Yale Uiiiversily Library 39002014890264 Wx^Unt, Yale University Library MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, LL.D. F.U.S. &c. MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY FROM THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AT,THE COURT OF FRANCE, AND FOR THE TREATY OF PEACE AND INDEPENDENCE WITH GREAT BRITAIN, &C. &C. WRITTEN BY HIMSELF TO A LATE PERIOD, AND CONTINUED TO THE TIME OF HIS DEATH BY HIS GRANDSON, WILLIAM TEMPLE FRANKLIN. COMPRISING THE PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE ^nti ^uUit ^eQQtiatium of SDu iFranfelin ; AND HIS SELECT POLITICAL, PHILOSOPHICAL, AND MISCELLANEOUS WORKS, PUBLISHED FROM THE ORIGINAL MSS. NEW EDITION. IN SIX VOLUMES. VOL. II. LIFE. LONDON: PUBLISHED FOR HENRY COLBURN, BY B. BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET. 1833. t PRIJJTED BY A, 3. V^LPY, RED LION COURT, FLEET STREET. MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. PART IV, After a very pleasant passage of about six weeks, Dr. Franklin arrived at the Capes of Delaware, was landed at Chester, and thence proceeded by land to Philadelphia, where every mark of respect, attachment, and veneration, was shown him by his fellow-citizens ; and the very day after his arrival he was elected by the legislature of Pennsylvania, a delegate to congress. In short, his public services met vrith the most flattering rewards that a patriot could possibly desire. Shortly after his arrival, he thus notices the then state of the colonies, in a letter of May 16, 1775, to a friend in London. " You will have heard, before this reaches you, VOL. II. A 2 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. of a march stolen by the British troops into the country by night, and of their expedition back again. They retreated twenty miles in six hours.' " The governor of Massachusetts had called the assembly to propose Lord North's pacific plan ; but before the time of their meeting, began cutting of throats : you know it was said he carried the sword in one hand, and the olive branch in the other ; and it seems he chose to give them a taste of the sxvord first. He is doubling his fortifications at Boston, and hopes to secure his troops till succor arrives. The place, indeed, is naturally so defensible, that I think them in no danger. "All America is exasperated by his conduct, and more firmly united than ever. The breach between the two countries is grown wider, and in danger of becoming irreparable."' And to the same friend he wrote some weeks after : " The congress met at a time when all minds were so exasperated by the perfidy of General Gage, and his attack on the country people, that propositions for attempting an accommodation were Qot much relished ; and it has been with diffi culty that we have carried in that assembly, another humble petition to the crown, to give Britain one more chance, one opportunity more of recovering the friendship of the colonies; which however 1 ' The affitir of Lexington. PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. .5 think she has not sense enough to embrace, so I conclude she has lost them for ever.'" ' Never was a prediction more completely verified. The following is a copy of the petition referred to by Dr. Franklin, and to which an answer was refused to be given. TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. Most gracious Sovereign, We your Majesty's faithful subjects of the colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, and Provitlcnce Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the counties of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex on Delaware, Mary land, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, in behalf of ourselves, and the inhabitants of these colonies, who have de puted us to represent them in general congress, entreat your Majesty's gracious attention to this our humble petition. Tlie union between our mother-country and these colonies, and the energy of mild and just government produced benefits so remarkably important, and afforded such an assurance of their peruianeney and increase, that the wonder and envy of other nations were excited, while they beheld Great Britain rising to a power the most extraordinary the world had ever known. Her rivals, observing that there was no probability of this happy connexion being broken by civil dissensions, and appre hending its future effects, if left any longer undisturbed, resolved to prevent her receiving such continual and formidable acces sions of wealth and strength, by checking the growth of those settleniei)ts from which they were to be derived. In the prosecution of this attempt, events so unfavorable to tfae design took place, that every friend to the interest of Great Britain, and these colonies, entertained pleasing and reasonable 4 mem;oirs of part iv. In the same letter he adds, " My time was never more fiiUy employed. In the morning at six, I am expectations of seeing an additional force and exertion imme diately given to the operations of the union hitherto experienced, by an enlargement of the dominions of the crown, and the re moval of ancient and warlike enemies to a greater distance. At the conclusion, therefore, of the late war, the most glorious and advantageous that ever had been carried on by British arms, your loyal colonists, having contributed to its success, by such repeated and strenuous exertions, as frequently procured them the distinguished approbation of your Majesty, of the late king, and of parliament, doubted not but that -they should be permitted, with the rest of the empire, to share in the blessings of peace, and the emoluments of victory and conquest. While these recent and honorable acknowledgments of their merits remained on record in the journals and acts of that august legislature, the parliament, undefaced by the imputation or even the suspicion of any offence, they were alarmed by a new system of statutes and regulations, adopted for the administration of the colonies, that filled their minds with the most painful fears and jealousies ; and, to their inexpressible astonishment, per ceived the danger of a foreign quarrel quickly succeeded by domestic danger, in their judgment, of a more dreadful kind. Nor were these anxieties alleviated by any tendency in this system to promote the welfare of their mother-country. For though its effects were more immediately felt by them, yet its influence appeared to be injurious to the commerce and pro sperity of Great Britain. We shall decline the ungrateful task of describing the irksome variety of artifices, practised by many of your Majesty's ministers, the delusive pretences, fruitless terrors, and unavailing severities, that have from time to time been dealt put by them, in their attempts to execute this impolitic plan, or of tracing through a series of years past, the progress of the unhappy differences PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 5 at the committee of safety, appointed by the assem bly to put the province in a state of defence ; which between Great Britain and these colonies, that have flowed from this fatal source. Your Majesty's ministers, persevering in their measures, and proceeding to open hostilities for enforcing them, have compelled us to arm in our own defence, and have engaged us in a contro versy so peculiarly abhorrent to the affections of your still faithful colonists, that when we consider whom we must oppose in this, contest, and, if it continues, what may be the consequences, our own particular misfortunes are accounted by us only as parts of our distress. Knowing to what violent resentments, and incurable animo sities, civil discords are apt to exasperate and inflame the con tending parties, we think ourselves required by indispensable obligations to Almighty God, to your Majesty, to our fellow- subjects, and to ourselves, immediately to use all the means in our power, not incompatible with' our safety, for stopping the further effusion of blood, and for averting the impending cala mities that threaten the British empire. Thus called upon to address your Majesty on affairs of such moment to America, and probably to all your dominions, we are earnestly desirous of performing this office, with the utmost deference for your Majesty : and we therefore pray, that your Majesty's royal magnanimity and benevolence may make the most favorable construction of our expressions on so uncommon an occasion. Could we represent in their full force, the senti-' meuts that agitate the minds of us your dutiful subjects, we are persuaded your Majesty would ascribe any seeming deviation from reverence in our language, and even in our conduct, not to any reprehensible intention, but to the impossibility of recon ciling the usual appearances of respect with a just attention to our own preservation against those artful and cruel enemies. 6 MEMOIRS OP PART IV. committee holds till near nine, when I am at the congress, and that sits till after four in the after- who abuse your royal confidence and authority, for tlie purpose of effecting our destruction. Attached to your Majesty's person, family, and government, with all the devotion that principle and affection c.in inspire, connected with Great Britain by the strongest ties that can unite societies, and deploring every event that tends in any degree to weaken them, we solemnly assure your Majesty, that we not only most ardently desire the former harmony between her and these colonies may be restored, but that a concord may be established between them, upon so firm a basis as to perpetuate its blessings, uninterrupted by any future dissensions, to succeed ing generations in both countries, and to transmit your JNJajesty's name to posterity, adorned with that signal and lasting gloiy, that has attended the memory of those illustrious personages, whose virtues and abilities have extricated states from dangerous convulsions, and, by securing happiness to others, have erected the most noble and durable monuments to their own fame. We beg leave further to assure your Majesty, that notwith standing the sufferings of your loyal colonists, during the course of this present controversy, our breasts retain too tender a regard for the kingdom from which we derive our origin, to recjuest such a reconciliation as might in any manner be inconsistent with her dignity or her welfare. These, related as we are to her, honor and duty, as well as inclination, induce us to support and advance; and the apprehensions that now oppress our hearts with unspeakable grief being once removed, your Majesty will find your faithful subjects on this continent ready and willing at all times, as they liave ever been, with their lives and fortunes to assert and maintnin the rights and interests of your Majesty, and of our mother-country. We therefore beseech your Majesty, that your royal authority and influence may be graciously interposed to procure us relief PART. IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 7 noon. Both these bodies proceed with the greatest unanimity, and their meetings are well attended. from our afflicting fears and jealousies, occasioned by the system before mentioned, and to settle peace through every part of your dominions, with all humility submitting to your Majesty's wise consideration, whether it may not be expedient for facilitat ing those important purposes, that your Majesty be pleased to direct some mode, by which the united applications of ,, your faithful colonists to the thr9ne, in pursuance ,of their common councils, may be improved into a happy and permanent recon ciliation; and that, in the mean time, measures may be taken for preventing the further destruction of the lives of your Majesty's subjects ; and that such statutes as more immediately distress any of your Majesty's colonies may be repealed. For by such arrangements as your Majesty's wisdom can form for collecting the united sense of your American people, we are convinced your Majesty would receive such satisfactory proofs of the disposition of the colonists towards their sovereign and parent state, that the wished-for opportunity would soon be re stored to them, of evincing the sincerity of their professions, by every testimony of devotion becoming the most dutiful subjects and the most affectionate colonists. That your Majesty may enjoy a long and prosperous reign, and that your descendants may govern your, dominions with honor to themselves and happiness to their subjects, is otir sincere prayer. John Hancock. New Hamps7iire. Rhode Island. John Langdon, Stephen Hopkins, Thomas Gushing. Samuel Ward. Massachusetts Bay. Connecticut. Samuel Adams, Roger Sher.max^ John Adams, Silas Deane, R. Treat Paine. Eliphalet Dyer, 8 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. It will scarce be credited in Britain that men can be as diligent with us, from zeal for the public New York, Phil. Livingston, Jas. Duane, John Alsop, Francis Lewis, John Jay, R. Livingston, jun. Lewis Morris, William Floyd, Henry Wisner. New Jersey, Wm. Livingston, John Deharts, Richard Smith, Pennsylvania, Benj. Franklin, John Dickinson, George Ross, James Wilson, Chas. Humphreys, Edward Biddle. Maryland, Matt. Tilghman, , Tho. Johnson, jun, Wm. Paca, Samuel Chace, Thomas Stone. Vifginia, P. Henry, jun. R. Henry Lee, Edm. Pendleton, Benj. Harrison, Thos. Jefferson. North Caroline, Will. Hooper, Joseph Hewes. South Carolina, Henry Middleton, Tho. Lynch, Christ. Gadsden, J. Rutledge, Edw. Rutledge. Dfilaware County, Ca;sAR Rodney, Tho. M'Kean, Geo. Rbad. Philadelphia, July 8, 1775. PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 9 good, as with you for thousands per annum. Such is the difference between uncorrupted new states, and corrupted old ones." It was about this time that Dr. Franklin address ed that memorable and laconic epistle to his old friend and companion Mr. Strahan, (then king's printer, and member of the British parliament for Malmsbury,) of which a fac-simile is placed facing the title-page of his Private Correspond ence. The following proposed Introduction to a resolu tion of congress, (not passed) drawn up by Dr. Franklin, is also fully expressive of his warm feel ings and sentiments at that period. "Whereas the British nation, through great corruption of manners and extreme dissipation and profusion, both pri vate and public, have found all honest resources insufficient to supply their excessive luxury and prodigality, and thereby have been driven to the practice of every injustice which avarice could dictate or rapacity execute : and whereas, not satisfied with the immense plunder of the East, obtained by sacrificing millions of the human species, they have lately turned their eyes to the West, and grudging us the peaceable enjoyment of the fruits of our hard labor and virtuous in dustry, have for years past been endeavoring to extort the same from us, under color of laws regulating trade, and have thereby actually succeeded in draining us of large sums to our great loss and detriment. And whereas, impatient to seize the whole, they have at length proceeded to open robbery, declaring by a solemn act of parliament, that all our estates are theirs, and all our property found upon the sea divisible 10 , ' MEMOIRS OF ; PART IV.' among such of their aitmed plunderers as ahail take the same; and have even dared in. the same act to declare, that all the spoilings, thefts, burnings of houses and towns, and raur?3ers of innocent people, perpetrated by their vyicked and inhuman corsairs on our coasts, previous to any war declared against us, were ju.^t actions, and shall be so deemed, contrary to several of the commandments of God, (which by this act, they presume to repeal) and to all the principles of right, and all the ideas of justice, entertained heretofore by every other na tion, savage as well a civilised; thereby manifesting them selves to be hastes humani generis. And whereas it is not passible for the people of America to subsist under such con tinual lavages without making some reprisals, " Therefore, Resolved," — — ******** Affairs having now assumed a mo^t serious as pect, it was necessary for the Americans to adopt proper and efficacious means of resistance. They possessed little or no coin, and even arms and am munition were . wanting. In this situation, the adoption of paper money became indispensably necessary, and Dr. Franklin was one of the first to demonstrate the necessity and propriety of that measure. Without this succedaneum, it would have been impossible to have made any other than a very feeble and a short resistance against Great Britain. The first emission, to the amount of three millions of dollars, accordingly took place on the 25th of July, 1775, under a promise of exchanging the notes against gold or silver in the space of three years; PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. II and towards the end of 1776, more than twenty-one millions additional were put in circulation. Thfe congress at length began to be uneasy, not knowing how it would be possible to redeem so large a sum; and some of its members having waited upon Dr. Franklin, in order to consult him upon this occa sion, he spoke to them as follows: " Do riot make yourselves unhappy ; continue to issue your paper money as long as it Avill pay for the paper, ink, and printing, and we shall be enabled by its means to liquidate all the expenses of tlie war." In October, 1775, Dr. Franklin was appointed by congress jointly with his colleagues Colonel Harrison and Mr^ Lynch, a committee to visit the American camp at Cambridge, and in conjunction with the commander in chief, (General Washington,) to endeavor .to convince the troops, whose term of enlistment was about to expire, of the necessity of their continuing in the field, and persevering in the cause of their country. He was afterwards sent on a mission to Canada, to endeavor to unite that country to the common cause of liberty. But the Canadians could not be prevailed upon to oppose the measures of the Bri tish government. The ill success of this negocia- tion was supposed to be occasioned in a great degree by religious ianimosities, which subsisted between the Canadians and their neighbors; some of whom had at different times burnt their places of worship. , On his return from Canada, Dr. Franklin, under 12 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. the direction of congress, wrote to M. Dumas, the American agent in Holland, urging him to sound the several governments of Europe, by means of their ambassadors at the Hague, as to any assist ance they might be disposed to afford America in case of her eventually breaking off all connexion vith Britain, and declaring herself an independent nation? This decisive measure was now generally agitated throughout the colonies ; though it is certain that at the beginning of the differences, the bulk of the people acted from no fixed and determined prin ciple whatever, and had not even an idea of inde pendence; for all the addresses from the different colonies were filled with professions of loyalty to wards their sovereign, and breathed the most ardent wishes for an immediate reconciliation. The congress, deeming it advisable to know the general opinion on so important a point, took an opportunity of feeling the pulse of the people, and of preparing them for the declaration of independ ence, by a circular manifesto to the several colonies, stating the causes which rendered it necessary that all authority under the crown should be totally sup pressed, and all the powers of government taken respectively into their own hands. In support of this position they instanced the prohibitory act, by which they were excluded fi-om the protection of ' See Dr. Franklin's Private Correspondence, part II. PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 13 the crown ; the rejection of their petitions for redress of grievances and a reconciliation; and the intended exertion of all the force of Great Britain, aided by foreign mercenaries for their destruction. At length this important question was discussed in congress, and at a time when the fleets and armies which were sent to enforce obedience, were truly formidable. The debate continued for several days, and the scheme encountered great opposition from several distinguished orators. Eventually, how ever, notwithstanding all the disadvantages the country then labored under, from an army ignorant of discipline, and entirely unskilled in the art of war; — without a fleet — without allies — and with nothing but the love of liberty to support them; the colonies, by their representatives in congress, deter mined to separate from a country, which had added injury to insult, and disregarded all the pacific overtures they had made to it. On this question Dr. Franklin was decidedly in favor of the measure proposed, and used all his great influence in bring ing others over to his opinion. The public mind, which had already been drawn that way by the manifesto of congress, was now confirmed in its decision, by the appearance of Paine's celebrated pamphlet " Common Sense;" in which there is good reason to believe, that Dr. Franklin had no inconsiderable share, — at least in furnishing materials for that work. It was on the 4th day of July, 1776, that the thii- 14 MEMOIRS OP PART IT. teen English colonies in America declared them- selves free and independent states, and by an act of congress abjured all allegiance to the British crown, and renounced all political connexion with Great Britain. This public Record has been much admired for its composition. It is reputed to have been defini tively drawn up by that eminent patriot, philoso pher, and friend of mankind, the Hon. Thomas Jefferson, theri one of the representatives in congress for Virginia: as a document of considerable interest and curiosity, and as a monument of one of the most important political events in which Dr. Frank lin was concerned, and to which he so largely con tributed, it is here annexed.' ' A DECLARATION by the Representatives of the U^^ITED STATES of AMERICA in Congress assembled. When, in the course of human events, it becomes neces sary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected tliera with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the caiises which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident : that all men are created equal; that they are endowed, by their Creator, with certain una lienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure tliese rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the go verned; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and PART IV, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 15 In tlie beginning of this year, 1776, an act of the British, parliament passed, to prohibit and restrain, to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such princi ples, and organising its powers in such form, as to them shall seera most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, in deed, will dictate, that governments long established, should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and accordingly all ex perience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and u.surpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despbtisifl, i,t is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such' government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies ; and such is now the neces sity which constrains them to alter their foiiner systems of go- Ternment. The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct ©bject the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world. He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and ne' cessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained ; and when so . suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature ; a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, un comfortable, and distant from the depository of their public re cords, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. 16 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. on the one hand, the trade and intercourse of the vef factory colonies respectively, during their revolt; He has dissolved representatives' houses repeatedly, for oppos ing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected %. whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their ex ercise; the state remaining in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states ; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of fo reigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their sub stance. He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our legislatures. He has affected to render the military independent of, and su perior to the civil power. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation : For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : For protecting them, by a mock trial, firom punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states : For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world : For imposing taxes on us without our consent : PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 17 and on the other hand, to enable persons appointed by the British king to grant pardons, and declare For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury: For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences : For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighbor ing province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies : For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments : For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mer cenaries to complete the \yorks of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun with circumstauces of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally un worthy the head of a civilised nation. He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an unr distinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for re- B 18 MEMOIRS OP PART IV. any particular district in the king's peace, 8gc. Lord Howe (who had been previously appointed cora- dress in the most humble terras : our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose cha racter is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British bre thren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emi gration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connexions and correspond ence. They too haye been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must therefore acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends ! We, therefore, the representatives of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA, in GENERAL CONGRESS assembled, appeal ing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, FREE and IN DEPENDENT STATES; that they are absolved from all alle giance to the British crown, and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as FREE and INDEPENDENT STATES, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, estabUsh commerce, and to do all other acts and things which INDEPENDENT STATES may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of DIVINE PROVIDENCE, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor ! PART IV, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 19 mander of the British fleet in North America) was, on May 3, declared jozV/^ commissioner vrith his bro- The foregoing declaration was, by order of congress, engross ed, and signed by the following members, John Hancock. ire. JosiAH Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thornton. Massachusetts Bay. Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry. Rhode Island. Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery. Connecticut, Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott. New York. William Floyd, Phil'ip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris. New Jersey: Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hakt, Abraham Clark. Pennsylvania. Benjamin Franklin, Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylqr, James Wilson, Gborse Ross. Delaware. C^jsar Rodney, George Read, Maryland. Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, 20 MEMOIRS OF ' PART IV. ther General Howe, for the latter purposes of the act. He sailed May 12, and while off the coast of Massachusetts, prepared a declaration, announcing this commission, and accompanied it vrith circular letters. Lord Howe took occasion to publish every where, that he had proposals to make on the part of Great Britain tending to peace and reconcilia tion, and that he was ready to communicate them. He, at the same time, permitted the American ge- Charles Carroll, of Joseph Hewes, Carrollton. John Penn. Virginia. George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, jun, Fran, Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton. North Carolina. William Hooper, South Carolina. Edward Rutledge, Tho. Heyward, jun. Tho. LYNCHjjun. Arthur Middleton Georgia. Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton. Resolved, That copies of this declaration be sent to the seve ral assemblies, conventions, and committees, or councils of safety, and to the several commanding officers of the continental troops : that it be proclaimed in each of the United States, and at the head of the army. PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 21 neral, Sullivan, to go on his parole, and give this intelligence to the congress. He hoped, by this means, to create divisions in that body, and throughout the country. The congress were of opinion the admiral could have no terms to offer, but such as the act of parliament empowered him to offer, which were, pardon upon submission ; yet, as the people might imagine more, and be uneasy if he was not heard, they appointed three of their body, Messrs. Franklin, Adams, and Rutledge, to meet him. His lordship chose Staten Island, which was in possession of the English troops, for the place of conference. The committee being arrived at Amboy, a small town in New Jersey, opposite to the island, and in possession of the Americans, the admiral sent over his barge to re ceive and bring them to him, and to leave one of his principal officers as a hostage for their safe return. The committee of congress had not de^ sired a hostage, and they therefore took the offi cer back with them. The admiral met them at their landing, and conducted them through his guards to a convenient room for conference. He was surprised at their confidence, in bringing back his hostage, and more at the little estimation in which they appeared to hold his offers of pardon, and of inquiring into grievance. He seemed to have flattered himself, that the congress, humbled by their late losses, would have been submissive^ and comphant. He found himself mistaken. The 22 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. committee told him firmly, that if he had nothing else to propose, he was come too late : the hum ble petitions of congress had been rejected with contempt; independence was now declared, and the new government formed. And when in ca joling them, he expressed his " affection for Ame rica, his concern in viewing her dangerous situa tion, and said that to see her fall would give him the same pain as to see a brother fall ;" they an swered, that it was kind ; but America would en deavor to spare him that pain. They returned and reported the conference to congress, who published it; and the peoplfe were satisfied that they had no safety to expect but in arms. The foUovv^ing is the correspondence between Lord Howe and Dr. Franklini on this occasion, and the joint report of the American commissioners on the result of their mission. Prefatory Note, by Dr. Franklin. [These letters were published in London, to show the in solence of the insurgents, in refusing the offer of pardon upon submission made to them by the British plenipoten tiaries. They undoubtedly deserve the attention of the pub lic for another reason, the proof they afford that the com merce of America is deemed by the ministry themselves of such vast importance, as to justify the horrid and expensive War they are now waging, to maintain the monopoly of it; that being the principal cause stated by Lord Howe ; though their pensioned writers and speakers in parliament have af- part IV. ben'jamin franklin. 23 fected to treat that commerce as a trifle. And they denionstrate further, of how much importance it is to the rest of Europe, that the continuance of that monopoly should be obstructed, and the general freedom of trade, now offered by the Ameri cans, prevented; since by no other means the enormous growing power of Britain both by sea and land, so formidable to their neighbors, and which must follow her success, can possibly be prevented.] To Dr. Franklin. > Eagle, June 20, 1776. I cannot, my worthy friend, permit the letters and parcels which I have sent in the state I received them, to be landed, without adding a word upOij. the subject of the injurious extremities in which our unhappy differences have engaged us. You will learn the nature of my mission, from the official dispatches which I have recommended to be forwarded by the same conveyance. Re taining all the earnestness I ever expressed to see our differences accommodated, I shall conceive, if I meet with the disposition in the colonies I Avas once taught to expect, the most flattering hopes of proving serviceable in the objects of the king's pa ternal solicitude, by promoting the establishment Of lasting peace and union vrith the colonies. But if the deep-rooted prejudices of America, and the necessity for preventing her trade from passing into foreign channels, must keep us still a divided people ; I shall, from every private as well as pub- 24 memoirs op part IV. lie motive, most heartily lament, that this is not the moment wherein those great objects of my ambi tion are to be attained ; and that I am to be longer deprived of an opportunity to assure you person ally of the regard with which I am your sincere and faithful humble servant, Howe. P. S. I was disappointed of the opportunity I expected for sending this letter at the time it was dated, and have ever since been prevented by calms and contrary winds from getting here, to in form General Howe of the commission with which I have the satisfaction to be charged, and of his being joined in it. Off Sandy Hook, l^thofjuly. To Lord Howe. My Lord, Philadelphia, July 20, 1776. I received safe the letters your lordship so kindly forwarded to me, and beg you to accept niy thanks. The official dispatches to which you Irefer me, contain nothing more than what we had seen in tha act of parliament, viz. offers of pardon upon sub mission, which I am sorry to find, as it must give your lordship pain to be sent so far on so hopeless a business. Directing pardons to be offered the colonies, Avho are the very parties injured, expresses indeed that opinion of our ignorance, baseness and insen- PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 25 sibility, which your uninformed and proud nation has long been pleased to entertain of us ; but it can have no other effect than that of increasing our resentment. It is impossible we should think of submission to a government that has with the most wanton barbarity and cruelty burnt our defenceless towns in the midst of winter, excited the savages to massacre our farmers, and our slaves to murder their masters, and is even now bringing foreign mercenaries to deluge our settlements with blood. These atrocious injuries have extinguished every remaining spark of affection for that parent country we once held so dear : but were it possible for us to forget and forgive them, it is not possible for you (I mean the British nation) to forgive the peo ple you have so heavily injured; you can never confide again in those as fellow-subjects, and per mit them to enjoy equal freedom, to whom you know you have given such just cause of lasting enmity. And this must impel you, were we again under your government, to endeavor the breaking our spirit by the severest tyranny, and obstructing, by every means in your power, our growing- strength and prosperity. But your lordship mentions " the king's pa ternal solicitude for promoting the establishment of lasting peace and union with the colonies." If by peace is here meant a peace to be entered into between Britain a,nd America, as distinct states now at war, and his majesty has given your lord- 26 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. ship powers to treat with us of such a peace, I may venture to say, though without authority, that I think a treaty for that purpose not yet quite imprac ticable, before we enter into foreign alliances. But I am persuaded you have no such powers. Youi* nation, though bypunishing those American govern ors who have created and fomented the discord, rebuilding our burnt towns, and repairing as far as possible the mischiefs done us, might yet recover a great share of our regard, and the greatest part of our growing commerce, with all the advantage of that additional strength to be derived from a friendship with us ; but I know too well her abounding pride and deficient vriisdom, to believe she v*rill ever take such salutary measures. Her fondness for conquest as a warlike nation, her lust of dominion as an ambitious one, and her thirst for a gainful monopoly as a commercial one, (none of them legitimate causes of war) will all join to hide fi:-om her eyes every view of her true interests, and continually goad her on in those ruinous distant expeditions, so destructive both of lives and trea sure, that must prove as pernicious to her in the end as the croisades formerly were to most of the nations of Europe, I have not the vanity, my lord, to think of inti midating by thus predicting the effects of this war ; for I know it will in England have the fate of all my former predictions, not to be believed till the event shall verify it. PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 27 Long did I endeavor, with unfeigned and un wearied 2eal, to preserve from breaking that fine and noble China vase, the British empire : for I knew that being once broken, the separate parts could not retain even their share of the strength or value that existed in the whole, and that a perfect reunion of those parts could Scarce ever be hoped for. Your lordship may possibly remember the tears of joy that wet my cheek, when, at your good sister's in London, you once gave me expectations that a reconciliation might soon take place. I had the misfortune to find those expectations disap pointed, and to be treated as the cause of the mis chief I was laboring to prevent. My consolation under that groundless and malevolent treatment was, that I retained the friendship of many wise and good men in that country, and among the reSt, some share in the regard of Lord Howe. The well-founded esteem, and permit me to say, affection, which I shalf always have for your lord ship, makes it painfiil to me to see you engaged in conducting a war, the great ground of which, as expressed in your letter, is " the necessity of pre venting the American trade from passing into for eign channels." To me it seems that neither the obtaining or retaining of any trade, how valuable soever, is an object for which men may justly spill each other's blood ; that the true and stire means of extending and securing commerce, is the good ness and cheapness of commodities ; and that the 28 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. profit of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it, and of holding it by fleets and armies. I consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust and unwise ; and I am persuaded that cool dispassionate posterity will condemn to infamy those who advised it ; and that even success vrill not save from some degree of dishonor, those who voluntarily engaged to conduct it. I know your great motive in coming hither was the hope of being instrumental in a reconciliation; and I believe when you find that impossible on any terms given you to propose, you will relinquish so odious a command, and return to a more honorable private station. With the greatest and most sincere respect, 1 have the honor to be, my Lord, your lordship's most obedient humble servant, B. Franklin. To Dr. Franklin. Eagle, off Staten Island, Aug. the \6th, 1776. I am sorry, my worthy friend, that it is only on the assurances you give me of my having still preserved a place in your esteem, that I can now found a pretension to trouble you with a reply to your favor of the 21st past. I can have no difficulty to acknowledge, that the powers I am invested with were never calculated to negociate a reunion with America, under any PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 29 other description than as subject to the crown of Great Britain. But I do esteem those powers competent, not only to confer and negociate with any gentlemen of influence in the colonies upon the terms, but also to effect a lasting peace and reunion between the two countries, were the tem per of the colonies such as professed in the last petition of the congress to the king. America would have judged in the discussion how far the means were adequate to the end, both for engaging her confidence and proving our integrity. Nor did I think it necessary to say more in iny public declaration ; not conceiving it could be understood to refer to peace, on any others conditions but those of mutual interest to both countries, which could alone render it permanent. But as I perceive fiom the tenor of your letter, how little I am to reckon upon the advantage of your assistance for restoring that permanent union which has long been the object of my endeavors, and which I flattered myself when I left England, would be in the compass of my power ; I vrill only add, that as the dishonor to which you deem me exposed by my military situation in this country, has effected no change in your sentiments of per sonal regard towards me, so shall no difference in political points alter my desire of proving how much I am your sincere and obedient humble servant, Howe. 30 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. In Congress, Sept. 2nd, 1776, Congress being informed that General Sullivan, who was taken prisoner on Long Island, was come to Philadelphia with a message from Lord Howe, Ordered that he be admitted, and heard before congress. General Sullivan being admitted, delivered the verbal mes sage he had in charge from Lord Howe, which he was de sired to reduce to writing, and withdrew. September 3rd. General Sullivan having reduced to writing the verbal mes sage from Lord Howe, the same was laid before congress and read asi follows. The following is the purport of the message sent from Lord Howe to congress by General Sullivan, That though he Could not at present treat with congress as such, yet he was very desirous of having a conference with some of the members, whom he would consider for the pre sent only as private gentlemen, and meet them himself as such, at such place as they should appoint. That he, in conjunction with General Howo, had full powers to compromise the disputes between Great Britain and America on terms advantageous to both, the obtaining of which delay^ed him near two months in England, and pre vented his arrival at this place before the declara);ion of inde pendence took place. That he wished a compact might be settled at this time, when no decisive blow was struck, and neither party could say they were compelled to enter into such agreement. That in case congress were disposed to treat, many things which they had not as yet asked, might and ought to be granted to them ; and that if, upon the conference, they found any probable ground of an accommodation, the authority of PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 31 congress must be afterwards acknowledged, otherwise the coiqpact could, not be complete. September 5,th.. Resolved, that General SuUivan be requested to inform Jjord Howe, that this congress being the representatiyes of the Free and Independent States of America, cannot, with pro priety, send any of its members to confer with his lordship in their private characters, but that ever desirous of establishing peace on reasonable terms, they M'ill send a committee of their body to know whether he has any authority to treat with persons authorised by congress for that purpose on behalf of America, and what that authority is, and to hear such propo sitions as he shall think fit to make respecting the same. Ordered, that a copy of the foregoing resolution be deli vered to General Sullivan, and that he be directed immediately to repair tQ Lbrd Howe. , Septeniber 6tb. Resolved, that the; committee " to be sent to know whe ther Lord Howe has any authority to treat with persons authorised by congress for that purpose, in behalf of America, and what that authority is, and to hear such propositions as he shall think fit to make respecting the same," consist of three. The members chosen, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and Mr, Rutledge. Eagle, offBedlozvs Island, Sept. 10, 1776. Lord Howe presents his compliments to Dr. Franklin, and according to the tenor of his favor of the 8th, will attend to have the pleasure of meeting him and M^essrs, Adams and Rp-tledge to-morrow morning, at the house on Staten Island 32 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. opposite to Amboy, as early as the few conve niences for travelling by land on Staten Island will admit. Lord Howe, upon his arrival at the place appointed, will send a boat (if he can procure it in time) with a flag of truce over to Amboy ; and requests the Doctor and the other gentlemen will postpone their intended favor of passing over to meet him, until they are informed as above of his arrival to attend them there. In, case the weather should prove unfavorable for Lord Howe to pass in his boat to Staten Island to-morrow, as fi:om the present appearance there is some reason to suspect, he will take the next ear liest opportunity that offers for that purpose. In this intention he may be further retarded, having been an invalid lately ; but will certainly give the most timely notice of that inability. He however flatters himself he shall not have occasion to make fiirther excuses on that account. September 13th. The committee appointed to confer with Lord Howe hav ing returned, made a verbal report. Ordered, that they make a report in writing, as soon as they conveniently can. September 17th. The committee appointed to confer with Lord Howe, agreeable to order, brought in a report in writing, which was read as follows : In obedience to the orders of congress, we have had a meeting with Lord Howe : it was on Wednesday last, upon PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 33 Staten Island, opposite to Amboy, where his lordship re ceived and entertained us with the utmost politeness. His lordship opened the conversation by acquainting us, that though he could not treat with us as a cominittee of congress, yet as his powers enabled him to confer and con sult with any private gentlemen of influence in the colonies, on the means of restoiing peace between the two countries, he was glad of this opportunity of conferring with us on that subject, if we thought ourselves at liberty ,to enter into a conference with him in , that character. We observed to. his lordship, that as our business \yas to hear, he might consider us in what light hepleased) and com municate to us any proposition he might be authorised to make for the purpose mentioned ; but that we could consider ourselves in no other character than that in which we were placed by order of congress. His lordship then entered into a discourse of considerable length, which contained no explicit proposition of peace ex cept one, viz, that the colonies should return to their alle giance and obedience to the government of Great Britain. The rest consisted principally of assurances that there was an exceeding good disposition in the king and his ministers to make tliat government easy to us, with intimations that in case of our submission, they would cause the offensive acts of parliament to be revised, and the instructions to governors to be reconsidered; that so, if any just causes of complaint were found in the acts, or any errors in government were perceived to have crept into the instructions, they might be amended or withdrawn. We gave it as our opinion to his lordship, that a return to the domination of Great Britain was not now to be ex pected. We mentioned the repeated humble petitions of the colonies t6 the king and parliament, which had been treated VOL. II. C 34 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. with contempt, and answered only by additional injuries ; the unexampled patience we had shown under their tyrannical government ; and that it was not till the last act of parliament, which denounced war against us, and put us out of the king's protection, that we declared our independence. That this declaration had been called for by the people of the colonies in general ; that every colony had approved of it when made ; and all now considered themselves as independent states, and were settling or had settled their governments accordingly ; so that it was not in the power of congress to agree for ihem, that they should return to their former dependent state. That there was no doubt of their inclination to peace, and their willingness to enter into a treaty with Britain that might be advantageous to both countries. That though his lord ship had at present no power to treat with them as indepen dent states, he might, if there was the same good disposition in Britain, much sooner obtain fresh powers from thence, liian powers could be obtained by congress from the several colonies to consent to a submission. His lordship then saying that he was sorry to find that no accommodation was likely to take place, put an end to the conference. Upon the whole, it did not appear to your committee that his lordship's commission contained any authority of impor tance than what is expressed in the act of parliament, viz, that of granting pardons with such exceptions as the commis sioners shall think proper to make, and of declaring America or any part of it to be in the king's peaqe, upon submission : for as to the power of inquiring into the state of America, which his lordship mentioned to us, and of conferring and consulting with any persons the commissioners might think proper, and representing the result of such conversation to the ministry, who, provided the colonies would subject them- PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 3.5 selves, might, after all, or might not, at their pleasure, make any alterations in the former instructions to governors, or propose in parliament any amendment of the acts complained of, we apprehended any expectation from the effect of such a povief would have been too uncertain and precarious to be relied on by America, had she still continued in her state of dependance. Ordered that the above be published. John Hancock, President, Attest, Charles Thompson, Secretary. Congress, in their manifesto, had recommended to those colonies whose government was not already sufficient, to proceed to the institution of such a form as was necessary to the preservation of internal peace, and suited to the then exigency of their affairs, for the defence of their lives, liber ties, and properties, against the hostile invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies. In con formity to this recommendation, a convention was assembled at Philadelphia, in July, 1776, for the purpose of settling a new form of government for the then State of Pennsylvania. Dr. Franklin was chosen presicjent of this convention. The con stitution formed and established at that period for Pennsylvania was the result of the deliberations of that assembly, and may be considered as a digest of Dr. Franklin's principles of government. The single legislature and the plural executive appear to have been his favorite tenets. 