains my heart to see her in this state ; I hope then
that the king's good disposition will be touched with compassion towards
his sister the queen. The good queen has ordered me, in her great
affliction, to show you that she hopes you will have a care of her affairs.
If I could only have the honour to see the king, I would freely tell him
1 Elizabeth to Sir T. Roe, April 12, 1633.
2 Dec. 2, 1632, Lady Cornwallis's Memoirs.
3 Boswell's Desp. Nov. 29, 1632, Holland Corresp.
4 Rusdorf to O'Neal, March, 1633, SyUburgius, p. 91.

512 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
my most humble affection towards this good princess ; I entreat you to
excuse that my passion makes me speak so freely ; you know me, and
how little wit women have you know better than any one."
Charles I. needed not the prompting of his sister's
friendly companion, nor yet of the Prince of Orange, who
wrote most cordially on her behalf.1 He expressed the
deepest concern for her loss, put himself and all his court
into mourning, and sent Sir Francis Nethersole2 as the
bearer of the following letter : —
" My dearest and only sister,
" Never did I rail at any opportunity for writing to you excepting this
one — and though I do not wish my hand to be so unfortunate as even to
name it, yet I will not have the vanity to imagine that I can, by a few
lines, efface the just grief which this last misfortune has brought upon
you ; but still I would hereby express the love and service which I owe
you on this occasion (knowing that good friends are best proved in the
greatest adversities) ; and I know not how you can just now reap as
much fruit from, or have as true a knowledge of my efforts to serve yon,
as in coming to be with me. Therefore, my dearest sister, I entreat
you to make as much haste as you conveniently can to come to me,
where I doubt not but you will find some little comfort for your own
sadness, as you will greatly relieve that of him who is, in life or death,
" My dearest sister,
" Your most affectionate brother to serve you,
" Whitehall, 30th Nov. 1632. " Charles."
" I have told Nethersole to repeat to you a conversation which passed
between him and me about your coming here, when we had not the least
idea of this fatal accident, by which you will see that it was not for want
of love that I have not sent for you before.
It was some time before Elizabeth could summon nerve
to reply to this letter. When she did so, it was in the
following terms, which, unfortunately, are only to be con
veyed through the medium of a re-translation from the
French :— 3
1 Ancient Royal Letters, vol. xx. Dee. 14, 1632.
' Beaulieu to Puckering, Dec. 5, 1632, Harl. MS. 7010, f. 203b. The
king provided Nethersole with passports for different routes, that he
might select that for which the winds were most propitious. — Dec. 1632,
German Corresp.
3 No copy of these letters has been met with in England. The above
are from French translations in the Conrard Collection, in the Biblio
theque de P Arsenal, Paris, MS. No. 575, Art. 29, et seq. The letter of
Charles to Elizabeth is noted as " written with his own hand, the very
hour that he learned the news of her husband's death, and translated
word for word into French."

JAMES THE FIRST. 513
K My dearest only brother,
" I know not how I can sufficiently express my most humble thanks
for the two most affectionate letters which I received at the same time
from you, by your agent Boswell and our faithful servant Nethersole.
They found me the most wretched creature that ever lived in this world,
and this I shall ever be, having lost the best friend that I ever had, in
whom was all my delight ; having fixed my affections so entirely upon
him, that I should have longed to be where he is, were it not that his
children would thus have been left utterly destitute. But now I have
another reason for wishing to live, in order that before I die, I may have
the only comfort of which, in the affliction of my infinite loss, I am
capable ; —that of having the happiness of visiting you, according to your
command : a favour which I shall take care to accept, since it is so
great a testimony of your affection towards me, that I know not how '
sufficiently to render you my most humble thanks for it. And I entreat
you to believe that it is not possible for any one to desire anything more
ardently than I long to have this happiness ; being the greatest that I
can hope for in this world. Nevertheless, I entreat you to pardon me,
if I cannot at present obey your command and my own wishes ; — the
custom in Germany being not to stir out of the house for some time,
after such a misfortune. And since I was married into this country, I
should wish to observe its customs carefully, so as to give no occasion
for scandal, And moreover, I doubt whether, even after the expiration
of the aforesaid term, I shall be able so soon to enjoy this happiness,
until my poor children can be re-established in the empire, or at least in
a fair way of being so. You may judge yourself whether my reasons
are not just, according to your own opinions, expressed in your conver
sation with Nethersole ; which opinions, I think, remain as forcible, if
not more so, than before.
" I entreat you also to notice a very strange coincidence in all this
affair : which is, that the said conversation took place on the very day
of my dearest husband's death, and whilst I was writing to tell you of
the death of the King of Sweden ; being myself ill of the same fever
as was your brother at the same time ; and all this upon your birthday.
I give myself up to your judgment, returning you yet once again my
most humble thanks that you have been pleased to send to me, in a
manner so intimately affectionate, and particularly that you have made
choice of the person of this honest man, our faithful servant, since you
could not have sent another at sight of whom I should have been so
pleased. I entreat you always to allow him to remain with you, to
attend to my affairs, since we have both so much confidence in his pru
dence and sincerity. I will not detain you longer this time than to
entreat you most humbly, to be well assured that the extreme affection
with which it has pleased you to cherish me in this affliction, gives me
all the consolation of which I am capable, and that I put no small con
straint on my inclinations in not obeying your commands to come to you :
for God knows that it would be my only comfort, but I must prefer the
welfare of my poor children to my own satisfaction. The last request
that their father made me, before his departure, was to do all that I
could for them ; which I wish to do, as far as lies in my power, loving
VOL. V. 2 L

514 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
them better because they are his, than because they are my own. Where
fore I must entreat you to take us all into your protection, for after God,
our sole resource is in you. Pardon me that I write you this, instead
of obeying your command — doing it against my will — but my misfor
tune constrains me ; although, whilst I am in the world, it can never
force me to be other than,
" My dearest and only brother,
" Your most affectionate, although most unfortunate sister,
and most humble servant, " Elizareth.
" The Hague, this £| December, 1632."
" Postscript. — I have ordered Nethersole to let you know the care
and affection which the Prince of Orange shows me and my children,and
that he is also your most faithful servant."
This letter was accompanied by a touching note from
Elizabeth's Orphan boys.
"Sir, " In this great affliction which God hath laid upon us all, we see no
hope of comfort or relief, but from your gracious majesty ; for God hath
taken from us our dear lord and father, and in him the care of us all.
Hitherto we have been brought up by your bounty, and now are fit
subjects of your compassion. The enemies of our father deceased are
the enemies of our House, which they would quickly destroy, if your
majesty forsake us. Therefore we commit ourselves, and the protection
of our rights, into your gracious arms, humbly beseeching your majesty
so to look upon us, as upon those who have neither friends nor fortune,
nor greater honour in this world, than to belong unto your royal blood.
Unless you please to maintain that in us, God knoweth what may become
of, " Your majesty's most humble nephews and servants,
" Charles,
"Rupert, "Maurice,
" Edward.
" Leyden, 12 December, 1632.1 To the king." t
Charles replied in a letter to his eldest nephew, assuring
him that all the love he had felt for his late father now
descended to him, adding —
" I can truly say that I have lost more than you, for you have only
changed your father, since I will now occupy the place of the deceased ;
but I have irreparably lost a brother." 2
The king also deputed a formal embassy to wait upon
his sister with his condolence. At its head was the Earl
of Arundel, selected on account of his former intimate
association with Elizabeth, when he conducted her into
1 Ancient Royal Letters, vol. vi. p. 940.
2 MS. 575, Bibliotheque de l'Arsenal, ut snp. date Dec. 28.

JAMES THE FIRST. 515
Germany ; and with him was joined Sir Robert Anstruther,
an experienced diplomatist, who was appointed to consult
about the state of her affairs.1 They were to offer
renewed assurances of the king's desire to see her in
England, either with or without her children, or with any
number of them she might choose to bring.2
The sincerity of King Charles's invitation is proved by
the preparations made for his sister. A contemporary
writes : —
" In case the queen do come for England, I hear her lodging appointed
in court is the cockpit at Whitehall, where she lay when she was a
maid, and in the country assigned her his majesty's house at Eltham." 3
A memorandum in secretary Coke's handwriting still
exists, in reference to the needful provisions for the
queen's voyage. The ships, with their furnishing, in
cluding one sent expressly for the children, the place of
landing in England, the route to London, place of meet
ing with the king, &c, were all pre-arranged with accu
racy and minuteness.4
The Earl Marshal Arundel, with Anstruther and Lord
Goring, and a train of 150 persons, arrived in Holland
on the 2nd of January, 1633, and though it was late in
the evening, they hastened privately to the Hague, and
were admitted to an audience with the Queen of Bohemia.5
She welcomed them with cordiality, and -struggled, with
some success, to keep up the semblance of composure and
cheerfulness. The white robes which were the garb of
earliest widowhood were put off, and the deep mourning
dress was assumed, which she never afterwards laid aside.
Those around her spoke of the comfort she had derived
from the sympathies of her friends.6 One of her faithful
servants writes : —

1 Instructions to Arundel, Dec. 26, 1632, Holland Corresp. ; Howard's
Anecdotes of Howard Family, p. 70.
2 Court and Times of Charles I. vol. ii. p. 217. The king's ready
affection on this occasion is warmly eulogized in a panegyric upon him
by Sir H. Wotton, printed in Reliquiae Wottonianae, p. 156.
3 Harl. MS. 7000, date Jan. 3.
* Memor. about transportation of Queen of Bohemia, 1633.
s Arundel's and Anstruther's Despatches, Jan. 3, 1633, Germ. Corr.
° Ibid. Jan. 11; Rusdorf to O'Neal, March, 1633.
2 L 2

516 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
" Her majesty, the most afflicted woman, and yet the greater for her
trials, hath passed through fire and water, sighs and tears, though not
without some marks of her agony. The first that came in to her relief
was the excellent Prince of Orange, no worse a comforter of ladies
than conqueror of his enemies. The next were the States, firm and
open in their affections ; but the next, under God, was our royal sove
reign, who exceeded in all demonstrations of love. Sir Francis Nether
sole brought it over in haste, my lord marshal in solemnity, and Sir
Robert Anstruther in all sincerity. Though her heart before was
petrified with grief, yet these cordials have made it supple, and not
unwilling to be preserved, for the preservation of her children." '
Elizabeth touchingly describes her state of feeling in a
confidential letter to her old friend, Sir T. Koe.2
" Though I make a good show in company," she writes, " yet I can
never have any more contentment in this world, for God knows I had
none but that which I took in his company, and he did the same in
mine ; for since he went from hence, he never failed writing to me twice
a-week, and ever wished either me with him, or he with me."
Concerning the proposed visit to England, Goring
writes : —
" 'Tis now concluded openly, what was before resolved privately, that
this good Queen of Bohemia comes not at this present : she vows she
hath not been dissuaded by any, but that her present sad condition, out
ward and inward, the affairs of Germany as they now stand, and what
the German princes now on foot may think of this her so sudden depar
ture — whereby they may conceive she abandons the cause — hath only
caused this adjournment of her passage into England to a more conve
nient time, which when that will be, God above knows ; I fear / shall
never. To all these, sir, my noble Lord of Arundel replied so like a
faithful servant to our great blessed master, and with so much true
wisdom and clear good nature for his sister, as more would have been
too much ; for though I should joy to venture my life and fortunes for
her in the due time, yet would I not she were now pressed herein
beyond the just limits." " Doubtless, there hath been much working
here by these principal powers, to detain her majesty, till first somewhat
be done from England, to assure Germany that the king our master
intends more to the cause than only the care of his sister." 3
Failing in the principal object of his mission, that of
prevailing on the queen to accompany him, Arundel pro
posed to return home, but Elizabeth urged him "exceed
ing earnestly " to stay and give her his assistance in the
pressing matters of business, which claimed her earliest
1 Dineley to Roe, Feb. 24, 1633, German Corresp.
1 April 12, 1633, German Corresp.
• Goring to Coke, Jan. 5, 1633, Holland Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 517
reviving energies.1 Her first efforts were directed to the
arrangement of funeral honours for her deceased husband.
His body had been embalmed, and still lay with little state,
in the house where he died, whence the queen ordered it to
be conveyed to the principal church in Frankenthal. She
then consulted her brother on the choice of a sanctuary
where remains so sacred to her could best be guarded from
the affronts of the enemy ; but there was for the present
no suitable place to which to convey them, and they
therefore remained in Frankenthal to be transferred to
the ancestral sepulchre on the first fitting occasion.2 Even
in death, the unfortunate prince was made the victim of
mutable fortune. In 1635, when Frankenthal was on the
point of falling into the hands of the enemy, the brother
of Frederic appealed to the queen to know what was to
be done with his body. She suggested its removal to
Sedan ; and in spite of the opposition of some adherents
of the house, who were reluctant that the prince's remains
should seek shelter on French ground, the urgency of
Elizabeth about their safety prevailed, and after perform
ing this last journey, they were lodged in the home of
his early boyhood.3
Pecuniary affairs came next into consideration. The
prudence with which, before leaving the Hague, Frederic
had arranged and inventoried his personal property, — even
including his cabinet of curiosities, pictures, medals, and
antiquities, &c. — rendered the task comparatively easy.4 In
spite of the dependent poverty in which he had passed the
last twelve years of his life, it was found that he had
carefully refrained from intrenching upon the small
fortunes which he had reserved for his children from the
sale of Lixheim, and that of this sum, amounting to
300,000 francs, one half was deposited in various banks in
Holland, the other lent on pledge for jewels left in bond
2 Arundel's Desp. Jan. 1633.
2 Germ. Corresp. Dec. 1632, and instructions to Curtius, Feb. 1633.
3 Rusdorf Epistolae, vol. ii. p. 129.
• The only goods he took with him, were, his wearing apparel, a
writing-table, eight packages of books, and one of maps of the. country,
two portraits, and a dinner-service of pewter, marked with the letters
J. R.— List ofthe King of Bohemia's goods, April, 1633, German Corresp.

518 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
by the Duke of Buckingham. Large sums were owing
to him by the King of France, but these were little better
than paper debts, as it was impossible to obtain their dis
charge.1 ,
The queen's affairs were not so easily adjusted. The
income of 6000?. a-year allowed to her husband from
England had been chiefly appropriated to the support of
the nursery establishment at Leyden, and of the agents
who were obliged to be maintained in foreign countries.
Neither of these sources of expense ceased with his death,
and it was therefore urged that unless this income were
continued to the queen, she would be involved in endless
difficulty, more especially as the English pensions due to
her and her children were nearly 32,000/. in arrears, and
she was deeply involved in debt.2
The failure of Burlamachi, the merchant through whom
the monies of the queen were received, added to the
difficulties. Elizabeth herself was no loser, as the English
merchants at Delft, with whom her credit was unbounded,
had caused his arrears to her to be paid ; they, in their
distress, applied to her, and she wrote to the king request
ing his kind interference to prevent their suffering loss on
her account.3 Her business was now transferred into the
hands of her agent in England, Sir Abraham Williams ;
King Charles graciously awarded to her her husband's
income, and ordered, that as the clergy subsidies upon
which it had formerly been made payable were almost
exhausted, it should be paid out of the customs.4 The
annual sums with which Charles now stood chargeable on
behalf of his sister, and which, as long as he was able to
do it, he paid with punctuality, were as follows : — £
For the queen, 1500?. per month  18000
Ditto for wood, charcoal, beer, and liveries .... 1150
Pension to Prince Charles Louis .... .... 2000
Ditto to Prince Rupert  300
Ditto to Princess Elizabeth  300

Total .... £21,750

List of debts of King of Bohemia, Jan. 4, 1633, Holland Corresp.
Feb. 18, 1133, Holland Corresp.
April 29, 1633, Ancient Royal Letters, vol. v.
Sir Abraham Williams's Account, Audit Office, Somerset House.

JAMES THE FIRST. 519
This amount may be considered equivalent to about
60,000/. of our present money, and besides this, the king
frequently discharged any extraordinary expenses that
occurred.1 Elizabeth had great hope of recovering the
revenues of her long-sequestered dower-lands. The
citizens of Frankenthal, whose allegiance to her had never
swerved, even in the most trying circumstances, were
longing once more to acknowledge her as their liege lady ;
and Oxenstiern declared that he would omit nothing that
could prove his respect for the Queen of Bohemia.2
Far more important to Elizabeth than the settlement
of her private affairs was the investment of her eldest son,
Charles Louis, who now assumed the title of Elector
Palatine, with the estates and honours of his ancestors.
Charles I. proposed sending Sir Henry Vane to the
emperor, to procure the recognition of the young prince ;
but to this Elizabeth strongly objected, on the ground
that her son's estates had just been won back at the point
of the sword, and she would not risk them to the fate of
imperial treaties.3 As the young Elector was still in his
minority, it was necessary to provide an administrator for
the Palatinate ; and by the laws of the empire, the office
devolved upon Louis Philip, Duke of Simmeren, younger
brother of the late King Frederic. He at first shrank
from a post so onerous, but his acceptance of it was of the
greatest importance, as, in case of his refusal, it must have
been committed to the Roman Catholic Duke of Neuburg.
The entreaties of Elizabeth, the gifts and courtesies of
Charles I., and the commands of his mother, the old
Electress Palatine, who conjured him by his love for her
never to forsake the cause of " so good a woman" as the
Queen of Bohemia, at length prevailed, and he accepted
the proffered dignity.4
At the dictation of the queen, Busdorf prepared an
eloquent harangue to be delivered to the States-General
of Holland, in which Elizabeth made a feeling statement
1 Demand for monies for Queen of Bohemia, German Corresp. 68.
2 German Corresp. April 27, Cartius's Desp. Feb. 5.
" Nethersole to Charles I. Dec. 6, 1632, German Corresp.
4 Curtius's Desp. Jan. 1633, Instructions to Honeywood and Peblitz,
Dec. 1632, Germ. Corresp.