36 MEMOIRS OF JPART IV. The virtuous and unfortunate Duke de la Roche- foucault, in his eulogium of Dr. Franklin in 1790, thus remarks on this system of government. " Franklin alone, disengaging the political ma chine from those multiplied movements and admired counterpoises that rendered it so complicated, pro posed the reducing it to the simplicity of a single legislative body. This grand idea startled the le gislators of Pennsylvania; but the philosopher removed the fears of a. considerable number, and at length determined the whole to adopt a prin ciple which the national assembly has made the basis of the French constitution," The same distinguished person adds in a note on this passage, of his printed oration, — " The usual progress of the human mind leads man from the complex to the simple. Observe the works of the first mechanics overloaded with numerous pieces, some of which embarrass, and others diminish their effect. It has been the same with legislators, both speculative and practical: struck with an abuse, they have endeavored to con-ect it by institutions that have been productive of still greater abuses. In political economy the unity of the legislative body is the maximum of simplicity. Frankhn was the first who dared to put this idea in practice : the respect the Pennsyl- Vanians entertained for him induced them to adopt it; but the other states were terrified at it, and even the constitution of Pennsylvania has since PART'IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 37 been altered. In Europe this opinion has been more successfiil. When I had the honor to prsr sent to Franklin the translations of the consti tutions of America, the minds of the people on this side the Atlantic were scarcely better disposed toward it than those on the other side ; and if we except Dr. Price in England, and Turgot and Condorcet in France, no man who applied himself to politics agreed in opinion with the American philosopher. I will venture to assert that I was of the small number of those who were struck with the beauty of the simple plan he traced, and that I saw no reason to change my opinion when the National Assembly, led by the voice of those deep-thinking and eloquent orators who discussed that important question, established it as a prin ciple of the French constitution, that legislation should be confided to a single body of representa tives. It will not perhaps be deemed unpardon able to have once mentioned myself, at a time when the honor I have of holding a public charac ter makes it my. duty to give an account of my sentiments to my fellow-citizens. France will not relapse into a more complex system, but veill assuredly acquire the glory of maintaining that which she has established, and give it a degree of perfection which, by rendering a great nation happy, will attract the eyes and the applauses of all Europe, and of the whole world." — Vain predic tion! 38 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. During Dr. Franklin's presidency of the conven tion he drew up the following protest against the equality of voting in congress ; but (as he acknow ledged at the time) he was dissuaded from endea voring to caiTy it through, from prudential consi derations respecting the necessary union at that critical period, of all the states in confederation. PROTEST, " We, the representatives of the state of Pennsyl vania in full convention met, having duly considered the plan of confederation formed in congress, and submitted to the several states, for their assent or dissent, do hereby declare the dissent of this state to the same, for the following reasons, viz. " 1st. Because the foundation of every confede ration intended to be lasting, ought to be laid in justice and equity, no unfair advantage being given to, or taken by, any of the contracting parties. " 2nd. Because it is, in the nature of things, just and equal, that the respective states of the confe deracy should be represented in congress, and have votes there in proportion to their importance, arising from their numbers of people, and the share and degree of strength they afford to the united body. And therefore the XVIIth article," whicii ' This since forms part of the Sth article of the confederation as agreed to by all the states, except Maryland, on the 9th of July, 1778 ; and finally ratified by the Whole union, on the 1st March, 1781, (the state of Maryland acceding thereto.) PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 39 gives one vote to the smallest state and no more to the largest, when the difference between them may be as ten to one, or greater, is unjust, and injurious to the larger states, since all of them are by other articles obliged to contribute in proportion to their respective abilities. " 3rd. Because the practice hitherto in congress, of allowing only one vote to each colony, was originally taken up under a conviction of its im propriety and injustice, Avas intended to be in some future time corrected, and was then and since submitted to only as a temporary expedient, to be used in ordinary business, until the means of recti fying the same could be obtained : this clearly appears by the resolve of congress, dated Sept. 6, 1774, being the day of its meeting, which resolve is in these words, * That in determining questions in this congress, each colony or province shall have one vote, the congress not being possessed of, or at present able to procure proper materials for ascertaining the importance of each colony.' That importance has since been supposed to be best found in the numbers of the people ; for the con gress not only by their resolution when the issuing of bills was agreed to, but by this present confe deration, have judged that the contribution to wards sinking those bills and to the common ex pense should be in proportion to such numbers when they could be taken, which has not yet been done ; and though the larger colonies submitted 40 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. to this temporary inequality of representation, ex pecting it would much sooner have been rectified, it never was understood that by the resolution above cited, a power was given to the smaller states to fix that inequality upon them for ever, as those small states have now attempted to do by combining to vote for this 17th article, and thereby to deprive the larger states of their just right, -acknowledged in the same resolution. Smaller states having given us in advance, this striking in stance of the injustice they are capable of, and of the possible effects of their combination, is of itself a sufficient reason for our determining not to put irJaportion contributed as aforesaid by our state tq thfe common service, with every power necessary to apply the same, as occasions may; arise, for our Ipartieular security ; this we mean to do from this time forward, unless w^e are allowed votes in con gress .proportioned to the importance of our state, as was originally intended. " Signed by order of the Convention." Though this protest was not. acted upon, for the reasons previously assigned by Dr. Franklin, it Serves however to show his opinion and arguments 42 MEMOIRS OF PART IV, in support of a very important question of Ameri can legislature, and is an additional feature in his political mind. American paper money beginning about this time to fall into disrepute, and immediate supplies of arms and ammunition for the use of the arrny being absolutely necessary, congress turned their attention towards Europe, and to France in parti cular, for the purpose of obtaining aids in money and military stores, as the only means of resisting the power of Great Britain, and preserving their newly acquired independence. In the latter end of 1776, a commission was appointed for this object ; and Dr. Franklin, though then in his 71st year, was considered, from his talents as a statesman, and reputation as a cphilosopher, the most suitable person to effect the desired end, and was consequently nominated commissioner plenipotentiary to the court of France, in conjunction with Silas Deane and Arthur Lee, Esquires : the former had already been sent to Europe, for the purpose of secretly obtaining and forwarding warlike stores, &c., and the other had been employed by congress as a private and confidential agent in England. Previous to Dr. Franklin's departure, he con ceived it, would be advisable, on many accounts, to be the bearer of propositions for peace with PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 45 Great Britain ; and with this view he drew ap, and submitted to the secret committee of congress, the following paper. Sketch of Propositions for a Peace, 1776. There shall be a perpetual peace between Great Britain and the United States of America, on the following conditions. Great Britain shall renounce and disclaim all pretence of right or authority to govern in any of the United States of America. To prevent those occasions of misunderstanding which are apt to arise, where the territories of dif ferent powers border on each other, through the bad conduct of frontier inhabitants on both sides, Britain shall cede to the United States the pro vinces or colonies of Quebec, St. John's, Nova Scotia, Bermuda, East and West Florida, and the Bahama Islands, with all their adjoining and in termediate territories now claimed by her. In return for this cession, the United States shall pay to Great Britain the sum of sterling, in annual payments, that is to say, .... ... per annum, for and during the term of ... . years. And shall moreover grant a free trade to all British subjects throughout the United States and the ceded colonies, and shall guarantee to Great Britain the possession of her islands in the West Indies. 44 memoirs of part iv. Mhtims for proposing a Peace at this time. 1. The having such propositions in charge, will by the law of nations be some protection to the commissioners or ambassadors, if they should be taken. 2. As the news of our declared independence .will tend to unite in Britain all parties against us ; so our offering peace vnth' commerce and pay ments of money, will tend to divide them again. For peace is as necessary to them as to us : our commerce is wanted by their merchants and manu facturers, who will therefore incline to the accom modation, even though the monopoly is not conti nued, since it can be easily made appear their jshare 6i our growing trade will soon be greater than the whole has been heretofore. Then for the landed interest, who wish an alleviation of taxes, it is demonstrable by figures, that if we should agree to pay, suppose ten millions in one hundred years, viz. 100,000/. per annum for that term, it would, being faithfully employed as a sinking fijnd,. more than pay off all their present national debt. It is besides a prevailing opinion in Eng land,- that they must in the nature of things sooner or later lose the colonies, and many think they had better be without the government of them ; sb that the proposition will, on that account, have more supporters and fewer opposers. 3. As the having such propositions to make, or any powers to treat of peace, will furnish a pre- part IV. benjamin franklin. 45 tence for B. F.'s going to England, where he has many friends and acquaintance, particularly among the best writers and ablest speakers in both houses of parliament, he thinks he shall be able when there, if the terms are not accepted, to work up such a division of sentiments in the nation, as greatly to weaken its exertions against the United States, and lessen its credit in foreign countries. 4. The knowledge of there being powers given to the commissioners to treat with England, may have some effect in facilitating and expediting the proposed treaty with France. 5. It is worth our while to offer such a sum for the countries to be ceded, since the vacant lands will in time sell for a great part of what we shall give, if not more ; and if we are to obtain them by conquest, after perhaps a long war, they will pro bably cost us more than that sum. It is absolutely necessary for us to have them for our own secu rity ; and though the sum may seem large to the present generation, in less than half the term, it will be to the whole United States a mere trifle. It is uncertain to what extent this plan was adopted by congress. The propositions were cer* tainly not such as the British ministry would have listened to a moment, at that period of the revolu tionary war, whatever they might have been dis posed to have done in a more advanced state of it. 46 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. It is possible,' however, that this or some other proposal for peace with Great Britain may have been furnished to Dr. Franklin by the secret com mittee of congress, to serve him in some measure as a protection in case of his capture at sea ; of which there was at that time the most imminent danger. Dr. Franklin set off on this important mission from Philadelphia, Oct, 26, 1776, accompanied by two of his grand-children, Wm. Temple Franklin, and Benjamin Franklin Bache : they slept at Chester that night, and the next morning went by land to Marcus Hook, and embarked there that day, in the United States' sloop of war Reprisal, moiinting 16 guns, and commanded by Captain Wickes. During the passage. Dr. Franklin made daily experiments, by means of the thermometer, of the temperature of the sea water, as he had done on similar occasions, and with the same view, of ascertaining the ship's being in or out of the gulph stream, and more or less within sound ings. The sloop was frequently chased during the voyage by British cruisers, and several times pre pared for action ; but beinv a good sailer, and the captain having received orders, not unnecessarily to risk an engagement, she as often escaped her pursuers. The crew did not always seem to like avoiding coming up with the vessels that were occasionally seen, as they were naturally desirous PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 47 of getting some prize-money : on this account pro bably the captain indulged them on some occa sions, when there was little likelihood of danger. An opportunity of this kind presented itself on the 27th of November, being then near the coast of France, though out of soundings. Several sail were seen about noon, and the sloop brought-to, and took a brig from BourdeauX, bound to Cork, (being Irish property) loaded with lumber and some wine. She had left Bourdeaux the day be fore. The captain found by the brig's reckoning, that he was then only 16 leagues from land. In the afternoon of the same day, he came up with, and took another brig, from Rochfort, belonging ' to Hull, bound to Hamburgh, vrith brandy and flax-seed. Early the next morning land was in sight from the mast-head ; it proved to be Belle- isle ; a pilot came on board, and the sloop was brought to an anchor in the evening. On the 29th she ran into Quiberon Bay, where she continued till December 3d, when finding the contrary winds likely to continue, which prevented her entering the Loire, the captain procured a fishing-boat to put Dr. Franklin and his grandsons on shore at Auray, about six leagues distant, where they were landed in the evening. The boatmen spoke the Breton language as well as the French; and it appeared to be the common language of the coun try people in that province. One word only vpas intelligible, which was Diaul; it signifies Devil, 48 MEMOIRS OP PART IV. and is the same in the Welch language. It is said there is a considerable affinity between, the two languages, and that the Welch and Breton fisher men and peasantry can comprehend each other. Auray proved to be a wretched place. No post- chaises to be hired, — and obliged to send to Yannes for one, — which did not arrive till next day ; when the party reached that town, late in the evening: Dr. Franklin^ in the little journal he kept, and from which the above details are taken, adds : " The caniage was ' a miserable one, vrith tired horses, the evening dark, scarce a traveller but ourselves on the road ; and to make it more com- fortable, the driver stopped near a wood we were \a pass through, to tell us that a gang of eighteen robbers infested that wood, who but two weeks ago had robbed and murdered some travellers on that very spot." The same journal contains the following remark : " December 6. On the road yesterday (travelling to Nantes), we met six or seven country-women, in company, on horseback, and astride : they were all of fair white and red complexions, but one among them was the fairest woman I ever beheld. Most of the men have good complexions, not> swarthy, like those of the North of, France, in which I remember that,^ except about Abbeville, I saw few fair people." Arriving at Nantes on the 7th of December, a grand dinner was .prepared on the occasion by PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 49 some friends of America, at which Dr, Frarklin was present, and in the afternoon went to meet a large party at the country seat of Mons, Gruel, a short distance from town, where crowds of visitors came to compliment him on his safe anival, ex pressing great satisfaction, as they were warm fiiends to America, and hoped his being in France would be of advantage to the American cause, &c. &c, A magnificent supper closed the evening. Being much fatigued and weakened by the voyage and journey, Dr. Franklin was persuaded to remain at M. Gruel's country-house, Avhere he was elegantly and commodiously lodged: his strength, indeed, was not equal to an immediate journey to Paris. During his stay at M. Gruel's he was in hopes of living retired, but the house was almost always full of visitors ; from whom, however, much useful information was obtained respecting the state of affairs at court, and the character of persons in power, &c. Dr, Frankhn also learnt with great satisfaction, that a supply had been obtained from the French government of two hundred brass field-pieces, thirty thousand firelocks, and some other military stores, which were then shipping for America, and would be convoyed by a ship of war. Dr, Franklin at that time did not assume any public character, thinking it prudent first to^ know whether the court was ready and willing to receive VOL. II, D 50 MEMOIRS OF PART IT- publicly commissioners from the congress; and that he might neither embarrass the ministry on the one hand, nor subject himself and his col leagues to the hazard of a disgraceful refusal on the other, he dispatched an express to Mr. Deane, then in Paris, with the letters he had for him from the committee of congress, and a copy of their joint commission, that he might make the proper inquhies, and give him the ''necessary infonnation. Meantime it was generally supposed- at Nantes, that Dr. Franklin was sent to negotiate, and that opinion appeared to give great pleasure. On the 15th December Dr. Franklin left Nantes, and shortly after arrived saf^y at Paris, where he continued to reside till the 7th January following, when he r«noved with his family to Passy, (a village beautifully situated about a league from the capital,) and took up his abode in a large and handsome house, with extensive gardens, belonging to Mons. Le Ray de Chaumont, a great and useftil friend to the American cause. Here Dr. Franklin continued during the whole of his residence in France — being about eight years and a half. The following extracts from letters written by him to one of his intimate friends, shortly after his arrival in Paris, fully show his sentiments relative to the state of American poMtics at that period,. and furnish some insight as tp the nature of his mission to France. ART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 51 To Dr. Ingenhausz. I long, labored in England with great zeal and sincerity to prevent the breach that has happened, and which is now so wide, that no en deavors of mine can possibly heal it. You know the treatment I met with from that imprudent court : but I keep a separate account of private injuries, which I may forgive ; and I do not think it right to mix them with public affairs. Indeed tliere is no occasion for their aid to whet my re^ sentment against a nation that has burnt our de fenceless towns in the midst of winter, has excited the savages to assassinate our innocent farmers, with their wives and children, and our slaves to murder their masters ! It Would therefore be de ceiving you, if I suffered you to remain in the sup position you have taken up, that I am come to Eiirope to rtiake peace. I am in fact ordered hither by the congress for a veri^ different purpose; viz. to procure such aids from European powers, for enabling us to defend our freedom and inde pendence, which it is certainly their interest to grant; as by that means the great and rajiidly growing trade of America vvill be open to them all, and not a monopoly to Great Britain as here tofore-: a monopoly, that if she is suffered again to pt)sseSs, will be such an increase of her strength by sea, and if she can reduce us again to submis sion, she will have thereby so great an addition 52 MEMOIRS OP PART IV. to her strength by land, as will, together, make her the most formidable power the world has yet seen ; and from her natural pride and insolence in prosperity, of all others the most intolerable." Ih the same. " You desire to know my opinion of what will probably be the end of this war ; and whether our new establishments will not be thereby reduced again to deserts. I do not, for my part, apprehend much danger of so great an evil to us. I think we shall be able, with a little help, to defend ourselves, our possessions, and our liberties, so long that England will be ruined by persisting in the wicked attempt to destroy them. I must nevertheless regret that ruin, and wish that her injustice and tyranny had not deserved it. And I sometimes flatter myself that, old as I am, I may possibly live to see my country settled in peace and prosperity, when Britain shall make no more a formidable figure among the powers of Europe. " You put me in mind of an apology for my conduct, which has been expected from me, in answer to the abuses thrown upon me before the privy council." It was partly written, but the affairs of public importance I have been ever since engaged in, prevented my finishing it. The in- ' See Memoirs of Life, Part III, and Appendix, No. 5. PART IV, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 53 juries too that my country has suffered, have ab sorbed private resentments, and made it appear trifling for an individual to trouble the world with his particular justification, when all his compatriots were stigmatised by the king and parliament as being, in every respect, the worst of mankind ! I am obliged to you, however, for the friendly part you have always taken in the defence of my cha racter ; and it is indeed no small argument in my favor, that those who have known me most and longest, still love me and trust me with their most important interests, of which my election into the congress by the unanimous voice of the assembly, or parliament of Pennsylvania, the day after my arrival from England, and my present mission hither by the congress itself, are instances incon testable." Dr. Franklin Avas privately received "with every demonstration of regard and respect by the mi nister for foreign affairs, Mons. le Comte de Ver- gennes ; who assured him and the other American commissioners, that they should personally enjoy in France, " toute la surete et tous les agrements que trous y faisons eprouver aux etrangers." A conviction of the advantages to be derived from a commercial intercourse with America, and a desire of weakening the British empire by dis membering it, induced' the French court secretly to give assistance in military stores to the Ame- 54 MEMOIRS OF PART IVV ricans, and to listen to proposals of an alliance. But they at first showed rather a reluctance to the latter measure, which, however, by Dr. Franklm's address, aided by a subsequent important success attending the American arms, was eventually over come. Early in January, 1777, Dr. Franklin went to Versailles with his colleagues, and, according to their instructions from congress, communicated to the Count de Vergennes, minister for foreign affairs, certain proposals in writing, to induce the govern ment of France to take a decided part in favor of the United States, and send a certain number of ships of the line and frigates to act against the British on the coast of America. But no answer was then obtained to these proposals; that govern ment not being then prepared to interfere openly in regard to the existing dispute. France had, indeed, suffered so much in the preceding war with Great Britain, that there probably was no Frenchman, who did not wish for a diminution of the poAver and resources of this nation ; and there were but few who did not perceive that this reduction would in a considerable degree be effected by a prolong ation of the subsisting contest with America, in whatever way it might ultimately terminate ; and therefore, though the French government did not think it prudent to risk the consequences of a war with Great Britain, until the colonies, or United' States of America, should h'4ve sufficiently mani- PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. S.!> fested both their ability and determination to perse vere in contending efficaciously for their indepen dence, it was convinced of the impolicy of ex posing the latter to the necessity of submitting to Great Britain by any want of arms, &c, to defend themselves, and protract their resistance. It had therefore, previous to Dr. Franklin s arrival, at the solicitation of Mr. Deane, determined secretly to afford a considerable supply of artillery, arms, and military stores to the American congress ; and for this purpose the celebrated Caron de Beaumar- chais was employed as an ostensible agent in this business ; and the better to conceal the origin and nature of this transaction, he established a com mercial house at Paris, under the firm of Rode- rigue Hortalez and Co. And though he was in fact secretly supplied with such articles as could be spared from the arsenals of France, and with money to purchase the others by the French go vernment, he required and obtained from Mr. Deane, a stipulation that congress should- deliv^er to his agents, tobacco and other American pro^- ductions to the amount of the articles supplied i after which these articles were shipped for Ame rica, at different times and in different vessels ; one of these was the Amphitrite, a large ship, from which were landed in New Hampshire, the artil lery, arms, &c. employed in the capture of General Burgoyne's army. But previously to that event, the British troops had obtained important advan- 56 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. tages in other parts of America, and in conse quence thereof Lord Stormont had complained to the French court in such energetic and menacing terms, of the assistance afforded by France to the American congress, that an imiriediate rupture with Great Britain was apprehended ; and an order vias therefore secretly dispatched by M. de Sartine, then minister of the marine department, to recal the French fishermen from the banks of New foundland. And the better to pacify the British government, Mr. Hodge, an American merchant, who had equipped and sent out from Dunkirk the privateer by which a British packet going from Dover to Ostend, as well as other British vessels, had been captured, was sent to the Bastile ; and the master of the Amphitrite, (which had recently returned to France after landing her cargo of ar tillery, &c. in America, as just mentioned,) was also committed to prison. Indeed matters soon became so serious, that M. de Beaumarchais, though he had done nothing without the authority of his government, fully expected that a severe punishment would be inflicted on him, as a means of convincing Lord Stormont that the supplies sent to America had been furnished without the privity, or at least the sanction, of the French government. He came to Passy early in Decem ber, and complained in strong terms of the treg,t^ ment which he was about to suffer, saying, " On Vip coupe la gorge CQ7nme a un agneau,'' &c, But PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 57 while he was doing this, Mr, Austin, who had been dispatched by the government of Massa chusetts Bay, with an account of the surrender of General Burgoyne and his whole army, arrived at Passy ; and this news being made known, M. de Beaumarchais immediately discarded his fears, and returned to Paris in the highest spirits, and with such haste, that the cabriolet in which he rode was overset, and one of his arms dislocated on the way. The American commissioners began privately to grant letters of marque to a number of French- American privateers, which harassed the English coasting trade, intercepted a great number of British merchant vessels, and took many prisoners. Lord Stormpnt, his Britannic Majesty's ambassador at Versailles, when applied to by the American com missioners relative to an exchange of those prison ers, haughtily and unfeelingly gave them for an swer, " that he received no letters from rebels, un less they were to petition his Majesty's pardon ! I'*^ or words to that effect. His lordship presented several memorials to the French minister, com plaining of the equipment of American vessels in the ports of France, bringing in of their prizes, &c. and of the assistance France Avas underhandedly affording the insurgents ; demanding at the same time a categorical ansAver respecting such conduct. On this occasion Count De Vergennes afiiected to remonstrate Avith the American commissioners, 58 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. and on the 16th July, 1777, wrote to them that they had exceeded the bounds limited at their first interview Avith him, which were expressly, " Que la navigation et commerce Americans tprouveroient tofites les facililes en prance, qui seroient compatibles avec I'exacte observance de ses traites avec fAngle- terre, qu'il etoit dans les principes du Roi de remplir religieusement." This remonstrance might also in some measure haA^e been influenced by the very unfavorable ac counts latterly received from America, and Avhich bore a most unpromising aspect for the success of the American cause. In England it was generally thought, even by the friends of America, that her struggle for independence Avas at an end, and that nothing Avas left for her but unconditional sub mission. Dr, Fothergill, a particular friend of Dr. Franklin, and a well-Avisher to America, in a let ter to his nephew, Mr. John Chorley, dated June, 1777, Avritten with the vieAV to its being commu nicated to Dr. Franklin, (which it shortly after Avas,) thus expresses himself; " Should thy friend think proper to go to Passy, he may say to Dr. Frankhn, that if he has ene mies in this country, he has also friends ; and must not forget these, because the former are ig norant and .malicious, yet all-powerful. He Avill doubtless inform the Doctor, that there remains not a doubt on this side the water, that American resistance is all at an end — that the shadow of con- PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 59 gressional authority scarce exists— ^-tliat a general defection from that body is apparent — that their troops desert by shoals — that the officers are dis contented — that no new levies can be made — that nothing can withstand the British forces, and pre vent them fi"om being masters of the whole conti nent; in short, that the Avar is at an end, and that nothing remains to be done, but to divide the coun try among the conquerors. This is the general Ian? guage; and that neither France nor Spain will afford them any other than a kind of paralytic aid ; enough to enable them to protract a few months longer a miserable existence !" In the midst of this supposed gloomy state of affairs in America, the news of the surrender of the British army commanded by General Burgoyne, to that of the Americans under General Gates, at Sa ratoga, on the 17th October, 1777, arrived in France ; and at the very moment when the French cabinet was as yet undecided in regard to the steps to be adopted relative to the United States. This memorable event immediately turned the scale, and fixed the French nation in their attachment to the infant republic. The news of the defeat and capture of this Bri tish general and his whole army, was receiA-ed in France Avith as great demonstrations of joy, as if it had been a victory gained by their own arms. Dr. Franklin took advantage of this circumstance, and suggested to the French ministry, "that there 60 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. was not a moment to be lost, if they wished to secure the friendship of America, and detach her entirely from the mother-country." Urged by these considerations, and fearful lest an accommodation might take place between Great Britain and her colonies, the court of France instantly determined to declare its intentions, and accordingly, on the 6th December, 1777, Mons. Gerard, secretary to the council of state, repaired to the hotel of the American commissioners, and informed them, by order of the King, " that after a long and mature deliberation upon their propositions, his Majesty had resolved to recognise the independence of, and to enter into a treaty of commerce and alliance with, the United States of America ; and that he would not only acknowledge their independence, but actually support it Avith all the means in his power: that perhaps he was about to engage him self in an expensive war upon their account, but that he did not expect to be reimbursed by them : in fine, the Americans were not to think that he had entered into this resolution solely with a vicAV of serving them, since, independently of his real attachment to them and their cause, it Avas evi dently the interest of France to diminish the power of England, by severing her colonies from her." In consequence of this amicable and frank de claration, treaties were soon after entered upon Avith Mons, Gerard, who on the 30th of January, 1778, had reqeived two distinct commissions from the PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 6t King for that purpose. And on the 6th day of February following, a treaty of amity and com merce, and another of alliance eventual and defen sive, between his most Christian Majesty and the thirteen United States of North America, were con cluded and signed at Paris by the respective pleni potentiaries. This forms a memorable epoch in the political life of Dr. Franklin, as well as in the annals of the United States, because it was in a great measure owing to the aid derived from this powerful alli ance, that the American colonies were enabled to resist the mother-country, and eventually to estab lish their independence. It was mutually agreed that these treaties should be kept secret till the ratifications were exchanged; but some time after, accounts having been received of the intention of the English ministry to send Lord Carlisle, Mr. Eden, and Governor John stone, as additional commissioners to America, to be joined to the commanders-in-chief of the British land and sea forces there, with full powers to treat, settle, and agree on terms, even with congress, but subject to the cOnfirnjation of parliament; the French government, Avith the view to counteract any favorable result to Great Britain from this pro ject, immediately instructed their ambassador at St. James's (the Marquis de Noailles) to communi cate officially to the English government, that the above-mentioned treaties had been concluded and 62 MEMOIRS OP PART IV.. s%ned. On this, the British cabinet instantly dis patched instructions to Lord Stormont, to withdraw from the court of France, without taking leave ; and this having been intimated to the Marquis de Noailles, he left England about the same time. It had been expected that the notification made by the French ambassador at London, of the sig nature of tAvo treaties, between France and &e United States^ would have discouraged the Bri tish government from sending commissioners to America ; but this did not happen ; their mission however was of no avail ; notAvithstanding every ai-t and deception was made use of by them to effect this purpose. Governor Johnstone in par ticular had publicly asserted, that Dr. Franklin had approved of the propositions the British commissioners had carried over with them. This was an absolute falsehood, of Avhich Dr. Franklin, as soon as ap prised of it, expressed his indignation to the presi dent of the state of Pennsylvania, in his letter dated Passy, March 19, 1780.' As there was now no longer any reason to delay the public and formal pi'esentation of the American plenipotentiaries to the King, an early day Avas fixed for that purpose, when Dr. Franklin with his colleagues, (attended by a considerable number of Americans who Avere then in Paris,) went to Ver- » See Private CpKRESPONDENCE, 4to. p, 245,— Svo. vol. ii. p. 1 8. PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 63 sailles, and AA'ere presented by Count de Ver gennes to the King, who received them graciously: they Avere afterwards presented to the Queen, to> his present Majesty, Louis XVIIL, then Count de Provence, and to all the members of the royal family then at Versailles.' They Avere after wards introduced to the Count de Maurepas, first minister, &c. &c. And these introductions being over, Dr. Franklin and. his colleafgues, with Dr, Bancroft, and the editor of these Memoirs, dined with the Count de Vergennes ; and in the evening went by particular invitation to " le Jeu de la Peine,'' where they found the royal fe.mily seated at play, round a large table — a considerable heap of louis-d^ors lay before each of the players, and from the number of these, which from time to time were shovelled by the losers to the winners, the gaming appeared to be high. On this occasion Dr. Franklin was honored by the particular notice of the Queen, who courteously desired him to stand near to her, and as often as the game did not re quire her immediate attention, she took occasion to speak to him in very obliging terms. About the time of these presentations Mr. Deane received letters of recal from congress. The rea son assigned for this proceeding, and which ap- • The Count D'Artois was absent. — A duel having recently taken place ietveeen his Royal Highness and the Duke de Bourbonj they had both been exiled for a short time from court. 