520 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
of her desolate condition, and that of her children : she
expressed, with much confidence, her reliance on the
countenance and support of the States, resting her hopes
on the friendship they had hitherto shown her, and on the
recommendation of the late king, her husband. Nor did
she forget to thank them for having anticipated her
wishes by sending ambassadors into England and Ger
many, to ask the succour of which she so much stood in
need.1 The King of France sent her a courteous letter of
sympathy and promises of assistance;2 and Oxenstiern,
now the leader of the Swedish councils, on behalf of the
queen-regent, Eleanora of Brandenburg, and her young
daughter, the celebrated Queen Christina, responded to
an application from Elizabeth by assurances that he would
act precisely as his lamented master purposed to have
done, in the plenary restitution of the Palatinate.3 An
assembly of Protestant princes was convened at Heil
brunn ; Sir Bobert Anstruther attended on tbe part of the
Queen of Bohemia. Her instructions to him were defi
nite and luminous, though modestly given by way of
information rather than advice. Referring to the two
distinct parties in Germany, the Romanist and the
Protestant — the former consisting of the princes of the
House of Austria and the members of the league — the
latter, of the Protestant Princes, including the three
secular Electors of Brandenburg, Saxony, and the Pala
tinate, — she said that she doubted not Brandenburg's
recognition of her son's rights, but was not equally sure
of the Duke of Saxony, and therefore recommended that
he should be courted, and have the leadership of the
Protestant party offered to him, in order to secure his
adherence. As to the other party, though the death of
Frederic removed many difficulties, his children being
neither pretenders to his crown nor included in his ban,
Elizabeth urged that no overtures of peace should be
made to the House of Austria, nor any terms accepted
1 Rusdorf 's propositions, Holl. Corresp. Dee. 23 ; Mere. Franc, p. 437.
a Harl. MS. 7010, f. 207b.
* Oxenstiern to Elizabeth, Jan . 8, 1633, Holland Corresp.; Anstruther
to Coke, Feb. 7, Harl. MS. 7010, f. 219b.

JAMES THE FIRST. 521
from them that did not include the complete restitution
bf her son to his ancestral rights.1
There were present at the assembly, the ambassadors of
England, Holland, and Denmark, the chancellor of
Sweden, and, personally or by deputy, most of the princes
forming the Protestant Union. They gladly yielded
precedence to the Deputy of the Palatinate, acknowledged
the full titles of his youthful master, and signed a resolu
tion not to dissolve their Union till all Protestant
Electors and princes were restored; the chancellor of
Sweden being requested to undertake the general direc
tion of the war.2
At the same juncture, Heidelberg was surrendered,
and Oxenstiern agreed with the administrator of the
Palatinate to restore the whole inheritance, on condition
of its being kept in a state of defence till the end of
the war ; the free exercise of Lutheranism allowed,
a league ; offensive and defensive entered into with
Sweden; and the sum of 6000 rix-dollars paid for
expenses. These terms could not be accepted without
the co-operation of England, as it was impossible to obtain
the needful sum from the war and pestilence-scourged
Palatinate. The administrator pledged himself to furnish
half the amount if the King of England would provide,
not only the other half, but also money for the defence of
the country, that is, for repairing the fortifications when
needful, and keeping up the troops already on foot.3
The queen sent Colb, one of her most trusty German
counsellors, and her faithful Nethersole, to press these
points upon the attention of her royal brother. The
tardiness of proceedings in England much annoyed her ;
and she complained of it to her trusty friends, Roe and
Nethersole. They both concurred in the opinion that it
was necessary to act whilst the memory of Swedish
victories was yet fresh, and not to allow Austrian flattery
or Spanish gold to mar the general cause. But Roe was
out of office, and could do nothing more than send to the
1 Queen of Bohemia's Memorial, Feb. 1 633.
2 Articles of Assembly at Heilbrunn, 18rao. Paris, 1633.
3 German Corresp. April 14 ; Coke to Queen of Bohemia, May 22 ;
Wotton "s Letters to Bacon, p. 95.

522 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
queen long and judicious letters of advice ; Nethersole pro
ceeded to his business with an earnestness that had nearly
proved destructive to him. The memorial which he was
deputed to present on the part of his royal mistress,
embodied her earnest desire for a general contribution in
England in aid of her cause ; representing that the neces
sity of affairs in Germany required all its princes to be in
arms, and that without considerable resources the young
Elector could not hope to raise the army which was so
essential to his safety and dignity. She ventured to
calculate on the readiness of the English people to submit
to the tax, and anticipated all objections by a stipulation
that the money thus raised should not be appropriated to
any other use, nor be regarded as a precedent. The
queen hinted that the order for this collection was con
fidently expected by all parties abroad, and that it would
afford an occasion to illustrate the benevolence both of the
king and his subjects. ,
Charles assented to' the wishes of his sister, and
Nethersole drew out the draft of a circular letter to be
issued in his name to the magistrates of the different
counties. In his zeal to promote the success of the
scheme, Nethersole suggested, by way of giving security
for the legitimate appropriation of the collection, that
Sir Abraham Williams, the queen's known agent in
England, should subscribe the circular letters, and that
the money should be paid to two treasurers, one appointed
by King Charles, the other by the Queen of Bohemia.
Meanwhile, orders were given for the payment of the sum
required to redeem the Low Palatinate.1
The king refused to give any pledge in his circulars
about the calling of a Parliament; consequently, the
people, who ardently desired it, and feared that it might
be retarded by their voluntary contributions, did not
come forward with the hoped-for liberality. Nethersole,'
therefore, formed a plan of appealing to them in the name
of the Queen of Bohemia alone ; and, aware that aid to
be effectual must be immediate, proposed to levy monies
1 Clarendon State Papers, vol. i. pp. 57-8 ; Charles I. and Coke to
Queen of Bohemia, May 21, 22, 1633, Dudley to Roe, May 15, German
Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 523
beforehand on the strength of this scheme ; but the king
called it a mere chimera, and denounced it as rash and
extravagant. The secretary of state thus wrote to the
ambassador at the Hague, in order that Elizabeth might
be duly informed of Nethersole's proceedings : — •
" He took upon him the boldness, out of zeal (as I believe), mixed
with some other humours, to offer to his majesty a proposition that,
without using his majesty's name, or power, or any engagement of his
majesty or the state, to raise the sum of 30,000/. for the service of the
queen his mistress, and to repay it by a contribution to be levied amongst
the subjects, only in the name and by the respect borne to the queen his
mistress, and her cause. With this plausible pretence, lie moved the
Lord Craven, who showed a great forwardness, if his engagement might
have any assurance to build upon. By the Lord Craven's name, he
engaged Sir William Curtius, who will be ready to give the bills of
exchange upon assurance of repayment, which the Lord Craven, not
answering so fully as Sir Francis did desire, he would needs apprehend
'that the Lord Goring had done some ill office in this business ; and to
that end, writ him idle letters, whereby he charged him with forgetting
his duty to the king, and his love to the queen ; but expressed not
wherein. This so nettled the Lord Goring, that he appealed to the
king, and got the examination to be referred to the council board "
At the board, Nethersole comported himself with a
rashness and irritability that led him further into trouble.
He was in an ill mood to demean himself with the respect
due to the august assembly. In the first instance, he
refused to kneel, saying that his position as the Queen of
Bohemia's servant rendered submissive acts improper, and
that she had forbidden any such ; and when sentence was
given against him,1 and in favour of Lord Goring, he
committed the further imprudence of writing an angry
letter to the king, condemnatory of the council's proceed
ings. Charles was highly offended, but as Nethersole
was his sister's servant, he did not choose to punish him
without her leave, and therefore simply requested her to
put the conduct of her affairs in England into hands
more steady and discreet.2 The queen expressed her
sincere regret at what had occurred, but pleaded earnestly
with the king in favour of her servant ; she wrote also to
Nethersole, begging him, for her sake, to suppress his
1 Privy Council Records, July 31, 1633, Council Office ; Clar. State
Papers, vol. i. p. 63 ; Cottington to Vane, June 3, Holland Corresp.
2 Coke to Boswell, Holland Corresp.

524 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
angry feelings, and to make the proper submission to the
council. He accordingly did so, expressed his gratitude
for the favourable manner in which the king, at the
intercession of his mistress, had dealt with him, and was
pardoned, though with the penalty of deprivation of his
office.1 This was a great inconvenience, as it transpired
in the course of the proceedings, that there were state
secrets which Elizabeth had confided to Nethersole, and
which he neither could nor would reveal.2
Sir John Dineley, for some time tutor of the young
Elector, and recently employed as the secretary of
Elizabeth, was sent temporarily to supply the place of
Nethersole, who made disinterested efforts to procure
his own dismissal from her service, on the ground
that, owing to the prejudice with which he was re
garded, he could no longer benefit her, and that should
she recall him to the Hague and then adopt any
council disapproved in England, it would be believed to
be done by his influence, and she would be so urged to
discard him that she would hardly be able to refuse. He
entreated her, as the king would not be disabused of his
false impressions, not to let the sweetness of her temper
bias her better judgment, and assured her that he could
despise contempt and glory in disgrace if incurred in her
service.3 But she persisted in desiring his continuance as
her agent; and he still maintained an active correspon
dence with her, and was assiduous in his private exertions
on her behalf. Sir Thomas Roe, in a letter to the queen,
declared that she did herself honour by her firmness in
supporting her servant ; and as to the offence committed
by Nethersole, he could not but think that envy had much
to do with it. He intimated a wish that the queen would
come over to England, and begged her to be cautious how
she refused another invitation, as nothing could so effec
tually serve her cause as personal intercourse with the
1 Privy Council Records, ut snp.; Boswell to Coke, July 19, Holland
Corresp. 2 Nethersole to Secretary, May 9, Privy Council Records, ut sup. ;
Roe to Queen of Bohemia, June 22.
3 Dineley to Nethersole, Oct. 9 ; Nethersole to Queen of Bohemia,
Nov. 1633.

JAMES THE FIRST. 525
king. He argued that she had tried absence without
effect, and that her presence would revive love, quell oppo
sition, and gain her an interest with those in power ; but
if she could not come, he advised her not to show any
impatience at the tardiness of her affairs in England, and
assured her of the sincere regard, not only of the king,
but of Queen Henrietta Maria,1
Elizabeth did not at present desire to visit England,
lest it should appear as though business and not affection
prompted the journey ; and she was also much occupied
in the affairs of her children. . Early in spring she
obtained the consent of the King of England and the
Duke of Simmeren for the young Elector to accompany
the Prince of Orange into the field. " His mind and his
body is so fit to go,"' she writes, " as I have given him
leave." " I think he cannot too soon be a soldier in this
active time." Charles I. complimented his nephew by
bestowing on him his father's place in the Order of the
Garter. The robes and jewels were conveyed to the
Hague by Somerset herald, and a form of ceremonial
was drawn out and presented to Elizabeth for approval.
She decided that the forms observed should be on the
model of those adopted with the Prince of Orange, who
had received the garter at her request. Accordingly, the
heralds followed the young prince into Flanders, and
there, in due state, performed the ceremony.2
Young Rupert, though only a boy of thirteen, already
showed so restless a desire to take up arms, that the
queen permitted him to follow his brother to the field,
and the Prince of Orange received and treated the father
less boys with as much tenderness as though they had
been his own children. They distinguished themselves
throughout the campaign by such " ingenuous and manly
carriage," that they gained respect beyond their years, and
were even allowed to take an occasional part in active
service.3 1 Roe to Queen of Bohemia, June 20, 1633, and Feb. 6, 1634.
2 Germ. Corresp. June 24 and Aug. 12. State Paper Office; Privy
Council Orders, June, 1633 ; Boswell to De Vic, Aug. 22.
3 Honevwood's Despatch, May 26, 1633 ; Boswell to De Vic, May 2,
HarL MS'. 7000.

526 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Elizabeth was proud of their bravery, and when the
administrator, — who was now settled in Heidelberg, — sent
to request her permission for his nephew, the Elector, to
join him there, and by this means become known to his
subjects, she gladly consented,1 and applied to her brother
for his sanction, suggesting that it would be most advan
tageous if the boy could go the following spring, at the
head of a small army, by the aid of which he would, in all
probability, regain most of the High Palatinate. Neumark
had just surrendered to the Swedish general, and needed
only 3000?., for which Elizabeth also petitioned, to garrison
and fortify it, and it would at once be placed in her son's
hands.2 The campaign, on the whole, had been advantageous to
the Protestant party. Elizabeth wrote to congratulate
Oxenstiern, and at the same time to warn him to take
heed lest a cold neutrality should take the place of the
active co-operation which they had a right to expect in
certain quarters.3 She feared that the King of France
was half-hearted, owing to a recent alliance with the Duke
of Bavaria, which made him even hesitate to give the
title of Elector to the Palatine Prince, Charles Louis;4
and the King of Denmark did not take so prominent a
part as was hoped.5 The latter had suffered a severe
family bereavement : his youngest son Ulric, a promising
youth, who had shown great ardour in the cause of Eliza
beth, and gave hopes of becoming another Christian of
Brunswick, was murdered in Silesia by a peasant, whose
escape to Vienna, immediately after the perpetration of
the act, pointed out the quarter where this dark deed
originated.6 Elizabeth thus mentions the subject in a
letter to Roe :—
" I am sure you are sorry for my poor cousin, the Duke Ulric's death :
I have lost in him a faithful, loving kinsman. My uncle was at the first
1 Boswell's Desp. Dec. 2, 1634.
2 Queen of Bohemia's instructions to Dineley, Sept. 14, Oct. 10.
3 Elizabeth to Oxenstiern, MS. Chur. Pfalz-Engelland, U. 39, No. 31,
in the Royal Library, Munich, Cooper's Appendix C, p. 58.
4 Boswell to De Vic, March 28, 1633. Harl. MS. 7000 ; Maurice to
Dineley, Aug. 6, Holland Corresp.
5 Ancient Royal Letters, vol. xiv. Charles I. to King of Denmark,
Aug. 15, 1633. 6 Dineley to Roe, Sept. 18.

JAMES THE FIRST. 527
much moved at the news ; but since, I see he doth not resent it as so
brave a son deserved ; but he is my uncle, I will spare to speak what I
think. For myself, I was very, very much afflicted for him, seeing my
misfortunes have no end, but I must still lose my best kindred and
friends." l
Both the queen and her agents in England had much
need for patience. Charles was irresolute : he questioned
the trustworthiness of the Duke of Simmeren, who would
be the recipient of the monies solicited ; and when assured
by his sister that the duke was most worthy of confidence,
and had been proved by the princes of the Union to be a
strict accountant, he intimated that he might send his
nephew, with an army, at some future time ; but meanwhile
took no steps to raise the necessary funds.2 Elizabeth
proposed to meet the emergency by levying two regiments
herself, with the remainder of the sum given by the States
of Holland for the war, part of which only was yet em
ployed; but this was not considered sufficient without
help from England.3 Dineley, in a letter to Roe, declares
that he is likely to be sent away empty, not for want
of affection but of money; and that, if the country so
cheaply restored be lost again, the second devil will be
worse than the first, and not so easily conjured out.4
Nethersole was more irritated and less prudent. In
stead of venting his indignation in the friendly ear of Sir
Thomas Roe, he wrote an angry letter to secretary Coke,
declaring that the Palatinate had been lost ; in the first
instance by his negligence, and that of his former master,
King James, and that if Charles did not at once aid the
Queen of Bohemia and her children, he would be the
cause of its being lost a second time.5 This letter came
to the knowledge of the king : he was exceedingly dis
pleased, and though he did not choose to arrest the
offender, he placed him under guard in a private house,
and ordered his papers to be seized. Still urged on by
his impetuosity, Nethersole committed another and more
1 German Corresp. 10 Oct. 1633.
2 Elizabeth to Dineley, Oct. 10 ; Dineley and Maurice to Nethersole,
Oct. 19, Nov. 19, 1633.
3 Dineley to Nethersole, Nov. 10, 1633, Holland Corresp.
4 Dineley to Roe, Sept. 18, German Corresp.
4 Grisley to Puckering, Feb. 23. »

528 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
flagrant offence, by escaping to the house of the Dutch
ambassador, and thence writing a long, though hurried
letter, to his royal mistress, assuring her that henceforth
she might relinquish all hopes of aid from England, and
sue to others for warmer charity than was to be found-
with her brother.1 He also sent her a copy of his letter
to the secretary, which had been the cause of the king's
displeasure. His motive for seeking shelter with the
Dutch ambassador, seems to have been only the wish to
secure an opportunity of writing fully and freely to his
mistress. The next day he returned to his appointed
residence, and was there met by a royal order for his com
mittal to the Tower, whence he continued to write letters
which, it was said, could only be excused by supposing
them the offspring of a disordered brain.2
This movement caused great consternation to the Queen
of Bohemia and her servants ; which was not mitigated
when they found that all Nethersole's letters and papers,
including those of the queen, had been read at the council-
board. Roe and Dineley were alarmed, lest expressions
used by them should be misconstrued and bring them into
trouble ; 3 but their apprehensions proved needless. Eliza
beth wrote to the Earl of Arundel : —
" I am very sorry that Nethersole hath again so highly offended the
king my dear brother. I can say nothing of his offence, because my
brother hath not as yet been pleased to let me know the particulars,
which he hath promised to do. Only I will say this, that I am confident
he hath not offended out of any evil mind, but in his too hot zeal to the
good of that cause which so nearly concerns my dear brother's honour
and my good, which might make him to write so indiscreetly as Mr.
Secretary Coke's letter saith he did. For I dare answer he is a right,
true, and faithful servant of my dear brother and mine ; for those that
are so to the one, cannot but be so to the other. Therefore I entreat
you to help me in the suit I make to the king my brother that he may
be quickly released, and I will take order he shall no more trouble him
there." Referring to the seizure of the papers, she added: —
" As for my brother, if he at any time should have desired to have
seen what I writ to Nethersole, or what private commands I did give
him, I was very willing he should see all, as I had given Nethersole that
1 John Dury to Roe, Feb. 1634, German Corresp.
4 Privy Council Order, Jan. 2, 1634 ; Coke to Boswell, Jan. 7, Hol
land Corresp. 3 Dineley's Desp. Feb. 18, 1634.