64 MEMOIRS OP PART lA'. pears to have been the true one, AvaS his having imprudently exceeded his powers and instructions, by making engagements with M. du Coudray, a very distinguished engineer, and Avith many other French officers, of such a nature that the congress were unable to fulfil them ; and therefore thought it necessary, in their OAvn justification, to manifest in this way their disapprobation of that part of his conduct.' He soon after returjied to America, ' The second volume of Biographical, Literary, and Political Anecdotes, &c, printed for Longman & Co. in 1797, contains an account of Dr. Franklin's hfe, in which, at p. 337, is the fol lowing statement, viz. " Mr. Silas Deane, and Dr. Bancroft, who was Secretary to the American Embassy at Paris, were accused of gambling in the English funds. Bancroft was dismissed, and though Franklin interposed in behalf of Deane, and made himself some enemies by it in America, yet he could not prevent Deane's being recalled." Truth impels the Editor here to say, that this assertion is groundless — that Deane could not have been recalled in consequence of the charge here mentioned, none such having been made, much less acted upon by congress ; and his recal, from the motives already mentioned, was so sudden and unexpected, that it would have been impossible for Dr. Franklin to interfere, had he been desirous of doing so — and in regard to Dr. Bancroft, he did not hold any appointment from congress, and the Editor with confidence asserts he was never dismissed from. any, by that, or any other body, or authority. Equally groundless is the account, in the same volume, of Dr. Franklin's having sent Mr. Thornton to London to negotiate an exchange of prisoners with Lord North. The person who assumed tkat name, was not as is pretended, " an American Gentleman," nor was he ever employed by Dr. Franklin for any purpose whatever. PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 65 with M, Gerard, who was appointed to reside in the United States, as minister plenipotentiary from his most Christian Majesty. They both embarked at Toulon on board the Languedoc of 100 guns, which earned the flag of Count d'Estaing; but this was done privately, that the Count's destination might not be known. Hostilities now commenced between Great Bri tain and France; and the American commissioners plenipotentiary were immediately presented at court in their public character, with the accus tomed forms, and were very graciously received by the king and all the royal family. A French historian, M. Hilliard D'Auberteuil, thus notices Dr, Franklin's first appearance at the court of Versailles. " Dr. Franklin at length had . an interview with his most Christian Majesty : he was presented to him in the gallery of Versailles, by the Count de Vergennes, minister for foreign affairs. On this occasion he was accompanied and followed by a great number of Americans, and individuals of foreign states, who were collected together by cu riosity. His age, his venerable appearance, the simplicity of his dress on such an occasion, every thing that was either singular or respectable in the life of this American, contributed to augment the public attention. Clapping of l^ands, and a variety of other demonstrations of joy, announced that VOL. II. E 66 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. warmth of affection, of Avhich the French are more susceptible than any other people, and of which their politeness and civility augments the charm to him who is the object of it. " His majesty addressed him as follows : " * You may assure the United States of America of my friendship : I beg leave, also to observe, that I am exceedingly satisfied in particular with your own conduct, . during your residence in my king dom.' When the ncAV ambassador, after this audi ence, crossed the court, in order to repair to the office of the minister of foreign affairs, the multitude waited for him in the passage, and hailed him with their acclamations." Dr. Franklin was undoubtedly the fittest person that could have been found for rendering essential services to the United States at the court of France. He was well known as a philosopher throughout all Europe, and his character Avas held in the highest estimation. In France he Avas received Avith the greatest marks of respect by all the lite rary characters ; and this was extended amongst all classes of men, and particularly at the com-t. His personal influence was hence very consider able. To the effects of this were added those of various writings Avhich he published, tending to establish the credit and character of the United States ; and to his exertions in this way may in no small degree be ascribed, not only the free gifts PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 67 obtained from the French governtttient, but also the loans negotiated in Holland, which greatly contributed to bring the war to a favorable conclu sion, and the establishment of American indepen dence. During the progress of these transactions at the court Of France, Dr. Franklin had received from congress their commission to negotiate a treaty of friendship and commerce Avith the court of Spain. On this occasion he waited on Count d'Aranda, the Spanish ambassador at Paris, and left with him a copy of his commission ; and some time after ad dressed to him the folloAving letter. To His Excellency the Count d'Aranda, &c. &c. Sir, Passy, April 7, 1777. I left in your excellency's hands, to be communicated, if you please, to your court, a dupli cate of the commission from the' congress, ap pointing me to go to Spain as their minister pleni potentiary. But as 1 understand that the receiving such a minister is not at present thought conve nient, and 1 am sure the congress would have nothing done that might inconlmode in the least a court they so much respect, I shall therefore post pone that journey till circumstances may make it more suitable. In the mean time, I beg leave to lay before his Catholic Majestj^ through the hands of your excellency, the propositions contained in a 68 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. resolution of congress, dated December 30, 1776, viz.: " That if his Catholic Majesty will join with the United States in a Avar against Great Britain, they will assist in reducing to the possession of Spain the town and harbor of Pansacola ; provided the inhabitants of the United States shall have the free navigation of the Mississippi, and the use of the har bor of Pensacola ; and will, (provided it shall be true that his Portuguese Majesty has insultingly expelled the vessels of these states from his ports, or has confiscated any such vessels,) declare war against the said king, if that measure shall be agreeable to, and supported by, the courts of France and Spain." It is understood that the strictest union si^bsists between these two courts ; and in case Spain and France should think fit to attempt the conquest of the English sugar islands, the congress have fur ther proposed to furnish provisions to the amount of two millions of dollars, and to join the fleet em ployed on the occasion, with six frigates of not less than 24 guns each, manned and fitted for service ; and to render any other assistance which may be in their power, as becomes good allies ; without de siring for themselves the possession of any of the said islands. These propositions are subject to discussion, and to receive such modification as may be found proper. PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 6^ With great respect, I have the honor to be your Excellency's most obedient and most humble ser vant, , B. Franklin. This negotiation was not carried further at the time, and subsequently Mr. Jay was sent by con gress as their special minister to the court of Spain; where his patience and ability were equally dis played to his own credit, and the interest of his country, which he ever had at heart. We must now revert to some less important cir cumstances that occurred about this time, and which were omitted in the precise order of their dates, to avoid inten-upting the account of transac tions of greater moment. An incident, though trifling of itself, yet, as ve- ]atmg to a great personage, and as connected with Dr. Franklin's memoirs, ought not to be omitted. At the time of the visit to Paris of the Emperor Joseph II. brother to the queen of France, (then travelling under the title of Count de Falkenstein,) Dr. Franklin received the following note from the envoy of the Grand Duke of Tuscany resident at Paris. A Monsieur le Docteur Franklin. L'Abb6 Niccoli prie Monsieur Franklin de lui faire I'honneur de venir d6jeuner chez lui Mer- credi matin, 28 de ce mois, k 9 heures. II lui 70 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. donnera une bonne tasse de chocolat. II I'assure de son respect. Du petit Luxembourg, Lundi, 'IQ Mai, Vlll. To this note, found among Dr. Franklin's pa pers, is added the folloAving memorandum in his hand-writing. " The above is from the Abb6 Niccoh, minister of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. The intention of it Avas, to give the emperor an opportunity of an in terview with me, that should appear accidental. Monsieur Tiirgot and the Abbe were there to be present, and by their knowledge of what passed, to prevent or contradict false reports. The em peror did not appear, and the Abb6 Niccoli since tells me, that the number of other persons who visited him that morning, of which the emperor was informed, prevented his coming ; that at 12, understanding they were gone, he came ; but I was 2:one also." \ o'- The cause of America, becoming very popula,r in France, and the number of officers out of employ being so considerable, Dr. Franklin was e^- tremely harassed by the numerous applications for service in the armies of the United States. The folloAving letter to a friend is so fully and strongly descriptive of his sentiments and feelings on this subject, and in other respects so entertaining, that Ave here insert it. PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 'J'q * * * Passy, • You know, my dear friend, that I am not capable of refusing you any thing in my power, which would be a real kindness to you, or any fiiend of yours; but Avhen I am certain that what you request would be directly the contrary, I ought to reftise it. I knoAv that officers going to Ame rica for employment will probably be disappointed ; that our armies are full ; that there are a number of expectants unemployed, and starving for want of subsistence; that my recommendation will not make vacancies, nor can it fill them, to the preju dice of those who have a better claim; that some of those officers I have been prevailed on to recom mend have, by their conduct, given no favorable impression of my judgment in military merit; and then the voyage is long, the passage very expen sive, and the hazard of being taken and imprisoned by the English, very considerable. If, after all, no place can be found affording a livelihood for the gen tleman in question, he Avill perhaps be distressed in a strange country, and ready to blaspheme his friends Avho, by their solicitations, procured for him so unhappy a situation. Permit me to mention to you, that, in my opinion, the natural complaisance of this country often carries people too far in the arti cle of recommendations. You give them with too much facility to persons of whose real characters 72 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. you know nothing, and sometimes at the request of others of Avhom you know as little. Frequently, if a man has no useful talents, is good for nothing, and burthensome to his relations, or is indiscreet, profligate and extravagant, they are glad to get rid of him by sending him to the other end of the world; and for that purpose scruple not to recommend him to those they wish should recommend him to others; as " mw bon sujet- — plein de merit e," Sgc. 8gc. In consequence of my crediting such recommenda tions, my own are out of credit, and I cannot ad vise any body to have the least dependance on them. If, after knowing this, you persist in de siring my recommendation for this person, who is known neither to me nor to you, I will give it,' though, as 1 said before, I ought to refuse it. ' For cases of this kind, and where it was absolutely impossi- Me to refuse. Dr. Franklin drew up the following as, a model for such letters of recommendation, and actually employed it in some instances, to shame the persons making such indiscreet applications ; and to endeavor, in some measure, to put a stop to them. Model of a Letter of Recommendation of a person you are unacquainted with. Sir, Paris, April 2, 1777. The bearer of this, who is going to America, presses me to give him a letter of recommendation, though I know no thing of him, not even his name. This may seem extraordinary, but I assure you it is not uncommon here. Sometimes, indeed, one unknown person brings another equally unknown, to re- PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 7.3 These applications are my perpetual torment. People will beheve (notwithstanding my repeated declarations to the contrary) that I am sent hither to engage officers. — In truth I never had any such orders. It Avas never so much as intimated to me that it would be agreeable to my constituents. I have even received for what I have done of the kind, not indeed an absolute rebuke, but some pretty strong hints of disapprobation. Not a day passes in which I have not a number of soliciting visits, besides letters. If I could gratify all, or any of them, it would be a pleasure. I might indeed give them the recommendation and the promises they desire, and thereby please theffi for the pre sent ; but when the certain disappointment of the expectations with which they Avill so obstinately flatter themselves shall arrive, they must curse me for complying with their mad requests, and not undeceiving them ; and will become so many ene mies to our cause and country. You can have no conception how I am harassed. All my friends are sought out and teazed to teaze me. Great offi- commend him ; and sometimes they recommend one another ! As to this gentleman, I must refer you to himself for his cha racter and merits, with which he is certainly better acquainted than I can possibly be : I recommend him however to those civilities which every stranger, of whom one knows no harm, has a right to ; and I request you will do him all the good offices, and show him all the favor that, on further acquaintance, you shall find him to deserve. I have the honor to be, £4987 ,10 0 ' rick, Esq. ----- ^ - .3 7000^ Commission paid to brokers - - - Letter of attorney to receive dividends - 8 15 G 1 0 6 £4996 6 6 PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 101 our cruisers, and by which the price or reward he received for his treachery may be guessed at. Judas sold only one man, Arnold three nullions. Judas got for his one man thirty pieces of silver ; Arnold not a halfpenny a head. A miserable There then remains of the 5000?. three pounds thirteen shil lings and sixpence. Thus, by this method, if I receive any instructions from you. for employing your money in a different manner, 1 can sell out the 6900/., and dispose of your money agreeable to your direc tions before this letter reaches you ; and, if it is your v/ish that it should remain in the funds, it can be placed under your name by my transferring the 6,900/. and joining it to your 1 00/. The reason of my purcha,sing the latter sum in your name was, that you might have an account open. Also, the power of attorney now enclosed, will enable me to receive the dividends on the whole 70OO/. stock, after I have made the transfer, should you choose I should do so. I hope I have made myself properly understood, and can assure you I have, to the best of my abilitiesj acted for you as myself. I have the honor to be. Sir, your obedient, and most humble servant, James Meyrick. Major-General Arnold. N.B. — In addition to this supposed purchase-money of the general himself, the following pensions were afterwards granted to bis family. By warrant dated July 20, 1783. To Edward Shippen S James Robertson f „ , >Arnold - - - 400/. George, and I Sophia Matilda J By warrant dated 12th June, 1805. To Sophia Matilda Arnold - - . looL. 102 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. bargain ! especially when one considers the quaif tity of infamy he has acquired to himself, and entailed on his family. The English are in a fair way of gaining still more enemies : they play a desperate game. For tune may favor them as it sometimes doe& a drunken dicer. But by their tyranny in the East they have at length roused the powers there against them ; and I do not know that they have in the West a single friend. If they lose their India coihmerce, (which is one of their present great supports,) and one battle at sea, there credit is gone, and their power follows. Thus empires by pride, folly, and extravagance, ruin themselves like individuals. M. la Mote Piquet has snatched from between their teeth a good deal of their West India prey, haying taken twenty-two sail of their homeward- bound prizes* One of our American privateers has taken two more, and brought them into Brest, and two were burnt : there were thirty-four in com pany, with two men of war of the line and two frigates, who saved themselves by flight; but we do not hear of their bemg yet got in. I think it was a wise measure to send Colonel Laurens here, who could speak knowingly of the state of the army. It has been attended with all the success that perhaps could reasonably be ex pected, though not vrith all that was wished. He has fully justified your character of him, and returns thoreughly possessed ' of my esteem ; but PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 103 that cannot and ought not to please him so much as a little more money would have done for his beloved army. This court continues firm and steady in its friendship, and does every thing it can for us. Can we not do a little more for ourselves ? My successor (for I have desired the congress to send me one) vrill find it in the best disposition towards us, and I hope he will take care to culti vate that disposition. You, who know the leading people of both countries, can perhaps judge better than any member of the congress of a person suitable for this station. I wish you may be in the way to give your advice when the matter is agitated in that assembly. I have been long tired of the trade of minister, and wished for a littie repose before I went to sleep for good and all. I thought I might have held out till the peace ; but as that seems at a greater distance than the end of my days, I grow impatient. I would not, how ever, quit the service of the public, if I did not sincerely think that it would be easy for the con gress, with your counsel, to find a fitter man. God bless you, and crown all your labors with success. With the highest regard and most sin cere affection, I am, dear Sir, &c. &c. B. Franklin. Notwithstanding Dr. Franklin's various and important occupations, he occasionally amused himself in composing and printing, by means of a small set of types, and a press he had in his house. 104 memoirs of part IV. several of his light essays, bagatelles, or jeu d'esprit, written chiefly for the amusement of his in timate friends. ' Among these were the following, printed on a half sheet of coarse paper, so as to imitate, as much as possible, a portion of a Boston newspa,per. The repeated accounts received from America of the horribly cruel manner in which the Indian allies of Great Britain prosecuted the war against the peaceable inhabitants of the United States ; murdering defenceless farmers, with their wives and children, and carrying off their scalps for the reward promised in proportion to the number, (said already to have amounted to two thousand,)'' was the foundation of the first fictitious article in this pretended " Supplement to the Boston Inde pendent Chronicle." The other article is a jeu, d'esprit of a gayer turn, originating from a memorial of the British ambassador. Sir Joseph Yorke, reclaiming ¦ the king's ships the Serapis and Countess of Scar borough, prizes carried into Holland by the Ame rican squadron under Commodore Jones ; whom Sir Joseph in his Memorial designated " the Pirate Paul Jones of Scotland; a rebel subject, and a criminal of the state." ' Several of these will be given in the Selection of his Writings, to follow these Memoirs. ^ See Letter to Mr. Hutton, of July 7, 1782, Paiv. Cobr. Part I. part IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 105 The deception intended by this supposed "Sup plement," (which was very accurately imitated with respect to printing, paper, the insertion of advertisements, &c.) was, that by transmitting it to England, it might actually be tajken for what it purported to be, and the; two prominent. articles contained in, it, consequeritiy, copie.d. into : the English papers, as genuine intelligence from Ame rica. . ' The end proposed thereby, was to shame the British government. It is uncertain whether this artifice succeeded as well as a similar one of Dr. Franklin's, the ^' Prussian Edict," did,, as related in his Private Correspondence.' "^ ,,, The following is a copy of the present intended deception, as printed ; with the omission only of the advertisements, and some of the names, titles, and epithets, in the latter article. , Number 705. SUPPLEMENT BOSTON INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE. Boston, March 19., \1^%. Extract of a Letter from Capt. Gerrish, of the New England Militia, dated Albauj^, March 7. The Peltry taken in the expedition [See the account of the expedition to Oswegatchie on the river St. Laurence, ' Part II. Letter to Governor Franklin, Oct. 6, 1773. 106 MEMOIRS OP PART IV. in our pap^ (f the 1st t^ston/Q, ttill, as you see, amoBBt to a good deal of money. The, possession of this boQ^ty at first gave us pleasure ; but we were struck with horror to fi»4 among the packages eight Ipfge ones containing SG4J-tPS of our unhappy country-folks, taken in, the three last years by tlie S'enneka Indians from the inhabitants of the frontiers of New York, New Je^seyj Pennsylvania, and Virginia^ and sent by them as a present to Col. Haldimand, governor of Canada, in order to be by^ him transmitted to England. They were accompanied by the following curious letter to that geiitleniui. ' Teoga,Jan.3d,lim. May it please your 'Excellency, At the request of the Senneka chiefs I send herewith to your excellency, under the care of James Boyd,' eight packs of scalps, cured, dried, hooped, and painted, with all the Indian triumphal inarks, bf which the following is invoice and oKplanatijon : No. 1 . Containing 43 scalps of congress soldiers, killed in different skirmishes : these are stretched on black hoops, . four inches diameter ; the inside of the skin painted red, with a small black spot to note tbeir being killed with bullets. Also 63 of farmers, killed in their houses : the hoops red; the skin painted brown, and marked with a hoe ; a black circle all round, to denote their being sur prised in the night ; and a black hatchet in the middle, signifying thieir being killed with that weapon. No. 2. Containinig 98 of farmers killed in their houses : l^oops red ; figure of a hoe, to mark their profession ; great white circle and sun, to show they were surprised in the day time ; a little red foot, to show they stood upon their de fence, and died fighting for their lives and families. PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 107 No. 3. Containing 97 of farmers; hoops green, to show they were killed in their fields ; a large white cirtlfe vyith a little round mark on it for the sun, to show thatit was in the day-time; black bullet-mark on some, hatchet on others. No. 4. Containing 102 of farmers, mixec(, of the several marks above; only 18 marked with a little yellOw flame, to denote their being of prisoners burnt alivc;^ after being scalped, their nails pulled out by the roots, and other tor ments : one of these latter supposed to be a rebel clergy man, his band being ^jsed to the hoop of his scalp. Most of the farmers appear by the hair to have been young or middle-aged, men ; there being but 67 very grey heads among them all ; which makes the service more essential. No. 5. Containing 88 scalps of women ; hair long, braided in the Indian fashion, to show they were mothers ; hoops' blue ; skin yellow ground, with little red tadpoles, to re present, by way of triumph, the tears or grief occasioned to their relations: a black scalping-knife or hatchet at the bottom, to mark their being killed with those instruments. 17 Others, hair very grey; black hoops; plain brown co lor ; no mark, but the short club or cassetete, to show they were knocked down dead, or had their brains beat out. No. Q. Containing 193 boys' scalps, of various ages; small green, hpojpis ; whitish ground on the skin, with red tears in the ntiddle, and black bullet-marks, knife, .hatdiet, or club, as their deaths happened. No. 7. @11 girls' scalps, big and little; small yellow hoops; white ground ; tears ; hatchet, club, scalping-knife,. Si£. No. 8k This package is a mixture oiall the varieties afeove- metkUonei, to the number of .112; with a box of birch bark, containing 29 little infants' scalps of variants sizes ; 108 memoirs of PART IV. small white hoops ; white ground ; no tears ; and only a little black knife in the middle, to show they were ript out of th^ir mothers' bellies. With these packs the chiefs send to your excellency the following sjpeech, delivered by Conejogatchie in council, in terpreted by the elder Moore, the trader, and taken down by me in writing. .; Father, We send you herewith many scalps, that you may see we are not idle friends. A blue Belt. Father, We wish you to send these scalps over the water to the great king, that he may regard them and be refreshed ; and that he may see our faithfulness in destroying his enemies, and be convinced that his presents have not been made to un grateful peopled • '¦' A him and white Belt mih red Tassels. Father, Attend to what I am now going to say : it is a matter of much weight. The great king's enemies' are many, and theyigroW fast in number. They were formerly like young panthers: -they could neither bite nor scratch : we could play with them safely : we feared nothing they could do to us. But now their bodies are become big as the elk, and strong as the buffalo : they have also got great and sharp claws. ¦ They have driven us out of our country for taking part in your quarrel. We expect the great king will give us another country, that our children may live after us, and PART IV, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 109 be his friends and children, as we are. Say this for us to the great king. > To enforce it, we give this belt, ¦.' A great white Belt with blue Tassels. Father, We have only to say farther, that your traders exact more than ever for their goods : and our hunting is lessened by the war, so that we have fewer skins to give for them. This ruins us. Think of some remedy. We are poor : and you have plenty of every thing. We know you will send us powder and guns, and knives and hatchets : but we also want shirts and blankets. A little white Belt. I do not doubt but that your excellency will think it pro per to give some farther encouragement to those honest peo'- ple. The high prices they complain of are the necessary effect of the war. Whatever presents may be sent for them through my hands shall be distributed with prudence and fidelity. I have the honor of being Your Excellency's most obedient And most humble servant, James Craufued. It was at first proposed to bury these scalps : but Lieute nant Fitzgerald, who you know has got leave of absence to go to Ireland on his private affairs, said he thought it better they should proceed to their destination ; and if they were given to him, he would undertake to carry them to England, and hang them all up in some dark night on the trees in St. James's Park, where they could be seen from the king and queen's palaces i|n the morning; for that the sight of tliem might perhaps strike Muley Ishmael (as he called him) 110 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. with some compunction of conscience. They were accord ingly delivered to Fitz, and he has brought them safe hither. To-morrow they go with his baggage in a waggon for Bos ton, and wll probably be there in a few days after this letter. I am, &c. Samuel Gekkish. Boston, March 20. Monday last arrived here Lieutenant Fitzgerald above- mentioned, and yesterday the waggon with the scalps. Thou sands of people are flocking to see them this morning, and all mouths are full of execrations. Fixing them to the trees is not approved. It is now proposed to make them up in decent little packets, seal and direct them ; one to the king, containing a sample of every sort for his museum ; one to the queen, with some of women and little children : the rest to be distributed among both houses of parliament : a double quantity to the bishops. Mr. Willis, Please to insert in your useful paper the following copy of a letter from Commodore Jones, directed To Sir J. Y*****,Ssc.^c. Ipswich, New England, Sib, March 7, 1781." I HAVE lately seen a memorial said to have been presented by your excellency to their high mightinesses the States General, in which you are pleased to qualify me with the title of pirate. A pirate is defined to be hostis humani generis [an enemy to all mankind]. It happens, sir, that I am an enemy to no part of mankind, except your nation, the English ; which PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. Ill nation at the same time comes much more within the defini tion, being actually an enemy to, and at war with) One whole quarter of the world : America, considerable part of Asia and Africa, a great part of Europe, and in a fair way of be ing at war with the rest. A pirate makes war for the sake of rapine. This is not the kind of war I am engaged in against England. Ours is a war in defence of liberty — the most just of all wars ; and of our properties, which your nation would have taken from us, without our consent, in violation of our rights, and by an armed force. Yours, therefore, is a war of rapine; of course, ^piratical war: and those who approve of it, and are engaged in it, more justly deserve the name of pirates, which you be stow on me. It is indeed a war that coincides with the general spirit of your nation. Your common people in their ale-houses sing the twenty-four songs of Robin Hood^ and applaud his deer-stealing and his robberies on the highvvay: those who have just learning enough to read, are delighted with your histories of the pirates and of the buccaniers : and €ven your scholars in the universities, study Quintus Gurtius, and are taught to admire Alexander, for what they call " his conquests in the Indies." Severe laws and the hangman keep down the effects of this spirit somewhat among your selves (though in your little island you have, neverlheless, more highway robberies than there are in all the rest of Europe put together) : but a foreign war gives it ftiU scope. It is then that, with infinite pleasure, it lets itself loOse tp strip of their property honest merchants, employed in the innocent and useful occupation of supplying the mutual wants of mankind. Hence, having lately no war with your ancient ^nemies, rather than be without a war, you chose to make one upon your friends. In this your piratical war with America, the mariners of your fleets and the owners of your 112 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. privateers were animated against us by the act of your parlia ment, which repealed the law of God— ^" Thou shalt not steal,"— by dedlftring it lawful for them to rob us of all our property that they could meet with on the ocean. This act too had a retrospect, and, going beyond bulls of pardon, de clared that all. the robberies you had committed previous to the act, should be deemed just and lawful. Your soldiers too vyere promised the plunder of our cities : and your ofiicers were flattered with the division of our lands. You had even the baseness to corrupt our servants, the sailors employed. by us, and encourage them to rob their masters, and bring to you the ships and goods they were intrusted with. Is there, any society of pirates on the sea or land, who, in declaring wrong to be right, and right wrong, have less authority than your parliament ? Do any of them more justly than your parlia ment deserve the title you bestow on me .'' You will tell me that we forfeited all our estates by our refusal to pay the taxes your nation would have imposed on us without the consent of our colony parliaments. Have you then forgotten the incontestable principle, which was the foundation of Hampden's glorious lawsuit with Charles the First, that " what an English king has no right to demand, an English subject has a right to refuse?" But you cannot so soon have forgotten the instructions of your late honorable father, who, being himself a sound whig, taught you certainly the principles of the revolution, and diat, " if subjects might in some cases forfeit their property, kings^also might forfeit their title, and all claim to the allegiance of their subjects." I must then suppose you well acquainted with those?whig principles ; on which permit me, sir, to ask a few questions.. Is not protection as justly due from a king to his people, as obedience from the people to their king .? PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 113 If then a king declares his people to be out of his protec tion : If he violates and deprives them of their constitutional rights : If he wages war against them : If he plunders their merchants, ravages their coasts, burns their towns, and destroys their lives : If he hires foreign mercenaries to help him in their de struction ; If he engages savages to murder their defenceless farmers, women, and children : If he cruelly forces such of his subjects as fall into his hands, to bear arms against their country, and become execu tioners of their friends and brethren ; If he sells others of them into bondage, in Africa and the ¦East Indies : If he excites domestic insurrections among their servants, and encourages servants to murder their masters : — Does not so atrocious a conduct towards his subjects dissolve their allegiance f If not, — please to say how or by what means it can pos sibly be dissolved ? All this horrible wickedness and barbarity has been and daily is practised by the * * * * your master (as you call him in your memorial) upon the Americans, whom he is still pleased to claim as his subjects. During these six years past, he has destroyed not less than forty thousand of those subjects, by battles on land or sea, or by starving them, or poisoning them to death, in the un wholesome air, with the unwholesome food of his prisons. And he has wasted the lives of at least an equal number of his own soldiers and sailors; many of whom have been forced into this odious service, and dragged from their families and friends, by the outrageous violence of his illegal press-gangs. H 114 MEMOIR? or PART tV. You are a gentleman of letters, and have read history : do you recollect any instance of any tyrant, since the beginning of the world, who, in the course of so few years, had done so much mischief, by ********** ? Let us view one of the worsi and blackest of them, Nero. He put to death a few of his K^ourtiers, placemen, and pensioners, and among the rest his tutor. Had ****** *** ***** done the same, and no more, his crime, though detestable, as an act of lawless power, might have been as useful to his nation, as that of Nero was hurtful to Rome; considering the different characters and merits of the sufferers. Nero indeed wished that the people of Rome had but one neck, that he might behead them all by one strok*.; but this was a simple wish. *"***** is carrying, the wish as fast as he can into execu tion ; and, by continuing in his present course a few years longer, will have destroyed more of the ******* people These intimations from foreign courts, and this honorable and satisfactory testimony fi"om one who had rendered the most eminent services to his country, were unnoticed by the American govem- meftt ; they are, however, no mean consolation to the object of them. Shortly after signing the preliminary articles of peace with Great Britain, Mr. Oswald's fiinctions ceased; and a change in administration taking place, David Hartley, Esq. was appointed minister 13S MEMOIRS or PART IV. plenipotentiary, and repaired to Paris, invested, as expressed in his commission, with full powers therei to meet and confer with the ministers of the United States of America, duly authorised, for the pur pose of perfecting and establishing the peace, fiiendship, and good understanding so happily commenced; and for opening, promoting, and rendering perpetual, the mutuafl intercourse of trade and commerce between the British domi nions and the United States of America. Several private communications had taken place relative to these objects, between Dr. Franklin and Mr. Hartley, previous to the latter receiving his appointment ; these, together with the subsequent propositions and various transactions that occur red, after the respective plenipotentiaries had ex changed their full powers, will be seen in that Part of the Private Correspondence allotted to the negotiations in general. Those with Mr. Hartley proceeded very slowly, owing principally to his conceiving it necessary to send every propo sition, either of his own or the American minister's, to his court for their approbation, and their delay in answering. Eventually, the English ministry would not agree to any of the propositions that had been made on either side ; and sent over a project for the definitive treaty, consisting merely of the preliminaries formeriy signed, wdth a short introductory paragraph, and an article at the con clusion, confirming and ratifjing the said articles. PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 139 Finding nothing could be determined upon at that time with i-espect to commercial regulations, tlie American ministers, in order to terminate the affair, agreed to sign the plan offered them by Mr. Hartley^ as the Definitive Treaty ; which ac cordingly took place at Paris, on the Sd of Sep tember, 1783. This business being accomplished, and Dr. Franklin not receiving any answer whatever from congress to his repeated official applications to be recalled, and his anxiety to return home increasing with his age and infirmities, he addressed a private request to the same effect to his friend General Mifflin, then president of congress, in order, through his interposition and influence, to obtain the wished-for object. The following is a copy ofl that letter. To HIS Excelxency Thos. Mifflin, Esq. President of Congress. (Private.) Dear Sir, Passy, Dec. 26, 1783, I congratulate you very sincerely on your appointment to that very honorable station, the presidency of congress. Every testimony you receive of the public sense of your services and talents, gives me pleasure. I have written to you a long letter on business, in my quality of minister. , iThis is a private lettej', respecting my personal concerns, which I presume 140 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. to trouble you with on the score of our ancient friendship. In a letter of the 12th of March, 1781,' I stated iny age and infirmities to the congress, and re quested they would be pleased to recal me, that I mifht enjoy the little left me of the evening of hfe in repose, and in the sweet society of my friends and family, I was answered by the then president, that when peace should be made, if I persisted in the same request, it should be granted: I acquiesced: the preliminaries were signed in November, 1782, and I then repeated my petition.* A year is past, and I have no answer. Undoubt edly, if the congress should think my continuing here necessary for the public service, I onght as a good citizen to submit to their judgment and plea sure ; but as they may easily supply my place to advantage, that cannot be the case; I suppose, therefore, that it is merely the multiplicity of more important affairs that has put my request out of their mind. What I would then desire of you is, to put this matter in train to be moved and an swered as soon as possible, that I may arrange my affairs accordingly. In the first letter above mentioned, to which I beg leave to refer you, I gave a character of my ' See Priv. Core. Part I. * See Letter to Robt. R. Livingston, Ifisq. of Dec. 5, 1782, Priv. Cork. Part III. PART IV, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 141 grandson, William Temple Franklin, and solicited for him the favor and protection of congress. ' I have nothing to abate of that character ; on the contrary, I think him so much improved as to be capable of executing, with credit to himself and advantage to the public, any employment in Europe the congress may think fit to honor him with. He has been seven years in the service, and is much esteemed by all that know him, particularly by the minister here, who, since my new disorder, (the stone) makes my going to Versailles inconvenient to me, transacts our business with him in the most obliging and friendly manner. It is natural for me, who love him, to wish to see him settled before I die, in some employ that may probably be per manent ; and I hope you will be so good to me, as to get that affair likewise moved and carried through in his favor. He has, I think, this addi tional merit to plead, that he has served in my office as secretary several years, for the small salary of 300 louis a-year, while the congress gave 1000 a-year to the secretaries of other ministers, who had not half the employ for a secretary that I had. For it was long before a consul was sent here, and we had all that business on our hands, with a great deal of admiralty business in examining and condemning captures taken by our cruisers, and by the French cruisers under American commis sions; besides the constant attendance in exa mining and recording the acceptances of the con- 142 MEMOIRS OP PART IV. gress bills of exchange,- which has been, fi^om the immense number, very fatiguing ; with many other extra affairs, not usually occurring to other minis^ ters, such as the care of the prisoners in England, and the constant coiTespond^nce relating to them; in all of which he served me as secretary, with the assistance only of a clerk at low wages (50 louis a-year), so that the saving has bei^n very consider able to the public. Some months after this. Dr. Franklin again re peated the same earnest requests to bis firiends and former colleagues, Mr. Jay and Mr. Laurens, then on the point of returning to the United States w ith their families. To Mr. and Mrs. Jay he thus writes : — • Passy, May 13, 1784, My dear fi-iends, I find I shall not, be able to see yon again as I intended. My best wishes, however, go with you, that you may have a pros perous voyage and a happy sight of your firiends and families, Mr. Jay was so kind as to offer his friendly services to me in America, He will oblige me much by endeavoring to forward my discharge from this employment. Repose is now my only ambition. If too he should think Avith me, that fny grandson is qualified ta serve the States as part IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 143 secretary to a future minister at this court, or as charg6 des affau'es, and will be kind enough to recommend such an appointment, it will exceed ingly oblige me. I have twice mentioned this in my letter to congress, but have not been favored with any answer ; which is hard, because the sus pense prevents my endoavoring to promote him in some other way. I would not, however, be im portunate; and therefore, if Mr. Jay should use his interest without effect, I will trouble them no more on the subject. My grandson's acquaintance with the language, with the court and custom^ here, and the particular regard M. de Vergennes has for him, are circumstances in his favor. God bless and protect you both, Embrace my little friend for me, and believe me ever yours, &c. B. Franklin. To Mr. Laurens he writes thus :— - Passy, May 13, 1784. * ,* * * * I am sorry for the numerous disap pointments you have lately met with. The world it is true is full of disappointments, but they are not equally divided, and you have had more than vour share. The ratifications of the definitive treaty are now exchanged ; but Mr. Hartley waits for instructions respecting a ireaty of commerce, which, from what 144 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. you observe, may probably never arrive. I shall, however, be glad to receive what you are so good as to promise me, your thoughts on the subject of such a treaty. You have been so kind as to offer me your friendly services in America. You will oblige me greatly in forwarding my dismission from this em ployment, for I long much to be at home: and if you should think my grandson qualified to serve the States as secretary to my successor, or charg^- des-affaires, till a successor arrives, I shall thapk you for recommending him. His knowledge of this court, and acquaintance with the language, and the esteem the minister has for him, are cir cumstances in. his favor: his long experience in the business here is another, he having served an apprenticeship to it for more than seven years. His intelligence, discretion, and address, you can judge better of than myself, who may be partial. His fidelity and exactitude in performing his duty, I can answer for. My best wishes attend you, your very valuable son, and amiable daughter, God bless you all, and give you a good voyage, and a happy meeting with your friends, with long life, health, and pros perity, is the sincere prayer of your affectionate humble servant, B, Franklin. Dr. Fra^nklin, as will have been previously seen, occasionally kept a private journal. The following PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 145 extracts from one kept about this time, may not be found void of interest. Private Journal. Passy, June 26, 1784, Mr. Waltersdorff" called on me, and acquainted me with a duel that had been fought yesterday morning, between a French officer' and a Swedish gentleman of that king's suite, in which the latter was killed on the spot, and the other dangerously wounded : — that the king does not resent it, as he thinks his subject was in the wrong. He asked me if I had seen the king of Sweden? — I had not yet had that honor. He said his behavior here was not liked : that he took little notice of his own ambassador, who, being ac quainted with the usages of this court, was capa ble of advising him, but was not consulted. That he was always talking of himself, and vainly boasting of his revolution, though it was known to have been the work of M. de Vergennes. That they began to be tired of him here, and wished him gone ; but he proposed staying till the 12th of July. That he had now laid aside his project of invading Norway, as he found Denmark had made preparations to receive him. That he pretended the Danes had designed to invade Sweden, though ' The Count de la Marck.