JAMES THE FIRST. 529
charge that whenever my brother should command him to shew him any
thing to him of my private or publiccommands, he should do it. For I
do not desire to hide the least thought of my heart from my dear
brother ; but I own that this that the council hath done doth trouble
me ; I am confident you had not a hand in it, I know your mind to be
too generous to do so —besides the honest affection you have ever borne
me."1 To Sir Thomas Roe the queen writes with her usual
frankness : —
" I hope you do not wonder that I have not written to you by Sir
William Boswell. There are already but too many of my letters seen
by the council ; they need no increase of them ; for though I know and
trust Sir William Boswell, like a true honest man, yet he is a servant,
and must obey to deliver what he carries ; this is enough of that, and
you may easily guess what content I can receive by the usage of poor
Nethersole, for nothing but for writing a private letter to Secretary
Coke, where he desires him to beseech my brother to give Curtius a
good despatch, that the king be not the second time accused for the loss
of the Palatinate ; these are the very words which are so heinously
taken. I tell them to you, because I hear his offence is kept secret ;
but I pray do not say from whence you had them, for none knows that
I know so much ; howsoever, being my servant, they might have used
him more gently. I am sure they would not have done it to any other
foreign princess' servant, of [what] country soever."2
The testimonies in favour of Nethersole's honesty and
zeal were universal, and the queen would not abandon
him.3 At her intercession he was permitted, after a few
months, to remove to a house in the country, and there to
remain, under guard and on parole, during the pleasure of
the king ; but Charles expressed himself equally sorry and
surprised that his sister did not regard one of the least
of his faults as sufficient to merit all the punishment
inflicted on him.4 The king did not, however, cherish any
lasting displeasure against her, for he paid her the compli
ment of inviting her, in association with her son and the
Prince of Orange, to stand sponsor for his son James.
Elizabeth, at her brother's suggestion, requested the
Duchess of Richmond to officiate as her proxy.5
1 Addit. MS. 4163, f. 182, copy by Birch, Feb. if, 1635.
2 German Corresp. March |g, 1634.
3 Coke to Boswell, Jan. 1634 ; Roe to Dineley, Feb. 6 ; Boswell's
Despatch, Nov. 6, 1634.
4 Privy Council Records, May 31, Sept. 14, Nov. 25.
. 5 Dineley to Nethersole, Oct. 19 and Nov. 10 ; Prince of Orange to
Charles I. Nov. 20 ; Charles Louis to Charles I. Dec. 11; Coke to
Boswell, Oct. 26.
VOL. V. 2 M

530 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
In the spring of 1634, the queen sent to her uncle of
Denmark to solicit the long- delayed payment of her
grandmother's legacy. There was much underhand deal
ing at the Danish court, in reference to this legacy. The
ready cash was all distributed before any agent arrived
from England.1 One of the daughters of the deceased
queen, who watched her in her last illness, was supposed .
to have stolen a valuable jewel, and, in order to avoid
detection, to have burnt the queen's jewel inventory ; and
the absence of so important a document occasioned great
dissatisfaction among, the other claimants.2 By degrees
and with difficulty the necessary inventories were made
out, and Avery, who was the authorized agent of the
Queen of Bohemia, put in his claim for the amount due
to the English branch of the family, which was stated to
be 432,584 rix dollars, equal to about 150,000/. sterling.3
The whole of this, by the cession of Charles I. to his sister,
before mentioned,4 was her property ; but instead of pay
ing it over to her, the King of Denmark first endeavoured
to shirk the affair altogether, by asserting that, as Queen
Anne of Denmark, when married to James I., had re
ceived her dower from Denmark, she had no further claim
on any inheritance.6 A reference tp precedents confuted
this argument : he then declared that the whole amount,
and more, was due to him on account of sums lent to
James I. in 1620, which sums he had himself borrowed
from his mother,6 and that he should therefore retain the
money in part payment.7 However just this might have
been, as regards the portion due to Charles I., it could not
certainly be considered so in reference to that belonging
to the Queen of Bohemia. Charles sent the Earl of
Leicester on a special mission to Denmark, with instruc
tions to state that his portion of his grandmother's pro-
1 Avery's Desp. July 18, 1632.
' Dineley to Nethersole, Oct. 1, 1632, Holland Corresp.
3 Denmark Corresp. July and Aug. 1632 ; Swedish Corresp. March 31 ;
Sanderson's Charles I. p. 191. 4 See p. 503, supra.
8 Remonstrance sent to Denmark, Aug. 16, 1632, Germ. Corresp.
0 See King of Denmark's Account of Monies, Feb. 26, 1627, Denmark
Corresp. 7 Declaration and Information, Danish Corresp. 1631-2.

JAMES THE FIRST. 531
perty had been assigned to his sister, before the receipt of
any letters from the Danish king to make known his
claims ; which being done, could not be undone, and —
" we hope," adds King Charles, " our good uncle, in his royal justice
and favour to our sister his niece, and her many distressed children, will
not add affliction to affliction, but rather give them help by his forward
ness in this our gift, which we can no more revoke." '
But the Danish king was firm in his resolution. He
declared that he had been very ill-used by England ; that
the king had promised him 30,000/. a-month, when he
had engaged in war in 1626, and had never paid it; that
of the other debt, he could obtain neither principal nor
interest ; and that he would not trust the king's promises.
But if the Queen of Bohemia pleased, he would, on con
dition of her acquitting him of all claims on his mother's
estate, hand over to her the obligations which he held
from England for considerably more than this amount ;
and as she was so much beloved in her own country she
might probably be able to procure their discharge, though
he could not.2
Elizabeth hesitated at first to accept these terms, but
as nothing better seemed to offer, she at length consented
to the proposed arrangement, which would have been com
pleted had not Anstruther injudiciously started doubts
about the accuracy of the calculations of the English
debt, which put an end to the transaction. The docu
ments which Elizabeth thus failed to secure would,
however, have proved only useless parchments, as her
brother was never in a position to honour his bonds.3
On the return of Rusdorf from Denmark, the queen
sent him to Heidelberg to negotiate with the adminis
trator various minor points, the list of which, given in her
instructions to him, shows the scope and extent of her
personal supervision in all affairs, whether domestic or
political. Her agent was to consult whether the funeral of
her late husband could not now be performed with safety ;
1 Instructions to Earl Leicester, 1632, Addit. MS. 4188.
2 King of Denmark to Queen of Bohemia, Oct. 17, 1632, German
Corresp. 8 Information of Danish Debt, 1632; Boswell 'a Desp. Sept. 20, 1633;
Denmark Corresp. Dec. 31, 1633 ; Eliz. Memoir, Feb. 12, 1634.
2 m2

532 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
to secure and inventory such jewels and money as he
might have left at Heidelberg ; to send the queen several
tuns of Rhenish wine for her own family and for presents
to her friends ; to reward the fidelity of her subjects at
Frankenthal, by obtaining for them certain civic privileges;
and also secretly to store a quantity of corn in the place,
in case of any future contingency of siege ; and to secure
the queen's full admission into her dower-lands. She also
wished a person of rank and trustworthiness to be recom
mended to be always about the person of the young
Elector, and an agent, who might be employed in her
English affairs.1 Dineley, who best understood them,
was now partially in disgrace, because he was suspected
of influencing the queen to support Nethersole ; 2 and
Charles desired his ambassador in Holland, Sir William
Boswell, to negotiate all matters between himself and his
sister. Elizabeth was also very solicitous about the
result of an assembly of German princes, summoned at
Frankfort by Chancellor Oxenstiern, to which her brother
sent Sir Robert Anstruther as his representative, instead
of Sir Thomas Roe, whose appointment she requested.3
The Swedish council of regency were now anxious to
recall their forces and to leave the cause of liberty in
Germany to work its own way. The Germans, jealous of
the occupation of their territories by the Swedes, were
willing to facilitate their departure ; 4 but Oxenstiern saw,
that the miserable condition of the Palatinate would, for
some years to come, render it incapable of supporting
itself, and he sent his son, young Axel Oxenstiern, into
England, to ascertain decisively what help was to be
expected from that quarter. It was whispered that he
1 Instruction de la Reine de B. pour le Sieur Rusdorf, printed in
Cooper's Appendix, from the original at Munich Library ; Rusdorf
Concilia, &c. vol. ii. p. 109.
2 Notwithstanding his protestations of innocence and his promises
that he would in future use his influence with his mistress, to forward
the views of the English king, he was not allowed to return to England,
even to transact some pecuniary matters.— Boswell' s Desp. April 20,
June 16.
3 Elizabeth to Roe, March 10, 1634,
4 Instructions for Dineley, May 15, 1634, German Corresp. Treaty
between Emperor and Elector Saxony, Nov. 12.

JAMES THE FIRST. 533
was commissioned to propose a marriage between the
young Queen of Sweden, then twelve years of age, and
the eldest Prince Palatine, on condition that the English
king would openly protect his nephew and give him a
force of 10,000 men ; but as this rumour is not authenti
cated by the original correspondence of the period, much
reliance cannot be placed upon it.1
The young diplomatist passed first through the Hague,
and was most cordially received by the Queen of Bohemia,
who frankly acknowledged her many and great obliga
tions to his father. At the court of St. James's he met a
less friendly reception. Charles I. declined, at present,
to give any pledge of aid in men or money, though he
renewed his assurances that this refusal augured no ill-will
to his sister's cause, — which he was still resolved to defend
to the uttermost, — but arose from his pecuniary embar
rassments.2 He contrived to muster 100,000 rix-dollars,
which he sent to pay the regiments in the Palatinate,3
and a present of silver plate, with a gold chain for the
administrator, to encourage him to perseverance in his
difficult duties.4
The consequence of the inaction of England and the
neutrality of Denmark was, that on the retirement of the
Swedish troops, the towns of the Palatinate remained open
to the first power that chose to come in, and that power
was France. Cardinal Richelieu had recently cemented
an alliance with Holland,'' and was believed to have
entered into a secret understanding with the administrator
of the Palatinate:6 so that no sooner were the Swedish
garrisons withdrawn, than those of France entered into
Manheim and many other towns ; and though Heidelberg
at first fell again into the hands of the Imperialists, it was
rescued by the French, who declared that they held these

1 Gazettes de France, p. 158.
2 He offered a present of gilt plate to young Oxenstiern, who refused
it, saying that he would not receive benefit himself from an embassy
which had not advantaged those who sent him. — Gazettes de France,
p. 286.3 Maurice to Boswell, June 21, 1634, German Corresp.
' Maurice to Nethersole, Jan. 14, 1635.
s Holland Corresp. April 1634. s Boswell's Desp. Sept. 27.

534 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
places only till the rightful owners were prepared to main
tain themselves unaided.1
Charles I. now became uneasy lest his sister, failing to
obtain from England the succours for which she hoped,
should throw herself into the arms of France. The queen
had no predisposition to this course ; she clung to her own
nation with all the tenacity of affection of which she was
so susceptible, and declared that she deprecated falling
into the hands of France as much as death itself.2 "I
fear the physician as much as the disease," she says in a
confidential letter, "for though the French have succoured
Heidelberg, yet I cannot trust them as long as they call
not my brother-in-law Administrator, nor my son Elector."
Yet in England it was reported that the queen and all her
party were inclining towards France.
" I see that in England," writes she again, " we are all French, but I
assure you there is no such thing ; for my brother-in-law never meant to
put himself in the French protection, neither did ever the Prince of
Orange counsel it, but the contrary.3
Lord Arundel wrote to warn the queen of what was
reported about her, and to him she repeated the assurance
of her strong preference to adhere to England, if she
could only obtain efficient help.4
Charnace, a French resident at the Hague, who was
there in a semi-official capacity, took the opportunity of
introducing the subject of the French alliance to the
queen, by presenting himself early at her drawing-room
before the other guests arrived. He asked what news she
had from England ; to which she replied that the king her
brother was expecting ambassadors from France and Spain,
and that he would accept those proposals which were most
advantageous to herself and her children. Charnace re
plied that it would all end in delays, and nothing would
be done for her in England. Elizabeth told him he might
be deceived, when the following conversation ensued : —
Ch. " Well, but suppose I be not, what will be the end ? What will
your majesty do ? "
1 Boswell's Desp. Dec. 6, 1634, Germ. Corresp. Nov. 9 and 17, Dec. 6,
Rusdoifs Letters, vol. ii. p. 112.
2 Ibid. Dec. 2, 1634 ; Jan. 26, 1635.
' Feb. fji, 1635, German Corresp. « Addit. MS. 4163, f. 182.

JAMES THE FIRST. 535
Q. " That which God and my friends shall advise me."
Ch. '' Why, Madam, if you would seek to the king my master, you
might have assistance or protection."
Q. " Since you speak of that, I will tell you my mind freely, because
I take you to be my friend. The king my husband, before his death,
sent to the king your master, and required his assistance, but was alto
gether neglected. Since his death,- I wrote unto the king your master,
as I did to all other princes, but to this day he never thought me worthy
of an answer, either by letter or word of mouth, and I cannot bring my
mind to seek to those where I am neglected. Besides, judge yourself,
what small reason I have to trust in the king your master's help, so long
as he denieth the unquestionable right and title to my son, and giveth it
to our mortal enemy, an usurper."
CA. " Why, what would you have the king to do 3 He cannot make
an Elector!"
Q. " No, nor unmake him neither."
Ch. " Why, Madam, the king hath done no more than the king your
brother, who gave him not the title of Elector till he sent him the order ;
or the Marquis of Brandenburgh, who doth not give it yet."
After some further argument, tending to persuade the
queen to cling to France rather than to England, she
added : —
" Believe me, neither fair means nor foul shall ever make me do any
thing that shall give the least touch to the king my brother's honour ; I
will sooner see all my children lie dead before me rather than do it ; and
if any of them should be so degenerate to consent to any such thing, I
will give them my curse."
The company, who were beginning to flock in, then put
an end to the conversation.1
The queen was now in continual association with her
elder children. Charles Louis, Rupert and Elizabeth
were her frequent companions at the Hague, except when
the Dutch wars led the brothers to the standards of the
Prince of Orange. The absence of the gossiping letters of
Sir Dudley Carleton leaves a blank in the domestic details
of Elizabeth's life : Boswell records little of her private
movements. About this time he mentions her journeys to
and from Rhenen ; her visit to Sir James Sandiland, one
of her former servants, on a christening occasion, when, in
conjunction with her son, as representative of the King of
England, she stood sponsor to his child;2 and her attend
ance at a ballet performed by her sons in hunting cha-
1 Boswell to Charles I. March 29, 1635, Holland Corresp.
' Boswell's Desp. Aug. 21 and 28, Sept. 9 and 11, Nov. 8, 1634.

536 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
racters, interspersed with many jests and buffooneries, a
recreation which gave great affront to the English Puri
tans, who were accustomed to hold up Elizabeth's court as
a model of propriety, forgetting that poverty might have a
large share in checking its festivity.1
The queen's cheerful fortitude, in circumstances of great
perplexity, called forth the surprise of those who sur
rounded her. One correspondent writes : —
" You have let me know the years of her adversity, which have been
long and many ; yet I dare assure you that what power soever they may
have over her body, they have had none over the magnanimity of her
mind, which is still the same, undaunted and unshaken as the hope by
which she lived was rooted in heaven and not in earth."4
" I do often look upon her with wonder," writes Dineley to Sir T.
Roe,3 "when I see how inflexible she is to the blows of time, and con
clude that she hath an antidote in her heart against all the poison of her
enemies. Though all goes backward in Germany, yet she looketh
forward to another country, where she is at rest. Here she liveth for
her children's sake, in whom is all her joy ; although I remember that
when you passed once by Leyden, the sight of them made your eyes to
water. I hope God hath filled her quiver so full of shafts rather to gall
her enemies than pierce her heart, and increase her comfort not her
sorrow ; she purposeth to shoot them abroad when they are well headed
and (fit) for use ; meantime they take a seasoning and hardening here, in
these sober wars, that they might not startle at them in their own
country. God's blessing be ever with them, for they must support their
House, since their House cannot support them."
Elizabeth had long been engaged in negotiations with
the English court, in reference to sending her son into
Germany ; but Charles I., finding no means at hand to
send him thither in becoming style, started obstacles: he
urged that his going would be useless, because a boy-
prince, with a small army, could never hope to stem the
torrent of a war which had so long resisted the efforts of
two^ English kings; and inexpedient, because acts of
hostility against the emperor, committed whilst a minor,
would embarrass his future restoration.4 On the other
hand, his uncle, the administrator, represented that by the
laws of the empire he ought to be under the guidance of
1 Germ. Corresp. Feb. 2, 1'865, Gazettes Franc, p. 90.
2 R. Stoner to Sir S. D'Ewes, Feb. 2, 1836.
3 Pel). i4, 1635, Sweden Corresp.'
4 Coke to Boswell, Jan. 7, 1634.

JAMES THE FIRST. 537
his tutor ; and that his subjects repined at his absence.1
His mother, though regretting that she could not obtain an
army for him, therefore resolved on sending him with such
a retinue as would secure his safety.2 The opposition of
England, however, and the ill success of the Protestant
cause in Germany induced her to defer her purpose.
In spite of the queen's usually calm temperament, con
stant wearing anxiety told its tale upon her constitution,
and in the spring of 1635, she had violent attacks of inter
mittent fever or tertiary ague, which, lasting many weeks,
greatly reduced her strength and left her thin and pale.3
An English lady at the Hague thus writes to Elizabeth's
friend, Lady Cornwallis : —
" I was very lately by her majesty the Queen of Bohemia, who hath
been very sick of an ague. She was pleased to tell me she had been
that day six weeks sick that 1 was with her majesty, and that in the
time, she had twenty-three fits ; first she was so extreme ill that every
fit held her majesty twelve hours long. Her majesty told me she was
so weak that she was not able to stand upon her legs ; but now, praised
be God ! she begins to mend finely." 4
Charles I., sympathizing with his sister's affliction, sent
Mr. Murray, one of the gentlemen of his bed-chamber, to
condole with her.5 Chancellor Oxenstiern arrived about
this time at the Hague, with a long train of officers and
attendants, to pay his respects to the queen, and to con
sult with her upon Palatinate affairs.6 Rising above the
sense of physical debility, Elizabeth resolved to see and
converse with her illustrious visitor, and reclined on the bed
which she was not yet able to quit, she gave him a private
audience of nearly three hours ; yet such were the fasci
nations of his conversation, and the interest of the subjects
under discussion, that she felt no weariness. Former days
were talked over — the gallantry and misfortunes of the
brave Gustavus ; his love to herself and her house ; the
1 Coke and Rusdorf to Queen of Bohemia, Feb. 26, April 21 ; Duke
Simmeren to Charles I. June 7 ; Rusdorf 's Letters to Charles Louis,
April 29, May 26, 31, Sylburgius, pp. 100-2 ; Coke to Boswell, Oct. 8.
2 Bouillon to de Vie, June 19, Harl. MS. 7000, f. 60 ; Charles Louis to
Charles I. July 12, Holland Corresp. July 1634 ; Instructions to Rusdorf,
ut sup. 3 Boswell's Desp. May 1 and 11.
4 Cornwallis Letters, p. 275.
5 Dineley 's Desp. June 17, Cornwallis's Memoirs, p. 273 ; Strafford
Despatches, p. 4^5. 6 Boswell's Desp. April 18.