< VOL. II. K 146 MEMOIR? OF PART IV. it was a known fact that the Danes had made no military preparations, even for defence, till six months after his began. I asked if it w^as clear that he had had an intention to invade Norway? He said that the marching and disposition of his troops, and the fortifications he had erected, indi cated it very plainly. He added, that Sweden was at present greatly distressed for provisions; that many people had actually died of hunger! That it was reported the king came here to borrow money, and to offer to sell Gottenburg to France ; a thing not very probable. M. Dussaulx called, and said, it is reported there is an alliance treating between the Emperor of Austria, Russia, andpEngland; the purpose not known; and that a counter-alliance is proposed between France, Prussia, and Holland, in which it is supposed Spain will join. He added, that changes in the ministry are talked of; that there are cabals against M. De Vengennes ; that M. De Calonne is to be Garde des Sceaux, with some other rumors fabricated perhaps at the Palais Royal. June ,29. Mr. Hammond, secretary to Mr. Hartley, called to tell me that Mr, Hartley had not received any orders by the last courier, either to stay or return, which he had expected ; and that he thought it occasioned by their uncertainty what terms of commerce to propose, till the report of the committee of council was laid before parliament, and its opinion known; and that he looked on the PART IV, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 147 delay of writing to him as a sign of their intending to do something. He told me it was reported that the king of Sweden had granted the free use of Gottenburg as a port for France, which alarmed the neighboring powers. That, in time of war, the northern coast of England might be much endangered by it. June 30th. M. Dupont, inspector of commerce, came to talk with me about the free port of L'Orient, and some difficulties respecting it: I referred him to Mr. Barclay, an American merchant and com missioner for accounts; and as he said he did not well understand English when spoken, and Mr. Barclay did not speak French, I offered my grand son to accompany him as interpreter, which he ac cepted. I asked him whether the Spaniards from the con tinent of America did not trade to the French s^ugar. islands? He said not. The only commerce with the. Spaniards was for cattle between them and the French at St. Domingo. I had been told the Spa niards brought flour to the French islands from the continent. He had not heard of it. If we can find that such a trade is allowed (perhaps from the Mis sissippi,) have not the United States a claim by treaty to the same privilege? July 1st. The Pope's Nuncio called, and ac quainted me that the Pope had, on my recom mendation, appointed Mr. John Carrol, superior of the Catholic clergy in America, with many of the 148 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. powers of a bishop; and that probably he would be made a bishop w partibus before the end of the year. He asked me which would be most conve nient for him, to come to France, or go to St. Do mingo for ordination by another bishop, which was necessary. I mentioned Quebec as more conve nient than either. He asked whether, as that was an English province, our government might not take offence at his going thither? I thought not, unless the ordination by that bishop should give him some authority over our bishop. He said, not in the least: that when our bishop was once or dained, he would be independent of the others, and even of the pope; which I did not clearly un derstand. He said the congregation de propaganda fidei had agreed to receive and maintain and instruct two young Americans in the languages and sciences at Rome: (he had formerly told me that more would be educated gratis in France.) He added, they had written from America that there are twenty priests, but that they are not sufficient; as the new settlements near the Mississippi have need of some. The Nuncio said we should find that the Catholics were not so intolerant as they had been represented; that the inquisition in Rome had not now so much power as that in Spain; and thatin Spain it was used chiefly as a prison of state. That the congregation would have undertaken the education of more Ame rican youths, and may hereafter, but that at present they are overburthened, having some from all parts of PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 149 the world. He spoke lightly of their New Bosto- nian convert, Thayer's conversion : that he had ad vised him not to go to America, but settle in France. That he wanted to go to convert his countrymen; but he knew nothing yet of his new religion him self, &c. ¦ Received a letter from Mr. Bridgen of London, dated the 22d past, acquainting me that the council of the Royal Society had voted me a gold medal, on account of my letter in favor of Captain Cook. Lord Howe had sent me his Journal, 3 vols. 4to. vrith a large volume of engravings, on the same ac count, and, as he writes, "with the King's appro bation." July 3. Mr. Smeathman comes and brings two English or Scotch gentlemen: one a chevalier of some order, the other a physician who had lived long in Russia. Much conversation. Putrid fevers common in Russia, and in winter much more than in summer: therefore supposed to be owing to their hot rooms. In a gentleman's house there are some times one hundred domestics : these have not beds, but sleep twenty or thirty in a close room warmed by a stove, lying on the floor and on benches. The stoves are heated by wood. As soon as it is burnt to coals, the chimney is stopt, to prevent the escape of hot and entry of cold air. So they breathe the same air over and over again all night. These fevers he cured by wrapping the patient in linen wet with 150 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. vinegar, and making them breathe the vapor of vinegar thrown on hot bricks. The Russians have the art of distilling spirits from milk. To prepare it for distillation it must, when beginning to sour, be kept in continual motion or agitation for twelve hours; it then becomes an uniform vinous liquor, the cream, curd, and aqueous part or whey, all in timately mixed. Excellent in this state for restoring emaciated bodies. This operation on milk was discovered long since by the Tartars, who in their rambling life often carry milk in leather bags on their horses, and the motion produced the effect. It may be tried with us by attaching a large cag of milk to some part of one of our mills. July 6. Directed Temple Franklin, who goes to court to-day, to mention three things to the minister. The main levee of the arrested goods, the port of L'Orient, and the consular convention; which he did with effect. — The port is fixed— and the con vention preparing. — Hear that Gottenburg is to be a free port for France, where they may assemble northern stores, &c. Mr. Hammond came and dined with me. He acquaints me, from Mr. Hartley, that no instruc tions are yet comB from England. July 7. A very hot day. Received a visit from the secretary of the king of Sweden, M. Franke, accompanied by the secretary of the embassy. July 8, M. Franke dines with me, in company PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 151 with M. de Helvfetius, Abb6 de la Roche, M. Ga- banis, and an American captain. The king of Sweden does not go to England. July 10. Mr. Grand came to propose my diniiig with the Swedish court at his house, which is next door, and I consented. While he was with me the consul came. We talked about the Barbary powers : they are four, Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli. He informed me that Salee, the principal port be longing to the Emperor of Morocco, had formerly been famous for corsairs. That this prince had discouraged them, and in 1768 published an edict declaring himself in peace with all the world, and forbad their cruising any more, appointing him con sul for those Christian states who had none in his country. That Denmark pays him 25,000 piastres fortes yearly, in money; Sweden is engaged to send an ambassador every two years with presents; and the other powers buy their peace in the same man ner, except Spain and the Italian states, with whom they have constant war. That he is consul for Sardinia and Prussia, for Avhom he procured treaties of peace. That he proposed a peace for Russia; but that the Emperor having heard that Russia was going to war with his brother, the Grand Seignior, he refused it. Mr. Audibert Caille (the consul) thinks it shameful for Christendom to pay tribute to such canaille, and proposes two ways of reducing the barbarians to peace with all Europe, and obliging them to quit their piratical practices. 152 MEMOIRS OF PART IV, They have need of many articles froni Europe, and of a vent for their superfluous commodities. If therefore all Europe would agree to refuse any commerce with them but on condition of their quit ting piracy, and such an agreement could be faith- fiiUy observed on our part, it would have its effect upon them. But if any one power would continue the trade with them, it would defeat the whole. There was another method he had projected, and communicated in a memorial to the court here, by Mons.deRayneval ; which was, thatFrance should undertake to suppress their piracies and give peace to all Europe, by means of its influence with the Porte. For all the people of these states being ob liged by their religion to go at times in caravans to Mecca, and to pass through the Grand Seignior's dominions, who gives them escorts of troops through the desert, to prevent their being plundered and perhaps massacred by the Arabs, he could refiise them passage and protection but on condition of their living peaceably with the Europeans, &c. He spoke of Montgomery's transaction, and of Crocco, whom he understands was authorised by the courti The barbarians, be observed, having no commercial ships at sea, had vastly the advantage of the Euro peans; for one could not make reprisals on their trade. And it has long been my opinion, that if the European nations, who are powerful at >-ea, were to make war upon us Americans, it would be better foi" us to renounce commerce in our. own bottoms, PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 153 and convert them all into cruisers. Other nations would furnish us with what we wanted, and take off"oUr produce. He promised me a note of the commerce of Barbary, and we are to see each other again, as he is to stay here a month. Dined at Mr. Grand's, with the Swedish gentle men. They were Mons; Rosenstein, secretary of the embassy, and *****, with whom I had a good deal of conversation relating to the commerce posr sible between our two countries. I found they had seen at Rome Charles Stuart the Pretender : they spoke of his situation as very hard : that France, who had formerly allowed him a pension, had with drawn it, and that he sometimes almost wanted bread! Jnlyll. M; Waltersdorff" called. He hears that the agreement with Sweden respecting the port of Gottenburg is not likely to be concluded. That Sweden wanted an island in the AVest Indies in exchange. I think she is better without it. July 13. Mess. Mirabeau and Champfort came and read their translation of (American) Mr. Burke's pamphlet against the Cincinnati, which they have much enlarged, intending it as < a covered satire against noblesse in general. It is well done. There are also remarks on the last letter of General Wash ington on that subject. They say General Wash ington missed a beau momenta, when he accepted to be of that society (which some aff"ect to call an order). The same of the Marquis de la Fayette. .Julv 14. Mr. Hammond calls to acquaint me 154 MEMOIRS OF PAR:t IV. that Mr. Hartley is still without any instructions re lating to the treaty of commerce; and supposes it occasioned by their attention to the India bill. I said to him, — your court and this seem to be waiting for one another, with respect to the American trade with your respective islands. You are both afraid of doing too much for us, and yet each wishes to do a little more than the other. You had better have accepted our generous proposal at first, to put us both on the same footing of free intercourse that existed before the war. You will make some nar row regulations, and then France will go beyond you in generosity. 'You never see your follies till too late to mend them. — He said. Lord Sheffield was continually exasperating the parliament against America. He had lately been publishing an ac count of loyalists murdered there, &c. Probably invented. Thursday, July 15. The Duke de Chartres's' balloon went off" this morning from St. Cloud, him self and three others in the gallery. It was foggy, and they were soon out of sight. But the machine being disordered, so that the trap or valve could not be opened to let out the expanding air, and fearing that the balloon would burst, they cut a hole in it, which ripped larger, and they fell rapid ly, but received no harm. They had been a vast height, met with a cloud of snow, and a tornado, which frightened them. ' * The late Duke of Orleans, father to the present one, (1818). part IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 155 Friday, 16. Received a letter from two young gentlemen in London, who are come from America for ecclesiastical orders, and complain that they have been delayed there a year, and that the arch bishop will not permit them to be ordained unless they will take the oath of allegiance ; and desiring to know if they may be ordained here. Inquired and learnt that if ordained here, they must vow obedience to the archbishop of Paris. Directed my grandson to ask the Nuncio, if their bishop in America might not be instructed to do it literally ? Saturday, 17. The Nuncio says the thing is impossible, unless the gentlemen become Roman Catholics. Wrote them an answer.' Sunday, 18. A good abb6 brings me a large manuscript containing a scheme of reformation of all churches* and states, religion, commerce, laws, &c. which he has planned in his closet, without much knowledge of the world. I have promised to look it over, and he is to call next Thursday. It is amazing the number of legislators that kindly bring me new plans for governing the United States. Monday, July 19. Had the Americans at din ner, with Mr. White and Mr. Arbuthnot from England. The latter was an officer at Gibraltar during the late siege. He says the Spaniards might have taken it ; and that it is now a place of ' See Priv. Corr, Part I. letter dated July 18, 1784. 156 MEMOIRS OF PART IV, no value to JEngland. That its supposed use as a port for a fleet to prevent the junction of the Brest and Toulon squadrons, is chimerical. That while the Spaniards are in possession of Algeziras, they can with their gun-boats, in the use of which they are grOwn very expert, make it impossible for any fleet to lie there. Tuesday, 20. My grandson went to court. No news there, except that the Spanish fleet against Algiers is sailed. Receive only one American letter by the packet, which is from the college of Rhode Island, desiring me to solicit benefactions of the king, which I cannot do, for reasons which I shall give them. It is inconceivable why I have no letters from congress. The treaties with Den mark, Portugal, &c. all neglected ! Mr. Hartley makes the same complaint. He is still without orders. Mr. Hammond called and dined with me ; says Mr. Pitt begins to lose his popularity ; his new taxes, and project about the navy bills, give great discontent. He has been burnt in effigy at York. His East- India bill not likely to go dowm ; and it is thought he cannot stand long. Mr. Hammond is a friend of Mr. Fox ; — whose friends, that have lost their places, are called Fox's Mar-^ iyrs. Wednesday, July 21. Count deHaga' sends his card to take leave. M. Grand tells me he has * The king of Sweden. PART IV. BENJAMIN PRANKLIN. 157 bought here my bust with that of M. D'Alembert or Diderot, to take vrith him to Sweden. He set out last night. Thursday, 22. Lord Fitzmaurice, son of Lord Shelbume, arrives ; brought me sundry letters and papers. He thinks Mr. Pitt in danger of losing his majo rity in the house of commons, though great at pre sent ; for he will not have wherewithal to pay them. I said, that governing by a parliament which must be bribed, was employing a very ex pensive machine, and that the people of England would in time find out, though they had not yet, that since the parliament must always do the will of the minister, and be paid for doing it, and the people must find the money to pay them, it would be the same thing in elTect, but much cheaper, to be governed by the minister at first hand, without a parliament. Those present seemed to think the reasoning clear. Lord Fitzmaurice appears a sen sible, amiable young man. Tuesday, 27. Lord Fitzmaurice called to see me. His father having requested that I would give him such instructive hints as might be useful to him, I occasionally mentioned the old story of Demosthenes' answer to one who demanded what was the first point of oratory ? , A-ction. The se cond? Action. The third? Action: which I said had been generally understood to mean the action of an, orator vrith his hands, &c. in speaking ; but 158 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. that I thought another kind of action of more im portance to an orator, who would persuade people to follow his advice, viz. such a course of action in the conduct of life, as would impress them with an opinion of his integrity as well as of his under standing. That this opinion once established, all the difficulties, delays, and oppositions, usually occasioned by doubts and suspicions, were pre vented ; and such a man, though a very imperfect speaker, would almost always carry his points against the most florishing orator, who had not the character of sincerity. To express my sense of the importance of a good private character in public aff"airs more strongly, I said the advantage of having it, and the disadvantage of not having it, were so great, that I even believed if George III. had had a bad private character, and John Wilkes a good one, the latter might have turned the former out of his kingdom.^ — Lord Shelbume, the father of Lord Fitzmaurice, has unfortunately the cha racter of being insince^'e ; and it has hurt much his usefulness ; though in all my concerns with him, I never saw any instance of that kind. [This Journal does not appear to have been continued fiirther at this period : it is to be re gretted that it is not more extensive.] In the year 1784, when animal magnetism made considerable noise in the world, particularly at PART IV. BENJAMIN PRANKLIN. 159 Paris, it was thought a matter of such importance, that the king appointed commissioners to examine into the foundation of this pretended science. Dr^ Franklin, at the particular request of his Majesty, signified to him by a letter from the minister, con sented to be one of the number. After a fair and diligent examination, in the course of which Doctor Delon, a pupil and partner of Mesmer, re peated a number of experiments, in the presence of the commissioners, some of which were tried upon themselves, they determined that it was a mere trick, . intended to impose on the ignorant and credulous ; and gave in their report accord ingly to his Majesty ; which was afterwards pub lished for the information of the public. Mesmer, and his associate Delon, were thus interrupted in their career to wealth and fame ; and a most inso lent attempt to impose upon the human under standing, baffled. Some time after. Dr. Franklin, in a letter to his friend Dr. Ingenhausz, thus notices the subject. " Mesmer continues here, and has still some adherents, and some practice. It is surprising how much credulity still subsists in the world. I suppose all the physicians in France put together have not made so much money, during the time he has been here, as he alone has done I And we have now a fresh folly, A magnetiser pretends that he can, by establishing what is called a rap port between any person and a somnambule, put it 160 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. in the power of that person to direct the actions of the somnambule by a simple strong volition only, without speaking or making any signs ; and many people daily flock to see this strange operation." The important ends of Dr. Franklin's mission to Europe being attained by the establishment and acknowledgment of American independence ; and the infirmities of age and disease increasing upon him, he became more and more desirous of being relieved from his public situation, and of returning to his native country. Upon a renewed applica tion to congress to be recalled, he at length ob tained his request, and Mr. Jeff'erson was appointed to succeed him ; a more able and suitable succes sor, in every respect, could not have been found. The following letters passed on this occasion between Dr. Franklin and the French minister for foreign aff"airs. To HIS Excellency Count de Vergennes, &c. &c. Sir, Passy, May 3, 1785, I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that I have at length obtained, and yesterday received, the permission of congress to return to America, As my malady makes it im practicable for me to pay my devoirs at Versailles personally, may I beg the favor of you, sir, to ex- part IV, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 161 press respectfully for me to his Majesty, the deep sense I have of all the inestimable benefits his goodness has conferred on my country ; a senti ment that it will be the business of the little re mainder of life now left me, to impress equally on the minds of all my countrymen. My sincere prayers are, that God may shower down his bless ings on the King, the Queen, their children, and all the royal family, to the latest generations ! Permit me, at the same time, to offer you my thankful acknowledgments for the protection and countenance you afforded me at my arrival, and your many favors during my residence here ; of which I shall always retain the most grateful re membrance. My grandson would have had the honor of waiting on you with this letter, but he has been some time ill of a fever. With the greatest esteem and respect, and best wishes for the constant prosperity of yourself, and all your amiable family, I am, sir, yom* Excel- liency's most obedient and most humble servant, B. Franklin, [Answer to the foregoing.] A SON Excellence Mons. Franklin, A Versailles, le 22 Mai, 1785. J'ai appris avec beaucoup de peine, Monsieur, votre retraite et' votre prochain depart VOL. II. L 162 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. pour I'Am^rique. Vous ne devez pas douter que les regrets que vous laisserez, ne soient propor- tionn6s k la consideration dont vous jouissez k si juste titre. Je puis vous assurer. Monsieur, que I'estime que le Roi vous porte, ne vous laisse rien a d^sirer, et que sa Majest6 apprendra avec une vi&ritable satisfaction, (pe vos compatriotes ont recompense d'une maniere digne de vous, les im- portans services que vous leur avez rendus. Je vous prie. Monsieur, de me conserver une part dans votre souvenir, et de ne jamais douter de la sinc^rite de rinter^t que je prends k votre bonheur : il a pour principe les sentimens d'at- tachement que je vous ai vou6s, et avec lesquels j'ai I'honneur d'etre. Monsieur, votre tr^s-humble et tr^s-ob6issant serviteur, De Vergennes. One of the last public acts of Dr. Franklin in Europe, as plenipotentiary from congress, took place on the 9th of July, 1785, when he concluded and signed (jointly with other American commis sioners) a treaty of amity and commerce between the United States of America and the King of Prussia. This treaty is remarkable as containing a strong and lasting testimony of Dr. Franklin's wonted philanthropy. In it was introduced for the first time, (and, to the disgrace of governments, perhaps for the last) that benevolent article against the molestation of the persons and property of un-' armed citizens in time of war ; and against priva- PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 163 teering. The establishing of this principle as the future law of nations, was a favorite object of Dr. Franklin. In the beginning of the year 1783, he formally proposed the same to the British govern ment, through the medium of one of its envoys, as appears by his letter to Mr. Oswald of the 14th Jan. 1783 ; to which is subjoined his motives and arguments at length, in favor of this improvement of the law of nations.' The article then proposed was nearly the same as that which he afterwards actually introduced, and constituted a part of the treaty with Prussia. It runs thus : Article 23. " if war should arise between the two contracting parties, the merchants of either country then residing in the other, shall be allowed to remain nine months to collect their debts and settle their affairs, and may depart freely, carrying off all their effects without molestation or hindrance. And all women, and chil dren, scholars of every faculty, cultivators of the earth, arti- zans, manufacturers, and fishermen, unarmed, and inhabiting unfortified towns, villages, and pl3ces ; and in general all others whose occupations are for the common subsistence and benefit of mankind, shall be allowed to continue their respective em ployments, and shall not be molested in their persons ; nor shall their houses or goods be burnt or otherwise destroyed, nor their fields wasted by the armed force of the enemy, into whose power, by the events of the war, they may happen to fall : but if any thing is necessary to be taken from them for the use of such armed force, the same shall be paid for at a reasonable price. And all merchant and trading vessels, employed in ex changing the products of different places, and thereby rendering ' See Priv, Cork. Part III. 164 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. the necessaries, conveniences, and comforts of human life, more easy to be obtained, and more general, shall be allowed to pass free and unmolested ; and neither of the contracting powers shall grant or issue any commission to any private armed vessels, em powering them to take or destroy such trading vessels, or in terrupt such commerce." During Dr. Franklin's residence in France, not withstanding the important and multifarious con cerns attending his public situation, he never theless found time to write several papers on philo sophical and other subjects, which will appear in their appropriate places, in a subsequent volume, containing a selection of his most approved poli tical, philosophical, and miscellaneous writings.. A few days before he left Passy, he received an additional proof of the personal esteem entertained for him at the court, of France, by the following letter from the Mar6chal Due de Castries, the minister of the marine. A SON Excellence Mons. Franklin, &c, &c. Versailles, le 10 Juillet, 1785, Je n'ai appris, Monsieur, que depuis tr^s-peu de jours, les dispositions que vous avez faites pour votre depart. Si j'en eusse 6t6 informe plutot, je me serois empresse k proposer an Roi de destiner une frigate pour vous transporter dans votre patrie, d'une maniere k lui faire connoitre la considdration que les services distingu6s que vous PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 165 avez rendus, vous ont acquis en France, et les bont6s particuli^res de Sa Majeste pour vous. Je vous prie. Monsieur, d'agrder mes regrets, et une nouvelle assurance de la plus parfaite conside ration avec laquelle j'ai I'honneur d'etre, Monsieur, \^tre tr^s-humble et tr^s-ob6issant serviteur, Le Marechal de Castries. The infirmity under which Dr. Franklin labored, was such, that he could not support the motion of a carriage. In consequence, the queen's litter borne by Spanish mules was kindly offered and gratefully accepted, to convey him from Passy to Havre-de-Grace, where he proposed embarking. In this easy vehicle he made that journey, fol lowed by his family and some friends in carriages. On the road, he experienced every mark of respect, ¦attention, and kindness, from several of the no bility and gentry whose chateaux lay adjoining, and particularly from the Cardinal de la Roche- foucault at Gaillon, where he passed a night with his accompanying friends and attendants. He ar rived safe at Havre, wdthout having experienced any material inconvenience from the journey, and there embarked in a small packet, crossed the British channel, and landed at Southampton. Here he remained a few days, and had the satis faction of seeing his son, the former governor of New Jersey, and receiving the visits of several of his English friends. Among these were the Bishop 166 MEMOIRS OF PART IV* of St. Asaph (Dr. Shipley), f Mr. Alexander, Mr. Benj. Vaughan, &c. &c. He embarked on board a Philadelphia ship called the London Packet, Capt. Thos. TruxtOn, on July 27, and after a prosperous voyage arrived at Philadelphia on. the 14th Sep tember. But his own account of his journey from Passy to Havre, and his subsequent voyage to Southampton, and thence to America, as taken from his pocket journal, may not perhaps be en-' tirely void of interest. It is as follows. Private Journal. " Having staid in France about 8i years, I took leave of the court and my friends, and set out on my return home, July 12, 1785, leaving Passy with my two grandsons, at 4 P. M.; arrived about 8 at St. Germain's. M. de Chaumont, with his daughter Sophia, accompanied us to Nanter^e. M. Le Veillard will continue with us to Havre, We met at St. Gtr main's the Miss Alexanders with Mrs. Williams our cousin, who had provided a lodging for me at M. Benoit's. I found that the motion of the litter, lent me by the Duke de Coigny, did not much incommode me. It was one of ,the queen's, carried by two very large mules, the mule teer riding another ; M. le V. and my children in a carriage. We drank tea at M. Benoit's, and went early to bed. Wednesday, July 13. Breakfast with our friends, take leave and continue our journey, dine part IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 167 at a good inn at Meulan, and get to Mantes in the evening. A messenger from the Cardinal de Ro- chefoucault meets us there, with an invitation to us to stop at his house at Gaillon the next day, ac quainting us at the same time, that he would take no excuse; for, being all-powerful in his arch bishopric, he would stop us nolens volens at his ha bitation, and not permit us to lodge any where else. We consented. Lodged at Mantes. Found myself very little fatigued with the day's journey, the mules going only foot pace. Thursday, July 14. Proceed early, and break fast at Vernon. Received a visit there from Vicomte. de Tilly and his Comtesse. Arrive at the cardinal's without dining, about six in the af ternoon. It is a superb ancient chateau, built about 350 years since, but in fine preservation, on an elevated situation, vvitli an extensive and beau tiful view over a well-cultivated country. The car dinal is archbishop of Rouen. A long gallery con tains the pictures of all his predecessors. The chapel is elegant in the old style, with well-painted glass windows. The terrace magnificent. We supped early. The entertainment was kind and cheerful. We were allowed to go early to bed, on account of our intention to depart early in the morning. The cardinal pressed us to pass, another day with him, offering to amuse us, with hunting in his park : but the necessity we are under of being in tiifle at Havre, lyonld not permit. So we took. 168 memoirs of part iv. leave and retired to rest. The cardinal is much -respected and beloved by the people of this coun try, bearing in all respects an excellent character. Friday, July 15. Set out about five in the morn ing, travelled till ten, then stopped to breakfast, and remained in the inn during the heat of the day. We had heard at the cardinal's, that our friend Mr. Holker of Rouen had been out that day as far as Port St. Antoine to meet us ; expecting us there from a letter of M. de Chaumont's. Here came to us one of his servants, who was sent to inquire if any accident had happened to us on the road, and was ordered to proceed till he got intelligence. He went directly back, and we proceeded. We passed a chain of chalk mountains very high, with strata of flints. The quantity that appears to have been washed away on one side of these mountains, leav ing precipices of 300 feet high, gives an idesf of extreme antiquity. It seems as if done by the beating of the sea. We got to Rouen about five ; were most aff'ectionately received by Mr. and Mrs. Holker. A great company of genteel people at supper, which was our dinner. The chief presi dent of the parliament and his lady invite us to dine the next day; but being pre-engaged with Mr. Holker, we compounded for drinking tea. We lodge all at Mr. Holker's. Saturday, July 16. A deputation from the academy of Rouen came with their compliments, which were delivered in form, and a present for me PART IV. benjamin FRANKLIN. 169 by one of the directors, being a magical square, which I think he said expressed my name. I have perused it since, but do not comprehend it. The Duke de Chabot's son, lately married to a Mont morency, and colonel of a regiment now at Rouen, was present at the ceremony, being just come in to visit me. I forgot to mention that I saw with plea sure in the cardinal's cabinet, a portrait of this young man's grandmother, Madame la Duchesse ^'Enville, who had always been our friend, and 4;reated us with great civihties at Paris ; a lady of uncommon intelligence and merit. I received here also a present of books, 3 vols. 4to., from Dr. ***** with a very polite letter, which I answered. We had a great company at dinner ; and at six went in a chair to the president's, where were as sembled some gentlemen of the robe. We drank tea there, awkwardly made, for want of practice, very little being drunk in France. I went to bed «arly ; but my company supped with a large invited party, and were entertained with excellent singing, Sunday, July 17. Set out early. Mr. Holker accompanied us some miles, when we took an af fectionate leave of^each other. Dine at Ivefot, a large town, and anive at Bolbec, being the longest day's journey we have yet made. It is a market- town of considerable bigness, and seems thriving; the people well clad, and appear better fed than those of the wine countries. A linen-printer here 170 memoirs OP PART IV. offered to remove to America, but I did not encou rage him. Monday, July 18. Left Bolbec about ten o'clock, and arrive at Havre at five P. M., having stopped on the road at a miserable inn to bait. We were very kindly received by M. and Mde. Ruellan, The governor makes us a visit, and some other gentlemen. Tuesday, July 19, We receive visits in form from the iritendant, the governor or commandant, the offiqers of the regiment of Poitou and Picardy, the corps of engineers, and M. Limosin. M. Limosin proposes several vessels ; all very dear. We wait for the packet from Southampton, Dine at M. Ruellan's, where we lodge. Receive the affiliation of the lodge at Rouen. Wednesday, July 20. Return the visits. Re ceive one from the corps de marine; and one from the corps d'artillerie. M. Houdon arrives and brings me letters. Dine at M. Limosin's. Present M. and Mde. Le Mesurier and their sister, agree able people of Alderney (Auvigny). Kindly enter tained by M. L. and his daughter, Return the last visits. The packet-boat arrives, and the captain (Jen nings) calling at our lodging, we agree with him to carry us and the baggage we have here for ten gui" neas, to land us at Cowes. We are to departtfe morrow evening. PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 171 Thursday, July 21. W^e had another visit from M. de Villeneuve, the commandant, inviting us to dine with him to-morrow; but intending to go off this evening, we could not accept that honor. Dine with our friendly host and hostess. Mde. Feines, Mde. de Clerval, and two other ladies, visit M. Le Veillard, with several gentlemen. In the evening, when we thought we were on the point of departing, the captain of the packet comes and acquaints us that the wind is right against us, and blows so hard, that it is impossible to get out, and we give up the project till to-morrow. Friday, July 22. Breakfast and take leave of some friends, and go on board the packet at half after ten. Wind not very fair. Saturday, July 23. Buff'et all night against the north-west wind, which was full in our teeth. This continued till two o'clock to-day, then came fair, and we stand our course. At seven p. m. we discover land, the Isle of Wight. Sunday, July 24. We had a fair wind Sill night, and this morning at seven o'clock, being off Cowes, the captain represented to me the difficulty of get ting in there against the flood ; , and proposed that we should rather run up to Southampton, which we did, and landed there between eight and nine. Met my son, who had : arrived frOm London the evening before, with Mr. WiUiams and Mr. J. Alexander. Wrote a letter to fhe bishop of St. Asaph, acquainting him with my arrival, and he 172 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. came with his lady and daughter, Miss Kitty, after dinner, to see us : they talk of staying here as long as we do. Our meeting was very affectionate. I write letters to London, viz. to Messrs. W. J. M. .and Co,, to acquaint them with our. arrival, and desire to know when the ship will sail, and to Mr. Williams. These letters went by post, before we knew of his being here. Wrote also to Mr. B. Vaughan. Monday, July 25. The bishop and family lodg ing in the same inn, the Star, we all breakfast and dine together. I went at noon to bathe in Martin's .salt-water hot-bath, and floating on my back, fell asleep, and slept near an hour by my watch, without sinking or turning ! a thing I never did before, and should hardly have thought possible. Water is the easiest bed that can be. Read over the writings of conveyance, &c. of my son's lands in New Jersey and New York to my grandson. Write to M. Ruellan, M. Limosin, M. Holker, and M. Grand. ' Southampton a very neat pretty place. The two French gentlemen, our friends, much pleased with it. The bishop gives me a book in 4to. written by Dean Paley, and the family dine with us. Sundry fiiends came to see me from London ; by one I receive a present of my friend Dr. Fothergill's works, from Dr. Lettsom ; and a book on finance from Mr. Gale. Mr. Williams tells me the ship had fallen down to Gravesend the 22d, so that she might be in the Downs the PART IV. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 173 24th, and possibly here to-morrow, that is, on the Mother Bank, which we can see hence. Mr. Williams brought a letter from Mr. Nepean, secre tary to LordTownshend, addressed to Mr. Vaughan, expressing, that orders would be sent to the custom- honse at Cowes not to trouble our baggage, &c. It is still here on board the packet that brought it over. Mr. Alexander takes leave for London; write by him to Mr. Jackson, Dr. Jeffries, Dr. Lettsom, and my son-in-law Bache, the latter to be sent by the packet. July 26. Deeds signed between W. Franklin and W. T. Franklin. Mr. Williams having brought sundry necessaries for me, goes down with them to Cowes, to be ready for embarking. Capt. Jennings carries down our baggage that he brought from Havre. My dear friend, M. Le Veillard, takes leave to go wdth him. Mr. Vaughan arrives from London, to see me. Wednesday, July 27. Give a power to my son to recover what may be due to me from the British government. Hear from J. Williams that the ship is come. We all dine once more with the bishop and family, Avho kindly accept om" invitation to go on board with us. We go down in a shallop to the ship. The oaptaui entertains us at supper. The company stay all night. sThursday, July 28. When I waked in the morn- 174 MEMOIRS OF PART IV. ing found the company gone, and the ship under sail. * * Nothing material occurred during the passage : Dr. Franklin occupied himself, as in former voy ages, in ascertaining daily the temperature of the sea water by the thermometer; and he Avrote a very interesting [and usefiil paper on " Improvements in Navigation," which he addressed to Mons. Alphonse Le Roy, at Paris. It was afterwards read in the American Philosophical Society, Dec. 3, 1785, and will be found among his philosophical writings. The foregoing little journal concludes thus : Tuesday, Sept. 13. The wind springing fair last evening after a calm, we found ourselves this morning, at sun-rising, abreast of the light-house, and between Capes May and Henlopen. We sail into the bay very pleasantly; water smooth, air cool, day fair and fine. We passed Newcastle about sun-set, and went on near to Redbank before the tide and wind failed, then came to an anchor. Wednesday, Sept. 14. With the flood in the morning came a light breeze, which brought us above Gloucester Point, in full view of dear Phila delphia ! when we again cast anchor to wait for the. PART IV, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 175 health officer, who, having made his visit, and find ing no sickness, gave us leave to land. My son-in- law came with a boat for us ; we landed at Market- Street wharf, where we were received by a crowd of people with huzzas, and accompanied vrith acclamations quite to my door. Found my family well. God be praised and thanked for all his mercies! END OF PART IV. 176 MEMOIRS OF PART V. PART V. The arrival of Dr. Franklin in Philadelphia is thus accurately related by one of his historians: " He was received amidst the acclamations of an immense number of the inhabitants, who flocked from all parts in order to see him, and conducted him in triumph to his own house. In the mean time, the cannon and the bells of the city announced the glad tidings to the neighboring country; and he was waited upon by the congress, the university, and all the principal citizens, who were eager to testify their esteem and veneration for his character." Another writer thus enthusiastically notices his return: " His entry into Philadelphia resembled atriumph ; and he traversed the streets of that capital amidst the benedictions of a free and grateful people, who had not forgotten his services. " The warriors who had shed their blood for an independence, insured by means of his sagacity, were eager to exhibit to him their glorious wounds. He was surrounded by old men, who had petitioned Heaven to live long enough to behold his return; PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLI1|. 