538 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
virtues and untimely death of her husband ; the import
ance of now making a final stand against the reviving
power of Austria, &c. Oxenstiern assured her that,
next to the good of Sweden, that of the Palatinate lay
nearest to his heart, because he was sure of the entire
"justice of the cause."1 He departed shortly after, leaving
behind him the character of the most accomplished states
man that had ever visited the Low Countries.
About this time, the queen became associated with
another character, of hardly less historic note, — William
Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury. Writing to Sir T.
Roe,2 she says, —
" For my lord of Canterbury, I am glad you commend him so much,
for there are but a few that do it. I have been willing enough to enter
into correspondence with him, since he was archbishop, but you know I
do not love to begin ; he hath indeed sent me sometimes a cold compli
ment, and I have answered it in the same kind. I have now written to
him, at the entreaty of the administrator, in the behalf of the poor
preachers of the Palatinate, by this honest man, one of them, who will
deliver you this letter ; I have also recommended a slight business to
him about two preachers, but I have not done it with my own hand ; I
will see how he takes it, and either end or continue my correspondence
as he will answer me."
In her letter to the archbishop,3 the queen suggested a
contribution for the distressed ministers of the Palatinate ;
Laud responded to her request, and prevailed on the king
to order a general collection on their behalf.4 Elizabeth
professed herself extremely beholden to him, and hoped
that they should continue the correspondence and be very
great friends ; 5 she wrote soon afterwards to congratulate
him on his admission into the privy council,6 and hence
forward maintained frequent communication with him.
The young Elector was now approaching the age of
eighteen, when, by the laws of the empire, he would
assume the administration of his estates ; and his mother
took the resolution of sending him over into England to
1 Boswell's Desp. May 2 and 29, 1635 ; Dineley to Roe, June 16.
* Feb. 11, 1635, German Corresp,
3 Feb. 11, Ancient Royal Letters, vol. v.
4 Foedera, vol. viii. pt. 3, p. 124. A similar collection had already
taken place, at Elizabeth's request, in 1629. Domestic Papers, various,
bundle 393, State Paper Office. 6 Elizabeth to Roe, April 1, 1635.
0 Elizabeth to Laud, April 20, 1635, German Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 539
plead his own cause with King Charles. She consulted
no one and did not even reveal her plan to the English
ambassador, Boswell, fearing lest it might be thwarted ; 1
but wrote at once to announce that, being now of age, the
Elector wished his first act to be a visit of thanks to his
uncle of England, and was. coming over accordingly.2
The young prince was met at Rochester and Gravesend
by nobles deputed by the king and queen, lodged at
Whitehall, with an allowance of 50Z. a-day, and admitted
to familiar intercourse with the royal family ; his pliant
disposition and subserviency to his uncle's wishes soon
raised him into high favour.3 The people welcomed with
exultation the son of their favourite Elizabeth, and for her
sake as well as his own, the nobles vied with each other in
paying him civilities.4 He acquitted himself with more
grace than his mother had given him credit for.
"For Charles," she writes to Sir H. Vane, "I pray let him have your
best counsel and advice, both for his own carriage as for his affairs. He
is young (et fort nouveau), so as he will no doubt commit many errors,
which your good counsel may hinder him from. I fear damnably how
he will do with your ladies, for he is a very ill courtier; therefore, I
pray, desire them not to laugh too much at him, but be merciful to
him." 5
The favourable reception given to Charles Louis
prompted Elizabeth to send over her second son, Rupert,
"Bobert le diable," as she jocosely termed him ; whose
heedless impetuosity and innate bravery were early deve
loped, and rendered him at once a favourite with his
mother, and the object of her constant anxiety. She sent
him, like his brother, without invitation or ceremony.
Writing to Sir H. Vane, to express her gratitude for the
king's kindly attentions to her elder son, Elizabeth adds,
in reference to Rupert, —
" I fear that mon envoye will not make altogether so many compliments
as my lord of Carlisle doth ; yet I hope for blood sake he will be wel-
1 Boswell's Desp. Sept. 29, 1635.
2 Elizabeth to Laud, Oct. 1, German Corresp.
3 Cornwallis Letters, p. 280; Clarendon Papers, vol. i. p. 391;
Strafford Papers, vol. i. p. 489 ; Laud and Roe to Queen of Bohemia,
Jan. 20, May 1, 1636, German Corresp.
4 Rusdorf Epist. &c. p. 404.
5 Oct. 18, 1635, Holland Corresp.

540 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
come, though I believe he will not much trouble the ladies with courting
them, nor be thought a very beau gargon, which you slander his brother
with, for I fear it is but a slander what you say of him, and to shew yon
have not forgot to be a courtier." " Give your good counsel to Rupert,
for he is still a little giddy, though not so much as he has been. I pray
tell him when he doth ill, for he is good-natured enough, but doth not
always think of what he should do." 1
Hardly, however, had the wild young prince_ reached
England, before his mother had cause to repent his depar
ture. His active spirit ill brooked idleness, and as he had
no regular occupation, he became restless. The queen
received a gentle hint from one of her friends that it
would be advisable to recall him ; she wrote to that effect,
but yielded to the king's request that he might remain a
little longer.2 Led away by his love of adventure, the
fitful Rupert formed the idea of heading a merchant
squadron, to be sent out to colonize the Island of Mada
gascar, of which he was then to be governor ! This
hair-brained scheme took strong hold of his imagination.
One who knew him well says, " whatsoever he wills, he
wills vehemently:"3 in vain did Counsellor Rusdorf remon
strate — urging his position as a German prince, — the
opening for him to win fame in fighting against his
ancestral enemies, and the grief he would cause his
mother and sisters and his aged grandmother, who all
opposed the scheme. The youth listened in silence and
agitation ; but the streets of London were ringing with
popular ballads about the brave Prince Rupert and his
Madagascar expedition, and, enthusiasm prevailing over
reason and affection, he declared his resolution to be un
moved.4 To gratify his nephew's whim, King Charles sent a
proposition in writing to the East India Company in
reference to his intended voyage, requesting their advice
and assistance. The company replied that, being in
heavy debt, they could not take any part in the affair,
though they had no intention of opposing it; and were
1 Feb. 2, 1636, Holland Corresp. 2 Bromley Letters, p. 308.
3 Roe's Despatch, July 20, 1636, German Corresp.
4 Coneo's Desp. March 23, April 24, June 15, 1636, Vatican Tran
scripts, vol. xxxix. p. 23 ; Rusdorf Concilia, &c. p. 193.

JAMES THE FIRST. 541
inclined to regard it as an honourable enterprise. A
private merchant, however, told Sir T. Roe that though it
was a gallant design, it was one on which he would not
venture a younger son ; and Roe, as a faithful servant of
the Queen of Bohemia, felt it his duty to warn her that,
in his opinion, the scheme was absurd and impossible.1
Elizabeth fully agreed with him.
" As for Rupert's romance of Madagascar," she writes, " it sounds
like one of Don Quixote's conquests, where he promised his trusty squire
to make him king of an island. I heard of it some fourteen days ago,
and thereupon I writ a letter to him to divert him from it, as a thing
neither feasible, safe, nor honourable for him. Since this, I have
received a letter from Sir H. Vane, (?) who writes of it as a fine thing,
which I cannot enough wonder at. I answered him plainly I did not
like of it ; I thought it not fit nor safe to send him, the second br.ither,
on such an enterprise, when there was work enough to be had for him
in Europe. Besides, I thought if Madagascar were a place either worth
the taking or possible to be kept, tlie Portuguese by this time would
have had it, having so long time possessed the coast of Africa near to
it ; and I entreated him to do his best in hindering of it. What he will
answer, God knows, I long to have it." -
The letter of the queen to her wayward boy proved
effectual ; 3 for with all his faults, Rupert tenderly loved
his mother, and had never yet disobeyed her ; but he
became restless, after the abandonment of his favourite
scheme, and his mother urged his return home. In a
letter to Laud she says, —
" I have written to the king my dear brother to beseech him to give
Rupert leave to come over now speedily, that he may accompany the
prince this year in the field, and he shall be at all times ready to obey
the king's command to go elsewhere, whensoever he will command him.
I think that he will spend this summer better in an army than idle in
England, for though it be a great honour and happiness to him to wait
upon his uncle, yet, his youth considered, he will be better employed to
see the wars." '
The king accordingly dismissed him, in June, 1C37,
with a monthly pension of 800 crowns, and leave to travel
incognito through the world if be pleased.5 On his
return to the Hague he was subjected by his mother to a
1 Roe to Queen of Bohemia, May 8, 1637.
2 April 6, 1637, German Corresp.
3 Goring to  , Feb. 14, 1637, Holland Corresp.
4 June 20, 1637, German Corresp.
5 Coneo's Desp. July 7, Vatican Transcripts.

542 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
rigid examination- on the firmness of his Protestant prin
ciples : she found that there were parties in England, at
the head of whom was Queen Henrietta Maria, who had
tampered with his religion, and the wild boy gave her so
little satisfaction, that she declared, had he been ten days
longer in England, he would have come back a Catholic !
On hearing this, Queen Henrietta Maria could not help
observing, that had she known his conversion was so near,
she would certainly have contrived some means to detain
him in England awhile longer.1 But the fears of Elizabeth
were needlessly aroused. Rupert's future conduct proved
that though he might be no theologian, he would not
lightly abandon his faith.
The Protestantism of her children was very near the
heart of the Queen of Bohemia, and their position was
such as frequently to necessitate sacrifices to their prin
ciples. The eldest princess, Elizabeth, at this very junc
ture, lost a crown because she would not become a
Catholic. Her earliest suitor was the Count de Soissons,
a French prince, who, in 1627, sent privately into England
and Holland to request her hand, but the French king
interfered to prevent his marrying a Protestant. Her
next offer was from no less a person than Uladislaus
VIL, King of Poland. The proposition for the match
was first made in 1631, when he was only Prince of
Poland,2 and after his election to the crown the suit
was renewed. A private hint of the honour intended
for her daughter was given to Elizabeth and also to her
mother-in-law, the Electress -Dowager ; both were of
opinion that the affair should be treated with great
caution : the king was much older than the princess ; had
been already twice married, and having children by both
wives, it was not, of course, to be expected that the offspring
of a third marriage, if such there were, would come to the
crown.3 Another and still more formidable objection lay
in the reluctance felt by the Polish senate to the union of
their king with a Protestant. Uladislaus, whose heart was
1 Coneo's Desp. Sept. 11, Vatican Transcripts.
2 Pory to Puckering, Sept. 8, 1631, Harl. MS. 7000.
3 Anstruther's Desp. June 16, 1637, Denmark Corresp.; Elizabeth to
Roe, April 12, 1633, German Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 543
bent on the match, tried to soften down their opposition
by caresses and bribes ; failing this, he persuaded them
that an alliance with England would be of great advan
tage to his kingdom ; as, thus supported, he might hope to
obtain aid from England to vindicate a claim to the crown
of Sweden, which had been long dormant, in his family.1
But he little knew the temper of Queen Elizabeth, if
he supposed that her daughter was to be won by terms
injurious to the orphan child of her best and noblest
friend, Gustavus Adolphus. She gave a hint on this
subject, in a letter to her friend Roe : —
" I know you hear much speech of Poland and mine ; I pray do not
believe it till I bid you, for if things hold as they do, it is very unlikely
to be ever effected ; for I am of opinion that old friends, both tied by
blood and religion, are better than new that are neither one nor other.
Poland seeks to draw us from the first ; this is all the light I can give
you of this, which I tell you in a riddle, not to break the promise I have
made to keep it secret from all but my brother and the Prince of Orange ;
I pray keep it to yourself." 2
and again : —
" For the Polish business, yon may see by what I wrote to you by
Mr. Dury, that his last proposition did much scandalize me, for I cannot
find it in my heart to consent that his child should be disinherited, to
whom we have had all so much obligation."3
Referring to other points in the negotiation she says: —
" The answer my brother hath given is well enough that way, but I
would he had not written of this match to the States there, for methinks
he shews to be too desirous of it, which may prejudice the business, and
make them think us more desirous of it than either we are or should be.
For myself, if it be found good for my son's affairs, and good conditions
for religion, I shall be content with it ; else, I assure you, I shall not
desire it, my son being more dear to me than all my daughters. For
the greatness of the match, ' Madame vaut Monsieur,'* it is an old French
proverb ; but for the king's person, there is nothing to be said against
it, being a brave and worthy prince, whom I honour very much. I have
entreated the gentleman to tell him, that whether this business go for
ward or not, I will ever be his servant."
The Polish sovereign sent to Rome for a dispensation,
and declared that even if his States refused their consent,
he would marry after his own heart, and not be bound to
1 Gordon's Desp. April 6, 1633, German Corresp. May 19, Aug. 7,
1634 ; Jan. 7, 1635, Polish Corresp.
2 Jan. T'„ 1635, German Corresp. 3 Ibid. Feb. ^,,'1635.
4 " The lady is worth the gentleman."

544 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
follow their wishes in such a point; and embassies
travelled between Holland and England to consult upon
several points which were submitted by the queen to her
brother's consideration.1
At this juncture a report arose that the King of Poland
was insincere, and was actually proposing to a Florentine
princess.2 Elizabeth thus expresses herself on the sub
ject :—
" I have certain news that the King of Poland is to marry with the
Duke of Florence's sister. It is so far advanced that there passed an
ambassador from that king through Venice, with the artioies of the
marriage, and the duke has sent one to the pope for a dispensation, and
to entreat the pope to send the wedding-ring blessed by him. This is -
no bruit, but I have it from a good hand, to whom it was written both
from Venice and Florence, besides, it is in the gazettes. I leave you to
judge of it. For myself I am very indifferent and care not much, as
you know." 3
The next despatch, however, from Poland, brought
tidings that the States would probably withdraw their
opposition to the Palatine match, on condition that the
religious services of the princess should be performed only
in French, which would not be intelligible to the people ;
and the ambassador Gordon, in great glee, pronounced
the business ooncluded.4 Elizabeth was much offended
by his precipitancy.
" He publisheth," she writes, " that it is all done and agreed upon, as
if it could be so without my being acquainted with it, and for myself, I
have had nothing said to me in it since the gentleman you saw was here ;
and he doth it in such a manner that he makes people think that my
brother doth rather seek it than that he is sought to for it. I have made
Dineley write to him concerning this that I hear, but as not believing it,
yet giving him warning of it ; for if he or any body should conclude
articles for a match for my children without my knowledge, I assured
him let them be never so reasonable but I would break the match, for
none should marry my children without me ; and I knew it was not my
dear brother's intention." s
1 Gordon's Desp. March 14, May 19, Aug. 7, 1634 ; Polish Corresp.
Dec. 17, 1635 ; Boswell's Desp. Dec. 1, 1634 ; Coke's Desp. Jan. 4 and
27, 1635, Holland Corresp.
2 Coke to Gordon, Dec. 23, 1635, Polish Corresp ; Boswell's Desp.
March 6.
3 Elizabeth to Sir T. Roe, April 1, 1635, Holland Corresp.
4 News Letter, April 16, German Corresp.
5 Elizabeth to Sir T. Roe, July 2, 1635.

JAMES THE FIRST. 545
Still in England and Holland the marriage was looked
upon as settled ; and parties were even suing for places
in the household of the princess, when she should become
Queen of Poland.1
As Elizabeth was dissatisfied with Gordon's conduct,
another agent, Sir George Douglas, was sent over, who,
on his arrival, at once declared that he did not believe the
King of Poland to be sincere.2 Elizabeth was still
doubtful about it.3
" For Poland," she writes, " I fear some have gone too fast in their
advertisements to my brother, for I see that that business is as far off as
ever. I thank God I have not been deceived in it, for I never believed
it would be, neither am I any way engaged in it. I wish others had
declared themselves no more in that than I have done." 4
After many refusals and tergiversations, the States of
Poland at length agreed that a formal embassy should be
sent to England to demand the princess ; the persons
employed being a Polish noble and the English envoy,
Gordon. On the evening of his setting out and when
his instructions were duly signed, Gordon was waited
upon by a deputation of the clergy, who gave him a new
set of instructions, containing an article to the effect that
the Palatine Princess should be persuaded to change
her religion ; these he brought to the king for his signa
ture. Uladislaus positively refused to sign them, on the
ground that he knew the princess would never change.
' One who was present when the Polish ambassador was introduced
at the court of the Hague, says — " I did observe that when he saluted
the young lady, his discourse did make her blush very remarkably ;
whereby I did conjecture that he spoke something to her concerning
the King of Poland's intentions to her. At court every body doth speak
freely of it, so that it is not doubted of any more." — Dury to Roe, Oct.
18, 1635.
2 Coke to Gordon, Dec. 23, 1635, Polish Corresp. ; Coke to Boswell
Dec. 20, 1635, Holland Corresp. See letter from Grotius to Chancellor
Oxenstiern, Dec. 1635, Grotii Epistote, fol. Amst. 1687.
3 " It seemeth," writes Roe, " for all the opposition of the States, he'
will not suffer his love to be a subject whiles himself is a king ; which
brave resolution, if it were not in him, he would not be worthy of such
a lady. If the king be as sincere in his pursuit as the diet hath been in
their denial, then there will lie the point of deliberation betwixt the
king and the kingdom."
4 Elizabeth to Sir H. Vane, Feb. 2, 1636, Holland Corresp.
VOL. V. 2 N

546 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
At length, however, he yielded so far as to permit the
ambassador to name the subject to the English queen; and
if she thought it practicable, then to mention it formally.
On his way through Holland, Gordon waited on the
Queen of Bohemia ; and without entering into particulars,
hinted at the possibility of her daughter's changing faith.
Elizabeth spoke against it in the strongest terms, and
assured him that her brother would not be less firm than
herself. Arriving in England, he applied to Queen
Henrietta Maria, but she prudently declined to interfere
in so delicate a matter.1 In spite of these rebuffs, at his
second audience with Charles I., Gordon publicly pro
posed that the princess should be induced to become a
Roman Catholic. Charles was indignant and demanded
to see his instructions, when he was obliged to confess
that that point was not named in the instructions of the
king, but only in those of the clergy.2 Charles, how
ever, sent a strongly-worded letter to the Polish king,
stating his surprise at the duplicity which had introduced
into a treaty nearly on the point of conclusion, an article
so important, and one which never could be granted.3
Further correspondence ensued,4 in the course of which
earnest attempts were made by Queen Henrietta Maria to
bring the princess over into England and place her under
her own influence, in the hope that, by accomplishing her
conversion to Popery, the obstacles might be removed.
The princess was reported to have said that she " did not
like any one the worse for being a Catholic ; " and the
Spanish ambassador, when her mother's stern Protestanism
was named as the greatest difficulty, scornfully observed
that "as for Madame Palatine, it was in his power to
make her a good Catholic ; that if one thing were done,
(the restitution of her son), she would be a Catholic
to-morrow ! " 5 Vain boast ! the futility of which was
proved by after circumstances.
1 Bromley Letters, p. 71.
- Roe's Desp. July 20, 1636, Germ. Corresp. ; Gordon's Desp. Oct.
14 ; Carles Louis to Queen of Bohemia, Bromley Letters, p. 72.
3 Ancient Royal Letters, Poland, vol. 17, June 1636.
4 Polish Corresp. Feb. and July, 1 637.
>> Coneo's Desp. Aug. 28, Sept. 16, Nov. 6, 1636 ; Feb. 18, 1637, Vati
can Transcripts,

JAMES THE FIRST. 547
The Polish marriage fell through, because Uladislaus
wanted firmness to withstand the strong opposition of his
subjects, and declared that if he prosecuted it, his life
would be in peril.1 Charles I. wrote to his sister : —
" He is unworthy of either of our thoughts, except it be to make him
smart for his base dealing with us ; for, in a letter to me, he justifies
his last ambassador's proposition concerning the change of my niece's
religion ; of this I desire you to take no notice, for it is fit for us to
misknow it until we find a time to make him repent it at the roots of his
heart."2 The following year, 1637, Uladislaus married a
daughter of the emperor, who had long paid court to him,
and who now accepted him as her husband, on conditions
of domestic arrangement, too disgraceful to be named, and
which the Palatine princess would have scorned.3 The
Polish king was scouted, and his ambassadors refused
audience at the courts both of England and Holland.4
Had the enemies of the Queen of Bohemia sought to
increase her popularity by eliciting fully the strength of
her Protestant principles, and thus rendering her more
than ever dear to the great body of the English people,
they could hardly have adopted means more effectual than
those actually employed. They now renewed the effort
made in 1623, but speedily abandoned, to hinge the resto
ration of her family upon their religious faith ; but she
declared that she would rather strangle her son with her
own hands, than see him forsake his faith from motives of
mere expediency. For some time past, the prospects of the
Palatine house had been growing darker and darker ; and
on the marriage of the Duke of Bavaria, aged sixty-three,
with the emperor's daughter, only twenty-seven, a treaty
was concluded, by which the emperor and the Elector of
Saxony agreed to maintain the Duke of Bavaria a3
Elector, and failing his issue male, to bestow the entail
of the dignity on the collateral branches of his house, and
also to keep on foot an army of 80,000 men, if needful,
to carry out their objects. This treaty, which derived
1 Gordon to Coke, June 2, 1637, German Corresp.
2 Dec. 20, 1636, Tanner MS. No. 84, vol. i.
' Elizabeth to Roe, Dec. 4, 1637.
4 Elizabeth to Roe, Nov. 3 and 14, Dec. 4, 1637 ; Boswell's Desp. Sept.
14 ; Roe to Elizabeth, Oct. 2; Coneo's Desp. Vatican Papers, vol. 38,f.72.
2 N2

548 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
additional strength from the birth of a son to the Duke
of Bavaria, blighted all hopes of compromise, and called
loudly for vigorous combination among the counter-party.,
Elizabeth urged her cause strenuously, yet almost hope
lessly, at the courts of England, Denmark, and Brand&n-
burgh.1 She sent her brother a copy of the treaty, with
her own remarks upon it, pointed and strong.2 Writing
to Roe, on July 2nd, 1635, she says: —
" I would all were of your mind concerning my affairs, but I fear, as
you do, that the old maxims will not be left. If ever anything will
move them to do it, it must be the despatch which I hope will be ready
to send with this passage : it is all the articles of peace concluded
betwixt the emperor and the Elector of Saxony, which is as base a one
as can be. 1 have it from Berlin, it being sent to that Prince-Elector :
in it my children are quite excluded from their country and the elec
torate, which the emperor confesses he had promised long ago to the
father of this Duke of Bavaria and his descent ; but if my children
will humble themselves to the emperor, he will give them some means
to live, of his grace, but of no right. This is the substance of that
article. Now do you judge whether this will not open the eyes, on your
side the seas, if they be not shot out with pistols." 3
Charles I. assembled his council to deliberate on the
despatches of the queen, but the impracticability of
finding funds for war still cramped all their energies.
They resolved to send an ambassador into Spain, then an
ally of England, to see if that power could not assist them.
They affected to doubt whether the emperor would not
concede more than was promised in the articles, and pro
posed sending an agent to Vienna to ask explanations.4
Elizabeth made no objection to their inquiring the truth
about the treaty, but Boswell, who visited her at Rhenen
to consult with her on the subject, adds: —
" That any thing should be asked or insinuated of grace, or more
than of justice, doth very much trouble her ; besides the fears that the
emperor's answer will be so ambiguous and dilatory, (as ever heretofore,)
that before his majesty shall be so fully cleared as expected, the emperor
will have underhand wrought an imperial diet, and therein passed this
treaty into a pragmatical sanction and constitution of the empire ; after
which the party yet on foot and in good strength against the emperor
1 Queen of Bohemia's Memorials, April 7 and July 11 ; Boswell s
Desp. June 19 and 23, July 8 ; Dury to Roe, July 9.
2 Boswell's Desp. Aug. 6.
8 Holland Corresp. July 2. See also Letters to Laud, German Corresp.
July 2 and 20. 4 Coke to Boswell, July 30, 1635.

JAMES THE FIRST. 549
being dissolved, hy accord or otherwise, she saith she doth not see but
her son's affairs may prove irreparable."
The king assured his sister that he should consider any
delay as equivalent to a refusal, and act accordingly. He
also suggested to her the propriety, when her son attained
his majority, of demanding his legal in vesture ; ' but to
this Elizabeth saw a great obstacle in the fact that the
emperor had already bestowed the privilege upon the
Duke of Bavaria.2 As, however, it was still urged upon
her, on the ground tbat, if not attended to in due form,
difficulties might in future arise from the omission,3 she
most reluctantly ceded the point,4 and Taylor was com
missioned to make the demand, and also to solicit the
restitution of her dower-lands in the Palatinate.8
The emperor, as the queen had anticipated, was well
aware that it was his interest to tamper with England ;
and Taylor, either through suppleness or duplicity, was
too ready a tool. He sent home most favourable accounts
of the good disposition of the imperial house, and stated
that the Duke of Bavaria saw no way of establishing
peace in Germany but that of ceding the Lower Pala
tinate and Heidelberg, and leaving the Electorate open to
treaty ; and that he even proposed to marry his nephew
to one of the Palatinate princesses. The emperor sug
gested that Charles Louis, should come to Vienna, in a
style befitting the son of an Elector, taking possession of
the Lower Palatinate on his way, — receive, as a favour,
the removal of the ban pronounced against his father,
and presumed to descend upon him ; and cement the
peace by marrying a daughter of the imperial house.6
Charles I. caught at such propositions, and immediately
prepared to send the Earl of Arundel, Elizabeth's intimate
friend, to the imperial court.7
1 Boswell's Desp. Feb. 18, March 6, April 20.
2 Elizabeth to Laud, Sept. 5, 1635, German Corresp.
3 Laud to Elizabeth, Oct. 6, 1635, German Corresp.
' Elizabeth to Laud, Jan. 1, 1636.
5 Clarendon Papers, vol. i. p. 404.
6 Taylor's Desp. Jan. 26, 1636, Germ. Corresp. ; Cooper's Appendix C.
to Public Records ; Clarendon Papers, vol. i. pp. 447, 455, 511.
7 Foedera, vol. ix. pt. ii. p. 3.

550 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Sir Thomas Roe conveyed to the queen the news of
the proposed embassy, and received from her a reply, of
which the following is an extract : —
" You may easily believe the news of the embassage to Vienna did a
little surprise me, but, as you say, since there is no remedy, we must
make the best of it that we can. I am glad my Lord of Arundel is
chosen, for he being the greatest, I hope he will be the last sent, and
that another lesser man will not be fit to be sent after so great a one
hath failed; for I am confident he will do nothing, but have such
another delaying answer as Taylor had. I have sent my son another of
his propositions, and could hold no longer but write with it a very plain
and free letter to the king my brother, where I let him know my
thoughts of that fellow's proceedings at Vienna. I fear now all is in
the dust till Arundel's return, and then a new delay will be found out.
Do not blame me for this fear, because I have some cause for it. I hope
he hath commission to accept of nothing but all : else, I hope, my son
will not condescend to any thing ; at the least by my consent he shall
not ; for, first, there is no great honour in it, and if he accept of a little,
he will never have more, but draw on the other suit till Doomsday ; I
am for tout ou rien." l
Contrary to the hopes of the queen, Arundel's instruc
tions were to accept the proffered terms of the restitution of
the Lower Palatinate, leaving the other dignities open to
treaty ; but he was ordered to proceed first to the Hague,
and consult with Elizabeth on the subject. He arrived on
the 12th of April, 1636, and though late in the evening,
was at once admitted to kiss her hand. Business was
postponed till the next day, when, he relates : —
" At two of the clock after dinner, I went to the Queen of Bohemia,
unto whom I delivered his majesty's letters, informing her at large of all
matters concerning my negotiation ; who, desiring to see the instructions,
they were read unto her, and in conclusion I find her willing to apply
herself wholly to his Majesty's order and direction. The matter she
most flinched at was the marriage with the emperor's daughter, as being
many years older than the prince, and of no comely person. To which
I replied that princes in marriages did rather respect states than persons,
and that in this, the Prince-Elector married the Palatinate rather than
the emperor's daughter, and therefore should more endeavour to advance
his estate than please his eye or fancy. In conclusion I found her willing
to apply herself wholly to his majesty's order and direction."2
Though Arundel reported the queen as satisfied with
his mission, she herself expressed her views very differently.
1 April 14, 1636, German Corresp.
2 Arundel's Desp. April 12 and 14, 1636, German Corresp. ; Winde-:
bank's Desp. April 22, Holland Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 551
She had held long disputes with him on most of the
points in his instructions, particularly that relating to
taking off the ban ; ' to which the young Elector also
strongly objected, as involving the admission of his father's
guilt.2 In a letter to Laud, she said that though she
would not dispute the king her dear brother's will in any
thing, she could not but regret the Viennese embassy, and
urgently begged the king not to accept part of her son's
dominions without the whole. To Sir Thomas Roe she
wrote more freely.
" I was never in more despair of good success in our business than
now ; for though I think my lord marshal doth love my person and
children well, yet I see he is no enemy to the House of Austria ; and I
know he loves not the Dutch, neither high nor low ; and would have
the honour to end this business any way, so it be peaceably ; for though
he be marshal, yet I think he is not martially given in this business."3
Roe sympathized fully in her sentiments,4 but Laud, of
course, took the king's part, using such arguments as he
could in favour of the measure, and expressing his surprise
that the opinions of Elizabeth should be so at variance
with the report of them sent by Arundel.5 On this point
the queen replies, —
' " Concerning that you are unsatisfied with what I have written, of
my dislike to accept of a part of my son's country, and my lord marshal
writ the contrary, I do assure you he knoweth better, for he and I had
many disputes about it ; for the Prince of Orange's opinion, he did, I
see, mistake it; for the prince said that if all the Lower Palatinate were
restored freely, without any conditions to tie my son to anything but as
he was before, that then he might accept it, and seek the rest as he
could, by fair or foul means. But neither he nor I, nor I think any
body, do believe that the Emperor, and the King of Spain, and the
Duke of Bavaria will do it ; for either it will be upon such conditions to
quit all his friends, and other dishonourable articles, or to have the
country so cut off and maimed, as they may take it again when they lift,
and keep him always under ; for as for the Electorate and the rest to
follow, I can never believe they mean it ; for it is the opinion in all
Germany, that at this Electoral diet they mean to settle it upon Bavaria
and his house, which they may easily do, there being but one of the
Electors for us, and all the rest professed enemies ; for the recovery of
it by pieces, I grant with you that if it were by arms, it must be so ; but
1 Elizabeth to Roe, June 14, German Corresp.
' Bromley Letters, p. 304. 3 April 24, German Corresp.
4 Roe to Queen of Bohemia, May 1.
5 Laud to Elizabeth, April 19, 1636.

552 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
by treaty, if they had a mind truly and really to do it, they may as well
give all as a part ; for what I have in my hands, I can give all if I will ;
but what is snatched from me must come by pieces, yet it will come,
without being obliged to any prejudiciable conditions. But I fear this
last speech of mine may make you think (as my lord marshal told me
many thought when I said this to him), that I would rather have my
son restored by force than by treaty : but I must answer as I did him,
that it is all one to me by what ways he be restored, so he be so fully
and honourably ; but indeed I do not think he will be restored fully,
otherwise than by arms : sixteen years' experience makes me believe it.
All this I have written to you is also the substance of what I said to
my lord marshal; but as I told him, so now also I do you, that this is
not to censure or dispute the king my dear brother's actions, but only
to let you know freely my mind, which I did take the boldness myself
to do to the king, about the same time I writ to you : and I have
received a very comfortable answer from him, that he will not suffer
one thing to be done that shall be prejudiciable to my son's honour or
rights, which I am most confident of, for I never mistrust him, but I do
extremely the emperor and his side, who have so long deluded my
brother." ¦
To several parts of this letter the archbishop took
exception. He professed, that though Charles I. was
dissatisfied with the emperor, he had never been deluded
by him ; that he should not consider the restitution was
by piece-meal, if tbe whole of the Low Palatinate were
restored at once, and he thought this expression must have
been dictated to the queen by others.
" Your majesty," he adds, *' denies that you said to my lord marshal
that you had rather have your son the prince restored by force than by
treaty ; but you grant it all one to you by what way he be restored, so
he be restored fully and honourably. Under favour, good madam, not
so. For it cannot be all one to Christendom, nor to yourself, to have
him restored, be it never so honourably, by arms as by treaty. It may
be there is soldier's counsel in this, madam ; but I am a priest, and as
such, I can never think it all one to recover by effusion of Christian
blood, and without it, provided that without blood right may be had." 2
In reply to his remarks, Elizabeth acknowledged and
vindicated her expressions, and added, —
" I confess, as a woman and a Christian, I should rather desire it (the
estitution) by peace, but I have lived so long amongst soldiers and
wars, as it makes one to me as easy as the other and as familiar, espe
cially when I remember never to have read in the chronicles of my
ancestors, that any king of England got any good by treaties, but most
1 June 11, 1636, German Corresp.
2 Laud to Elizabeth, June 26, 1636, German Corresp

JAMES THE FIRST. 553
commonly lost by them, and on the contrary, by wars made always good
peaces. It makes me doubt the same fortune runs in a blood, and that
the king my dear brother will have the same luck. I know your pro
fession forbids you to like this scribbling of mine, yet I am confident
you cannot condemn me for it, having hitherto seen little cause to have
a contrary opinion, by my experience in this our great business : all I
fear is that you will think I have too warring a mind for my sex ; but
the necessity of my fortune has made it." 1
The option of accepting pacific measures was not long
left to the queen. On his journey to Vienna, Arundel
was struck with the miserable condition of the Palatinate
— towns ruined, villages depopulated, and wretches lying
dead in the roads, with the grass in their mouths, by
which they had in vain endeavoured to still the cravings
of hunger. When he arrived there, hopes of a favourable
response were long held out, though even then the em
peror was giving away to others some of the dower lands
of the Queen of Bohemia.2 The object of this tempo
rizing policy was self-evident ; — to keep England aloof till
the summer campaign was over, or till the other powers
engaged in the war had been prevailed upon separately
to lay down their arms.
Elizabeth maintained a friendly correspondence with
Oxenstiern ; and along with cordial expressions of good
will he associated plain hints that Sweden, unless well
supported, would not much longer sustain the contest,3
though at present that power was engaged in vigorous and
successful warfare, as was also the Landgrave of Hesse.
Elizabeth writes, —
" The Swedes prosper still against Saxony, and Lesley is come with
troops to be in Kniphausen's place : if all these should lay down their
arms, do you judge if it will be possible to make them take them again,
and then either we must sit down with shame, or undertake a war alone :
what that will cost, God knows well. I pray God my patience be not
so long stretched that it break." *
At the close of a summer of prolix negotiations, into
1 Aug. 6, 1636, German Corresp.
2 Germ. Corresp. June, 1636; MS. St. Germain Harlay, No. 239,
Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.
3 Charles to Queen oi' Sweden; Oxenstiern to Queen of Bohemia,
March 31 and Jan. 24, 1636, from MS. Chur-pfalz. U. 30, in the Library
at Munich ; Cooper's Appendix, pp. 54, 56, 136.
4 Elizabeth to Sir T. Roe, April 14, German Corresp.

554 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
which it were tedious to enter, Arundel took his leave
and returned home, bringing with him tidings that the
emperor had absolutely confirmed to the Bavarian house
the Upper Palatinate and the electorate, and would only
give up the Lower Palatinate only on condition of its being
purchased at a heavy rate.1 The emperor had accom
panied his decision by a letter to Elizabeth, which as it
was not addressed to her either as Queen of Bohemia or
Electress Palatine, Arundel indignantly sent back un
opened. Calling at the Hague on his way home, he told
the queen frankly that there was nothing to be gained at
Vienna, and that all would be ruined unless King Charles
could render prompt and active help to his nephew.2
Elizabeth gave him her hearty thanks that though he had
been unable to obtain what he desired, yet he had forced
the emperor to cast off the mask of hypocritical friend
ship.3 The question remained, what was next to be done.
Elizabeth was more than ever dependent upon England,
because her son was there; and though he still corre
sponded with her, and professed the strongest desire to
fulfill her wishes, she thought him too subservient to the
pacific policy of England, and expressed her regret that
she had ever allowed him to leave her.4 As it was well
known that he had gone over in quest of aid, the young
man was unwilling to depart unless he were placed at the
head of an army, with which he could make an appearance
suited to his rank, and meanwhile he was indulging in the
amusements of a court life, without bestowing much con
sideration on the welfare of his cause. The queen's
1 German Corresp. Sept. to Nov. ; Clarendon Papers, vol. i. p. 678.
" Elizabeth to Roe, Dec. 21, 1636.
3 Elizabeth to Laud, Dec. 10. A pamphlet was printed and circu
lated in several languages, entitled "Evaporatio pomi Palestine," in
which imperial promises were compared to the apples growing near the
Asphaltine lake, fair and beautiful without, but within, full of dust and
ashes. — MS. St. Germain Harlay, No. 239. The king prohibited its
circulation ; but in spite of him, many copies were secretly distributed,
and the Prince Palatine himself carried a copy of it to an Italian diplo
matist, not venturing to trust it to a servant. — Coneo to Barberini, Vati
can MS. 38, /. 270.
4 Clarendon Papers, vol. i. p. 522.