177 and by a new generation eager to survey the fea tures of a great man, whose talents, whose services, and whose virtues, had excited in their hearts the first raptures of enthusiasm. Having advanced from a port, henceforth open to all nations, to a city, the model of all future capitals, he beheld the public school which he had founded, — in a state of splen dor; and saw the hospital, the establishment of which had been one of his first services, and the in crease of which was owing to his foresight,— now fully commensurate to all his wishes : the latter by solacing suffering humanity ; the former by aiding the progress of reason. He then turned his eyes towards the neighboring country, embellished by liberty, in which, in the midst of public prosperity, were still to be seen some vestiges of the ravages of the English; but these only served by their con trast to endear still .more the pleasures arising from peace — and victory!" , The following are some of the numerous congra tulatory addresses presented to Dr. Franklin on his return; To the Hon. Benjamin Franklin, Esq. LL. D. &c. The representatives of the freemen of the common wealth of Pennsylvania, in general assembly met, in the niost affectionate manner congratulate you on your safe arrival in your country, after so long an absence on the most important business. We likewise congratulate you on the firm establish ment of the independence of America, and the settlement of VOL. II. M 178 ;• MEMOIRS OF PART V. a general peace, ^ifter the interesting struggle in which we were so long engaged. We are confident, sir, that we speak the sentiments of this whole country, when we say, that your-services, in the public councils and negotiations, have not only merited the thanlss of the present generation, but will be recorded in the pages of history, to your immortal honor. And it is particularly pleas ing to us, that, while we are sitting as members of the assembly of Pennsylvania, we have the happiness of welcoming into the State, a person who was so greatly instrumental in forming its free constitution. May it please God to give you a serene and peaceful en joyment of the evening of life, and a participation of that hap piness you have been so instrumental in securing to others ! Signed, by order of the House, John Bayard, Speaker. Assembly Chambers, Sept. 15, 1785. Dr. Franklin's Reply. Mk. Speakee and Gentlemen, I am extremely happy to find by your friendly and affectionate address, that my endeavors to serve our country in the late important struggle, have met with the approbation of so respectable a body as the representatives of the freemen of Pennsylvania. I esteem that approbation as one of the greatest honors of my life. I hope the peace with which God has been graciously pleased^to bless u« may be lasting, and that the free, constitution we now enjoy, may long contri bute to promote our common felicity. The kind wishes of the general assembly for my particofar happiness affect me very sensibl}?, and I beg they would accept my thankful ac knowledgments. PAST V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 179 To the Hon. Benjamin I''ranklin, Ksq. LL. D. &c, Sir, It is with peculiar pleasure that the American Phi losophical Society address you on this occasion. The high consideration and esteem in which we hold your diaracter, so intimately combine with our regard for the pub lic welfare, that we participate eminently in the general satis faction which your return to America produces. We bid you welcome to your native country, for which you have done the most essential services : — and we welcome you to this chair, your occupying of which, as President, adds to our institution much lustre in the eyes of the world. Sir, it reflects honor on philosophy, when one distinguished by his deep investigations, and many valuable improvements in it, is known to be equally distinguished for his philanthropy, patriotism, and liberal attachment to the rights of human nature. We know the favorable influence that freedom has upon the growth of sciences and arts. We derive encouragement and extraordinary felicity^from an assemblage of recent memor able events. And, while we boa^ in a most pleasing equality perma nently ascertained, and that independence which you had so great a share in establishing, we have reason to expect, that this society will proceed with an increasing success, to con duct the important business for which they originally associated. The Presidjsnt's Answer. Gentlemen, The great honor done me by this society, in choosing me so many years successively their president, notwithstanding 180 MEMOIRS OF PART V. my absence in Europe, and the very kind welcome they are pleased to give me on my return, demand my most grateful acknowledgments; which I beg they would be pleased to ac cept, with my warmest wishes of success to their laudable en deavors for the promoting of useful knowledge among us, to which I shall be happy if I can in any degree contribute. To the Hon. Benjamin Feanklin, Esq. LL, D. &c. The Address of the Provost, V. Provost, and Professors of the University of Pennsylvania. Honored Sir, The Provost, V. Provost, and Professors of the University of Pennsylvania, beg leave to congratulate you on your safe arrival in your native country, after having accom plished the duties of your exalted character with dignity and success. While we participate in the general happiness of America, to the establishment of which your political abilities and pa triotic exertions have so signally contributed ; we feel a parti cular pleasure in paying our acknowledgments to the gentle man who first projected the liberal plan of the institution over which we have the honor to preside. Not contented with enriching the world with the most im portant discoveries in natural philosophy, your benevolence audhberality of sentiment early engaged you to make provision fbr exciting a spirit of inquiry into the secret operations of nature; for exalting and refining the genius of America, by the propagation of useful learning; and for qualifying many of her sons to make that illustrious figure which has command ed the est«;em and admiration of the most polished nations of Europe. PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 181 Among the many benevolent projections which have laid so ample a foundation for the esteem and gratitude of your na tive country, permit this seminary to reckon her first establish ment, upon the solid principles of equal liberty, as one of the most considerable and important: and now, when restored through the influence of our happy constitution, to her origi nal broad and catholic bottom ; when enriched by the protec tion and generous donations of a public-spirited and patriotic assembly ; and when florishing under liie countenance of the best friends of religion, learning, and liberty in the state; she cannot but promise herself the continued patronage of the evening of that life which divine Providence has so eminently distinguished. May the same indulgent Providence yet continue your pro tracted life, enriched and crowned with the best of blessings, to nurse and cherish this favorite child of your youth ; that the future sons of science in this western world may have ad ditional reason to remember the name of FeankLin with gratitude and pleasure. Signed, in the name and by order of the Faculty, by Philadelphia, Sept. 1 6, 1785. John Ewi no. Provost. Dr. Franklin's Answer. T am greatly obliged, Gentlemen, by your kind con gratulations on my safe arrival.. It gives me extreme pleasure to find, that seminaries of learning are increasing in America, and particularly that the university over which you preside, continues to florish. My best wishes will always attend it. The instruction of youth is one of those employments which to the public are most useful ; it ought therefore to be esteemed among the most honorable : its successful exercise does not, Jiowevef, always meet with the reward it nierits. 182 MEMOIRS OF PART V, except in the satisfaction of having contributed to the forming of virtuous and able men for the service of their country. The constitutional society of Philadelphia, the justices of the city, the officers of the militia, and several other bodies, presented to Dr. Franklin Oh his arrival, addresses of congratulation nearly simi lar; and shortly after he received the following letter from that illustrious character. General Wash ington: Dear Sir, Mount Vernon, Sept. 25, 1785. Amid the public gratulations on your safe return to America, after a long absence, and the many eminent services you have rendered it — for which as a benefited person 1 feel the obligation — permit an individual to join the public voice in expressing his sensq of them ; and to assure you, that ^s no one entertains more respect for your character, so none can salute you with more sincerity or with greater pleasure than I do on the occasion. I am, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. The Hon. Dr. Franklin. G. Washington. Soon after Dr. Franklin's arrival in Phila4el{)hia, he was chosen a member of the supreme executive council of that city; and shortly after was elected president Of the state of Pennsylvania; which ho norable situation he filled the whole time allovred by the constitution, viz. tiiree successive years. PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 183 When a general convention of the states was summoned to meet in Philadelphia, in 1787, for the purpose of giving more energy to the govern ment of the Union, by revising and amending the articles of confederation, Dr. Franklin was appoint ed a delegate from the state of Pennsylvania to that convention; as such he signed the new constitution agreed on for the United States, aaid gave it the most unequivocal marks of his approbation. The following Notes and Remarks, drawn up by Dr, Franklin, together with the substance of some of his speeches in this convention, will be found of considerable interest; and on this account, as well as to show his general ideas on government, are here inserted. Proposal for Consideration. June 26, 1787. That the legislatures of the several states shall choosfc and send an equal number of delegates, namely who are to compose the second branch of the general legislature. That in all cases or questions wherein the sovereignties of the individual states may be affected, or whereby their au thority over their own citizens may be diminished, or the au thority of the general government within the several states augmented, each state shall have equal suffrage. That in the appointment of all civil officers of the geniral government, in the election of whom the second branch may by the constitution have part, each state shall have eqiial suffrage. That in fixing the salaries of such officers, in all ailloWances for public services, and generally ia all appropriations and 184 MEMOIRS OF PART V. dispositions of money to be drawn out of the general treasury, and in all laws for supplying the treasury, the delegates of the several states shall have suffrage in proportion to the sums their respective states had actually contributed to that trea sury from their tuxes or internal excises. That in case general duties should be laid hy impost on goods' imported, a liberal estimation shall be made of the amount of such impost paid in the price of the commodities by those states that import but little, and a proportionate addition shall be allowed of suffrage to such states, and an equal duuinution of the suffrage of the states importing,, REMARKS. The steady course of public measures is most probably to be expected from a number. ¦ ' ' A single person's measures may be good. The successor often differs in opinion of those measures, and adopts others. Often is ambitious of distinguishing himself by opposing thpm, and offering new projects. One is peaceably disposed ; another may be fond of war, Sec* Hence foreign states can never have that confidence in the treaties or friendship of such a government, as in that which is conducted by a number. The single head may be sick ; who is to conduct the pub lic affairs in that case ? When he dies, who are to conduct till a new election I If a council, why not continue them ? Shall we not be harassed with factions for the election of successors ? become, like Poland, weak from our dissensions.^ Consider the present distracted condition of Holland. They had at first a stadtholder, the Prince of Orange, a man of undoubted and great merit. They found some inconveniences, however, in the extent of powers annexed to that office, and exercised by a single person. On his death, they resumed and divided those powers among the states and cities ; but PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 185 there has been a constant struggle since between that family and the nation. In the last century, the then Prince of Orange found means to inflame the populace against their magistrates, excite a general insurrection, in which an excellent minister, Dewit, was murdered, all the old magistrates displaced, and the stadtholder re-invested with all th& former powers. In this century, the father of the present stadtholder having married a British princess, did, by exciting another insurrec tion, force from the nation a decree that the stadthoidership should be thenceforth hereditary in his family. And now his son, being suspected of having favored England in the late war, and thereby lost the confidence of the nation, is forming an internal faction to support his power, and reinstate his favorite the Duke of Brunswick ; and he holds up his family alliances with England and Prussia to terrify opposition. It was this conduct of the stadtholder which induced the states to recur to the protection of France, and put their troops under a French, rather than the stadtholder's German general, the Duke of Brunswick. And this is the source of all the present disorders in Holland, which, if the stadtholder has abilities equal to his inclinations, will probably, after a ruinous and bloody civil war, end in establishing an hereditary mo narchy iu his family. Spebch of Db, Franklin in the Convention, on the sub ject of Salaries. biR, It is with reluctance that I rise to express a dis approbation of any one article of the plan, for which we are so much obliged to the honorable gentleman who laid it before us. From its first reading I have borne a good-will to it, and In general wished it success. In this particular of 186 MEMOIRS OF PART Vj Salaries to the executive branch, I happen to differ ; and as my opinion may appear new and chimerical, it is only from a persuasion that it is right, and from a sense of duty that I hazard it. The committee will judge of my reasons when they have heard them, and their judgment may possibly change mine. I think I see inconveniences in the appointment of salaries : I see none in refusing them ; but, on the contrary^ great advantages. Sir, there are two passions which have a powerful influence in the affairs of men. These are ambition and avarice; the love of power, and the love of money. Separately, each of these has great force in prompting men to action ; but when united in vieW of the same object, they have in many minds the most violent effects. Place before the eyes of such men A post of honor that shall at the same time be a place of profit, and they will move heaven and earth to obtain it. The vast number of such places it is that renders the British govefa- ment so tempestuous. The struggles for them are the true source of all those factions which are perpetually dividing die nation, distracting its councils, hurrying it sometimes into fruitless and mischievous wars, and often compel|mg a sub mission to dishonorable terms of peace. And of what kind are the men that will strive for this pro fitable pre-eminence, through all the bustle of cabal, the heat of contention, the infinite mutual abuse of parties, tearing to pieces the best of characters ? It will not be the wise and moderate, the lovers of peace and good order, the men fittest for the trust. It will be the bold and the violent, the men of strong passions and indefatigable activity in their selfish pur suits. These will thrust themselves into your government, and be your rulers. And these, too, will be mistaken in the expected happiness of their situation ; for their vanquished competitors 6f the same spirit, and from the same motives, will perpetually be endeavoring to distress their adniinistra- PART V. BENJAMIN PRANKLIN. 187 tion, thwart their measures, and render them odious to the people. Besides tliesei evils, sir, though we may set out in the be ginning with moderate salaries, we shall find that such will not be of long continuance. Reasons will never be wanting for proposed augmentations ; and there will always be a party for giving more to the rulers, that the rulers may be able in return to give more to them. Hence, as all history informs us, there has been in every state and kingdom, a constant kind of warfare between the governing and the governed ; the one striving to obtain more for its support, and the other to pay less. And this has alone occasioned great convulsions, actual civil wars, ending either in dethroning of the princes or en slaving of the people. Generally, indeed, the ruling power carries its point, and we see the revenues of princes constantly increasing, and vie see that they are never satisfied, but always in want of more. The more the people are discontented with the oppression of taxes, the greater need the prince has of money to distribute among his partizans, and pay the troops that are to suppress all resistance, and enable him to plunder at pleasure. There is scarce a king in a hundred who would not, if he could, follow the example of Pharaoh, — get first all the people's money, then all their lands, and then make them and their children servants for ever. It will be said, that we do not propose to establish kings. — I know it. — But there is a natural inclination in mankind to kingly government. It sometimes relieves them from aristocratic domination. They had rather have one tyrant than five hundred. It gives more t)f the appearance of equality among citizens ; and that they like. I am apprehensive, therefore, — perhaps too apprehen sive,'— that the government of these states may in future times fend in a monarchy. But this catastrophe, I think, may be long delayed, if in our proposed system we do not sow the 188 MEMOIRS OF PART V. seeds of contention, faction, and tumult, by making our posts of honor places of profit. If we do, I fear that though we employ at first a number and not a single person, the number will in time be set a.'-ide ; it will only nourish the foetus of a king, (as the honorable gentleman from Virginia very aptly expressed it,) and a king will the sooner be set over us. It may be imagined by some that this is an Utopian idea^ and that we can never find men to serve us in the executive department, widiout paying them well for their services. I conceive this to be a mistake. Some existing facts present themselves to me, which incline me to a contraiv opinion. The high sheriff of a county in England is an honorable office, but it is not a profitable one. It is rather expensive, and therefore not sought for. ' But yet it is executed, and well executed, and usually by some of the principal gentlemen of the county. In France, the office of counselled, or member of their judiciary parliaments, is more honorable. . It is thei;^- fore purchased at a high price : there are indeed fees on the law proceedings, which are divided among them, but these fees do not amount to more than three per cent, on the sum paid for the place. Therefore as legal interest is there at five per cent., they in fact pay two per cent, for being allow ed to do the judiciaiy business of the nation, which is at the same time entirely exempt from the burthen of paying them any salaries for their services. I do not, however, mean (p recommend this as an eligible mode for our judiciary depart ment. I only bring the instance to show that the pleasure of doing good and serving their country, and the respect such conduct entitles them to, are sufficient motives with some minds to give up a great portion of their time to the public, without the mean inducement of pecuniary satisfaction. Another instance is that of a respectable society, who have made the experiment, and practised it with success, now more PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 189 than a hundred years. — I mean the Quakers. It is an estab lished rule with them that they are not to go to law, but in their controversies they must apply to their monthly, quar terly, and yearly meetings. Committees of these sit with patience to hear the parties, and spend much time in com posing "their differences. In doing this, they are supported by a sense of duty, and the respect paid to usefulness. It is honorable to be so employed, but it was never made profit able by salaries, fees, or perquisites. And indeed in all cases of public service, the less the profit the greater the honor. To ¦ bring the matter nearer home, have we not seen the greatest and most important of our offices, that of general of our armies, executed for eight years together, without the smallest salary, by a patriot whom I will not now offend by any other praise; and this through fatigues and distresses in common with the other brave men his military friends and companions, and the constant anxieties peculiar to his station ? and shall we doubt finding three or four men in all the United States, with public spirit enough to bear sitting in peacefid council, for perhaps an equal term, merely to preside over our civil concerns, and see that our laws are duly executed ? Sir, I have a better opinion of our country, I think we shall never be without a sufficient number of wise and good men to undertake and execute, well and faithfully, the office in question. Sir, the saving of the salaries, that may at first be proposed, is not an object with me. The subsequent mischiefs of pro posing them are what I apprehend. And therefore it is that I move the amendment. If it is not seconded or accepted, 1 must be contented with the satisfaction of having d(elivered Hiy opinion frankly, and done my duty. 190 MEMOIRS OF PART V. Speech of Dr. Franklin in a Committee of the Convention. On the Proportion of Representation and Votes. Mr. Chairman, It has given me great pleasure to observe that till this point, the Proportion of Representation, came before us, our debates were carried on with great coolness and temper. K any thing of a contrary kind has on this occasion appeared, I hope it will not be repeated ; for wet are sent hither to consult, not to contend, with each other ; and declarations of a fixed opinion and of determined resolu tions never to change it, neither enlighten nor convince us. Positiveness and warmth on one side naturally beget their Uke on the other ; and tend to create and augment discord and division in a great concern, wherein harmony and union are extremely necessary, to give weight to our counsels, and render them effectual in promoting and securing the common good. I must own that I was originally of opinion it would be better if every member of congress, or our national council, were to consider himself rather as a representative of the whole, than as an agent for the interests of a particular state, in which case the proportion of members for each state would be of less consequence, and it would not be very material whedjier they voted by states or individually. But as I find this is not to be expected, I now think the number of repre sentatives should bear some proportion to the number of the represented, and that the decisions should' be by th^ majority of members, not by the majority of states. This is objected to from an apprehension that the greater states woiild then swallow up the smaller. I do not at present clearly see what advantage the greater states could propose to themselves by swallowing the smaller, and therefore do not apprehend they PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 191 would attempt it. I recollect that in the beginning of this century, when the union was proposed of the two kingdoms, England and Scotland, the Scotch patriots were full of fears, that unless they had an equal number of representatives in parliament, they should be ruined by the superiority of the English. They finally agreed, however, that the different proportions of importance in the union of the two nations should be attended to ; whereby they were to have only forty members in the house of qommons, and only sixteen of their peers were to sit in the house of lord's ; a very great inferiority of numbers ! And yet to this day, I do not recollect that any thing has been done in the parliament of Great Britain to the prejudice of Scotland ; and whoever looks, over the lists of public officers civil and military of that nation, will find, I believe, that the North Britons enjoy at least their full pro portion of emolument. But, sir, in the present mode of voting by states, it is equally in the power of the lesser states to swallow up the greater ; and this is mathematically demonstrable. Suppose, for example, that seven smaller states had each three mem- berg in the house, and the six larger to have, one with ano ther, six members. And that upon a question^ two members of each smaller state should be in the affirmative, and one in the negative, they vrill make Affirmatives 14 Negatives 7 And that all the large states should be unanimously in die negative, they would make Negatives 36 In all . 43 It is then apparent that the 14 carry tfae question against the 43, and. the minority overpowers the majority, contrary to the common practice of assemblies in all countries and 192r ^ MEMOIRS OF PART V. The greater states, sir, are naturally as unwilling to have their property left in the disposition of the smaller, as the smaller are to leave theirs in the disposition of the greater. An honorable gentleman has, to avoid this difficulty, hinted a proposition of equalising the states. It appears to me an equitable one ; and I should, for my own part, not be agamst such a measure, if it might be found practicable. Formerly, indeed, when almost every province had a different constitu tion, some with greater, others with fewer privileges, it was of importance to the borderers, when their boundaries were contested, whether, by running the division lines, they were placed on one side or the other. At present, when such differ ences are done away, it is less material. The interest of a state is madt; up of the interests of its individual members. If they are not injured, the state is not injured. Small states are more easily, well, and happily governed, than large ones. If, therefore, in such an equal division, it should be found necessary to diminish Pennsylvania, I should not be averse to the giving a part of it to New Jersey, and another to Dela ware ; but as there would probably be considerable difficul ties in adjusting such a division ; and however equally made at first, it would be continually varying by the augmentation of inhabitants in some states, and their more fixed propor tion in others, and thence frequent occasion for new divi sions ; I beg leave to propose fpr the consideration of the committee another mode, which appears to me to be as equitable, more easily carried into practice, and more perma nent in its nature. Let the weakest state say what proportion of money or force it is able and willing to furnish for the general pur poses of the union. Let all the others oblige themselves to furnish each an equal proportion. PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 193 The whole of these joint suppHes to, be absolutely in the disposition of congress. The congress in this case to be composed of an equal number of delegates from each state : And their decisions to be by the majority of individual members voting. If these joint and equal supplies should, on particular oc casions, not be sufficient, let congress make requisitions on the richer and more powerful S'tates for further aids,' to be voluntarily afforded ; so leaving each state the right of con-, sidering the necessity and utility of the aid desired, and of giving more or less, as it should be found proper. This mode, is not new; it was formerly practised with suct cess by the British government, with respect to Ireland and -the colonies. We sometimes gave even more than they ex pected or thought just to accept; and in the last war, car ried on while we were united, they gave us back in five years a million sterling. We should probably have continued such voluntary contributions, whenever the occasions appeared to require them for the common good of the empire. It was not till they chose to force us, and to deprive us of the merit and pleasure of voluntary contributions, that we refused and resisted. Those contributions however were to be disposed of at the pleasure of a government in which we had no repre sentative. I am therefore persuaded that they will not be i-efused to one in which the representation shall be equal. My learned colleague has already mentioned that the pre sent mode of voting by states, was submitted to originally by congress, under a conviction of its impropriety, inequality and injustice. This appears in the words of their resolution. It is of Sept. 6, 1774. The words are, " Resolved, That in determining questions in this congress, each colony or province shall have one vote : the congress VOL. II. N 194 MEMOIRS OF PART V. not being possessed of, or at present able to procure, mate rials for ascertaining the importance of each colony." Dr. Franklin's Motion for Prayers in the Convention. Mb. President, The small progress we have made after four or five weeks' close attendance and continual reasonings with each other, our different sentiments on almost ev^ry question, several of the last producing as many Noes as Ayes, is, me thinks, a melancholy proof of the imperfection of the human understanding. We indeed seem to feel our own want of political wisdom, since we have been running aU about in search of it. We have gone back to ancient history for mo dels of government, and examined the different forms of those republics, which, having been originally formed with the seeds of their own dissolution, now no longer exist ; and we have viewed modern states all round Europe, but find none of their constitutions suitable to our circumstances. In this situation of this assembly, groping, as it were, in the dark, to find political truth, and scarce able to distin guish it when presented to us, how has it happened, sir, that we have not hitherto once thought of humbly applying to the Father of Lights to illuminate our understandings ? — In the beginning of the contest with Britain, when we were sensible of danger, we had daily prayers in this room for the divine protection ! Our prayers, sir, were heard ; — and they were graciously answered. All of us, who were engaged in the struggle, must have observed frequent instances of a super intending Providence in our favor. To that kind Providence we owe this happy opportunity of consulting in peace on the means of establishing our future national felicity. And have PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 195 we now forgotten that powerful friend ? — or do we imagine we no longer need its assistance? — I have lived, sir, a long time ; and the longer Hive, the more convincing proofs I see of this truth, That God governs in the affairs of men! And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without his notice, is it probable that an empire can rise without his aid .''— We have been assured, sir, in the Sacred Writings, that " except the Lord build the house, they labor in vain that build it." I firmly believe this ; and I also believe, that without his concurring ' aid, we shall succeed in this political building no better than the builders of Babel : we shall be divided by our little partial local interests, our projects will be con founded, Snd we ourselves shall become a reproach and a bye-word down to future ages. And what is worse, man kind may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance, despair of establishing government by human wisdom, and leave it to chance, war, and conquest. I therefore beg leave to move. That henceforth prayers, imploring the assistance of Hea ven, and Its blessing on our deliberations, be held in this assembly every morning before we proceed to business ; and that one or more of the clergy of this city be requested to officiate in that service. [Note by Dr. Franklin.j " The convention, except three or four persons, thought prayers unnecessary!!" Dr. Franklin's Speech in the Convention at the con clusion of its deliberations. Mr. President, I confess that I do not entirely approve of this constitution at present; but, sir, I am not sure I shall never 196 MEMOIRS OF PART V. approve it : for, having lived long, I have experienced many instances of being obliged, by better information or fuller consideration, to,,change opinions even on important sub jects which I once thought. right, but found to be otherwise. It is therefore that the older I grow, the more apt I am to doubt my own judgment of -others. Most men indeed,, as well as most sects in religion, think themselves in possession of all truth, and that wherever others differ from them it is so far error. Steele, a Protestant, in a dedication, tells the Pope, that the only difference between our two churches in their opinions of the certainty of their doctrine, is, the Romish Church is infallible, and the Church of England is never in the wrong. But though many private, persons think almost as highly of their own infallibility as (^ that of their sect, few express it so naturally as a certain French lady, who, in a little dispute with her sister, said, — but I meet with no body but myself that is always m the right. " Je ne trouve que moi qui aie toujours raison !" h\ these sentiments, sir, I agree to this constitution, with all its faults, — if they are such ; because I think a general government necessary for us, and there is no form of govern ment but what may be a blessing to the people, if well ad ministered ; and I believe fnrther, that this is likely to ])e well administered for a course of years, and can only end in despotism, as other forms have done before it, when the people shall become so corrupted as to need despotic go vernment, being incapable of any other. I doubt too whe ther any other convention we can obtain, may be able to make a better constitution : for, when you assemble a num ber of men, to have the advantage of their joint wisdom, you inevitably assemble with those men all their prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion, their local interests, and their selfish views. From such an assembly can a perfect PART V. BENJAMIN FltANKLIN, 197 production be expected ? It therefore astonishes me, sir, to find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does ; and I think it will astonish our enemies, who are waiting with confidence to hear that our couucils are confounded like those of the builders of Babel, and that our states are on the point of separation only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting one another's throats. Thus I consent, sir, to this constitution because 1 expect no better, and because I am not sure that it is not the best. The opinions I have had of its errors I sacrifice to the public good. I have never whis pered a syllable of them abroad. Within these walls they were born, and here they, shall die. If every one of us in returning to our constituents were to report the objections he has had to it, and endeavor to gain partizans in support of them, we might prevent its being generally received, and thereby lose all the salutary effects and great advantages re sulting naturally in our favor among foreign nations, as well as among ourselves, from our real or apparent unanimity. Much of the strength and efficiency of any government in procuring and securing happiness to the people, depends on opinion, on the general opinion of the goodness of that go vernment, as well as of the wisdom and integrity of its go vernors. I hope therefore, for your own sakes, as a part of the people, and for the sake of our posterity, that we shall act heartily and unanimously in recommending this constitu tion, wherever our influence may extend, and turn our future thoughts and endeavors to the means of having it well admi- .nistered. On the whole, sir, I cannot help expressing a wish that every member of the convention who may still have objec tions to it, would with m6 on this occasion doubt a little of his own infallibility, and to make manifest our unanimity put his name to this instrument. 198 MEMOIRS OF PART V. Then the motion was made for adding the last formula, viz. " Done in convention by the unanimous consent," &c. which was agreed to and added accordingly.' Dr. Franklin's private sentiments with respect to this new constitution, may be gathered from the following extracts from letters he wrote about this time to some of his friends. To M. Le Veillard, at Passy. Philadelphia, Feb. 17th, 1788. ****** — — " I sent you with my last a copy of the new constitution proposed for the United States, by the late general convention. I sent one also to our excellent friend the Duke de la Rochefoucault. I attended the business of the convention faith fully for four months. Enclosed you have the last speech I made in it.* — Six states have already adopted the constitution, and there is now little doubt of its being accepted by a sufficient nuinber to_parry it into execution, if not immediately by the whole.— It has however met with great opposi,tion in some of the states; for we are at present a nation of politicians. And though there is a gene ral dread of giving too nmch power to our governors, ,, a I Hi ', ... (13 "ffc. ' See the Constitution in AppENDiX, No. 6. . * The foregoing, p. 195. PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 199 I think we are more in danger from the little obe dience in the governed." To THE Same. April 22, 1788. ****** It is very possible, as you suppose, that all the articles of the proposed new government will not remain unchanged after the first meeting of congress. I am of opinion with you, that the two chambers were not necessary, and I disliked some other articles that are in, and wished for some that are not in, the proposed plan : I never theless hope it may be adopted, though I shall have nothing to do with the execution of it, being determined to quit all public business with my pre sent employment.' At 83 one certainly has a right to ambition repose." ^ -N ¦ ^P To the Same. My Dear Friend, Philadelphia, June 8, 1788. I received a few days ago your kind letter of the 3rd January. The arrH in favor of the non-catholiques gives pleasure here, not only from its present advan tages, but as it is a good step towards general toleration, and to the abolishing in time all party ' President of the state of Pennsylvania. 200 MEMOIRS OF PART V. spirit among Christians, and the mischiefs that have so long attended it. Thank God, the world is growing wiser and viiser ; and as by degrees men are convinced of the folly of wars for religion, for dominion, or for commerce, they will be happier and happier. Eight states have now agreed to the proposed new constitution ; there remain five who have hot yet discussed it ; their appointed times of meeting not being yet arrived. Two are to meet this month, the rest later. One more agreeing it will be carried into execution. Probably some will not agree at present, but time may bring them in ; so that We have little doubt of its becoming gene ral, perhaps with some corrections. As to your fiiend's taking a share in the management of it, his age and infirmities render him unfit for the busi ness, as the business would be for him. After the expiration of his presidentship, which will now be in a few months, he is determined to engage no more in public affairs, even if required ; but his country men will be too reasonable to require it. You are not so considerate; you are an hard task-master. You insist on his writing his life, already a long work, and at the same time would have hirh continually employed in augmenting the subject, while the time shortens in which the work is to be executed. General Washington is the man that all our eyes are fixed on for president, and what littld influence I may have, is devoted to him. Franklin. PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 201 To THE DuKE DE LA RoCHEFOUCAULT. Philadelphia, Oct. 22, 1788. " Our public aflTairs begin to wear a more quiet aspect. The disputes about the faults of the new constitution are subsided. The first congress will probably mend the principal ones, and future congresses the rest. That which you mentioned did not pass unnoticed in the convention. Many, if I remember right, were for making the president incapable of being chosen after the first four years ; but the majority were for leaving the electors free to choose whom they pleased ; and it was alleged that such incapacity might tend to make the presi dent less attentive to the duties of his Office, and to the interests of the people, than he would be if a second choice depended on their good opinion of them. We are making experiments in politics; what knowledge we shall gain by them will be more cer tain, though perhaps we may hazard top much in that mode of acquiring it." •IP Tp 'JF * "IV ^ To M. Le Veillard. * * . * * * * Oct. 24, 1788. " Our affairs mend daily, and are getting into good order very fast. Never was any measure so thoroughly discussed as our proposed new consti tution. Many objections vvere made to it in the pub lic papers, and answers to those objections. Much 202 MEMOIRS OF PART V. party heat there was, and some violent personal abuse. I kept out of the dispute, and wrote only one little. paper on the occasion, which I enclose.' ' Supposed to be the following. A Comparison of the Conduct of the Ancient JEWS, and of the ANTIFEDERALISTS in the United States of America. A eealous advocate for the proposed Federal Constitution, in a certain pubUc assembly, said, that " the repugnance of a great part of mankind to good government was such, that he believed, that if an angisl from heaven was to bring down a constitution formed there for our use, it would nevertheless meet with violent opposition."^ — He was reproved for the supposed extravagance of the sentiment ; and he did not justify it. — Probably it might not have immediately occurred to him that the experiment had been tried, and that the event was recorded in the most faithfiil of all histories, the Holy Bible ; otherwise he might, as it seems to me, have supported his opinion by that unexceptionable au thority. The Supreme Being had been pleased to nourish up a single family, by continued acts of his attentive providence, till it be came a great people : and having rescued them from bondage by many miracles performed by his servant Moses, he personally delivered to that chosen servant, in presence of the whole nation, a constitution and code of laws for their observance; accompanied and Sanctioned with promises of great rewards, and threats of severe punishments, as the consequence of their obedieQce or disobedience. This constitution, though the Deity himself was to be at its head (and it is therefore called by political writers a Theocracy) could not be Carried into execution but by the means of his ministers : Aaron and his sons were therefore commissioned to bci with M6se$, the first established mmistry of the new govern ment. ' PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 203 You seem to be too apprehensive about our presi dent's being perpetual. Neither he nor we have One would have thought, that the_ appointment of men. who had distinguished themselves in procuring the liberty of their nation, and had hazarded their lives iu openly opposing the will of a powerful monarch who would have retained that nation in slavery, might have been an appointment acceptable to a grate ful people ; and that a constitution framed for them by the Deity himself, might, on that account, have been secure of ..an universal welcome reception. Yet there were in every one of the thirteen tribes, some discontented, restless spirits who were con tinually exciting them to reject the proposed new government;, and this from various motives. Many still retained an affection for Egypt, the land of their nativity ; and these, whenever they felt any inconvenience, or hardship, though the natural and unavoidable effect of t)ieir change of their situation, exclaimed against their leaders as, the authors of their trouble ; and were not only for returning into Egypt, but for stoning their deliverers.' Those inclined to idolatry, were displeased that their golden calf was destroyed. Many of the chiefs thought the new constitution might be inju rious tp their particular interests, that the profitable places would be engrossed by the families and friends of Moses and Aaron, and others equally well-born excluded.* — In Josephus,' and the Tali^ud,.we learu some particulars, not so fully narrated in the Scripture. We are there told, "That Corah was ambitious of the priesthood, and 'offended that it was conferred on Aaron ; and this, as he said, by the authority of Moses only, without the consent of the people. He accused; Moses of having, by various ' Numbers, chap. xiv. , ., ..'i * Numbers, chap. xvi. ver. 3. " And they gathered themselves toge ther a^inst Moses \ and Aaron, and said unto them. Ye take too much npan yoQ, seeing all. the congregations are holy, every one of them, — wherefore then lift ye, up yourselves above the congregation ?' 204 MEMOIRS OF PART V. any such intentions : of what danger there may be of such an event we are all aware, and shall take artifices, fraudulently obtained the government, and deprived the people of their liberties; and of conspiring with Aaron to perpe tuate the tyranny in their family. Thus, though Corah's real motive was the supplanting of Aaron, he persuaded the people that he meant only the public good ; and they, moved by his insinuations, began to cry out, ' Let us maintain the common liberty of our respective tribes ; we have freed ourselves from the slavery imposed upon us by the Egyptians, and shall we suffer ourselves to be made slaves by Moses I If we must have a master, it were better to return to Pharaoh, who at least fed us with bread and onions, than to serve this new tyrant, who by his operations has brought us into danger of famine.' Then they called in question the reality of his conference with God ; and objected to the privacy of their meetings, and the preventing any of the people from being present at the colloquies, or even approaching the place, as grounds of great suspicion. They accused Moses also of peculation ; as embezzling part of the golden spoons and the silver chargers that the princes had offered at the dedication of the altar," and the offerings of gold by the common people,* as well as most of the poll tax ;' and Aaron they accused of pocketing much of the gold of which he pre tended to have made a molten calf. Besides peculation, they charged Moses with ambition ; to gratify which passion, he had, they said, deceived the people, by promising to bring them to a land flowing with milk and honey; instead of doing which, he had brought them /row such a land ; and that he thought light of all this mischief, provided he could make himself an absolute prince.