JAMES THE FIRST. 555
instructions to her son at his going into England, con
firmed by the advice of those of his friends who best knew
the temper of Charles I. were, that he should not press
his uncle at once on business matters, but should rather
endeavour to win upon his affections. Acting on this
principle, he secured an interest in the king's regards
strong enough to secure him affectionate entertainment,
but not to surmount the formidable obstacles which im
peded his essential support.
The queen sent a memorial to her brother, by Arundel,
urging him now that treaty failed, to use the other means
which God had placed in his hands, and to give efficient
assistance to her son.1 The king replied, he could only
assist him by sea, and allow him 1000Z. a month to support
himself and to join any army his mother might select. The
young Elector was greatly disconcerted : Roe advised him
to show a good face abroad, but in presence of the king to
give way to dejection and grief, so as to touch upon his
sympathies.2 In response to the reiterated entreaties of
his sister, the king at length consented to lend his nephew
a fleet with which to act in the common cause, and to
permit his subjects to assist him, though not openly autho
rizing them, till a treaty with France, which had long been
negotiating, should be concluded, so that he need not fear
to incur the jealousy of Spain.3 The Elector, conveying
personally these tidings to his mother, declared he was so
overjoyed, that it seemed to him like a dream; Lord
Craven had already offered him 10,000/. towards his
expenses, and it was expected others would follow the
example.4 The queen was much pleased, and with her
usual readiness to hope, augured wonderful things as the
result.5 Much of the prosperity of Elizabeth's cause depended
upon the conclusion of the treaty between England and
1 Clarendon Papers, vol. i. p. 678.
* Ferentz to Roe, Oct. 15, 1636 ; Roe's Reply, Oct. 19 ; Vatican
Transcripts, vol. 39, ff. 127, 288.
3 Laud to Elizabeth, Oct. 14; Elizabeth to Laud and Roe, Nov. 21,
28, 1636, Germ. Corresp.; Roe to Elizabeth, March 17, 1637.
4 Bromley Letters, p. 96.
5 Elizabeth to Laud, Feb. 4, 1637, German Corresp.

556 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF

France. After long negotiations, during which the
queen often expressed her fears that the " Monsieurs"
were insincere, and would, after all, play her brother " un
tour de Breton,"1 a general treaty of alliance was con
cluded, and a meeting was appointed to take place at
Hamburg, when the representatives of England, France,
Sweden, Holland, and the German powers were to devise
the terms of a Protestant Union, in behalf of the Palatine
family.2 Decisive measures were rendered imperative by the
death of the Emperor, Frederic II. , and the election of
his son Ferdinand III., King of Hungary, recently chosen
King ofthe Romans, as his successor. Elizabeth urged,
that as the Duke of Bavaria, the supplanter of her
husband, was not a legitimate Elector, the election ofthe
new emperor, in which he took part, was illegal; that
consequently the empire was vacant, and her son might
assert his ancestral right to execute the- office of vicar-
general during the vacancy.3 She was well aware that he
had no power to discharge the functions of the vicariat,
but still thought that an assertion of his claim was essen
tial ; and at her desire, not only did Charles Louis issue
a protest against the election, but counsellor Rusdorf
published a vindication of the rights of the electoral house
on this point.4 The queen was extremely anxious that no
Protestant power should acknowledge the new emperor.5
Charles I. refused to give him the title, but yet it was
said tbat he could not long stand out, if France and
Holland granted it.6
At this juncture, Elizabeth lost one of her best friends,
in the brave Landgrave of Hesse, long one of the firmest
adherents of the Protestant cause, to whose death she
alludes in a letter to Sir Thomas Roe : —
1 Elizabeth to Laud, April 13, May 19, June 10, 1637 ; and to Roe,
March 25.
2 Elizabeth to Roe, July 11.
3 German Corresp. June 12 ; Roe to Elizabeth, June 19 ; Holland
Corresp. July 1637.
4 Rusdorf Concilia, &c. p. 199.
3 Elizabeth to Laud, April 4, 1637. Protest of Charles Louis against
election, Court and Times of Charles I., vol. ii. p. 280.
3 Laud to Elizabeth, May 3 ; Elizabeth to Laud, May 19.

JAMES THE FIRST. 557
" Honest Tom,
" I have not written to you a long time for lack of matter, for when
I was at Rhenen, I could send you no news of any thing but the death
of hares, and which horse ran best, which, though I say it that should
not say it, was mine own ; but at my coming away, the joy of the taking
of Breda was much abated by the loss of the brave worthy Landgrave,
which, I confess to you, troubled ine not a little. You know how much
cause I have for it, but we must not lose courage for all that, and my
son has now more reason than ever to seek to make himself considerable ;
therefore he is desirous to take the Landgrave's army to himself, and
did send Hornec, one of his gentlemen, thither, to sound the minds of
the officers and the Landgravine, who shew themselves all willing to
have him, so that he can find means to make them subsist. Therefore
he has given Sir Richard Cave order to humbly beseech the king my
dear brother that he will bestow something upon him to help his begin
ning. Cave will tell you more fully all his reasons why he desires to
have this army, which is levied to his hand, and will make him some
thing considerable in this treaty, more than otherwise ; or if it do
nothing, yet he is armed, and so may have some better hopes than
heretofore." '
The queen's earnest desire that her son should appear
with dignity at the approaching Hamburg treaty led her
to counsel his writing at once to the Hessian government,
offering, in the hope of assistance from England, to head
their army, with levies of fresh troops. But they were
firm in explaining that, though they would gladly hail him
as their leader, they must have something more than mere
hopes to depend upon. Elizabeth strongly deprecated the
idea of her son's remaining inactive all the summer, and
yet she feared the result of an application to her brother,
and wrote despondingly to Roe in reference to it : —
" I pray continue your counsel and assistance to Sir Richard Cave
and Robin Honywood, that, if it be possible, we may have some assist
ance in this conjuncture, that we may not lose this good occasion, as we
have done many others. I fear more than I hope for the effects : 1
pray God I may be deceived ; but, freely to tell you what I think, I
assure you I expect nothing but delays ; though I do all I can, yet I
know I shall obtain nothing; but they shall not plead ignorance, (or)
that they were never solicited ; and to take away that excuse, I do
solicit so often. I believe you will chide me for my want of faith that
way, but experience can teach you I have reason for it." 2
To the delighted surprise of Elizabeth and her son, the
1 Oct. 21, 1637- She wrote similarly to Laud on the 20th, and again
on the 23rd of October.
2 March 12, 1039, German Corresp.

558 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
king was more propitious than they had ventured to
hope.1 Writing to Laud, Elizabeth says : —
" Your letter of the 22nd of March was most welcome to me, since it
confirms that which the king my dear brother was pleased to write to
me himself, that he doth approve of my son's intentions, and with so
great a favour as the bestowing his money towards the levies. You
may easily, imagine how much contentment it brought to us both. I am
confident your good counsel did much contribute to this resolution of
the king's, for which I shall ever be beholden to yon. Meppen is now
rendered into my son's hands, the garrison there having sworn to him;
the levies are already begun ; I hope shortly he will be ready to go
himself into the field." 2
Meppen, an important town in Westphalia, was pur
chased by Charles Louis with the money lent him by
Lord Craven, who also pledged his credit for sums to aid
in the levies, and the rendezvous was appointed to take
place at Meppen.3 Unfortunately, the place was soon
stormed by the enemy, but the young prince cheerfully
passed off the calamity, with the remark that " a misty
morning often makes a cheerfuller day."4
The king's liberality, and the successful exploits of
Duke Bernard, of Weimar, a Protestant prince of great
hopes and courage, inspired fresh life into the Palatine
cause. Elizabeth sent the duke a special letter of com
mendation, thanking him for his bravery ; 5 and he acknow
ledged her courtesy by a visit to the Hague, where it was
said that he was a suitor for the hand of the Princess
Elizabeth.6 In the month of February, 1 638, the queen gave a fete,
which formed a pleasing variety in the monotonous life of
the Hague, on occasion of the marriage of a Dutch noble
man, M. de Brederode, with Mile, de Solms, sister of the
Princess of Orange. Lists were erected for running at
the ring, and the queen's two eldest sons were the heroes
of the sport. They wore a Moorish costume, and armed
with scimitar and lance, mounted on white horses, and
1 Gazettes de France, p. 183.
2 April 12, 1638, German Corresp.
3 Curtius to Coke, Feb. 5, 1638, Holland Corresp.
4 Elizabeth to Laud, Feb. 21 ; Boswell's Desp. May 6.
5 The original of this letter, dated March 22, was in the celebrated
collection of M. Donnadieu.
0 Collins's Sydney Papers, vol. ii. p. 585.

JAMES THE FIRST. 559
followed by thirty knights, excited much admiration, not
only in the courtly circle, but amongst the crowds who
flocked from far and near to be spectators of the scene.
A grand supper and ball followed, and the young princes
testified their satisfaction by issuing a printed challenge
for a renewal ofthe courses a week or two later.1
In June the queen, attended by her eldest daughter
and her son Charles, removed to Rhenen, where she spent
the summer, only returning to the Hague for a few days,
to pay her respects to the Queen-mother of France, Mary
de Medici, who came to visit Holland.2
" Queen-mother's coming hither, I believe, will make you not a little
wonder," she writes to Roe : " I came hither from Rhenen to see her ;
she doth use me very kindly but keeps her greatness enough, for she
kissed none but me. All queen-mother's people do speak of her going
into England, but she doth not say any such thing to me." 3
Charles I. strongly opposed the coming of his mother-
in-law into England; but confident of the affection of
her daughter, Queen Henrietta Maria, Mary de Medici
resolved on the voyage. The Queen of Bohemia thus
pleasantly alludes to it : —
" Cave only stays for the wind, which is yet contrary. I think queen-
mother is cause of it, for she is gone very suddenly from hence, without
scarce taking leave, towards England, though Sir Will. Boswell did all
he could to dissuade her. I think the wind loves our country, in keep
ing her as long as it can out of it." 4
Leaving his mother at Rhenen, the prince Elector,
attended by his brother Rupert and Lord Craven, marched
to join his army in Wesel, where, in conjunction with the
English troops under Lieutenant-general King,he mustered
a considerable force.5 But his fair prospects were blighted
at the first encounter with the enemy : in spite of great
personal bravery he sustained a serious defeat, and his
attendants had to force him away from the milee, whilst
Prince Rupert and Lord Craven, both severely wounded,
1 Boswell's and Coke's Desp. Jan. 23 and Feb. 5, Holland Corresp. ;
Gazettes de France, pp. 96, 132.
2 Merc. Franc, vol.22; Gazettes de France, p. 539.
3 Elizabeth to Roe, Aug. 27, 1638, German Corresp.
4 Ibid, Oct. 2.
> Boswell's Desp. June 20, Aug. 16, Sept. 7, 1038.

560 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
were taken prisoners.1 This sorrowful news was
brought to the queen at a time when she had just passed
through considerable physical suffering. A temporary
indisposition had rendered it necessary to resort to bleed
ing, and the surgeon-barber who peformed the operation
was so unskilful in binding up the arm, that it swelled
and inflamed, and occasioned her such pain and weakness
that for some time she was unable to write.2 Recovering
the use of her pen, she thus deplores to Roe the misfortunes
of her brave boys : —
" I am glad to hear the good opinion you have of my son's carriage,
though hitherto he has had but misfortune, for no doubt before this you
have heard his misfortune My comfort is, though he had the worse,
yet he has lost no honour ; and if I were sure where Rupert were, I
should not be so much troubled. If he be prisoner, I confess it would
be no small grief to me, for I wish (him) rather dead than in his enemies'
(hands). They write from Bremen, that after two days he was returned
to Minden ; but since I have no letters of it, I dare not believe it ; for
since tbe ill-news came, I have not had any letters from my son. I have
written the ill-news to my brother, (and) that now he would be pleased to
succour the Prince Elector with money, which would extremely encou
rage him and his friends." " I hear Banier is in the Duke of Lune-
burgh's country : he can do him no more harm than I wish him, for
that tun of beer sent 1000 cuirassieurs against my son, else the enemy
durst not have fought with him. They write hither that all my son's
troops did very well, and were only oppressed with the multitude, else
they had not been beaten. I am sorry for my Lord Craven and Ferentz ;
I fear tbey will not be so soon released, but if Rupert were anywhere
but there, I should have my mind at rest." 3
A few days later she writes to the same trusty friend ;
but as the key to the cypher in which she had corres
ponded with him was taken along with Prince Rupert's
papers, she was obliged to send by other hands imforma-
tion of a project she was then concocting to procure his
escape from confinement : —
" Honest Tom,
" Yours of the ¦,§ of October doth shew truly your affection to me,
both in the comfort you give me and your sensibleness of this misfor
tune ; I confess the overthrow of the troops doth not much trouble me ;
they were not so many, but Rupert's taking is all. I confess in my
1 Nicoll's Account of defeat, Oct. 19; Boswell's Desp. Nov. 4 ; Roe
to Coke, Oct. 23 ; Turner's Memoirs of his Times, Bannat. Club, 4to.
Edinb. 1829, p. 10 ; Mercure Franc, p. 521.
2 Elizabeth to Roe, Oct. 2 ; Cave to Roe, Sept. 27.
3 Nov. 1, 1038, Holland Corresp.

JAMES THE FIRST. 561
passion I did rather wish him killed. I pray God I have not more cause
to wish it, before he be gotten out. I have written into England, as yon
desire in your letters to Sir William Boswell ; I fear all fair means will
do no good. I have desired Sir William Boswell to write to you in his
cipher some things concerning it, since I dare not write by my own, that
which my son had being taken ; therefore, I pray, send us both another.
I fear you will think that my conceit is too romance a one, yet such
things have been done. I leave all to your care and liking ; all my fear
is their going to Vienna, if it were possible to be hindered. Mr. Crane,
one that follows my Lord Craven, is come from Rupert ; he desired him
to assure me that neither good usage nor ill should ever make him
change his religion or party. I know his disposition is good, and he
never did disobey me at any time, though to others he was stubborn and
wilful. I hope he will continue so, yet I am born to so much affliction
as I dare not be confident of it, and this affliction had not been to be
suffered, but that I am comforted that my sons have lost no honour in
this action, and that him I love most is safe." " I have no more to say to
you, only I follow your counsel one way, which is to shew as little grief
to the world as I can, which is for the present as much as I can do." •
Sir Thomas Roe, at Elizabeth's request, had been
employed, several months previously, as the king's agent
at the Hamburg treaty ; and the Prince Elector, after his
defeat, privately made his way to Hamburg, with the
double purpose of discussing his affairs with this faithful
servant of this house, and of obtaining an interview with
the King of Denmark.2 The king treated him with the
familiarity of a relative, and promised his utmost efforts
to procure his restitution by pacific means, but would not
fetter himself by obligations to engage in war. Roe
received the young prince with a liberal ¦ courtesy, which
elicited his mother's warm acknowledgments. On the
last day of the year 1638, she thus addresses Roe : —
" Honest Tom,
" Will Ballantyne delivered me your letter three days ago. I am
very glad my uncle used my son so well, and tbat the town where you
are have been so civil to him ; but I am sorry to find that you are ending
the year with so great an untruth, that my son's worst entertainment is
at your house ; for though you will do yourself that wrong, yet my son
and his people have betrayed you and let me know how extremely he is
beholden to you, daily more and more, both for his entertainment and
his business ; and indeed so much as I cannot tell how to give yon suffi
cient thanks for it. I am an ill complimenter, but truly I will never
forget all these obligations ; I shall forget myself first." 3
1 Nov. 6, 1638, Holland Corresp.
2 Germ, and Denm. Corresp. 1638, Bromley Letters, p. 102.
3 Dec. 31, 1638. The queen was probably not aware, whilst thus
VOL. V. 2 0

562 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
Limits forbid our entering into the details of the
Hamburg treaty, though Queen Elizabeth concerned her
self warmly in it, and watched over its_ progress with a
care, of which sufficient proof remains in the numerous
letters to Sir Thomas Roe, which teemed from her rapid
pen. She gave up to her brother, that it might be
employed in the war, her whole interest in her grand
mother's inheritance, which had never produced any tangi
ble benefit to herself.1 The Landgravine of Hesse, now
regent imbehalf of her young son, embraced the offers, of
peace made to her by the Austrian government ; and the
Hessian army,' 14,000 strong, being dismissed by her, a
vigorous attempt was made to induce its general,
Melander, not to disband, but to accept the Prince Elector
as leader. The French government gave him hopes of
assistance on condition that the King of England should
do the same,2 but the painful position of Charles I.'s
domestic affairs, in reference to the rebellion in Scotland,
prevented his compliance.3
At this juncture the Palatine cause suffered a severe
blow, in the death of Duke Bernard of Weimar; adding
another name to the list of champions who, in the prime of
life, fell victims to the cause of Elizabeth. " You may
well believe," she writes, "how much it (the news of
Duke Bernard's death) troubles me, for besides his pubbc
loss, I have lost in particular a very true friend."4 Thus
another army, zealous in the interests of German freedom,
was left without a leader, and the Prince Elector, not
willing to risk any delay, sent agents to secure it for
himself; whilst he at once set off to England to see his
royal uncle, and solicit the needful support.5 Charles was
wishful that the prince should embrace the opportunity of
profuse in her expressions of gratitude, that the expenses of the Prince-
Elector's visit formed an important item in Roe's bill of extraordinaries,
and were discharged from the English treasury.
1 Germ. Corresp. Elizabeth to Roe, June 9 ; Roe to Coke, July 6.
* Elizabeth to Koe, Aug. 27, Sept. 3, Dec. 13, 1638; Jan. 21st, 1639 ;
Grotii Epistola?, p. 398. 3 Cave to Roe, July 11.
4 Elizabeth to Roe, July 23.
¦* Elizabeth to Rusdorf, Roe, and Laud, July 2, 12, 22, 23, 26, and
Aug. 4 ; German Corresp. Aug. and Sept. 1639 ; Coneo's Desp. Aug. 12,
Vatican Transcripts, vol. 42, p. 212.

JAMES THE FIRST. 563
heading the Weimarian army, the more especially as both
officers and men were anxious to receive him;1 but he
hesitated about granting the resources. Elizabeth thus
expresses herself on the subject : —
" 2My son writes that the king continues to persuade him to go, but will
give no money nor much hope of any herea-iter, excusing all upon the busi
ness of Scotland: yet I hear that there is money, but I believe there are
niany that gape to have shares in it, having spent much in this shew of
war in Scotland. The Earl of Holland is very hot to have him gone,
which makes me think it the more, because else I know he loves my son ;
what lie will resolve to do I know not, but I hope he will follow your
opinion."3 A month later, the queen, who as usual had passed the
summer in hunting at Rhenen, in returning to the Hague,
took a short detour by way of Amsterdam, —
" Where," she says, " I was extreme well entertained, so well as if I
had been their princess they could have done no more ; with much more
affection they did it than to the queen-mother. I had a fair present of
porcelains, and my daughters of cabinets ; I stayed there two days.'' 4
The Prince Elector soon left England to join the
Weimarian army ; but having omitted the formality of a
passport, lest it should involve needless delay, he was
taken prisoner at Moulins, in France, by order of Cardinal
Richelieu. The assigned reason was that the prince was
stealing away to get possession of the town of Brisach,
recently taken from the House of Austria, intending, by
its surrender, to make his peace with Austria. This
pretext was purely ridiculous. The true reasons are
given by Elizabeth to Roe, in the following letter: —
" You may easily imagine how this scurvy business troubles me ; I
do not fear any harm to my son's person ; — but the loss of time, and the
affront is all. The Germans may see by it, how little good is meant
them by the French ; for by staying my son, who is the chief of their
party, they will force them' to be nnder the French yoke ; for that is
their design, and to compass it, have broke the law of nations, in detain
ing a prince, their ally, in his journey, which he made for the public
good. When France was not in arms against Spain and the House of
Austria, they suffered the king, my husband, to pass so unknown,
through all France; so they did my brother, into Spain, presently
after ; but this ulcerous priest5 was not then ' Son Eminence ; ' he is
' Elizabeth to Roe, Sept. 8, 1639.
" The Italic words are in cipher in the original.
' Elizabeth to Roe, Sept. 3, 1639, German Corresp.
4 Oct. 8, 1639, German Corresp. 5 Cardinal Richelieu.
2 0 2

564 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
so tied to Bavaria, as he thinks he hath much merited of him, for this
brave action, who will cozen him most kindly for it ; for I can never
believe he will leave the House of Austria — to which he is so much tied
by blood and other strong obligation — for the fickle Monsieurs ; but all
my son's fault, as I think I have told you heretofore, is that he is the
King- of England's nephew, for Braset, the French agent, told the
Princess of Orange, that his being ' trop attache a l'Angleterre,' was
the cause the French king did not desire he should have Prince Ber
nard's army, but I hope my brother will vindicate his own honour for
my son's release." " I have written to the officers of Duke Bernard's army to
do all that is in their power for his liberty that he may goto them, since they
may well see by his retention that the French would force them to their sub
jection." '
The queen's maternal position was very painful: her
gallant Rupert, still a captive of the House of Austria,
his hereditary foes ; her eldest son a prisoner in the hands
of deceitful friends; and three of her younger boys,
Maurice, Edward, and Philip, in Paris, whither, relying
on the friendliness of France, she had sent them the pre
ceding year.2 This step she now regretted, from a fear
lest they, too, on some futile pretext, should be detained:3
she wrote to urge their return, particularly that of
Maurice, and anxiously expected his arrival, though de
claring that, like St. Thomas, she could not believe until
she saw it.4 To her great relief, Maurice was at once
granted his conge", and the two younger princes returned
a few months later.5
The young Elector was conveyed, under a guard of
100 horse, to the Bois de Vincennes ; no one was allowed
to speak with him, except in presence of an officer, and
then the conversation was ordered to be in French.6 The
queen, in sore trouble, implored the interference of
England, Denmark, and Sweden, urging the claims of
1 Oct. 29, 1639, German Corresp. Italic passages in cipher.
* French Corresp. Jan. 19, 1638 ; Holland Corresp. Jan. 1, Sydney
Papers, p. 587. 3 Elizabeth to Roe, Dec. 3, 1639.
4 " I do pity, and shall pity all my life, the misfortunes of this noble
princess," writes one of her court, " and shall not less admire her firm
constancy, by which she remains unmoved, by the sad attacks of a
fortune which has made her, like another Niobe, fruitful only for mis
fortune." — Ferentz to Roe, Nov. 21.
5 Elizabeth to Roe, Jan. 7, 1640.
6 Ibid. Nov. 11, 1638, German Corresp.; Collins's Sydney Papers,
vol. ii. p. 617.

JAMES THE FIRST. 565
near relationship, and pleading that her son's misfortunes
were caused by his struggles in behalf of the liberty of
Germany.1 Queen Christina wrote a letter of sympathy,
and promised to order her ambassador in France to use
every exertion for his release.2 From her uncle of Den
mark Elizabeth expected little : the insensibility he had
manifested on the murder of his own son Ulric, a few
years before, made her readily presume that the imprison
ment of a nephew would not greatly concern him ; 3 yet
he showed a cordiality which surprised and pleased her.
Her brother, though in the first instance he received the
tidings with a coolness that troubled her, took up the
subject with interest. He wrote with his own hand to
the French king, remonstrating against the arrest of the
prince, as contrary to the terms of the alliance, and
refusing to transact any business with France, unless he
were released.4
The French government offered him his freedom, if he
would pledge himself not to leave France, nor attempt to
head the Weimarian army without permission.5 Weary of
a captivity which affected his health and spirits, Charles
Louis accepted these conditions, with some little modifica
tion ; though contrary to the wishes of his mother.6 " It
is more than he should have done," she said, " but that
necessity hath no law ;" yet the rejoicings at her court
were great when he was released.7
The prince was conducted to Paris, where he was
honourably received by the Earl of Leicester, the British
ambassador there, and lodged, at the king's command, in
the Hotel des Ambassadeurs.8 His treatment at the
1 Grotii Epistolse, p. 585.
2 Scudamore Papers, Addit. MS. 11044, f. 104 ; Lunig Literse Pro-
ceruni, vol. i. p. 264. 3 Elizabeth to Roe, April 2.
4 Ibid. Nov. 11, Dec. 3 and 17 ; Clar. Papers, vol. ii. p. 83 ; Charles I.
to King of France, Nov. 8 ; Leicester to Roe, Nov. 9 ; Cave to Roe,
Jan. 10, German Corresp.
5 Letter from Paris, Jan. 17 ; Charles to Earl Leicester, Jan. 30,
German Corresp. 6 Elizabeth to Roe, Feb. 4.
7 Elizabeth to Roe, April 9.
8 With a daily allowance of 150/. ; Charles Louis to Leicester. Feb.
24, 1640, French Corresp. ; same to Roe, March 14, German Corresp. ;
same to Queen of Bohemia, March 13 ; Bromley Letters, p. 117 ; Gode
froy Cerem. Franc, vol. ii. p. 807 ; Grotii Epistolae, p. 683.

566 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
French court was liberal and friendly ; but whenever he
pressed upon the minister, Richelieu, the necessity of
coming to terms about the part to be taken in the German
war, the reply still was, that help would be given from
France, provided England would also do something for him.1
He was detained so long in France that Elizabeth, in
spite of her usual firmness of principle, began to hesitate
whether it would not be right for him to break his word
of honour and take his departure, since he was not a
prisoner of war, but taken in the first instance by unfair
means.2 His timely liberation, however, prevented an
act which might have sullied his character. He returned
to the Hague in August, to attend the commands, or in
other words, to wait the assistance of his royal uncle.
Charles I. having assembled and then dissolved another
parliament amidst increasing national discontents, was in
ill-condition to extend aid to others. Elizabeth thus
writes to her friend Roe, who was on the point of returning
home from Hamburg, and was unable to visit her, as she
had hoped, at the Hague : —
" Honest Tom,
'•' I am very sorry to find by yours of the 5th of this, that I shall not see
you here, that I might have spoken that freely to you which I cannot do to
all, and indeed very few ; but I hope I shall one day see you here for all
this, for I have committed a little kind of treason against you ; for,
hearing that it might fall out that the king would send to Cologne, or
some other place, to treat for us, I did beseech him that, in that case,
none might be sent but you ; which he has assured me he will do ; so as
I am not quite out of hope of seeing you, and I hope you will not be
against such another employment, though I did desire it without your
knowledge. I hope these will find you in England, where I am sure
you will be sorry to find the Parliament dissolved ; there is here many
scurvy bruits of the people's discontents, and the prentices' insolencies
against my Lord of Canterbury. I hope they are not true. You may
easily imagine how all that troubles ine." 3
Charles I. was at this time negotiating a marriage
between one of his daughters and the son of the Prince of
Orange. Elizabeth wished her second niece and namesake
to be the bride elect, thinking the alliance not sufficiently.
honourable for the princess royal ;4 but the anxiety ofthe
1 Charles I. to Queen of Bohemia, Bromley Letters, p. 1 13 ; same to
Roe, June 29, German Corresp. * Ibid. July 9.
3 May 21, 1640, German Corresp. 4 Elizabeth to Roe, Dec. 1, 1640.

JAMES THE FIRST. 567
Prince of Orange, who pressed for the eldest daughter,
prevailed. The king was desirous that the marriage
treaty should be combined with another treaty between
England and Holland, in behalf of his nephew's restora
tion, and sent Sir Richard Browne to the Hague, expressly
to consult the queen and the Elector on the subject. They
suggested, as terms of alliance, that Holland should arm
whenever England did so, for the Palatinate, — should
favour all levies of arms in the cause, and break neutrality
with the emperor and Bavaria as soon as Charles I. made
war against Spain.1
Encouraged by his mother,2 though contrary to the
wishes of his uncle,3 Charles Louis went over to England
and prosecuted his own cause in a fresh Parliament. Here
a contretemps occurred that caused great annoyance to
Elizabeth. The Dutch embassy sent over to England to
arrange the marriage alliance was headed by the little
Prince of Orange himself, and the question of precedence
between him and Prince Elector was mooted ; which the
king decided to the disadvantage of the latter.4 Returning
to the Hague, the ambassadors visited the queen, and on
her reproaching their principal, Heenvliet, for his conduct,
he declared that he had opposed his comrades in the
matter, and assured her that the States were anxious in
every way to satisfy her, and would never again press the
point of precedence.5
The proceedings in the English Parliament were very
encouraging. The king asked the counsel and assistance
of his lieges on the best means of restoring his sister and
her family to their rights, assuring them that he was
anxious to use the utmost exertions in their behalf.6 The
houses freely concurred in his sentiments ; one member
declared that as to the Palatine family, " the House of
Commons looks upon them with an eye of tenderness,
1 German Corresp. bundle 80, March 7, 1641.
* Elizabeth to Roe, March 4, 1641.
3 Charles L's Instructions to Browne ; Bray's Evelyn, vol. ii. p. 165.
4 Elizabeth to Roe, June 9, 1641, German Corresp.
3 Ibid. June 14.
6 Journal of Lords, vol. iv. p. 300 ; Journal of Commons, vol. n.
p. 201.

568 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
wishing that every drop of that princely blood may ever
be illustrated with honour and happiness," and that their • j
oppressions are " a thing which makes our ears to tingle
and our hearts to rise within us." Sir Simon d'Ewes,
the well-known autobiographer, made a noble speech on
the importance of " comforting the needful heart of that
most noble, virtuous, magnanimously- suffering Queen of
Bohemia," " who is ever to be highly and tenderly regarded
by this house and by this kingdom." 1
A similar appeal was made to the Scottish parliament,
and was met by a proposal that as peace was restored
between the two countries, their joint forces should be
employed in behalf of the Palatinate, and that no levies
should be allowed for any other object till this was ful
filled. The Prince Elector, who, with his uncle, attended
the assembly, met with a most flattering reception.2
Elizabeth sent the houses a letter full of gratitude for
their friendly feeling, which was respectfully acknow
ledged.3 Ferdinand III. was about to call a general diet of the
empire at Ratisbon, and Elizabeth was extremely anxious
that her brother sbould send an envoy thither, to claim
the restoration of her children's rights. But a serious
difficulty appeared at the very outset. Charles, espousing
his sister's quarrel, had hitherto refused to allow the
validity of Ferdinand's election, owing to the alleged
illegality of translating the electorate from the Palatine
to the Bavarian house. If, therefore, he sent an ambas
sador addressing Ferdinand simply as King of Hungary, —
the title he bore previous to his election, — the ambassador
would be refused audience ; yet, how could he consistently
give him the imperial title ? Elizabeth thus writes to Sir
Thomas Roe, who was, by her request, to be the agent in
the affair :—
" I pray God send you health for it ; but I pray think well how the
king can send thither, without giving the title of emperor to the King of
Hungary ; and, if he do give it, how he can do it without my son's pre-

1 Rushworth, vol. iv. pp. 311-15. ° Elizabeth to Roe, Sept. 11.
3 Ibid. July 8, Journal of Lords, vol. iv. pp. 308, 330 ; Lord Louden's
Speech, Sept. 9, King's Pamphlets.

JAMES THE FIRST. 569
judice. I am sure my brother will ask your counsel in it. I write of it
now to Sir Henry Vane, for I am much afraid that the Don's faction
will take advantage of it to my son's wrong, and open a door again to
the old-fashioned treaties, which will never end. I need not say more
to you of this, being confident your affection to me is such as you will
be very careful of this business." ¦
Charles I. professed himself ready to follow the wishes
of his sister and nephew, but told them that their interests
would be retarded, not advanced, by the dispatch of
any ambassador who should not be allowed to give the
imperial title.2 The young Elector steadily refused his
consent to a recognition of the emperor, except as the
condition of substantial benefits to himself. After some
hesitation, however, Sir Thomas Roe had permission to
give the emperor his title, under protest of reservation of
the Palatinate rights. His instructions were, to pass
through the Hague, and consult with the queen on the
best modes of operation.3
Several circumstances combined to render the emperor
willing to listen to reason. He was smarting under a
severe defeat which his general, Piccolomini, had recently
sustained from the Swedes ; and he was not ignorant that
Portugal had for some time been endeavouring to con
solidate an alliance with Protestant Germany, and that by
its severance, a thorn was planted in the sides of Spain,
which would prevent effectual aid from that old and tried
adherent of the House of Austria.4 Propositions, there
fore, were made, that, as conditions of his restoration, the
Prince Elector should refund to the Duke of Bavaria the
money expended in the war, and should marry a daughter
of the emperor ; 5 and that the electoral dignity should
alternate between his house and that of Bavaria. Eliza
beth's opinion on these points is expressed in the following
letter to ambassador Roe : —
" I see no reason that the Duke of Bavaria should demand any money

' July 5, 1640, German Corresp. ; Elizabeth to Sir H. Vane, Aug. 8,
1640,« Holland Corresp.
2 Bromley Letters, p. 116 ; Boswell to Charles I. March 16.
3 Charles Louis to Roe, May 19, 1641.
4 Elizabeth to Charles I. Vane and Roe, April 17 and July 12, 1641.
• Arundel to Count Lesley, May 9, 1641, German Corresp.

570 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
of us for keeping our country from us, he having enjoyed all this time the
profits of them : as for the proposition of the match, I confess freely to you
that I see, by experience too near me, the evil that matching with Papists
brings with it. Besides, I do not think it very well done, in matter of
conscience, if my son hath a mind to it ; but I can never like it. As for
the alternative,1 you know already my aversion from it, so as I need not
say much ; only I received but two days ago a letter from my mother-
in-law, where she tells me that my son has written to her, to have her
opinion concerning it ; but because she thought not herself wise enough
to send her own only opinion, she has asked others, who are both wise
and friendly to us ; who are all jointly of opinion that my son must not
do it, and only to yield that the Duke of Bavaria may hold the name of
Elector as well as my son during his life, and then to die with him ; but
not to agree to this without having all his countries restored to him. This,
I assure you, is what she hath written to me is hers and other's opinions,
of which I believe the Elector of Brandenburg and his council are of the
number, and I believe that the Dukes of Lunebtvrg and Hesse are of the
same, because it would be very prejudieeable for the Protestants to have a
Papist voice amongst the Electors at any time. I pray think well of it,
and let me know what you think of it ; if Rupert be set freely now at
liberty, I shall have the better opinion of these good intentions ; but
else I confess I am still St. Thomas, and believe nothing. " 2
Rupert's captivity had now lasted nearly three years.
The courtesy at first shown towards him was much dimi
nished: he was not permitted the services of an expe
rienced attendant whom his mother had wished to place
near him,3 and his faithful friend, Lord Craven, who at first
refused to ransom himself that he might still be his com
panion, was not allowed even to see him; Craven, therefore,
paid his own ransom, and though still lame from his wound,
he hastened to the Hague, to tell the queen all he knew
of her son's condition, and thence returned to England.4
It was at first proposed to send Rupert to Vienna, and he
was told that he should see the emperor; "then the
emperor shall see me also," was the reply of the dauntless
boy. Elizabeth was anxious to prevent his being taken
to Vienna, from the double fear that it would be difficult
to reclaim him thence, and that his religion might be
tampered with.5 Lintz was the place ultimately ap
pointed for his residence.6 His mother exerted every
1 Alternating the Electorate. 2 Aug. 16, 1641, Holland Corresp.
3 Elizabeth to Roe, Dec. 6, 13, 1638. 4 Ibid. Aug. 21, 1639.
3 Roe to Coke, Oct. 23 ; Boswell to Roe, Nov. 1638.
" In the High Palatinate through which he passed, the Duke ot

JAMES THE FIRST. 571
effort to procure his liberation, and hopes were long held
out to her that he would be given up in exchange for
Prince Casimir of Poland, who was a prisoner of the
French king ; France aud Austria seeming alike favour
able to the transfer in behalf of their mutual allies. But
her hopes were frustrated : Casimir was set free, and
Rupert still lingered in captivity,1 resolutely declining
every flattering offer that was made to depend on the
change of his religion.2 He began to pine in his captivity,
and proposed by giving his word of honour not to run away,
to seek to be allowed a wider range;3 the queen dis
suaded him, but, being frustrated4 in several plots for his
escape, he reverted to this alternative, and gained a con
siderable amount of privilege.
Elizabeth fervently urged upon Roe, then at the Im
perial Diet, to make the liberation of Rupert one of his
first and most important objects; and Roe followed the
directions of his royal mistress with so much zeal, and
pleaded so earnestly with the emperor, that he prevailed.5
Elizabeth very gratefully acknowledged his exertions, and
charged her son to follow his advice.6 The emperor
signified his pleasure that the young prince should visit
him in Vienna, to present his own thanks for his liberty,
and Rupert, " like a young eagle new on his wings," was
eager to be away, and went thither in the train of ambas
sador Roe, who was ordered to Vienna at the close of the
diet. He passed a few days at the court, joining in the
imperial hunting parties, and exchanging visits with
persons of distinction, and before his departure, gave the
emperor a promise that he would not bear arms against
him. With characteristic impetuosity, the youth then
Bavaria had the meanness to prohibit the slightest notice of him, and he
even imprisoned two poor men that came up to his coach to see the son
of their beloved prince. — Elizabeth to Roe, April 9, 1639.
1 Elizabeth and Charles Louis to Roe, Dec. 31, 1638 ; Feb. 11, March
5, April 29, May 17, June 7, 28, July 12, French Corresp. March 1640.
2 Elizabeth to Roe, June 14. 3 Ibid. Nov. 18.
4 Ibid. Jan. 21, 1639.
1 Roe to Vane, Sept. 1, Birch MS. 4161, f.2636 ; same to Secretary,
Sept. 30, German Corresp. ; Letters from Rupert to Roe, dated July 17,
Sept. 11 and 19, Oct. 4, are in German Correspondence.
5 Elizabeth to Roe, Act. 28, 1641, German Corresp.