* That to support the new dignity with splendor ui his ' Numbers, chap. vii. * Exodus, chap. xxxv. ver. 2s:. ' Numbers, <;hap. iii. and Exodus, chap. xxx. * Numbers, chap. xvi. ver. 13. " Is it a small thing that thou hast brought us up out of a land flowing with milk and honey, to kill us in the wilderness, except thou make thyself altogether a prince over us?" PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 205 care effectually to prevent it. The choice is from four years to five years ; the appointments will be family, the partial poll tax already levied aud given to Aaron ' was to be followed by a general one,* which would probably be augmented from time to time, if he were suffered to go on pro mulgating new laws, on pretence of new occasional revelations of the divine will, till their whole fortunes were devoured by that aristocracy." Moses denied the charge of peculation; and his accusers were destitute of proofs to support it; though /acfs, if real, are in their nature capable of proof. " I have not," said he, (with holy confidence in the presence of God,) "I have not taken from this people the value of an ass, nor done them any other injury." But his enemies had made the charge, and with some success among the populace ; for no kind of accusation is so rea dily made, or easily believed, by knaves, as the accusation of knavery. In fine, no less than two hundred and fifty of the principal men "famous in the congregation, men of renown,"' headhig and exciting the mob, worked them np to such a 'pitch of phrensy, that they called out, " Stone 'em, stone 'em, and thereby secure our liberties ; and let us choose other captains that may lead us back into Egypt, in case we do not succeed iu reducing the Canaanites !" On the whole it appears, that the Israelites were a people jea lous of their newly-acquired liberty, which jealousy was in itself no fault ; but, that when they suffered it to be worked upon by artful men, pretending public good, with nothing really in view but private interest, they were led to oppose the establishment of the new constitution, whereby they brought upon themselves much inconvenience and misfortune. It farther appears from the same inestimable history, that when, after many ages, that • Numbers, chap, iii. * Exodus, chap. xxx. ^ Numbers, chap. xvi. 206 MEMOIRS OF PART V. small : thus we may change our president if we do not like his conduct, and he will have less induce ment to struggle for a new election. As to the two chambers I am of your opinion, that one alone would be better ;' but, my dear friend, nothing in constitution was become old and much abused, and an amend ment of it was proposed, the populace, as they had accused Moses of the ambition of making himself a prince, and cried out. Stone him, stone him ; so, excited by their high priests and scribes, they exclaimed against the Messiah, that he aimed at becoming the king of the Jews, and cried. Crucify him, crucify him. From all which we may gather, that popular opposition to a public measure is no proof of its impropriety, even though the opposition be excited and headed by men of distinction. To conclude, I beg I may not be understood to infer, that our general convention was divinely inspired when it formed the new federal constitution, merely because that constitution has been unreasonably and vehemently opposed ; yet I must own I have so much faith in the general government of the world by Providence, that I can hardly conceive a transaction of such momentous importance to the welfare of millions now existing, and to exist in the posterity of a great nation, should be suffered to pass without being in some degree influenced, guided, and governed by that omnipotent, omnipresent, and beneficent Ruler, in whom all inferior spirits live and move and have their being. B. F. ' Some time after the date of this letter, when alterations were meditated in the constitution of Pennsylvania, Dr. Frank lin wrote a paper in which this opinion is strongly advocated : and his principles of government are there further elucidated. See Appendix, No. 7. PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 207 human affairs and schemes is perfect ; and perhaps this is the case of our opinions. To THE Hon. Charles Carrol, Esq. Member of Congress. New York. Dear Friend, Philadelphia, May 25, 1789. I am glad to see by the papers that our grand machme has at length begun to work. I pray God to bless and guide its operations. If any form of government is capable of making a nation happy, ours I think bids fair now for producing that effect. But after all, much depends upon the people who are to be governed. We have been guarding against an evil that old states are most liable to, excess of power. in the rulers ; but our pre sent danger seems to be defect of obedience in the subjects. There is hope, however, from the en lightened state of this age and country^ we may guard effectually against that evil as well as the rest My gi-andson, William Temple Franklin, will have the honor of presenting this line ; he accom panied me to France, and remained with me during my mission : I beg leave to recommend him to your notice, and that you would believe me, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. Franklin. 208 MEMOIRS OF PART V. Dr. Frankhn having served the flill period li mited by the constitution of the state of PennsyU vania for the continuance in office of its presidents, and his infirmities and desire of repose increasing, in Oct. 1788 he retired wholly from public affairs : he thu^s noticed the circumstance, in a letter to his friend, the Duke de la Rochefoucault. Philadelphia, Oct. 22, 1788. * * * * . * * " Having now finished my turn of being president, and promising myself to engage no more in public business, I hope to enjoy the small re mains of life that are allowed me, in the repose I have so long wished for. I pmpose to employ it in completing the personal history you mention.' It is now brought down to my fiftieth year.* What is to follow will be of more important transactions: but it seems to me what is done will be of more general use to young readers, exemplifying strongly the effects of prudent and imprudent conduct in the commencement of a life of business." ****** Though Dr. Franklin had every reason to be well satisfied with the reception he met on his ' The present Memoirs of his Life. * Close of Part IF. It b to be lamented the subsequent state of his health did not enable him to continue it further. PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 20^ return to the United States, from his fellow-citi zens; he was by no means so with the general go vernment. This he fully and feelingly expresses in a confidential letter to his particular and worthy friend Charles Thomsonj Esq., secretary of con gress, of which the following is a copy. Philadelphia, Dec. 29, 1788. Dear old Friend, Enclosed I send a letter to the president of congi'ess ' for the time being, which, if you find nothing improper in it, or that in regard to me you could wish changed or amended, I would request you to present. I rely much on your friendly counsel, as you must be better acquainted with persons and circumstances than I am : and I sup pose there will be time enough before the new con gress is formed to make any ailterations you may advise, though if presented at all it should be to the old one. In the copy of my letter to Mr. Barclay you may observe that mention is made of some '.' consider able articles which I have not charged in my ac counts with congress, but on which I should ex pect fi:om their equity some consideration." That you may have some information what those arti cles are, I enclose also a " Sketch of my. services to the United States," wherein you will find mentioa , ' This letter is missing» ilO MEMOIRS OF PART V. of the extra sertices I performed tb?tt do not apper tain to the office of plenipotentiary, viz. as judge Of admiralty, as consul before the arrival of Mr. Barclay, as banker in examining and accepting the multitude of bills of exchange, and as "secre tary for severM years, none being sent to irie, though other ministers were allowed such assistance. I must 0' Histobicus. Towards the close of the year 1789, Dr. Frank lin received a new and unexpected honor — that of being elected a member of the Imperial Academy of Sciences of St. Petersburgh. It was commu nicated to him by the following handsome letter (in ErigUsh) ivom. the Princess Daschkaw, the Lady President, whom Dr. Franklin had occasionally met at Paris. 228 MEMOIRS OP PART V, To HIS Excellency De. Benjamin Franklin, &c, &c. Philadelphia. Dear Sir, Having always supposed, and even cherished the idea, that you were a member of the Imperial Academy of Sciences, which is at St, Petersburgh under my direction, I was greatly surprised, when reviewing the list of its members some days ago, I did not find your name in the number. I hastened therefore to acquire this honor for the academy, and you were received among its members with an unanimous ap plause and joy. I beg you, sir, to accept of this title, and to believe that I look upon it as an honor acquired by our academy. '^ I shall order the patent to be dispatched to you as soon as possible. In the mean time be assured, that it is with the greatest pleasure that I profit of the present occasion to give you token of my regard and veneration for yoqr eminent cha racter, and that I shall always recollect with pride the advain- tage I had to be personally noticed by you. With a sincere consideration I am, dear Sir, your most obedient servant. Princess of Daschkaw. St. Petersburgh, the ^th of Nov. 1789- Dr, Franklin had formerly received similar ho nors from several learned societies; among the number, from the Academy of Padua. The following is a literal translation of the di ploma from the latter, " Zeal in promoting the increase of all kinds of useful knowledge, naturally unites in a general society all those who consecrate their talents to so noble a purpose ; and the particular act of ^ting tbem into a learned assembly, PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 229 is properly but an acknowledgment of the original titles of their relationship. " Among these Mr. Franklin having distinguished himself eminently, and rendered himself equally memorable in natural philosophy and in politics, the Academy of Sciences, Let ters and Arts of Padua, conceive it to be honoring them selves when they number him among the twenty-four illus trious strangers, who by their constitution are to be asso ciated into their body. "The society will be fully recompensed, if its labors in co-operating for the augmentation of science shall be such as that the eminent persons whom it elects, may npt regard among the sinallest of literary honors, that which on the part of the society is only a solemn act of adherence fo its own judgment, and attention to the^ acclamations of fame. " Leopoldo M. M. Caldani, Presidente. " Matieo Steannoia, Seg. per le Scienze. " Melchior Cessarotti, Seg. per le Lettere. « Padova, 20th December, 1781." During the greatest part of his life. Dr. Frank lin had enjoyed an almost uninterrupted state of good health, and this he entirely attributed to his exemplary temperance. In the year 1735, indeed, he had been seized with a pleurisy, which ended in a suppuration of the left lobe of the lungs, so that he was almost suffiscated by the quantity of matter thrown up. But from this, as well as from another attack of the same kind, he recovered so completely, that his breath was not in the least affected. As he advanced in years, however, he became subject to fits of the gout, to which, in 1782, a 230 memoirs OF PART V. nephritic cholic was superadded. Frbni this i time he was also affected with the stone, as well as the gout; and for the last twelvemonths of his life, these complaints almost entirely confined him to his bed.. Notwithstanding his distressed situation, neither his mental faculties nor his natural cheerfulness ever forsook him. His rnemory . was tenacious to the very last ; and he seemed to be an exception to the general rale, — that at a certain period of life, the organs vvhieh are subservient to this faculty be come callous; a remarkable' instance of "vv^hich is, that he learnt to speak French after he had at tained the age of seventy ! In the beginning of April 1 79X), he was attacked with a fever and complaint of his .breast, which ter minated his existence. The^. following account of his last jUness was written by his friend and; physi cian. Dr. Jones. "The stone, with which he had been afflicted for several years, had for the last twelve months confined him chiefly to his bed ; and during, the extremely painful paroxysms, he was obliged; to take large doses of laudanum to mitigate his tor tures—still, in the intervals of pain, ^e; not pnly amused himself with reading and conversing; cheer fully with his family, and a few friends who visited hirii, but was often employed in doing bui^nesS; of a public as )vep, as private nature^ with y^ari^ns, per sons who waited on him for that purpose ; ^aadin PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 231 every instance displayed,: not only that readiness and disposition of douig good, which was the dis tinguished characteristic of his life, but the fijllest and clearest possession of his uncommon mental abilities ; and not unfrequently indulged himself in those jeux d'esprit and entertaining anecdotes, which were the delight of all who heard him. " About sixteen days before his death, he was seized with a feverish indisposition, without any particular symptoms attending it, till the third or fourth day, when he complained of a pain in the left breast,; which increased till it became extremely acute, attended with a cough and laborious breath ing. During this state, when the severity of his pains sometimes drew forth a groan of complaint, he would observe — that he was afraid he did not bear them as he ought — acknowledged his grateful sense of. the many blessings, he had received from that Supreine Being,, who had raised him from small and low b^innings to such high rank and consideration among men — and made no doubt but his present afflictions were kindly intended to wean him from a worlds in which he was no longer fit to act the part assigned him. In this frame, of body and mind he continued till five days before his death, when his pain and difficulty of breathing entirely left him, and his family were flattering themselves with the hopes of his recovery, when an imposthumation, which had formed itself in his lungs, suddenly burst, and discharged a great 232 ' memoirs dip 'i PAftT V. cjuantity of liaatter, which* he continued to throw np w^hile he had Sufficient strength to do it, but as that failed, the Or^ns of respiration became gradti- ally oppressed — a calm lethargic state succeeded ; — and, on ithe 17th of April, 17*90, about eleven o'clock at night, he quietly expired ; closing a long and useful life of eighty-four -years and three months.'" :> The following account of his funtei^l, and the honors paid to his memory, is derived from an anonymous source, but is correct. " All that was mortal of this great man! was interri^d on the 21st of April, in the cemetery of Christ's Church, Philadelphiarifl that part adjoin- ring to Arch-street, in order that, if a monument should>be erected over bis ^rave, it might be seeii to more advantage. ¦ — ''¦'^>^ ui't;... " Never was any funeral io numerously and so respectaibly attended in any part of HiB^Statias of Ainerica. The concourse of people' asseihbled upon this occasion was immesnse. Allithe bellsjin the city were muffled; and ! the very newspapers were published with black ^ borders. '? Hhfe. body 1^ , ' III il" ' ' '^ I ^ 1 • Three days previous to bis decease,, he JdesareidiMs daiighter, Mrs. Bache, to have his bed made; "incrdirthathe^^t die in a decent manner," as was his expression: an idea pro bably suggested by an acquaintance with the custom of the ancients.— Mrs. !Bache having replied, that she hoped he would rtcover, and live many years longer ; he instantly rejoirifed; " / hepe not." ' - PART V. BENJAMIN PRANKI^IN. iJ33 was interred amidst peals of artillery ; and nothing was omitted that could display the veneration of the citizens for such an illustrions character. " The congress ordered a general mourning for one month throughout America : the national as sembly of France ' paid the same compliment for ^ ¦¦ r-rr i fr'li : — ^7*- ^ —' ' — ' National Assembly, llth June, 1790. > I M., Mirabeau the elder, having .demanded and obtained leave to 9peak, addressed the Assembly as follows : " Franklin is deadI" [A profound silen.ce reigns throughout the hall.] " The genius which gave freedom to America, and scattered torrentis of light upon Europe, is returned to the bosom of the Divinity ! " The sage whom two Worlds claim, the man disputed by the history; of :the sciences and:, the history of empires, holds, most undoubtedly, an elevated rank in ;thebjiman specieg, , - ."Political cabinets have butitoo Jong notified the d«»th of ithosewho were nevengreat, butin their funeral orations!; the •etiiiuette of courts has but: too;. long sanctioned ih^pocritical ¦grief.— Nations ought only to mourn for their benefactors; the iiepreseiitatives of fr^e men ought iiever tcr^c^rtjmendcany other than the heroes of humanity to tjieijj homage. " The congress hath ordered a general rtouming for one month throughout the fourteen confederated states, on account of the death of Franklin ; aid America hath thus acqmtted her tribute of admiration in behalf of one of the liithers of her Con stitution. ¦' •'- ¦ .' ¦ I'f WouJd'itinot be worthy of yoHj vfellow^egislatofcSi. to ..umte 'yonrsdves-in this religious act, to participate in this homage 'r^-ndered in the face of^ the universe to the rights of man, and to the philosopher who hats i^o eminently .propagated thei Conquest of them throughout the world ? : 234 memoirs of part v, three days; and the commons of Paris, as an extraordinary tribute of honor to his memory, assisted in a body at the fimeral oration, delivered by the Abb6 Fauchet in the rotunda of the corn- market, which was hung with black, illuminated " Antiquity would have elevated altars to that mprtal who, for the advantage of the human race, embracing both heaven and earth in his vast and extensive mind, knew how to subdue thunder and tyranny ! " Enlightened and free, Europe at least owes its remembrance and its regret to one of the greatest men who has ever served the cause of philosophy and of liberty. " I propose, that a decree do now pass, enacting, that the Natioual Assembly shall wear mourning during three days, for Benjamin Franklin." M. M. de la Rochefoucault and La Fayette immediately rose, in order to second this motion. The Assembly adopted it at first by acclamation ; and after wards decreed, by a large majority, amidst the plaudits of all the spectators, that on Monday the 14th of June it should go into mourning for three days; that the discourse of M. Mirabeau should be printed; and that the president should write a letter of condolence, upon the occasion, to the Congress of America. The Congress of the United States thus expressed their senti ments in return. "Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled. That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be communicated to the National Assembly of France, the peculiar sensibility of Congress, to the tribute paid to the memory of Benjamin Franklin, by tbe enlightened and free representa- part v. BENJAMIN PRANKLIN. 235 with chandeliers, and decorated with devices ana logous to the occasion. , " Dr. Smith, provost of the College of Philadel phia, and Mr. Rittenhouse, one of its members, were selected by the Philosophical Society to pre pare an eulogium to the memory of its founder ; and the subscribers to the city library, who had just erected a handsome building for containing their books, left a vacant niche for a statue of their benefactor. , , " This has since been placed there by the muni ficence of an estimable citizen of. Philadelphia. It was imported from Italy ; the name of the artist is Francis Lazarini ; it is composed of Carara marble, and cost 500 guineas. " It was the first piece of sculpture of that size, which had been seen in America. Franklin is represented in a standing posture ; one ^.rm is sup ported by means of some books ; in his right hand -¦ c ¦ ¦ ' ' ' ' ¦ - tives of a great nation, in their decree of the eleventh June, one thousand seven hundred and ninety. Fred. Aug. MECHLENBEBiG,' Speaker of the House of Representatives. Signed< , John Adams, .1 Vice President of tl^e United States, and President ¦ of the Senate. .Approved jMarch the 2d, 1791. i . f , ;.; Geobge Washingtoit, . Signed < President .of the United States.; 236 MEMOIRS OP PART V. he wields an invoked sceptre, an emblem of his anti-monarchical principles ; and in his left, a scroll of paper. He is di-essed in a Roman toga. The resemblance is correct: the head is a copy from the excellent bust produced by the chigel of Houdon. The following inscription is engraven on the pedestal : THIS STATUE OF DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN was PRESENTED BY WILLtAM BINGHAM, Esg. 1792. " Franklin's life," says the anonymons writer of the foregoing, " affords one of the finest moral les sons that can be offered up to the admiration, the applause, or the imitation of mankind. " As a man, we have beheld him practising and inculcating the virtues of fiTigality, temperance, and industry. " As a citizen, we have seen him repelling the efforts o|f tyranny, and ascejrtaining the liberty of his Countrymen. " As a legislator, he affords a bright example of a genius soaring above corruption, and continually ainung at the happiness of his constituents. " As a politician, we survey hina, on one hand, acquiring the aid of a powerftil nation, by means of his skilful negotiatioiis ; aud on the other, calling PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKI.IN. 237 forth the common strength of a congress of repub lics, by fixing a central point to which they could all look up, and concentrating their common force, for the purposes of union, harmony, legislation, and defence. " As a philosopher, his^ labors and his dis coveries are calculated to advance the interests of humanity: he might, uideed, have been justly termed the friend of man, the benefactor of the universe ! " The pursuits and occupations of his early youth afford a most excellent and instructive ex ample to the young; his middle life, to the adult; his advanced years, to the aged. From him the poor may learn to acquire wealth, and the rich fo adapt it to the purposes df beneficence. " In regard to his character, he was rather sen tentious than fluent; more disposed to listen, than to talk ; a judicious, rather than an engaging com panion. He was what perhaps every able: man is, impatient of interruption ; for he used to mention the custom of the Indians with great applause, who, after listening with a profound attention to the observations of each other, preserve a respect ful silence for some minutes, before they begin their own reply. " He was polite in his manners, and never gave a pointed contradiction to the assertions of his friends dr his antagonists, but treated every argu ment with great calmness, and conquered his 238 MEMOIRS OP PART V* adversaries rather by the force of reason than assertion." ; 1 The following character of Dr. Franklin, by one of his intimate friends, is so ably and accurately drawn, that we cannot refrain adding it to the foregoing. " There is, in the charader of every distin guished person, something to admire, and some thing to imitate. The incidents that have marked the life of a great man, always excite curiosity, and often afford improvement. If there be talents which we can never expect to equal, if there be a series of good-fortune which we can never expect to enjoy, we still need not lose the labor of our biographical inquiries. We may probably, become acquainted with habits which it may be prudent to adopt — land discover Virtues which we cannot fail to applaud. It will be easy for the reader to make a full application of these remarks in his contem plations upon the late celebrated Dr. Franklin. By his death, one of the best lights of the world may be said to be extinguished. I shall not attempt any historical details of the life of this illustrious patriot and philosopher, as I have nothing further in view than to make a few com ments upon the most striking traits of his cha racter. " Original genius was pecuUarly his attribute. The native faculties of his mind qualified him to penetrate into every science : and his unremitted PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 230 diligence left no field of knowledge unexplored. There were no limits to his curiosity. His inquiries were spread over the whole face of nature. But the study of inan seemed to be his highest delight: and if his genius had any special bias, it lay in dis covering those things that made men wiser and happier. As truth was the sole object of his re searches, he was of course no sectary: and as reason "was his guide, he embraced no system which that did not authorise. In short, he laid the whole volume of nature open before him, and dili gently and faithfully perused it. " Nor were his political attainments less conspi cuous than his philosophical. The ancients usu ally ranked good-fortune among those circum stances of life which indicate merit. In this view Dr. Franklin is almost unrivalled, having seldom undertaken more than he accomplished. The world are too well acquainted with the events of his political career, to require at this time a parti cular enumeration of them. It may be presumed the historians of the American revolution will ex hibit them in proper colors. " If Dr. Franklin did not aspire after the splen dor of eloquence, it was only because the demon strative plainness of his manner was superior to it. Though he neither loved political debate, nor ex celled in it, he still preserved mUch influence in public assemblies, and discovered an aptitude in his remarks on all occasions. He was not fond 240 MEMOIRS OP PART V. of taking a leading part in such investigations as could never 'terminate in any degree of certainty. To' come forward in questions which, in their nature, are indefinite, and in their issue problema tical, dops not comport with the caution of a man who has taught himself to look for demonstration. He reserved his observations for those cases which science' could enlighten, and common sense approve. The simplicity of his style was well adapted to the clearness of his understanding. His conceptions were so bright and perfect, that^ he did not choose to involve them in a cloud of expressions, If he Used metaphors, it was to illus trate, and not to ertibellish the truth. A man, pos sessing such a lively imagery of ideas, should never affect the arts of a vain rhetorician, whose excel- Ifi^nde consists only iii a beautiful arrangement df words. " But whatever claims to eminence Dr. Franklin may have as a politician, or a scholar, there is no point of light, in which, his character shines with more lustre, than when w^e view him as a man or a citizen. He was eminently great in common things. Perhaps no man ever existed, whose life can, with more justice, be denominated useful.-^ Nothing ever passed: through his hands without receiving improvement : and no person ever went into his company without gaining wisdom. His sagacity was so sharp, and his science so various, liiat, whatever might be the profession or occupa- PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 24] tion of, those with whom he conversed, he could meet every one upon his own ground. He could enliven every conversation with an anecdote, and conclude it with a moral. " The whole tenor of his life was a perpetual lec ture ag'ainst the idle, the extravagant, and the proud. It was his principal aim to inspire mankind with a love of industry, temperance, and frugality; and to inculcate such duties as promote the important in terests of humanity. He never wasted a moment of time, or lavished a farthing of money, in folly or dissipation. Such expenses as the dignity of his station required, he readily sustained, limiting them by the strictest rules of propriety. Many public institutions experienced his well-timed liberality; and he manifested a sensibility of heart by numer ous acts of private charity. " By a judicious division of time. Dr. Franklin acquired the art of doing every thing to advantage; and his amusements were of such a nature, as could never militate with the main objects of his pursuit. In whatever situation he was placed by chance or design, he extracted something' useful for himself or others. His life was remarkably full of incident. Every circumstance of it turned to some valuable account. The maxims which his discerning mind has formed, apply to innumerable cases and char acters. Those who move in the lowest, equally with those who move in the most elevated rank in society, may be guided by his instructions. In the VOL. II. o 242 MEMOIRS OF PART V. private deportment of his life, he, in many respects, has furnished a most excellent model. His man ners were easy and accommodating, and his address winning and respectful. All who knew him speak of him as a most agreeable man ; and all who have heard of him applaud him as a very useful one. A man so wise, and so amiable, could not but have many admirersj and many friends." Dr. Franklin's sentiments respectmg death, may be gathered from the following letter written by him to his niece, Mis» Hubbard, in condolence on the death of his brother, Mr. John Franklin, her father-in-law. Philadelphia, Feb. 23, 1756. " We have lost a most dear and valuable relation (and friend). — But, it is the -will of God that these mortal bodies be laid aside when the soul is to enter into real life. Existing here is scarce to be called life; it is rather an embryo-state, a preparative to living; and man is not completely born till he is dead. Why, then, should we grieve that a new child is born among the immortals, a new member added to their happy society? " We are spirits! — That bodies should be lent while they can afford us pleasure, assist us in ac quiring knowledge, or doing good to our fellow- creatures, is a kind and benevolent act of God. When they become unfit, for these purposes, and PARf V. BENJAMIN PRANKLIN. 243 afford us pain instead of pleasure, instead of an aid become an incumbrance, and answer none of the intentions for which they were given, it is equally kind and benevolent that a way is provided, by which we may get rid of them.— Death is that way : we ourselves prudently choose a partial death in some cases. , A mangled painful limb, which can not be restored, we willingly cut off. He who plucks out a tooth, parts with it freely, since the pain goes with it; and he that quits the whole body, parts at once with all the pains, and possibilities of pains and pleasures it was liable to, or capable of making him suffer. " Our friend and we are invited abroad on a party of pleasure, that is to last for ever. His chaise was first ready, and he is gone before us. We could not all conveniently start together; and why should you and I be grieved at this, since we are soon to follow, and we know where to find him?" Dr. Franklin's general sentiments of religion, are well depicted in the following extract of a letter, written shortly after his death; addressed to the Editor of these Memoirs. -" As I often had the satisfaction of conversing with that immortal sage, your grandsire, in his last illness, the fol lowing anecdotes may be of some use, as an additional testi mony of facts interesting to mankind. The Doctor had sub lime and affecting sentiments of religion. He believed tliat, 244 MEMOIRS OF PART Vf by the invariable laws of God in the moral world, all crimes are punished either here or hereafter; and that consequently an evil deed can never be pi'ofitable in any case whatever: he was equally persuaded that every good act has its reward. Under a painful disease he expressed a firm confidence, that all the sufferings of this life are but as the momentary prick ing cf a pin, in comparison to the total happiness of our ex istence : he rejoiced in a speedy approach to the regions of bliss and life eternal. He dwelt with rapture on the felicity of beholding the glorious Father of Spirits, whose essence is incomprehensible to the wisest mortals; of contemplating his v\'orks in the higher worlds ; and of conversing there with good fellow-Creatures from every part of the universe. " I have the honor to be, with great respect. Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, Nicholas Collin. *' P. S. The literal expressions are marked by italics." With regard to Dr. Franklin's particular opinions on some religious points, they may be ascertained in the 1st part of these memoirs, as well as from several of his letters on the subject, in his "Private Correspondence:" particularly 'va.h\^ Answer to the Reverend Dr. Stiles ;' ^vhich contains, in a few lines, his Religious Creed : and this written during iiis last illness and only a short time previous to his death. Other papers expressive of his religious sentiments, will be found in the selection of his Po-, litical. Miscellaneous and Philosophical Writings, forming the continuation and completion of these Memoirs. " March i, I750. Part 1. PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 245 The following epitaph was Written by Dr. Frank lin for himself, when he Was only txventy three years of age, as appears by the original (with various cor rections) found among his papers, and from w hich this is a faithful copy. tEpitaph written 1728.] The Body of Benjamin Franklin, Printer, (Like the cover of an old book,) Its contents torn out. And stript of its lettering and gilding) Lies here, food for worms. But the work shall not be lost. For it will (as he believed) appear once more. In a new, and more elegant edition, Revised and con-ected by The Author. Among Dr. Franklin's papers were also found the following lines, written likewise by himself, only six years previous to his decepiSe; tind irititl^d B. F.'s AdiecI If Life's compared to a Feast, Near fourscore years I've ^een a guest? 246 * MEMOIRS QE - PART V* I've been regaled with the best, And feel quite satisfied. 'Tis time that I retire to rest: Landlord, I thank ye! Friends, good night! ^j5n7 22, 1784. The following are extracts from the will an^^ codicil of Dr. Franklin : * # * * # ^ " With regard to my books, those 1 had in France an(J those I left iu Philadelphia, being now assembled together here, and a catalogue made of them, it is my intention to dis pose of the same as follows. My History of the Academy of Sciences in sixty or seventy volumes quarto, I give to the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, of which 1 have the honor to be president. My collection in folio of Ees Arts et les Metiers, I give to the American Philosophical Society established in New England, of which 1 am a member. My quarto edition of the same Arts et Metiers, I give to the Library Company of Philadelphia. — Such and so many of my books as I shall mark on the said catalogue with the name of my grandson Benjamin Franklin BaQhe, I do hereby give to him, and such aud so many of my books as I shall mark in the said catalogue with the name of my grandson William Bache, I do hereby give to him, and such as shall be marked with the name of Jonathan Williams, I hereby give to my cousin of that name. — The residue and remainder of all my books, manuscripts, and papers, 1 do give to my grandson William Temple Franklin. My shar^ in the Library Com pany of Philadelphia, I give to my grandson Benjamin Frank lin Bache, confiding that he will permit bis brothers and sis^ ters to share in the use of it. PART V. BENJAMIN PRANKLIN. 247 I was born in Boston, New England, and owe my first In structions in literature to the free grammar schools established there : I therefore give one hundred pounds sterling to my executors, to be by them, the survivors or survivor of tljem, paid over to the managers or directors of the free schools ia my native town of Boston, to be by them, or those person or persons who shall have the superintendence and management of the said schools, put out to interest, and so continued at interest for ever, which interest annually shall be laid out in silver medals, and given as honorary rewards annually by the directors of the said free schools for the encouragement of scholarship in the said schools, belonging to the said town, in such manner as to the discretion of the select men of the said town shall seem meet. — Out of ("he salary that may remain due to me as president of the state, I do give the sum of two thousand pounds to my executors, to be by them, the survivors or survivor of them, paid over to such person or persons as the legislature of this state by an act of assembly shall appoint to receive the same in trust, to be employed for making the river Schuylkill navigable, " During the number of years I was in busines."!, as a sta tioner, printer, and postmaster, a great many small sums be came due to me for books, advertisements, postage of letters and other matters, which were not collected, when in 17.07 1 was sent by the assembly to England as their agent, and by subsequent appointments continued there till 1775, when on my return I was immediately engaged in the affairs of con gress, and sent to France iu 1776, vv-here I reniiiined nine years, not returning till 1785, and the said debts not being demanded in such a length of time, are become in a manner obsolete, yet are nevertheless justly due. ThesCj^ as they are 248 MEMOIRS OP PART V. stated in my great folio ledger E, I bequeath to the contribu tors of the Pennsylvania hospital, hoping that those debtors, and the descendants of such as are deceased, who now, as I find, make some difficulty of satisfying such antiquated de.t mands, as just debts, may however be induced to pay or give them as charity to that excellent institution. 1 am sensible that much must inevitably be lost, but I hope something con-r siderable may be received. It is possible, too, that some of the parties charged may have existing old unsetded accounts against me, in which case the managers of the said hospital will allow and deduct the amount or pay the balances if they find it against me. # « # 4t> * Jl^ " I request my friends Henry HiH, esquire, John Jay, esq., Francis Hopkinson, esquire, and Mr. Edward Duffield of Benfield, in Philadelphia county, to be the executors of this my last will and testament, and I hereby nominate and ap point them for that purpose. I would have my body buried with as little expense or cere mony as may be." * ^ ^ "(F "ff -SF Philadelphia, July 17, 1788, Codicil. " I Benjamin Franklin, in the foregoing or annexed last will and testament named, having further considered the same, do think proper to make and publish the following codicil o? addition thereto. It having long been a fixed political opinion of niine, that in a democratical state there ought to be no offices of profit, for the reasons I had given in an article of niy drawing in our constitution; it was my intention when 1 accepted the office of president to devote the appointed sala?iy to .some public PART V. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 249 uses ; accordingly, I had already, before I made my will in July last, given large sums of it to college?, schools, building of churches, 8cc. and in that will I bequeathed two thousand pounds more to the state, for the purpose of making Schuyl kill navigable : but understanding since, that such a sum will do but little towards accomplishing such a work, and that die project is not likely to be undertaken for many years to comei and having entertained another idea that I hope may be more extensively useful, I do hereby revoke and annul that bequest, and direct that the cerUficates I have for what remains due to me of that salary, be sold towards raising the sum of two thou sand pounds sterling, to be disposed of as I am now about to order. It has been an opinion, that he who receives an estate from his ancestors, is under some kind of obligation to transmit the same to his posterity ; this obligation does not lie on me who never inherited a shilling from any ancestor or relation. I shall, however, if it is not diminished by some accident before my death, leave a considerable estate among my descendants and relations. The above observation is made merely as some apology to my family, for my making bequests that do not appear to have any iinmediate relation to their advantage. I was born in Boston, New England, and owe my first in structions in literatiire to the free granimar schools established there: I have therefore already considered those schools in niy will. But I am also under obhgations to the state of Massachijsetts, for having, unasked, appointed me formerly their agent in England, with a handsome salary, which conti nued some years, and although I accidentally lost in their ser- vicOj by transmitting Governor Hutchinson's letters, much more than the amount of what they gave mcj I do not think that ought in the least to diminish my gratitude.— I have con sidered that among artisans good apprentices are most likely to make ^ped citizens, and having myself b^en bred to a nia- 250 MEMOIRS OP PAJRT V., Bual art, printrag, in my native town, and afterwards assisted to set up my business in Philadelphia by kind loans of mon^ from two friends there, which was the foundation of my for tune, and of all the utility in life that may be ascribed to me, I wish to be useful, even after my death, if possiblci^n form ing and advancing other young men that" may be serviceable to their country in both those towns. — To this end I devote two thousand pounds sterling, which 1 give, one thousand thereof to the inhabitants of the town of Boston, in Massachu setts, and the other thousand to the inhabitants of the city of Philadelphia, in trust to and for the uses, intents, and purposes, hereinafter mentioned and declared.— ^The said sum of one thousand pounds sterling, if accepted by the inhabitants of the town. of Boston, shall be managed under the direction of the elect men, united with the ministers of the oldest episcopalian, congregational, and presbyterian churches in that town, who are to let out the same upon interest at five per cent, per annum, to such young married artificers, under the age of twenty-five years, as have served an apprenticeship in the said town, and faithfully fulfilled the duties required in their inden tures. So as to obtain a good moral character frohi at least two respectable citizens, who are willing to become their sureties in a bond with the applicants for the repayment of the monies so lent with interest, according to the terms hereinafter pre scribed, all which bonds are to be taken for Spanish milled dollars, or the value thereof in current gold coin, and the ma nagers shall keep a bound book or books wherein shall be en tered the names of those who shall apply for and receive the benefit of this institution, and of their sureties, together with the sums lent, the dates, and other necessary and proper re cords respecting the business and concerns of this institution. And as these loans are intended to assist young married arti ficers in setting up their business, they are to be proportioned by the discretion of the managers, so ^s not to exceed sixty PART V. BENJAMIN .FRANKLIN. 2-51 pounds sterling to one person, nor to be less than fifteen pounds. And if the number of appliers so entitled, should be so large as that the sum will not suffice to afford to each as much as might otherwise not be improper, the proportion to each shall be diminished, so as to afford to every one some assistance. These aids may therefore be small at first ; but as the capital increases by the accumulated interest, they will be more ample. And in order to serve as many as possible in their turn, as well as to make the repayment of the princi pal borrowed more easy, each borrower shall be obliged to pay, with the yearly interest, one-tenth part of the principal ; which sums of principal and interest so "paid in, shall be again let out to fresh borrowers. — And as it is presumed that there will always be found in Boston virtuous and benevolent citi zen? willing to bestow a part of their time in doing good to the rising generation by superintending and managing this in-r Stitution gratis, jt js hoped that no part of the money will at any time be dead, or be diverted to other purposes, but be pontinually augmenting by the interest ; in which case there inay in time be more than the occasion in Boston shall re quire, and then some may be spared to the neighboring or plher towns in the said state of Massachusetts, who may de sire to have it, such towns engaging to pay punctually the in terest and the proportions of the principal annually to the inhabitants of the town of Boston. If this plan is executed^ and succeeds as js projected, without interruption for one hundred years, the sum will then be one hundred and thirty- one thousand pounds, of which I would have the managers of the donations to the town of BQston then lay out at their dis- j:retion one hut)dred thousand pounds in public works, which may be judged of niost general utility to the inhabitants ; such 3s fortification?, bridges, aqueducts, public buildings, baths, pavement*, or whatever may make living in the town more fpnvpniept to its people, and render it piore agreeable tp, 252 MEMOIRS OP PAJJT V. strangers, resorting thither for health or a tempbrSry resi dence, — TKe remaining thirty-one thousand pounds I would have continued to be let out on interest in the manner above directed, for another hundred years, as I hope it will have been found that the institution has had a good effect on the con duct of youth, and been of service to many worthy characters aud useful citizens^ At the end of this second term, if no unfortunate accident ha* prevetlted the operation, the sum will be four million and sixty-one thousand pounds sterling, of which 1 leave one million sixty-one thousand pounds td the disposition of the inhabitants of the town of Boston, and three millions to the disposition of the government of the state, pot presuming to carry my views farther. All the directions herein given respecting the disposition and management of the donation to the inhabitants of Boston, I would have observed respecting that to the inhabitants of Philadelphia, only as Philadelphia is incorporated, I request the corporation of that city to undertake the management agreeably to the said directions, and I do hereby vest then) with full and ample powers for that purpose : and having con>- sideKed that the covering its ground-plat with buildings and pavements, which carry off most of the rain, and prevent its soaking into the earth and renewing and purifying the springs, whence the water of the wells must gradually grow worse, and in time be unfit for use, as I find has happened in all old cities, I recommend that at the end of the first hundred years, if not done before, the corporation of the city employ a part of tbe hundred thousand pounds in bringing by pipes the water of Wissahickon Creek into the town, so as to supply the inha bitants, which 1 apprehend may be done without great difii- culty, the level of that creek being much above that of the city, and may be made higher by a dam ; I also recommend mak ing the Schuylkill completely navigable. At the end of the second hundi ed years^ I would have the disposition of the PART V, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 253 four million and sixty-one thousand pounds divided between the inhabitants of the city of Philadelphia and the government of Pennsylvania, in the same manner as herein directed with respect to that of the inhabitants of Boston and tbe govern ment of Massachusetts. — It is my desire that this institution should take place and begin to operate within one year after my decease, for which purpose due notice should be publicly given previous to the expiration of that year, that those for whose benefit this establishment is intended, may make their respective applications ; and I hereby direct my executors, the survivors or survivor of them, within six months after my decease, to pay over the said sum of two thousand pounds sterling to such persons as shall be duly appointed by the select men of Boston and the corporation of Philadelphia, to receive and take charge of their respective sums of one thou sand pounds each, for the purposes aforesaid. — Considering the accidents to which all human affairs and projects are sub ject in ^ch a length of time, I have perhaps too much flat tered myself with a vain fancy, that these dispositions, if car ried into execution, will be continued without interruption, and have the effects proposed ; I hope however that if the inhabitants of the two cities should not think fit to undertake the execution, they will at least accept the offer of these do nations as a mark of my good will, a token of my gratitude, and a testimony of my earnest desire to be useful to them, even after my departure. I wish indeed that they may both undertake to endeavor the execution of the project ; because I think that though unforeseen difficulties may arise, expe dients will be found to remove them, and the scheme be foimd practicable. If one of them accepts the money with the con ditions, and the other refuses, my will then is that both sums be given to the inhabitants of the city accepting the whole, to be applied to the same purpose and under the same regulations directed for the separate parts, and if both refuse, the money 234 MEMOIRS, &C. PART V. of course i-emains iu the mass of my estate, and it is to be dis posed of therewith according to my will, made the seventeenth day of July, 1788. — 1 wish to be buried by the side of my wife, if it may be, and that a marble stone, to be made by Chambers, six feet long, four feet wide, plain, with only a small moulding round the upper edge, and this inscription. Benjamin'^ & > Franklin. Deborah j 178 . be placed over us both. "My finecrabtree walking-stick, with a gold head curiously wrought in the form of the cap of liberty, I give to my friend and "the friend of mankind. General Washington.^— If it were a sceptre, he has merited it and would become it. — It was a present to me from that excellent woman Madame de For- back, the Dowager Duchess of Deux Ponts, connected with some verses which should go with it." ^R" t(* *P tF ^ff tP Philadelphia, Q3d June, 1789- END OF MEMOIRS. SUPPLEMENT TO MEMOIRS: COMPRISING C&aractetisf, (JBuIogiumisf, ann anecDoteg DR. FRANKLIN, SELECTED FROM VARIOUS WRITERS. WITH AN APPENDIX. CHARACTERS, EULOGIUMS, &c. OF DR. FRANKLIN. Letter from Dr- Price to a Gentleman in America. Dear Sir, Hackney, June 19, 1790. I AM hardly able to tell you how kindly I take the letters with which you favor me. Your last, con taining an account of the death of our excellent friend. Dr. Franklin, and the circumstances attending it, deserves my particular gratitude. The account which he has left of his life will show, in a striking example, how a man, by talents, industry, and integrity, may rise from obscurity to the first eminence and consequence in the world ; but it brings his history no lower than the year 1757, and I understand, that since he sent over the copy which I have read, he has been able to make no additions to it. It is with a melancholy regret I think of his death ; but to death we are all bound by the irreversible order of nature, and in looking forward to it, there is comfort in being able to reflect — that we have not VOL, II. K 258 SUPPLEMENT TO THE MEMOIRS OF lived in vain, and that all the useful and virtuous shall meet in a better country beyond the grave. Dr. Fianklin, in the last letter I received from him, after mentioning his age and infirmities, observes, that it has been kindly ordered by the Author of nature, that, as we draw nearer the conclusion of life, we are furnished with more helps to wean us from it, among which one of the strongest is the loss of dear friends. I was delighted with the account you gave in your letter of the honor shown to his memory at Philadelphia, and by congress ; and yesterday I received a high additional pleasure, by being informed, that the national assembly of France had determined to go into mourning for him. — What a glorious scene is opened there ! The annals of the world furnish no parallel to it. I am, with great respect, your obliged and very humble servant, ^ Richard Price. Extract of a Letter from the Hon. Thomas Jefferson, Esq. to Dr. William Smith of Philadelphia.^ I FEEL both the wish and the duty to communicate, in compliance with your request, whatever within my know ledge might render justice to the memory of our great coun tryman. Dr. Franklin, in whom plvilosophy has to deplore one of its principal luminaries extinguished. But my oppor tunities of knowing the interesting facts of his life have not been equal to my desire of making them known. I can only therefore testify in general, that there appeared to me more respect and veneration attached to the character of Dr. Franklin in France, than to that of any other person » Extracted from the Eulogium oa Dr. Franklin, delivered by Dr. W. Smith, before the American Philosophical Society. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.. 358 in the same country, foreign or native. 1 had opportunities of knowing particularly, h'iw far these sentiments, were felt by the foreign ambassadors and ministers at the court of Versailleii. The fable of his capture by the Algerines, pro pagated by the EuglLsh newspapers, excited no uneasiness, as it was seen at once to be a fabrication to please certain readers ; but nothing could exceed the anxiety of his diplor matic brethren on a subsequent report. of.: his death, which, although [iremature, bore some marks of authenticity. I found the ministers of France equally impressed with his talents and integrity. The Count de Vergennes i particularly gave me repeated and unequivocal demonstrations of his en tire confidence in him. When he left Pa:ssy, it seemed as if tha village had lost its patriarch. On taking leave of the court, which he did- by letter, the King ordered him to be handsomely complimented, and furnished him with a litter and mules of liisown, thb only kind of conveyance the state of his heaUh could bear. The succession to Dr. Frankhn, at the court of France, was an excellent school of humility to me. On 'being pre sented to any one, as the minister of America, the common place question to me was, " C'est vous. Monsieur^ qui rem- platezle Docteur Franklin f — is it you, sir, who replace Dr. Franklin ? I generally answered, " No one can replace him, sir; I am only his successor." I could here relate a number of those bons-mots, with which he was used to charm every society, having heard many of them; but these are not your object.: Particulajss of greater dignity happened not to occur, during his stay of nine months after my arrival in France. A little befoie that time, Argand had invented his cele brated lamp, in which the flame is spread into a hollow cylinder, and thus brought into contact with the .air, within as well as without. Dr. Franklin had been on the point of 260 SUPPLEMENT TO THE MEMOIRS OP the same discovery. The idea had occurred to him ; but he had tried a bullrush as a wick, which did not succeed. His occupations! did not permit him to repeat and extend his trials to the introduction of a larger column of air than could pass through the stem of a bullrush. About that time, also, the King of France gave him a signal testimony of respect, by joining him with some of the most illustrious men of the nation to examine that ignis- fatuus of philosophy, the animal magnetism of the maniac, Mesmer ; the pretended effects of which had astonished all Paris. From Dr. Frankhn's hand, in conjunction with his brethren of the learned committee, that compound of fraud and folly was unveiled, and received its death-wound. After rthis nothing very interesting was before the public, either in 'philosophy or politics, during his stay ; and he was princi pally occupied in winding up his affairs, and preparing for his xetum .to America. These small offerings to the memory of our great and dear friend (whom. time will be making still greater, while it is spunging us from its records) must be accepted by you, sir, in that spirit of love and veneration for him, in which they are made : and not according to their insignificancy in the eyes of a world, which did not want tliis mite to fill up the measure of his worth. His death was an affliction which was to lumpen to us at some time or other. We have reason to be thankful he was so long spared ; that the most useful life should be the longest also ; that it was protracted so far beyond the ordi nary span allotted to humanity, as to avail us of his wisdom and virtue, in the establishment of our freedom in the west ; And to bless him with a view of its dawn in the east, where men seemed till now to have learned every thing— pBiVATE-CoKBESPoKDiJwSE, P^rls I. and II. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 263 great part of the day above-mentioned that we spent together, he was looking over a number of American newspapers, di recting me wh^t to extract from them for the Englisli ones ; arid,, in reading them, he was frequently not able to proceed for the tears literally running down his cheeks. To strangers he was cold and re'served ; but where he was intimate, no man indulged in more pleasantry and good humor. By this he was the delight of a club, to which he alludes in one of the letters above referred to, called the Whig Club, that met at the London Coffee-hpuse, of which Dr. Price, Dr Kippis, JVlr.John Lee, and others of the same stamp, were members.' JVoJW^^ePATRioTE Francois of M. Brissot de Warville, Member of the National Assembly and National Conven tion of France. The American Revolution has produced a multitude of virtuous citizens, intrepid warriors, and enlightened politicians; but we have seen no one. possess, in so high a degree, the character of a. true philosopher, as Dr. Benjamin Franklin. His love of mankind occupied every instant of his life ; and he displayed the most indefatigable zeal iu their service. His knowledge was great and extensive, his manners were simple, his morals were pure. This portrait will not afford a line of separation sufiiciently marked between him and other patriot politicians, if I do not add a characteristic feature to it.; this is, that Franklin, in the midst of the vast scene in which he acted such a brilliant and conspicuous character, kept his eyes constantly fixed on a theatre infinitely more vast and extensive, — on Heaven, and a future life! This is the sole circumstance that can support and aggrandise man upon earth, and make of him a true philosopher. The different anecdotes recounted in the first part of his private life, might afford, to an attentive observer, some idea 264 SUPPLEMENT TO THE MEMOIRS OP of his character ; and it indeed appears to me to be impossible to read it, without a certain degree of tenderness, mingled with respect. It exhibits Franklin strolling about the streets of Philadelphia with about four-and-sixpence in his pocket, unknown to any of the inhabitants, eating onfe loaf with avidity, holding another under each arm, and quenching his thirst with the water of the Delaware ! Who could have dreamed that this miserable wanderer should become one of the future legislators of America ; the ornament of the new world ; the pride of modern philosophy, and an ambassador to a nation the most rich, the most pow erful, and the most enlightened in the universe ? Who could have believed that France, that Europe, should one day elevate statues to a man, who had no where to repose his head ? This circumstance recals to my memory J. J. Rousseau, with three halfpence (his whole fortune) in his purse, and tormented by faniiiie, balancing in his own mind whether he ought to sacrifice his all, in order to procure a supper or a bed ! After putting an end to this combat between rest and hunger, he lies down, and falls asleep in the open air ; and thus, seemingly abandoned by nature and by men, he enjoys the protection of the one, and despises that of the other. The citizen of Lyons, who disdained Rousseau because he was ill-clothed, has died unknown ; andthe man in rags, has now altars erected to his memory. These examples ought to console men of genius, who have been reduced by fortune to a similar condition, and who are obliged to struggle against want. Adversity is calculated to form them ; let therii persevere, and the same recompense awaits them. Franklin being persuaded that knowledge could never spread, unless it had been first collected in a central point, as it were, vi^as always extremely desirous to encourage literary, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 265 and political clubs. In one of these clubs, founded by him, the following were the questions put to the candidate : " Do you believe that a man ought to be despised or per secuted for opinions merely speculative, on account of any particular faith that he may happen to profess ?" " Do you love ti-uth, for its own sake ?'' " Will you employ all your efforts, in order to know it yourself, and to instil it into others ?" From the " Eloge de Franklin," by the celebrated Condorcet, Having, during his residence in England, remarked the advantages resulting from newspapers, and associations, known under the' denomination of Clubs, and societies formed on the basis of a voluntary subscription, Franklin proposed to adopt them in his native country. He accordingly began by publishing a gazette, the columns of which he filled up, during a scarcity of news, by means of essays of his own composition, in which the moral wa.s ge nerally presented under the form of an apologue ; in which reason was animated by gay but amiable pleasantries ; aiid in which philosophy, without ceasing to be within the compre<- hension of the simple colonists for whom it was destined, visas on a level with the ideas of an European. It was a new Spectator, as it were, that he produced, but with much more nature, simplicity, and grace ; with an aim more extended, and, above all, more useful. Instead of the uncertain hope of correcting some few of the vices of a nation, corrupted by riches and inequahty, he conceived a reasonable expectation of rectifying the ideas, of depurating and polishing the virtues of a nascent people. Several of the fugitive pieces printed at that period by Franklin, have been preserved ; and there are some of them, which Voltaire and Montesquieu would not have disavowed. 266 SUPPLEMENT TO THE MEMOIRS OP He would never pprmit his Grazette tp lie ,<^isgrac|^dj,by personalities,.- This species of : malice,-, which preseiits tlie ready means of drawing doM;!i. the popular; vengeance upon those whom an editor is inclined to, hate, appeared to himto be equally hurtful and dangerous, It seemed to furnish a per fidious kind of arms, which the hypocritical and the factious might use with address, Jn prder to provoke suspiciDU against virtues and talents the most eminent; to render ajj reputations uncertain ; to destroy character, and the authority of a good name, a circumstance so necessary in an infant repubhc, and then deliver up the public confidence to those obscure and intriguing men who know how to surprise it. The Americans were not then that enlightened people who have since astonished us by the wisdom of their constitutions. Religion, and tbe incessant labor necessary to form establish ments in a wild and savage country, had alone occupied the minds and the bodies of the first generations of Europeans. Franklin perceived how much they stood in need of the light of philosophy ; but it was necessary to make them feel this, without announcing an intention, which would have but too plainly discovered his own superiority. He accordingly formed a club,' composed bf several of the inhabitants of Plriladelphia, whose fortunes were on a -level with his own. It consisted of only twelve persons, and the number was never augmented. But in consequence of his advice, the majority of the members established similar asso ciations ; by this means, they all became animated with tiie same spirit ; but he was careful not to connect them by a solemn confederation, and still less by a dependance upon the mother society. It was his intention to form a more liberal communication of knowledge, and of sentiments, among the citizens ; to ha bituate them to the custom of acting together in behalf of ' See p. 91. Vol. I. of these Memoies, and Appendix No. 2. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 267 their conimoninterests ; ^nd to enable them to propagate and disperse their opinions, without forming a party. He thought that 'if a private association pught never to conceal itself, it ought still less to exhibit itself to public view; tbat, useful while it acts by the separate interests of its mem bers, by ihe (joncert of their intentions, by the weight which their virtues or their talents give to their opinions, it might become dangerous, if, operating in a mass, and forming in some re spects anatio.n within a nation, it shpiild be at, length able to oppose its own will to that of the people, and to place between individuals and the national ppwer, a foreign force, which, directed by an ambitious man, might equally menace liberty and the laws. It is custpmary, in the English clubs, to subject all those to a slight fine, who transgress their laws. In that of Phila delphia, a slight fine was levied every time an improper ex pression was made use of. Those most obstinate in the belief of their own infallibility, ¦yvere obliged to make use of a certain diffidence in their, assertions, and to adopt a degree ^ mpdest circumlocution, . that prevented the ,self-loye of the ,c could not make the learned of Europe change the form of the electrical conductors of Franklin. They multiplied in France, after France had become allied to America : in truth, the sentence of the police has been opposed to it in some of our towns, as it has been opposed in Italy by the decisions of casuists, and with just as little success !' In a free country, the law follows the public opinion; in despotic governments the public opinion often contradicts the laws, but always concludes at length by submitting itself to their influence. — At this day, the use of this preservative has become common among almost all nations, but without being universally adopted: A long course of experiment does not permit us any longer to doubt of its efficacy. If the edifices provided with it, have still some dangers; to dread, this happens, because, between the bounded efforts of man and the boundless forc^' of nature, there can never be established any odier but an unequal contest. But what an immense career has this successful experiment opened to our hopes ! Why may we not one day hope to see the baneful activity of all the scourges of mankind melt away, as that of thun der has done, before the powers of genius, exercised through an immensity of ages ? When all the regions of nature are disarmed by the happy use of her gifts, we shall experience nothing but her benefits. In 1754, the King of England, who had formed the prP-. ject of attacking France, convoked a general congress of the deputies of the different colonies, in order to concert a sys tem of common defence. Dr. Franklin was sent thither, ' Many religious sectaries are still averse to their use ; they consider it as presumption, and say they will trust to ttie first great cause; though at the same time these very people are taking physic, and g«t cupped and bled, in order to prevent themselves from being sick and diseased ! BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 273 and proposed a plan, which was accepted by the congress ;' but it was neither agreeable to the assemblies of the particu lar states, nor to the British ministry. No menace had as yet made the colonies perceive the necessity of this union, which was about to take away from each a part of its inde pendence ; and the English government was at one and the same time too cunning not to foresee that this new institution prepared a resistance to its tyrannical enterprises, and was too little enlightened to know, that nothing remained for it but to direct a revolution, which was an inevitable conse quence of the increasing prosperity of the colonies. Indo lence or pride on one side, aud perfidy on the other, occa sioned the rejection of a scheme formed by foresight and traced by wisdom. Twenty-four years afterwards it served as a basis to that congress which declared the independence of the United States ; and perhaps it would have been a desideratum iu the new constitution, to have imitated more its sage simphcity. It has been urged as a reproach to Franklin, that he had given a negative to the governor appointed by the King of Great Britain ; but circumstances required this sacrifice : it was the band that would have connected a sucker, at that time young and tender, to the parent tree, from which it had sprouted forth ; and which ought not to have been cut until the moment that the young plant, after having extended its roots, and developed its branches, had acquired sufficient vigor to nourish it by means of its own proper strength. 'if -Jp T{" "Jt* "Jl' Character of Dr. F'kankltn. (By the same.) Humanity and frankness were the basis of his morality. An habitual gaiety, a happy facility in regard to every thing ' See this Plan in the Selection of Dr. Franklin's Writings, (in continuation of these Memoirs) Part. i. Section i. S 274 SUPPLEMENT TO THE MEMOIRS OP respecting the common concerns of life, and a tranquil in flexibility in affairs of importance, formed the character of Dr. Franklin. These two latter qualities are easily united ia men, who, endowed with a superior mind, and strong under standing, abandon trifling things to doubt and to indifference. His system of conduct was simple : he endeavored to ba nish sorrow and wearisomeness, by means of temperance and labor. " Happiness," he was used to say, " like a body, is composed of insensible elements." Without disdaining glory, he knew how to despise the in justice of opinion ; and while enjoying renown, he could par don envy. Duriiig his youth, he had carried his pyrrhonism to the very foundation of morality : the natural goodness of his heart, anid the directions of his consciencej were his sole guidek; and they very rarely led him astray. A little later in life, ,he allowed that there existed a mo- raUty founded uipon the nature of man, independent of all 5peiculative opinions, and anterior to all conventions. He thought, that our souls, in another life, received the recompense of their virtues, and the punishment of their faults : he believed in the existence of a God, at once bene ficent and just, to whom he offered up, in the secrecy of his own conscience, a silent but pure homage. He did not despise the exterior forms of religion : he even thov>ght tbem useful to morality ; he, however, submitted himself to them but seldom. All religions appeared to him to be equally good, provided an universal toleration was the prtnciple of them, and that they did not deprive, of the recompense due to virtuej those who were of another belief, or of no belief at ail.' — — r — ^-^-^ y^ ' — ^ ¦• -¦ ¦ ¦ •..' J» I 1)1 ¦ — -*¦ ^ Sek Ills Corit'e,\oi Mon tresor, In Ms ¦WeYtings. Far^ ui. Section iij. bagatelles. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 275 The application of the sciences to the common purposes of life, and to domestic economy, was often the subject of his researches : he took pleasure to demonstrate, that, even in the most common affairs of life, custom and ignorance ^e but bad guides ; that we were far from having exhausted the resources of nature ; and were only deficient in men ca pable of interrogating her." He never wrote any thing upon politics, except some tracts required by circumstances, and produced upon the spur of the occasion. It was easy to perceive, that he always endeavored to re duce all questions to their simple elements, and to present them in such a manner to the public, that the unlearned might be enabled to understand, and to resolve them. It was to such that he always addressed himself. Sometimes it was an error that he attempted to root out and destroy ; and sometimes an useful truth, for which he wished gently to prepare their miads, that at length they might be enabled to receive, and, above all, to preserve it. It is in vain that we shall search for any subject, on which he could be supposed to have written from the mere impulse of glory. Sometimes he employed those forms which, in appear ance only, disguise the truth, in order to render it more af- ' He was occupied a long time in endeavoring to make the forms of ¦ehimnies more perfect, and to introduce economy in regard to com bustible substances, by regulating the intensity and the equality of .hea;t, and the renewal of the air in places warmed artificially. Several years before he became so celebrated as he afterwards was, and at the period when he,began to enjoy an independent fortune, it was pro posed to him to procure a patent fur a stove of his own invention. This he rejected j saying, at the same time, " I have profited by the inventions of others, and is it not just that they, in return, should profit by mine ?" 276 SUPPLEMENT TO THE MEMOIRS OP fecting, and which, instead of disclosing, allow the pleasiire of divining it. , It was thus that, while seeming to teach the surest means 'for diminishing the extent of a state, which is found too dif ficult to be governed, he lampooned the conduct of the Eng lish ministry in regard to America:' thu.**, also, by «ay of displaying the injustice of the pretensions of Great Britain in regard to her colonies,, he supposes the King of Prussia to publish an edict, in which he subjects England to the pay ment of certain taxes, under pretext that the inhabitants of the banks of the Oder had formerly conquered and peopled it.* His conversation, like his style, was always natural, and often ingenious. In his youth, he had read Xenophpn^ an autlior who had inspired him with a taste for the Socratic method of argument, — and he took pleasure in employing it, sometimes by putting artful questions, tending to make the advocates of a false opinion refute themselves ; sometimes, by an application of their principles to other events, obliging them thus to recognise the truth, vihen disengaged from the clouds within which custom or prejudice had euveloped it; at other times, deciding by means of an apologue, a tale, or an anecdote, those questions which the pride of a serious discussion would have obscured. Being employed by some of the American provinces to request an abolition of the insulting custom of transporting malefactors to the colonies, the minister, by way of reply,- al leged the necessity of delivering England of such vermin. " What would you say to us," rejoined Dr. Franklin, " if We were to export our rattlesnakes to England ?" ' Rules for reducing a great Empire to a small one. — SeeWEiTiUGS, Pdxt i. Section i. ^ See Prussian Edict, iu Private Correspondence, iPart ii. liCt- ter to the Hon. Thomas Gushing, Sept. 12, ir^S. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 277 Dr. Franklin had never formed a general system of politics : he examined the questions exactly as the events presented themselves to his observation, or as his foresight anticipated them ; and he decided them all according to the standard of those principles which originate in a virtuous mind, and in a judgment at once just and comprehensive. In general, he appeared not fond of giving all at once the greatest possible degree of perfection to human institutions : he thought it a more certain way to wait for the effects of time. He was not fond of attacking abuses in front ; he thought it more prudent first to attack those errors which are the source of them. He had in politics, as in morals, that kind of indulgence which requires but little, because it hopes much, and which forgets, and even pardons the prCNcnt, in favor of the future. He always proposed those measures which seemed to him to be most proper in order to preserve peace ; because he was not fond of delivering up the happiness of mankind to tbe undertainty of events, nor truth to the interests of a party. He preferred the .good obtained- by reason to that which might be expected from enthusiasm ; because it is more easy to be procured, and infinitely more lasting. In one word, his politics were those of a man who be lieved in the power of reason and the reality of virtue, and who aspired to be the teacher of his fellow-citizens, before he became their legislator. Jixtract from Dr. Smith's Eulogium on Dr. Franklin, deli' • , vered March 1, 1791, before the Congress, andthe Ameri") can Philosophical Society at Philadelphia. At the name of Franklin, every thing interesting to virtue, freedom, and humanity, rises to our recollection ! By 278 SUPpLEMENir TO THE MEMOIRS 09 f what eulogium shall we do justice to his pre-eminent abili ties and worth ? this would require a pre-eminence of abilities and worth lifte his own. His original and universal genius was capable of the great est things, but disdained not the smallest, provided they were useful. With equal ease and abilities he could conduct the affairs of a printing-press, and of a great nation, and discharge the duties of a public minister of state, or the private execu^, tor of a will. Franklin, as a philosopher, might have become a Newton; as a lawgiver, a Lycurgus ; but he was greater than either of them, by uniting the talents of both in the practical philo sophy of doing good, compared to which all the palms of speculative wisdom and science wither on the sight. He did not seek to derive his eminence from the mere profession of letters, which, although laborious, seldom elevates a man to any high rank in the public confidence and esteem ; but he became great by applying his abilities to things useflil, and accommodating his instruction to the exigencies of the times, and the necessities of his country. Had we no other proof of this, the great and dignified part which he sustained in the American Revolution, one of die most important events recorded in the annals of man kind, would have been alone sufiicieat to immortahse his name ; but when we take into the account his previous labon for half a century, on purpose to illuminate the minds of his fellow-citizens, to prepare them for the mighty event, to nurse them into greatness by the arts of industry and virtue, to show them the happiness which lay within their reach, to teach them to dare, and to bear, and to improve success; — this accumulation of services has woven for his head a diadem of such beauty, as scaroely ever adorned the brow of either ancient or modern worthy. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 279 In the earliest stages of life he had conceived the mighty idea of American glory and empire ; but, like Hercules in the cradle, he was ignorant of his own strength, and had not conceived the achievements and the labors that awaited him. He had not yet conceived that he was one day to con tend with kings and potentates for the rights of his countryy to extort from them an acknowledgment of its sovereignty, and to subscribe with his name the sacred instruments which were to give it a pre-eminent rank among the nations of the earth, and to assure its liberty and independence to the latest ages! Virtus vera nohilitas, was an adage with which he was well pleased. He considered a descent from any of the vir tuous peasantry and venerable yeomanry of America, who first subdued the sturdy oaks of our forests, and assisted to introduce culture and civilization into a once untutored land, as having more true nobility in it than a pedigree which might be traced through the longest line of those commonly called great and noble in this world.' He rose from low beginnings, and advanced not only himself but his coun try by means of the press. The press was the great instru ment he made Use of in order to draw the attention of Penn sylvania to habits of virtue and industry ; to the institution of societies for the promotion of agriculture, commerce, and the mechanic arts ; to the founding of schools, libraries, and hospitals, for the diffusion of useful knowledge and the ad vancement of humanity. When you consider this, you will go and do hkewise :* you will, with professional joy and it* t!* "(r tT "Jt V ' Sleinmata guidfaciunt, quid prodest, Pontke, longo Sanguine renseri? JvyEN*i-t. ' This part was addressed to the printers of Philadelphia, who at- t«nded in a body. 280 SUPPLEMENT TO THE MEMOIRS OF pride, observe that, from the torch which Franklin kindled by means of his press, in the new world, " sparks are already stolen which are lighting up the sacred flame of liberty, vir tue, and wisdom, over the entire face of the globe." Be it your part to feed that torch by means of the press, until its divine flame reach the jskie^! VERSES,' SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, L.L.D. &c. &c. Since 'tis our lot upon this mortal stage. To combat pain and sickness, grief and age. Why should we murmur at approaching death ? Or why reluctantly resign our breath i Our sighs, our anguish, reason disavows,' Since Franklin to the King of terrors bows. Say, how shall 1 begin his various praise ? Truth led him through all nature's wond'rous maze. Earth ! to the sage thy greenest wreaths allow. Whose wisdom taught the swain to guide the plough By reason's laws — to turn the fruitful soil By useful rules, and scientific toil ; ^ Thy cultivated bosom to adorn With cooling fruits, and life-sustaining corn ; And prov'd, philosophy ! to thy true friends, The man, who pants for heav'n, to earth attends. Ocean ! his rleath thy waters should deplore, Rolling thy plaintive billows to the shore, ' The author unknown. < , BENJAMIN PRANKLIN. 281 Where Franklin rests. Thy powVs he understood ; Fathom'd thy depths ; and analys'd thy flood. What, tho' he prov'd that earth thy waves restrains, And rescues from thy reign her hills and plains i Still he deserves thy tribute of applause : Thy properties he knew, and gave thee laws. Air ! in the praises of the sage unite. Who saw thy paths with more than human sight. Fair science taught her son the winds to know. Whence they all come, and whither they must go. O Electricity ! from thee he draws A large — a glorious portion of applause. Lightning ! confess the glory of the sage Who dar'd with all thy terrors to engage. Thy nature he explain'd ; and bade us gaze. Fearless, on thy wide-spreading, quiv'ring blaze. Humanity ! this proof of art applaud : Ye sceptres ! bow to Franklin's glorious rod. Which draws the furious fluid from its course, And bids it spend on earth its baffl'd force. New England ! glory in thy foremost son ; What though on earth his honor'd course be run ? Thy fame and his shall evermore endure : He knew thy rights, and made those rights secure : Nor thine alone ; to him a nation owes Conquest in war, and now a blest repose — To him, whose wisdom wond'ring France obey'd. Whilst Louis glow'd, great Washington to aid. France ! when the awful news shall reach thine ear. Thy sons in sable garments should appear. On Passy's plains, from vulgar eyes retir'd, Lov'd by the good, and by the great admir'd. 282 SUPPLEMENT TO THE MEMOIRS O]^ Like Sicily's enlighten'd son, serene. He grasp'd, O policy ! thy nice machine. And mov'd court, city, camps, and plains, to dare In freedom's cause the glorious toils of war. France ! if to him thou owe that splendid light. Which sav'd thee from oppression's dreary night. Record his name in thy historic page, There let the statesman triumph with the sage ; And since thy sons philosophy adore. His death with many a tender sigh deplore. On whom with wonder all thy sages gaz'd, Aud whom Voltaire with justice oft has prais'd, O Britain ! to his memory be just : A valiant people wars not with the dust. In youth, to thee by sympathy allied. He knew thy worth : in age he scorn'd thy pride. His various virtues thou should'st learn to prize ; Checking thy haughtiness, he made thee wise. But why should partial praise be his ? The mind. Which labor'd for tlie good of all mankind. Due homage should receive, from pole to pole^— Theme of each tongue and pride of ev'ry soul. Europe ! the glories of the sage revere : Free from false pride, and unseduc'd by fear. Who stood^ unaw'd, before the Gallic throne, Propt by true worth, and grandeur all his own. O may his, lessons spread o'er wond'ring lands. From frozen wilds, to Tagus' golden sands. Til! e'en Byzantium s-hall his genius bless. And bow at once to freedom and the press ! What various blessings from one man may flow. Whom heav'n with sense and virtue taught to glow ! BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 283 Asia! thy sons his precepts soon shall hear: Thy tyrants in their turn shall learn to fear ; Whilst chains (so int'rest, join'd with zeal, deman4s) Insensibly shall drop from Slav'ry's hands. Nor be our praises to those arts confin'd Which seem above its sphere to raise the niind. Franklin was born life's vari^is scenes to grace, A bright example to man's erring race. His splendid worth a willing land confest. Whilst every gentler virtue warm'd his breast. Ye, whom vile sophistry oft leads astray. At Fancy's shrine unworthy vows to pay ; Who, while bold knaves admire, and fools applaitd. First rail at nature, and then sneer at God — By Franklin taught, the husband's wortli approve. And the soft duties of parental love. How, great the merit, and the bliss how sweet. When in fond union love and science meet 1 Thou, Pennsylvania ! o'er his ashes bend; Revere the mem^-y of thy steady fi-iend. Thee he adopted with parental love ; Daily thy blessings to enhance he strove — True to religion, which detests control, And guides to heav'n, through Freedom's paths, the soul, He found religious liberty with thee. And priz'd thy sons — for they are mild and fi-ee. Then, Pennsylvania 1 ev'ry tribute pay ; Erect the sculptur'd marble o'er his clay ; Thus youth at equal praise shall boldly aim. And catch at Franklin's tomb worth's hallow'd flame. 284 SUPPLEMENT TO THE MEMOIRS OP LINES TO THE MEMORY OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. (by me. lamont.) The nation grieves, surrounding kingdoms moum,^ Their mingling sighs enshrine their fav'rite's urn ; Columbia's sons their general loss deplore. The friend of virtue — Franklin is no more ! Cold lies that heart, which beat for all mankind ; Now lost to all that comprehensive mind : No more shall age admire, no more the young Receiye the golden lessons from his tongue : No more Poor Richard's annual tale afford Instructive converse round the rustic board ; No niPre correct the proud, inforip the gay. No more the world's calm censor now display. E'en he who soar'd to heaven, and dar'd to chain The thunder's flash, and half its rage restrain ; Who saw the midnight sky in gorgeous glow. And taught mankind the hidden cause to know ; E'en he whom science bade new worlds explore. With philosophic eye unknown before, Must yield, alas ! to Death's relentless call, And leave, for happier worlds, this earthly ball. How poor the plaudit of the sorrowing Mus^, , Yet, sacred shade! the generous wish excuse ; Far other praise is thine than poets give. Through time's vast round thy works shall bid thee live BJENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 285 - If getiius such as Heaven bestows on few ; If powers that bring important truths to view ; If active virtue anxious how to raise Unnotic'd merit to the ranks of praise. E'er held esteem from man — e'er claim'd a teir, O pay that tribute at their Franklin's bier! His lib'ral soul — his worth — his actions scan — Go, Reader, go and imitate the man. IN VIRGAM FRANKLINIANAM, ODE ALCAICA. AUCTORE ANTONIO MUSSI, PHlLOSOPHI.ffi PROFESSORE, MEDIOLAWI. DiRis per urbes religionibus Camposque lat^ strata metu gravi, Humana gens horrebat ollm Tartareura tonitru tyrannum Nimbos vocantem : coelo eqtntans nigro, Dilm Saga, passo crine, sonantium Iras procellarum lacessans, Vipereo fureret flagello. Formidolosa insomnia ! •' Num Pater Naturae iniquis imperium arbitris Permittat ? " Has dudiim tenebras Dispulit exoriens Sophia. 286 SUPPLEMENT TO THE MEMOIRS OF At non timores pectore funditlis Excussit atros. Vix tonuit polus, Jam vertici impeadere vulgus .S^theream trepidat ruinam. *' Ergo usque gentes sternere gestiat Telum coruscans triste Diespiter, Sedesque funestet piorum. Ipse suas jaculatus arces ? Qui cuncta leni numine temperat, Solemque flammis, et Boream gelu, Terramque complexu rotundam, Gurgitibus mare belluosis, Nostros in usus Omnituens parat, Num semper in nos immedicabilem Molitur ictum, dum tonante Fulgur agens quatit astra curru r*' Non ille frustra carum hominis caput Diva efficacis muniit iiigeni Virtute, qu& terras patentes, Aeraque, oceanumque regnet. Sophis sagaces ille animos dedit Tentare naturae abdita : non vices Subvertere-^ajteruasque leges Sacrileg^ violare dextrS. Hac mente, Franklin, nubibus imperas, Vulgare temnens exanimum pecus : Virg^que sublimi coerces Fulmineum inviolatus ignem : Just^ ille labens innocuus vi^ Senslm silenti flumine avens peti Telluris amplexum parentis, Et sociae freta c'. This day -we weighed anchor and fell down with, die tide, there being little or no wind. In the afternooii we had a 304 APPENDIX. NO. I. a fresh gale, that brought us down to Margate, where we shall lie at anchor this night. Most of the passengers are very sick. Saw several porpoises, &c. Sunday, July 24. This morning we weighed anchor, and, coming to the Downs, we set our pilot kshore at Deal and passed through. And now, whilst I write this, sitting upon the quarter-deck, I have methinks one of the pleasantest scenes in the world before me. 