572 ELIZABETH, ELDEST DAUGHTER OF
flew homewards to greet the mother from whom he had
been separated more than three years.1
Sir W. Boswell, who happened to be at the court of the
Queen of Bohemia on the arrival of her son, thus records
the event in a letter to Roe, dated December 13th :—
" Prince Rupert arrived here in perfect health, but lean and weary,
having come that day from Swoll, and from Hamburg since the Friday
noon. Myself at 8 o'clock in the evening, coming out of the court gate,
had the good luck to receive him first of any out of his wagon, no other
creature in court expecting his coming so soon ; whereby himself carried
the first news of his being come unto the queen, newly set at supper.
Your lordship will imagine what joy there was, and how much the pre
sent object set us on work to magnify your lordship's most noble affec
tions and excellent wisdom, whereby, after God and the king, he hath
been restored to his family."
The queen also wrote to Roe to consult him what was
to be done with Rupert, in order to find him occupation
suited to his age and services, and yet to prevent the
trifling with his religion on the part of Queen Henrietta
Maria, which had caused her so much uneasiness when he
was last in England.2 It was eventually resolved that
Rupert, with his brother Maurice, who had returned from
service in the army of General Banier, should go over to
England. The queen and her daughters accompanied
them to the sea-side, and witnessed their embarkation.3
Arriving in England, the young princes received from
their uncle employment in the civil war, in which they
afterwards bore so conspicuous a part.
Sir Thomas Roe remained but a few months at Vienna.
Elizabeth repeatedly expressed her fears that the emperor
was not so favourably disposed as she had been led to
hope, and so the event proved. Civil commotion in
England rendered Charles I.'s influence powerless abroad,
and the only terms which his ambassador could obtain
were more unfavourable than those rejected years before ;
and Roe, having used in vain every effort that honest zeal
and diplomatic skill could suggest, deemed it dishonour
able to remain longer, and procured his recall. He went
1 Roe to Charles I. Oct. 8 and 14, Nov. 3, 1641.
2 Elizabeth to Roe, Dec. 23, 1641, German Corresp.
3 Gazettes de France, p. 792.

JAMES THE FIRST. 573
to the Hague, once more to visit and sympathize with the
Queen of Bohemia, and thence returned to England.1
The discords in her native land put a complete check
upon Elizabeth's public influence. Her son was now also
of age to act for himself, and of firmness enough to assert
his independency, so that during the remainder of her
career Elizabeth took a less and less active part on the
stage of German politics, where for many years she had
occupied so prominent a place.
1 Elizabeth made repeated and strenuous efforts to procure for him
the office of treasurer to her brother, but without success. — Elizabeth to
Roe,Jan. 17 and 24, Fei. 7, March 7, April 12, May 23, 1642. Roe's
Letters in Harl. MS. 1901, contain many details of this negotiation.

APPENDIX.

NUMBER I.— See page 28.
[My good lor]de, I recommande me unto you, and lett you
[wit] that I have spokyne with the duke ; whiche, in the
[be]gyninge, was as yll affrayde as ever he was in hys lyffe, lest
no good effecte shulde come to pas. Nevertheless, in farther
communyng, we wente more roundly to oure matters ; insomoche
that 1 sayde to hym, ' Seinge that the kyng your master hathe
soght so gentely vnto us, for bothe amyte and mariage, I assure
you (our honour savyd) we colde be welle content to gyffe her-
kyne therto ; and yff the offers were resonable, to agre opon thos
same : but thes be nott resonable, excepte the amyte shulde no
lenger contynu then tlie payment oft money, and yett it natt so,
except ther wer a resonable sume of mony to be payd in hand
byand. Yff hys master wyll have the maryage, I cannot se
h[ow tha]tt can be conveniently, exceptte the amyte be made
du[ring our]e lyffes, & on yere affter, to th'entente thatt all
s[uits on] bothe sydes may be sett apart, whyche maryage a[nd
amity you]r master may have wnder thys maner ; that is t[o
pay, after the mary]age erly, on C M crones, and att hys requiest,
I [would not ask] for no redy mony in hande, but I to st[ick
instede for the] recompense off all thyngs (whyche thyngs
sh[ould be ... . eojnsydere what herytance he hold[eth, and
how fajr amyte may do to l[oosen the same . . . . ] the amyte
made for yers can any ways  whyche expoyryde shulde
be occasion off newe [trobles] werby noder he nor we shulde
lyff quiettly, whyche y[mpar]fatt alyance I wholde be lothe to
see ; wherfor I, for to exchwe all dangers and parrayles, and to
recom[pense.] me for withholyng off mine inheritance, whyche
yff [I] be slake in, my subiettes wolde murmure att, but to
[grante] thys amyte duryng oure lyffys, and on yere affter,
p[aying] yerly as above rehersyde ; whyche amyte wons grantyd,

576 APPENDIX.
the alyance shulde natt be refusyde, nor no nother th[ing]
whyche, with my honr savyd, I myght do : sayng fort[her]more
to hyme that yff I migght demande with my h[onor] any lesse,
or take any lesse offere, (seyng hys master is so [well] myndyd
to the forsayd alyance and amyte,) I wolde be [glad] to do yt
att hys request: but lesse than thys hit cou[lde not st]onde
with my honour ; nor my subiects wyll natt be content that I
shulde take. My lord, I shuyd hym l[astly] that yff he thoght
we myght trust to have thys, [I] wolde be content that you &
theye shulde con[trive] other artycylls, concernyng the amyte
and mar[yage, — that he my]ght have absolute answare in that,
be h[ys messenger now to co]me ; to whyche he answarde that
he colde not [make an answar therein], but that he trustyd,
seyng my de[sires, the king his master] wholde agre therto.—
Henry VIII. to Wolsey. Cotton MS. Calig. D. VI. fol. 110.
Holograph. NUMBER II— Seepage 137.
Clemens episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilecto filio, nobili
viro Carolo Brandon, duci Suffolcise, salutem, et apostolicam
benedictionem. Licet ea quae per locorum ordinarios, sua. ordi-
naria auctorite decisa et ordinata fuerunt, plenam roboris firmi-
tatem obtineant ; tamen ilia, cum a nobis petitur, quandoque
etiam auctoritate apostolica roboramus ; sane, pro parte tua,
oblata nobis nuper petitio continebat : — Quod alias, postquam,
tempore clarae memorse Henrici Septimi, Anglia? regis, matri-
monium cum dilecta in Christo filia Margareta Mortymer, alias
Brandon, muliere Londonise diocsesis, de facto contraxeris, illud-
que, in facie ecclesiae, etiam de facto, solempnisaveras, pretextu
certae dispensacionis desuper nulliter obtentae, carnalique copula
consummaveras, illaque per certum tempus cohabitaveras, et
maritales effectus prestiteras ; quamvis de facto, eoque antea,
cum dilecta filia Anna. Browne, muliere, matrimonium per verba
licentise de presenti contraxeris ; ac etiam eo quod tu et dicta
Margareta, secundo et tertio affinitatis ac publicao honestatis
gradibus, ex eo proveinentibus quod Anna, cum qua antea
matrimonium contraxeras, et Margareta praefata, secundo et
tertio consanguinitatis gradibus invicem conjunct® fuerant;
acetiam ex eo (quod) avia tua et genitor olim conjugis dictae
Margaretaa frater et soror fuerant : considerantes te, in dicto
matrimonio, cum dicta. Margareta, de facto contracto, licite
remanere non posse ; ac secundum canonicas sanctiones, diu-
turnitatem temporis- potius augere -quam minuere peccatum,
stimulo conscieutice ductus, divinamque ultionem metuens, a

APPENDIX. 577
consortio et cohabitatione dicta? Margaretae, judicio ecclesiae
penitus divertere, separari, ac divortium intendens, eandem
Margaretam coram tunc officialiArchidiacono Ecclesiae Londoniae,
ad quem cognicio similium causarum matrimonialium, de antiqua
et approbate hactenusque pacifice observata consuetudine per-
tinet, traxisti, ne causam pentendo, matrimonium inter te et
praefatam Margaretam contractum et publice Dunciatum, obsis-
tente primo matrimonio per te cum dicta, Anna contracto, ac
affinitate et publica. honestate, hujusmodi nullum et invalidum
fuisse et esse, ac viribus caruisse et carere, declarari. Ipseque
officialis, in causa hujusmodi, rite procedens, matrimonium inter
te et prasfatam Margaretam contractum publice solempnisatum,
ut praefertur, ratione matrimonii antea cum dicta. Anna contracti
et celebrati, nullum et invalidum fuisse et esse, ac viribus carere
declaravit ; teque dictam Margaretam, quatenus de facto invicem
matrimonialiter copulati et conjuncti fuissetis, ab invicem, per
suam definitivam sententiam, separavit et divortiavit, prout in
ilia plenius continetur. Quare pro parte tui, asserentis te cum
dicta Anna, matrimonium, post sententiam praefatam solempni-
sasse et consumasse, ac ex ea aliquas filias suscepisse et post
ipsius Annae obitum, cum dilecta in Christo filia Maria., regina
douageria Franciee, clarae memoriae Lodovici duodecimi, regis
Francias, relicta, matrimonium contraxisse et carnali copula con
sumasse, et ex ea liberos (suscepisse) et de presenti, in matri
monio ultimo, cum eadem Maria Regina consummato bene
vivendo cohabitare, nobis humiliter fuit supplicaturn ut seidem
summa? robur apostoliese confirmationis adjicere, aliasque sibi et
filiabus et filiis ex praefatis legitimis matrimoniis susceptis, in
praemissis oportune providere, de benignitate apostolica, digna-
remur. Nos igitur, hujusmodi supplicationibus inclinati, senten
tiam ipsam, prout rite lata fuit, auctoritate apostolica, tenore
presentium, approbamus et confirmamus ; ac perpetuee firmitatis
robur obtinere et inviolabiiiter observari debere decernimus,
atque mandamus ; supplentes omnes et singulos defectus, tam
juris quam facti, si qui forsan intervenerint in eisdem ; filiesque
ac filias, per se, tam ex Anna, defuncta,, quam ex Maria regina
praefatis susceptas, et ex ipsa Maria Regina suscipiendos legitimos
fore et esse nunciamus. Quocirca venerabilibus fratribus nostris
archi-episcopis et episcopis dicti regni, per presentes mandamus
quatenus presentes litteras, et in eis contenta, ubi, et quando,
ac quoties opus fuerit, solempniter publicantes, sibique et filiis
ac filiabus suis susceptis et suscipiendis, illorumque posteris in
prasmissis, efficacis defencionis presidio assistentes, faciant te,
filios et filias et eorum posteros, confirmacione et presentibus
Uteris hujusmodi, pacifice frui et gaudere. Non permittentes te,
VOL. V. 2 p

578 APPENDIX.
aut filios et filias tuas, aut eorum posteros, per quoscunque
quavis auctoritate fungentes, contra presentium tenorem quo-
modolibetmolestari, impediri, aut perturbari, contradictores quos-
libet et rebelles, per censuras Ecclesiasticas et alia juris opor-
tuna remedia, appellacione postposita compescendo : et legitimis
super his habendis servatis processibus, censuras et penas ipsas,
quoties opus fuerit, iteratis viribus aggravando : Invocato etiam
ad hoc, si opus fuerat, auxilio brachii secularis, non obstante
felicis recordacionis Bonifacii octavi, predecessoris nostri, ac
aliis constitutionibus et ordinacionibus apostolicis contrariis
quibuscunque. Aut si Margareta? vel quibusvis aliis, commu-
niter vel divisim, ab apostolici sede sit indultum quod interdici,
suspendi, vel excommunicari non possunt, per litteras aposto-
licas, non facientes plenam et expressam ac de verbo ad verbum
de indults hujusmodi mencionem, nulli ergo omnino hominum
liceat hanc paginam nostrae approbations, confirmacionis, decreti,
et mandati infringere, vel ei, ausu temerario, contraire. Si quis
autem hoc attemptare presumpserit, indignacionem omnipotentis
Dei ac beatorum Petri et Pauli, apostolorum ejus, se noverit
incursurum. Data in urbe veteri (Civita Vecchia), anno incar-
nacionis dominicae millessimo quingentesimo xxviij0. quarto
Idium Maii, pontificates nostri Anno V° '.—Domestic Records,
Henry VIII. vol. ii.f. 134, State Paper Office.

NUMBER III.— Seepage 310.
My lord,
This great business now in hand makes me write by this
honest bearer, lest some open speeches of his majesty may give
greater discouragement than himself intends they should. It is
true that I believe the king will be very unwilling to be engaged
in a warr, if by any meanes, with his honor, he may avoyd it :
and yetl am confident, when the necessity of the cause of reli
gion, his sonn's preservation, and his owne honor calls upon
him, that he will perform whatsoever belongs to the defender
of the fayth, a kind father-in-law, and one carefull of the pre
servation of that honor which I must confess, by a kind of mis
fortune, hath long layne in a kind of suspence. I am afrayd
that the Baron Dona is gone hence with little satisfaction ; it
was not my good fortune to speke with him, before his going
away, and he may, out of that discontentment, give a greater
fright then I beheve there is cause. This I can only say, that
the body of the whole counsell stands well affected, and I make
no question but that will prevayle against those particular

APPENDIX. 579
opinions which are nourished too much with Spanish milk. I
cannot now write more at large, the king being presently to goe
away, but I will ever be Your lordship's most affectionate
friend to command,
Whitehall, this 24th Pembroke.
of September.
To the right honourable Sir Dudley Carleton,
knight, his majesty's ambassador to the
estates of the United Provinces. Holland Correspondence, 1619,
State Paper Office.

END OE THE FIFTH VOLUME.

PRINTED BY HABKISON AND SONS,
LONDON GAZETTE OFFICE, ST MARTIN'S LANE.

OPINIONS OF THE PRESS
ON THE
LIVES OF THE PEINCESSES.

FROM THE SUN.
" This work is a worthy companion to Miss Strickland's admirable
' Queens of England.' That celebrated work, although its heroines were,
for the most part, foreign Princesses, related almost entirely to the history
of this country. The Princesses of England, on the contrary, are them
selves English, but their lives are nearly all connected with foreign nations.
Their biographies, consequently, afford us a glimpse of the manners and
customs of the chief European kingdoms, a circumstance which not only
gives to the work the charm of variety, but which is likely to render it
peculiarly useful to the general reader, as it links together by association ¦
the contemporaneous history of various nations. The histories are related
with an earnest simplicity and copious explicitness. The reader is informed
without being wearied, and alternatively enlivened by some spirited de
scription, or touched by some pathetic or tender episode. We cordially
commend Mrs. Everett Green's production to general attention; it is
(necessarily) as useful as history, and fully as entertaining as romance."
FROM THE MORNING POST.
" The vast utility Of the task undertaken by the gifted author of this
interesting book can only be equalled by the skill, ingenuity, and research
displayed in its accomplishment. The field Mrs. Green has selected is an
untrodden one. Mrs. Green, on giving to the world a work which will
enable us to arrive at a correct idea of the private histories and personal
characters of the royal ladies of England, has done sufficient to entitle her
to the respect and gratitude of the country. The labour of her task was
exceedingly great, involving researches, not only into English records and
chronicles, but into those of almost every civilised country in Europe.
The style of Mrs. Green is admirable. She has a, fine perception of cha
racter and manners, a penetrating spirit of observation, and singular exact
ness of judgment. The memoirs are richly fraught with the spirit of
romantic adventure." FROM- THE BRITANNIA.
" A most agreeable book. The authoress, already favourably known to
the learned world by her excellent collection of ' Letters of Eoyal and
Illustrious Ladies,' has executed her task with great skill and fidelity.
Every page displays careful research and accuracy. There is a graceful
combination of sound, historical erudition, with an air of romance and
adventure that is highly pleasing, and renders the work at once an agree
able companion of the boudoir, and a valuable addition to the historical
library. Mrs. Green has entered upon an untrodden path, and gives to her
biographies an air of freshness and novelty very alluring. The first two
volumes (including the Lives of twenty-five Princesses) carry us from the
daughters of the Conqueror to the family of Edward I. — a highly interest
ing period, replete with curious illustrations of the genius and manners of
the Middle Ages. Such works, from the truthfulness of their spirit,
furnish a more lively picture of the times than even the graphic, though
delusive, pencil of Scott and James."