'Tis a fine clear day, and we are going away before the wind with an easy pleasant gale. We have near fifteen sail of ships in sight, and I may say in company. On the left hand appears the coast of France at a distance, and on the right is the town and castle of Dover, with the green hills and chalky cliffs of England, to which we must now bid farewel. — Albion, farewel ! Monday, July 25. All the morning calm. Afternoon sprung up a gale at east: blew very hard all night. Saw the Isle of Wight at a distance. Tuesday, July 26. Contrary winds all day, blowing pretty hard. Saw the Isle of Wight again in the evening. Wednesday, July9,T. This morning, the wind blowing very hard at west, we stood in for the land, in order to make som« harbor. About noon we took on board a pilot out of a fishing shallop, who brought the ship into Spithead off Portsmouth. The captain, Mr. Denham and myself went on shore, and during the little time we staid I made some observations on the place. Portsmouth has a fine harbor. The entrance is so narrow that you may throw a stone from fort to fort ; yet it is near ten fathom deep and bold close to : but within there is room enough for five hundred, or^ for aught I know, a thousand sail of .ships. The town is strongly fortified, being encompassed NO. I. APPENDIX. 305 with a high wall and a deep and broad ditch, and two gates that are entered over drawbridges ; besides several forts, bat teries of large cannon, and other outworks, the names of which I know not, nor had I time to take so strict a view as to be able to describe them. In war time the town has a garrison of 10,000 men ; but at present it is only manned by about 100 invalids. Notwithstanding the English have so many fleets of men of war at sea at this time,' I counted in this har bor above thirty sail of second, third, and fourth rates that lay by unrigged, buteasily fitted out upon occasion, all their masts and rigging lying marked and numbered in storehouses at hand. The king's yards and do»ks employ abundance of men, who even in peace time are constantly building and refitting men of war for the king's service. Gosport lies opposite to Portsmouth, and is near as big, if not bigger ; but except the fort at the mouth of the harbor, and a small outwork before the main street of the town, it is only defended by a mud wall which surrounds it, and a trench or dry ditch of about ten feet depth and breadth. Portsmouth is a place of very little trade in peace time ; it depending chiefly on fitting out men of war. Spithead is the place where the fleet commonly an chor, and is a very gpod riding place. The people of Ports mouth tell, strange stories of the severity of one Gibson, who was governor of this place in the Queen's time, to his soldiers, and show you a miserable dungeon by the town gate, which they call Johnny Gibson's Hole, where, for trifling misdemea nors, he used to confine his soldiers, till they were almost starved to death. It is a common maxim, that without severe discipline it is impossible to govern the licentious rabble of soldiery. I own, indeed, that if a commander finds he has not those qualities in him that will make him beloved by his ' One gone to the Baltic, one to the Mediterranean ; and one to the, West Indies. VOL. II. U 306 APPENDIX. NO. I. people, he ought by all means to make use of such methods as will make them fear him, since one or the other (or both) is absolutely necessary ; but Alexander i^nd Caesar, those re nowned generals, received more faithful service, and performed greater actions, by means of the love their soldiers bore them, than they could possibly have done if, instead of being beloved and respected, they had been hated and feared by those they commanded. Thursday, July 28. This morning we came on board, having lain on shore all night. We weighed anchor, and with a moderate gale stood in for Cowes in the Isle of Wight, and came to an anchor before the town about eleven o'clock. Six of the passengers went on shore and diverted themselves till about 12 at night; and then got a boat, and came on board again, expecting to sail early in the morning. Friday, July QQ. But the wind continuing adverse still, we went ashore again this morning, and took a walk to Newport, which is about four miles distant from Cowes, and is the metropolis of the island. Thence we walked to Carisbrooke, about a mile far ther, out of curiosity to see that castle, which King Charles the First was confined in ; and so returned to Cowes in the after noon, and went on board in expectation of sailing. Cowes is but a small town, and lies close to the sea-side, pretty near opposite to Southampton on the main sHor^ of England. It is divided into two parts by a smajl river that runs up within a qiiarter of a mile of Newport, and is distin guished by East and West Cowes. There is a fort biiilt in an oval form, on which there are eight or ten guns mounted for the defence of the road. They Jiave a post-soffice, a custom house, and a chapel of ease; aiuj a good harbor for ship's to ride in, in easterly and westerly winds. ' ' '^ NO. I. APPENDIX. 307 All this afternoon I spent agreeably enough at the draft- board. It is a game I much delight in ; but it requires a clear head, and undisturbed ; and the persons playing, if they would play well, ought not much to regard the consequence of the game, for that diverts and w ithdraws the attention of the mind from the game itself, and makes the player liable to make many false open moves ; and I will venture to lay it down for an infallible rule, that if two persons equal in judg ment play for a considerable sum, he that loves money most shall lose ; his anxiety for the success of the game confounds him. Courage is almost as requisite for the good conduct of this game as in a real battle ; for if the player imagines him self opposed by one that is much his superior in skill, his mind is so intent on the defensive part that an advantage passes unobserved. Newport makes a pretty prospect enough from the hills that surround it ; (for it lies down in a bottom.) The houses are beautifully intermixed with trees, and a tall old-fashioned steeple rises in the midst of the town, which is very orna mental to it. The name of the church I could not learn ; but there is a very neat market-house, paved with square stone, and consisting of eleven arches. There are several pretty handsome streets, and many well-built houses and shops well stored with goods. But I think Newport is chiefly remark able for oysters, which they send to London and other places, where they are very much esteemed, being thought the best in England. The oyster-merchailts fetch them, as I am informed, from other places, and lay them upon certain beds in the river (the water of which is it seems excellently adapted for that purpose) a-fattening ; and when they have laid a suit able time they are taken up again, and made fit for sale. When we came to Carisbrooke, which, as I said before, is a little village about a mile beyond Newport, we took a view of an ancient church that had formerlv been a priory in 308 APPENDIX. NO. I. Romish times, and is the first church, or the mother-church of the island. It is an elegant building, after the old Gothic manner,, with a very high tower, and looks very venerable in its ruins. There are several ancient monuments about it ; but the stone of which they are composed is of such a soft crumbling nature, that the inscriptions are none of them legi ble. Of the same stone are almost all the tomb-stones, 8cc. that 1 observed in the island. From this church, (having crossed over the brook tbat gives name to the village, and got a little boy for a guide) we went up a very steep hill, through several narrow lanes and avenues, till we came to the castle gate. We entered over the ditch (which is now almost filled up, partly by the ruins of the mouldering walls that haye tum bled into it, and partly by the washing down of the earth from the hill by the rains) upon a couple of brick arches, where I suppose formerly there was a drawbridge. An old woman who lives in the castle, seeing us strangers walk about, sent and offered to show us the rooms if we pleased, which vye accepted. This castle, as she informed us, has for many ryears been the seat of the governors of the island : and the rooms and hall, which are very large and handsome, with high arched roofs, have all along been kept handsomely furiushed, every succeeding governor buying the furniture of his prede;- cessor ; but Gadogan, the last governor, who succeeded Gencr ral Webb, refusing to purchase it, Webb stripped it cles^r, of all, even the hangings, and left nothing but bare walls. The floors are several of them of plaister of Paris, the art of making which, the woman told us, was now lost. The,cas;tle stands upon a very high and steep hill, and there are the remains of a deep ditch round it; the vvalls are thick, and seemingly well contrived : and certainly it has been a very strong hold, in itjB time, at least before the invention of great guns. .There are several breaches in the ruinous walls, which ate never repaired, (1 suppose they are purposely neglected) and the, ruins are NO. I. APPENDIX, 309 almost everywhere overspread with ivy. It is divided into the lower and the upper castie, the lower enclosing the upper, which is of a round form, and stands upon a promontory to which you must ascend by near an hundred stone steps : this upper castle was designed for a retreat in case the lower cas tle should! be won, and is the least ruinous of any part except the stairs before mentioned, which are so broken and decays ed, that I was almost afraid to come down again when I was up, they being but narrow, and no rails to hold by. From the battlements of this upper castle (which they call the coop) you have a fine prospect of the greatest part of the island, of the sea on one side, of Cowes road at a distance, and of New port as itiwere just below you. There is a well in the ii)id- dle of the coop, which they called the bottomless, well, because of its great depth ; but it is now half filled np with stpues and rubbish, and is covered with two or three loose planks; yet a stone, ajs we tried, is near a quarter of a minute in falling before; you hear, it strike. But the well that supplies the inhabitantsi at present f with water is in the lower castie, and is thirty fa thoms deep. They draw their water with, a great wheel, and with a bucket that holds near a barrel. It makes a great sound if you speak in it, and, echoed the flute which we played over it very sweetly. There are but seven piece? of ordnance mount ed upon the walls, and those in no very good order; and the old man who is the gunner and keeper of the castle, and who sells ale in a little hou.se at the gate, has in his possession but six muskets, (which hang up at his wall) and one of them wants a lock. He told us that the castle, which had now been built 1203 years, was first founded by one Whitgert, a Saxon, who conquered the island, and that it was called Whitgertsburg for many ages. That particular piece of building which King Charles lodged in during his confinement here, is suffered to go entirely to ruiii, there being nothing standing but the walls. 310 APPENDIX. NO. I. The island is about sixty miles in circumference, and produces plenty of corn and other provisions, and wool as fine as Cots'. wold : its militia having the credit of e(][ualling the soldiery, and being the best disciplined in England, ***** was once, in King William's time, entrusted with the govern ment of this island. At his death it appeared he was a great villain, and a great politician ; there was no crime so damna ble which he would stick at in the execution of his designs, aud yet he had the art of covering all so thick, that with almost all men in general, while he lived, he passed for a saint. What surprised me was, that the silly old fellow, the keeper of the castle, who remembered him governor, should have so true a notion of his character as I perceived he had. In abort I believe it is impossible for a man, though he has all the cun ning of a devil, to live and die a villain, and yet conceal it so well as to carry the name of an honest fellow to the grave with him, but some one by some accident or 'other shall discover him. Truth and sincerity have a certain distinguishing native lustre about them which cannot be perfectly counterfeited — they are like fire and flame that cannot be painted. The whole castle was repaired and beautified by Queen Elizabeth, and strengthened by a breast-work all round with out the walls, as appears by this inscription in one or two places upon it. 1598 E. R. 40 Saturday, July 30. This morning about eight o'clock we weighed anchor, and turned to windward till we came to Yarmouth, another little town upon this island, and there cast anchor again, the wind -blowing hard, and still westerly. Yarmouth is a smaller town than Cowes ; yet, the buildings bdng better, it makes a handsomer prospect at a distance, and the streets are clean NO. I. APPENDIX. 311 and neat. There is one monument in the church, which the inhabitants are very proud of, and which we went to see. It was erected to the memory of Sir Robert Holmes, who had formerly been governor of the island. It is his statue in ar mor, somewhat bigger than the life, standing on his tomb^ with a truncheon in his baud, between two pillars of por phyry. Indeed all the marble about it is very fine and good ; and they say it was designed by the French king for his palace at Versailles, but was cast away upon this island, and by Sir Robert himself in his Ufe-time applied to this use, and that the whole monument was finished long before he died, (though not fixed up in that place) ; the inscription likewise (which is very much to his honor) being written by himself. One would think either that he had no defect at all, or had a very ill opinion of the world, seeing he was so careful to make sure of a monument to record his good actions and trani^thit them to posterity. Having taken a view of the church, town, and fort, (on which there are seven large guns mpunted) three of us took a walk up further into the island, and having gone about two miles, we headed a creek that runs up one end of the town, and then went to Freshwater Church, about a mile nearer the town, but on the other side of the creek. Having stayed here some time it grew dark, and my companions were desirous to be gone, lest those whom we had left drinking where we dined in the town should go on board and leave us. We were told that it was our best way to go straight down to the mouth of the creek, and that there was a ferry boy that would carry us over to the town. But when we came to the house the lazy whelp was in bed,'and refused to rise and put us over ; upon which we went down to the Water-side, with a design to take his boat, and go over by ourselves. We found it very diffi cult to get the boat, it being fastened to a stake, and the tide 312 APPENDIX. NO. I. risen near fifty yards beyond it : I stripped all to my shirt to wade up to it ; but missing the causeway, which was under water, I got up to my middle in mud. At last I came to the stake ; but, to my great disappointment, found she was locked and chained. I endeavored to draw the staple with one of the thole-pins, but in vain ; I tried to pull up the stake, but to no purpose : so that after an hour's fatigue and trouble in the wet and mud, I was forced to return without the boat. We had no money in oar pockets, and therefore began to conclude to pass the night in some hay-stack, though the wind blew very cold and very hard. In the midst of these troubles one of us recollected that he had a horse-shoe in his pocket, which he found in his walk, and asked me if I could not wrench the staple out with that. I took it, went, tried and succeeded, and brought the boat ashore to them. Now we rejoiced and all got in, and when I had dressed myself we put off. But the worst of all our troubles was to come yet; for, it being high water and the tide over all the banks, though it was moonlight we could not discern the channel of the creek ; but rowing heedlessly straight forward, when we were got about half way over, we found ourselves aground on a mud bank, and striving to row her off by putting our oars in the mud, we broke one and there stuck fast, not having four inches water. We were now in the utmost perplexity, not knowing what in the world to do ; we could not tell whe ther the tide was rising or falling ; but at length we plainly perceived it was ebb, and we could feel no deeper water with in the reach of our oar. It was hard to lie in an open boat all night exposed to the wind and weather ; but it was worse to think how foolish we should loojt in the morning, when the owner of the boat should catch us in that condition, where we must be exposed to the view of all the town. After we had strove and struggled for half an hour and more, we gave all NO. I. APPENDIX. 313 over, and sat down with our hands before us, despairing to get oft"; for if the tide had left us, we had been never the nearer — we must have sat in the boat, as the mud was too deep for us to walk ashore through it, being up to our necks. At last we bethought ourselves of some means of escaping, and, two of us stripped and got out, and thereby lightened the boat, we drew her upon our knees near fifty yards into deeper water ; and then with much ado, having but one oar, we got safe ashore under the fort; and haviuj^ dressed ourselves and tied the man's boat, we went with great joy to the Queen's Head, where we left our companions, whom we found wait ing for us, though it was very late. Our boat being gone on board, we were obliged to lie ashore all night ; and thus ended our walk. Sunday, July 3 1 . This morning the wind being moderated, our pilot de signed to weigh, and, taking advantage of the tide, get a little further to windward. Upon which the boat came ashore, to hasten us on board. We had no sooner returned and hoisted in our boat, but the wind began again to blow very hard at west, insomuch that, instead of going any further, we were obliged to weigh and run down again to Cowes for the sake of more secure riding, where we came to an anchor again in a very little time ; and the pudding which our mess made and put into the pot at Yarmouth, we dined upon at Cowes. Monday, August 1. This morning all the vessels in the harbor put out their colors in honor of the day, and it made a very pretty appear ance. The wind continuing to blow hard westerly, our mess resolved to go on shore, though all our loose corks were gone already. We took with us some goods to dispose of, and walked to Newport to make our market, where we sold 314 APPENDIX. NO. I. for three shillings in the pound less than the prime cost in London ; and ha'ring dined at Newport, we returned in the evening to Cowes, and concluded to lodge on shore. Tuesday, August Qd. This day we passed on shore, diverting ourselves as well as we could ; and the wind cPntinuing still westerly, we stayed on shore this night also. Wednesday, August 5d. This morning we were hurried on board, having scarce time to dine, weighed anchor, and stood away for Yarmouth again, though the wind is still westerly ; but meeting with a hoy when we were near half-way there, that had some goods on board for us to take in, we tacked about for Cowes, and came to anchor there a third time, about four in the after nooii. Thursday, August 4. Stayed on board till about five in the afternoon, and then went on shore and stopped all night; Friday, August $. Called up this morning and hurried aboard, the wind being north-west. About noon we weighed and left Cowes a third time, and sailing by Yarmouth we came into the chan nel through the Needles ; which passage is guarded by Hurst Castle, standing on a spit of land which runs out from the main land of England within a mile of the Isle of Wight. Towards night the wind veered to the westward, which -put us under apprehensions of being forced into port again : but presentiy after it fell a flat calm, and then we had a small breeze that was fair for half ^n hour, when it was succeeded by a calm again. Saturday, August 6. This morning we had a fair breeze for some hours, and N0. I. APPENDIX. 315 then a calih that .laE^ed all day. In the afternoon I leaped overboard and swam round the ship to wash myself. Saw several porpoises this day. About eight o'clock we came to an anchor in forty fathom water against the tide of flood, somewhere below Portland, and weighed again about eleven, having a small breeze. Sunday, August 7- Gentie breezes all this day. Spoke with a ship, the Ruby, bound for London from Nevis, off the Start of Plymouth. This afternoon spoke with Captain Homans in a ship bound for Boston, who came out of the river when we did, and l^ad been beating about in the channel all the time we lay at Cowes in the Wight. Monday, August 8. Fine weather, but no wind worth mentioning, all this day ; in the afternoon saw the Lizard. Tuesday, August 9. Took our leave of the land this morning. Calms the fore part of the day. In the afternoon a small gale ; fair. Saw a grampus. Wednesday, August 10. Wind N. W. Course S. W. about four knots. By ob servation in latitude 48° 50'. Nothing remarkable happened. Thursday, August 1 1 . Nothing remarkable. Fresh gale all day. C Friday, August 12. Calms and fair breezes alteirnately. ) Saturday, 13. (^Sunday,——— 14, C Monday, '15, ?fo contrary winds, but calm and \ ^^^^^^^^ ^g fair breezes alternately. ^ Wednesday, 17- 316 APPENDIX. NO. I. Thursday, August 18. Four dolphins followed the ship for some hours: we struck at them with the fizgig, but took none. Friday, August 19. This day we have had a pleasant breeze at east. In the morning we spied a sail upon our larboard bow, about two leagues distance. About noon she put out English colors, and we answered with our ensign, and in the afternoon we spoke with her. She was a ship of New York, Walter Kip- pen master, bound from Rochelle in France, to Boston, with salt. Our captain and Mr. . D. went on board and stayed till evening, it being fine weather. Yesterday complaints being made that a Mr. G n, one of the passengers, had with a fraudulent design marked the cards, a court of justice was called immediately, arid he was brought to his trial in form. A Dutchman who could speak no English deposed by his interpreter, that when our mess was on shore at Cowes, the prisoner at the bar marked all the court cards on the back with a pen. ' . I have sometimes observed that we are apt to fancy the person that cannot speak intelligibly to us, proportionably stupid in understanding, and when we speak two or three words of English to a foreigner, it is louder than ordinary, as if we thought him deaf, and that he had lost the use of his ears as well as his tongue. Something like this I imagine might be the case of Mr. G n ; he fancied the Dutch man could not see what he was about because he could not understand English, and therefore boldly did it before his face. The evidence was plain and positive ; the prisoner could not deny the fact, but replied in his defence, that the cards he marked were not those we commonly played with. NO. I. APPENDIX. 317 but an imperfect paclc, which he afterwards gave to the cabin- boy. The Attorney-General observed to the court, that it was not likely he should take the pains to mark the cards without some ill design, or some further intention than just to give them to the boy when he had done, who understood nothing at all of cards. But another evidence being called, deposed that he savv the prisoner in the main-top one day when he thought himself unobserved, marking a pack of cards on the backs, some with the print of a dirty thumb, others with the top of his finger, &c. Now there being but two packs on board, and the prisoner having just confessed the marking of ' one, the court perceived the case was plain. In fine, the jury brought him in guilty, and he was con demned, to- be carried up to the round top, and made fast there in view of all the ship's company during the space of three hours, that being the place where the act was com mitted, and to pay a fine of two botties of brandy. But the prisoner resisting authority, and refusing to submit to punish'^ ment, one of the sailors stepped up aloft and let down a rope to us, which we with much struggling made fast about his middle, and hoisted him up into the air, sprawling, by main force. We let him hang, cursing and swearing, for near a quarter of an hour ; but at length he crying out Jiurder i and looking black in the- face j the rope being overtwt about his middle, we thought proper to let him dovvn agan ; and our mess' have exconimUnicated' him; till he pays his £ne, refusing either to play, eat, drink, or converse with him. ! ' ,, [; i' Saturday, August QO. We shortened sail all last night and all ths day, to keep comfiany with the other ship. About noon Captain Kippen and one of his passengers came on board and/dined vrith us ; -they stayed till evening. When tiiey were gPne we made sail and left them. 31^ APPENDIX. NO. I. Sunday, Augifst 21. This morning we lost sight of the Yorker, having a brisk gale of wind at east. Towards night a poor liltie bird came on board us, being almost tired to death, and suffered itself to be taken by t:he hand. We reckon ourselves near two hundred leagues from land, so that no doubt a little rest was very acceptable tp the unfortunate wanderer, who 'tis like was blown off the coast in thick weather, and could not find its way back again. We receive it hospitably, and tender it victuals and drink ; but he refuses both, and I suppose will not live long. There was one came on board some days ago in the same circumstances with this, which I think the cat destroyed. Monday, August 22. This morning I saw several flying-fish, but they were small. A favorable wind all day. Fair winds, nothing remarkable. \ Tuesday, August 23. c. Wednesday, 24. Thursday, August 9,5. Our excommunicated ship-mate thinking proper to com ply with the sentence the court passed upon him, and esa- pres^ing hinself willing to pay the fine, we have this morning received bin into unity again. Man is a sociable being, and it is for aught I know one of the worst of punishments to be excluded fiom society. I have read abundance of fine things on tht subject of solitude, and I know 'tis a common boast in the mouths of those that affect to be thought wise, thai they arenever less alone than when alone. I acknow ledge solitude an agreeable refreshment to a busy mmd; but were these thiiking people obliged to be always alone, I am apt io think they would quickly find their very being insnp-. portable to them. I have heard of a gentleman who und*- NO. r. APPENDIX^ 31& went seven years close confinement, in the Bastile at Paris. He was a man of sense, he was a thinking man ; but being deprived of all conversation, to what purpose sholild he think ? for he was denied even the instruments of expressing his thoughts in writing. There is no burden so grievous to man as time that he knows not how to dispose of. He was forced at last to have recourse to this invention : he daily sqattered pieces of paper about the floor of his little room, and then employed himself in picking them up and sticking them in rows and figures on the arm of his elbow-chair ; and he used to tell his friends, after his release, that he verily believed if he had not taken this method he should have lost his senses. One of the philosophers, I think it was Plato, used to say, that he had rather be the veriest stupid block in nature, than the possessor of all knowledge without some intelligent being to communicate it to. What I have said may in a measure account for some par ticulars in my present way of living here on board. Our company is in general very unsuitably mixed, to keep up the pleasure and spirit of conversation : and if there are one or two pair of us that can sometimes entertain one another for half an hour agreeably, yet perhaps we are seldom in the humor for it together. I rise in the morning and read for an hour or two perhaps, and then reading grows tiresome. Want of exercise occasions want of appetite, so that eating and drinking affords but little pleasure. I tire myself with playing at drafts, then I gotOicards ; nay there is no play so trifling or childish, but we flyUoit for entertainment. A contrary wind, I know not how, puts us all out of good humor ; we grovv suUgn, silent and reserved, and fret at each other uppn eyery little occasion. ^Tis a common opinion among the ladies, that if a man is ill-natured he infallibly dis covers it when he is in liqiior. But 1, who have known 320 APPENDIX, NO. I. many instances to the contrary, will teach them a more effectual method to discover the natural temper and disposit tion of their humble servants. , Let the ladies make one long sea voyage with them, and if they have the least spark of ill nature in them and conceal it to the end of the voyage, I will forfeit all my pretensions to their favor. The wind continues fair. Friday, August 26, The wind and weather fair till night came on ; and then the wind came about, and we had hard squalls with rain and lightning till morning. Saturday, August 27. Cleared up this morning, and the wind settied westerly. Two dolphins followed us this afternoon : we hooked one and struck the other with the fizgig ; but they both escaped us, and we saw them no more. Sunday, August 28. The wind still continues westerly, and blows hard. We are under a reefed mainsail and foresail. Monday, August 29. Wind still hard west. Two dolphins followed us this day; we struck at them, but they both escaped. Tuesday, August 30. Contrairy wind still. This evening the moon being near fdll, as she rose after eight o'clock, there appeared a rainbow in a westefm cloud to windward of us. The first time I ever saw a rainbow in the night caused by the moon. Wednesday, August 31. Wind still West : nothing remarkable. Thursday, Sept. 1. Bad weatjier, and contrary winds. NO. I. APPENDIX. 321 Friday, Sept. 2. This morning the wind changed ; a little fair. We caught a couple of dolphins, and fried them for dinner. They tasted tolerably well. These fish make a glorious appearance in the water : their bodies are of a bright green, mixed with a silver color, and their tails of a shining golden'yellow ; but all this vanishes presently after they are taken out of their ele ment, and they change all over to a light grey. I observed that cutting off pieces of a just-caught living dolphin for baits, those pieces did not lose their lustre arid fine colors when the dolphin died, but retained them perfectly. Every one takes notice of that vulgar error of the painters, who always represent this fish monstrously crooked and deformed, when it is in reality as beautiful and well-shaped a fish as any. that swims. I cannot think what could be the original of this chimera of theirs, (since there is not a creature in nature that in the least resembles their dolphin) unless it proceeded at first from a false imitation of a fish in the posture of leaping, which they have since improved into a crooked monster with a head and eyes like a bull, a hog's snout, and a tail like a blown tulip. But the sailors give me another reason, though a whimsical one, viz. that as this most beautiful fish is only to be caught at sea, and that very far to the southward, they say the painters wilfully deform it in their representations, lest pregnant women should long for what it is impossible to procure for them. r Saturday, Sept. 3. J Sunday, 4. (, Monday, 5. Wind still westeriy . nothing remarkable. Tuesday, Sept. 6. This afternoon the wind still continuing in the same quarter, VOL. II. X S32 APPENDIX. NO I. increased till it blew a storm, and raised the sea to a greater height than 1 bad ever seen it before. Wediifx&tty, Stpt. 7., Tlie wind is IsTbtneWhat abaited, bttt'(!he stea is very high still. A dolpbiii kept 'us icbthps^y all this iftellnbon : -We Stitick at Mrto several tiWies, but cc'uld 'tibt take fem. tkundtiy, Stpt.'s. This day ¦toothing rettiarlta'ble has hap|)ehfed. Contrary 'wind. B-iiay^ Sept. Q. This aiftemftp'fl ii'fe took four Wgfe dblphiiiS, thre6 M-ith a li66k ani lifife, and t!he fourth We stirtfck with a fi'^gig. Tho bait Was a c^tidle with two feathers stuck in it, one tin each side, in imitatioii of a flying-fish. Which ate thfe cottimon prey bf t'hfe dolpliiris. They appekrfed feXtre'mely eager and hungry, siiih snapped np the hbok as sobh aseverittoufch'ed thew'a'fer. When we came to open them. We found in the belly of otie a small dolphin halt-digested. Certainly they were half-faitoishfed, tot are naturafty v^ry savage, to devour thbse of thdr oVVii species. Saturday, ^ept. lO. This ^ay we dined iipbn thfe dolphins w6 caught yesterday, thrfee of tbem sufiiciiig the whole shif), being iWerity-oiie persofas. 'Sunday, ^ipt. i I , VVe"havfe1ia3 a hard gale *f win5 atl this day, accPmpanied with showers of rain. 'Tis uncomfortable being upon deck; ant} thongh \ve have Ween altogether all day below, yet the long continuance of tliefee contrary winds has made us so dull, that scarce three words have passed betw^een us. t 'Monday, Sept.M. \ Tuesday, 13. fimih^ ifefn^fkhhh ; witod tbhtrary. NO h APPENDIX. 323 Wednesday, Sept. 14. This afternoon about two o'dock, it being fair weather and almost calm, as we sat playing draughts Upon deck, we were surprised with a sudden and unusual darkness of the sun, which, as we could perceive, was only covered with a small thin cloud : when that was passed by, we discovered that that glorious luminary labored under a very great eclipse. At least ten parts out of twelve of him were hid from our eyes^ and we were apprehensive he would have been totally dark ened. Thursday, Sept. 15. For a week past we have fed ourselves with the hopes that the change of tbe moon (which was yesterday) would bring us a fair wind ; but to our great mortification and disap pointment, tbe wind seems now settied in the westward, and shews as little signs of an alteration as it did a fortnight ago. Friday, Sept. 16. Calm all this day. This morning we saw a tropic, bird, which flew round our vessel several times. It is a white fowl with short wings; but one feather appears in his tail, and he -does not fly very fast. We reckon ourselves about half our voyage ; latitude 38 and odd minutes. These birds are said tiever tQ be iseen further north than the latitude of 40. Sfitjurday, Sept. 17. All the fpreno»n ijie calm continued i the rest of the day some Ugbt breves easterly ; and we are in great hopps^the wind will settle in tbat quarter. Sunday, Sept. 18. We have had the finest weather imaginable all this day,, ac companied with what is still more agreeable, a fair wind» J^very oof warmth and briglitness. TIto sky looks gay, with hei^e land there a silvi^r cloud. The fresh breezes fibmthe woods'sefresh us-; the immediate pros pect of liberty afteor so long and irksome confinement ra- Tishes us. In short all things conspire to make tliis 4he cnost jioyful )day I ever kiflsw. As we pasS^ed by Chester some of ihe company vvbnt on shore, iibpatient onoe more to tread NO. I. APPENDIX. 335 on terra jirma, and designing for Philadelphia by land. Four of us remained on board, not caring for the fatigue of travel when we knew the voyage had much weakened us. About eight at night, the wind failing us, we cast anchor at Red- bank, six miles from Philadelphia, and thought we must be obliged to lie on board that night : but some young Phila- delphians happening to be out u,pon their pleasure in a boat, they came on board, and offered to take us up with them : we accepted of their kind proposal, and about ten o'clock landed at Philadelphia, heartily congratulating each other upon our having happily completed so tedious and dangerotis a Mo^age.^ Thadc God I APPENDIX. No. II. Rules for a Club established in Philadelphia. [Referred to in Memoirs, Paet i. Page 91.] Previous question, to be answered at every meeting. Have you read over these queries this morning, in order to consider what you might have to offer the Junto touching anj"^ one of them ? viz. * I . Have you met with any thing in the author you last read, remarkable, or suitable to be communicated to the Junto .'' particularly in history, morality, poetry, physic, tra vels, mechanic arts, or other parts of knowledge. * 2. What new story have you lately heard, agreeable to relate in conversation ? * 3. Hath any citizen in your knowledge failed in his busi ness lately, and what have you heard of the cause ? ' 4. Have you lately heard of any citizen's thriving well, and by what means ? ' 5. Have you lately heard how any present rich man, here or elsewhere, got his estate ? * 6. Do you know, of any fellow-citizen, who has lately done a worthy action, deserving praise and imitation ? or who has committed an error proper for us to be warned against and avoid? ' 7. What unhappy effects of intemperance have you lately observed or heard ? of imprudence .' of passion ? or of any other vice or folly [ NO. II. APPENDIX. 337 ' 8. What happy effects of temperance, of prudence, of moderation, or of any other virtue ? ' 9. H ave you, or any of your acquaintance, been lately sick or wounded ? if so, what remedies were used, and what were their effects ? ' 10. Who do you know that are shortly going voyages or journies, if one should have occasion to send by them ? 'II. Db you think of any thing at present, in which the Junto may be serviceable to mankind? to their country, to their friends, or to themselves ? ' ^2. Hath any deserving stranger arrived in town since our last meeting that you heard off and what have you heard or observed of his character or merits : and whether you think it lies in the power of the Junto to oblige him, or encourage him as he deserves ? ' IS. Do you know of any deserving young beginner lately set up, whom it lies in the power of the Junto any way to encourage ? ' 14. Have you lately observed any defect in the laws of your country, of which it would be proper to move the le gislature for an amendment .'' or do you know of any benefi cial law that is wanting .? ' 15. Have you lately observed any encroachment on the just liberties of the people ? '16. Hath any body attacked your reputation lately ? and what can the Junto do towards securing it f '17. Is there any man whose friendship you want, and which the Junto or any of them can procure for you ? ' 18, Have you lately heard any member's character at tacked, and how have you defended it ? ' 19, Hath any man injured you, from whom it is in the power of the Junto to procure you redress ? VOL. II. y 338 APPENDIX. NO, II. ' 20. In what manner can thp Junto, or any of them, as sist you in any of your honorable designs? '21. Have you any weighty affair in hand, in which you think the advice bf the Junto may be of service ? '22. What benefits have you lately received from ahy man not present ? * 23. Is there any difficulty iu matters of opinion, of jus tice, and injustice, which you would gladly have discussed at this time i ' 24. Do you see any thing amiss in the present customs or proceedings of the Junto, which might be amended? Any person to be qualified, (as a Member of the Junto) io stand up, and lay his hand on his breast, and be asked these questions ; viz. ' 1. Have you any particular disrespect to any present members ? — Answer. I have not. ' 2. Do you sincerely declare that you love mankind ia general ; of what profession or religion soever i— Answer. I do, ' 3. Do you think any person pught to be harmed in his body, name, or goods, for mere speculative opinions, or his external way of worship ? — Answer. No. ' 4. Do you love truth for truth's sake, and will you en deavor impartially to find and receive it yourself and com municate it to others ? — Answer. Yes. Questions discussed by the 3 vti to forming the preceding Club. Is sound an entity or body ? How may the phenomena of vapors be explained ? Is self-interest the rudder that steers mankind, the univer sal monarch to whom all are tributaries ? NO. II. ' APPENDIX. 339 Which is the best form of government, and what was that form which first prevailed among mankind ? Can any one particular form of government suit all man kind ? What is the reason that the tides rise higher in the bay of Fundy than the bay of Delaware ? Is the emission of paper money safe ? What is the reason that men of the greatest knowledge are not the most happy ? How may the possession of the lakes be improved to our advantage ? Why are tumultuous uneasy sensations united with our desires ? Whether it ought to be the aim of philosophy to eradicate the passions ? How may smokychimneys be best cured ? Why does the flame of a candle tend upwards in a spire ? Which is least criminal, a had action joined wifh a good intention, or a good action with a bad intention ? Is it consistent with the principles of liberty in a free go vernment to piinish a man as a libeller, when he speaks the trurii ? APPENDIX. No. III. [Referred to in Memoirs, Part hi. p. 319.] Remarks on a late Protest against the appointment of Mr. Franklin, an Agent for the Province of Pennsylvania. I HAVE generally passed over, with a silent disregard, the nameless abusive pieces that have been written against me ; and though the paper, called a Protest, is signed by some respectable names, I was, jievertheless, inclined to treat it with the same indifference ; but as the assembly is therein reflected on upon my account, it is thought more my duty to make some remarks upon it. I would first observe, then, that this mode of protesting by the minority, witii a string of reasons against the proceedings of the majority of the house of assembly, is quite new among us ; the present is the second we have had of the kind, and both within a few months. It is unknown to the prac tice of the house of commons, or of any house of repre sentatives in America, that I have heard of ; and seems an affected imitation of the lords in parliament, which can by no means become assembly-men of America. Hence ap pears the absurdity of the complaint, that the house refused the protest an entry on their minutes. The protesters know that they are not, by any custom or usage, entitled to such an entry, and that the practice here is not only useless in itself, NO, 111, APPENDIX, 341 but would be highly inconvenient to the hPuse, since it would probably be thought tiecessary for the majbrity also to enter their reasons, to justify themselves to their constituents, whereby the minutes would be encumbered, and the public busines* obstructed. More especially would it be found in- con^'enient, if such motives are made use of as a new form of -libelling, as the vehicles of personal malice, and as means of giving to private abuse the appearance of a sanction, as public acts. Your protest,' gentlemen^ was therefore pro perly refiisied'j'arid' siricfe It is'rto'part-'bi£ the^proceedings of assembly; one may with the morPfreSdom -examine it. ' Your first reason against my appointment is, that you " be lieve me to be the chief author of the measures pursued by the last assembly, which have occasioned such uneasiness and distraction among the good people of this province." I shall not dispute my share in those measures ; I hope they are such as >vill in time do honor to all that were concerned in them. But you seem mistaken in the order of time : it was the uneasiness and distraction among the good people of the province' that occasioned the measures : the province was in confusion before they were taken, and they were pursued in order to prevent such uneasiness and distraction for the fu ture. Make one step farther back, and you will find propri etary injustice supported by proprietary minions and crea tures, the original cause of all our uneasiness and distrac. tions. Another of your reasons is, " that I am, as you are in formed, very unfavorably thought of by several pf bis majesty's rninisters." I apprehend, gentlemen, that your in former is mistaken. He indeed has taken great pains to give unfavorable impressions of me, and perhaps may flatter himself, that it is impossible so much true industry should be totally without effect. His long success in maiming or mur- ^2 • APPENDIX. NO. Ilf. dering all the reputations that stand.an his (w,^y, iwhjch has been tlip dear delight and constant employnie^it of his;hfe, may likewise have given him some just ground for confidence that he has,; as they call it, done for me amongst the rest. But, afifl said before, I believe he is mistaken. Forw'hat have I done that they should think unfavorably of me? [It cannot be ipy constantly and uniformly promoting the measures of the crown, ever since I had any influence in the province. It cannot, surely, be my promoting the change from a pro prietary to a royal government. If indeed I hjid^ by spepches and writings endeavored to ni^ake his .majesty's government Hiuversally odioUs in.the province ;-n-if I ,had harangued by the week to allcomers and goers, on the, pretended injustice and oppressions pf royal government, and the slavery of the people under it; — if I had written traitorous papers to this purpose, and got them translated into other languages, to give his majesty's foreign subje,cts ;he^e those horrible ideas of it;— if I liad declared, written .ajti^ iprinted, that„".t|ie king's littl^ finger 1 we should,find;heavier than.thp. proprie tor's whole; Ipins, with regard to our liberties.; then indeed might the ministers be supposed to think unfavorably, of mp. But these are not exploits for a man who hold^ a,prp^ fitable office under the crown, and can expect to l^old it no longer than he behaves with the fidelity and.duty that becomes every gopd S;ubject. They are only. for officers of proprie tary appointment, who hold their commissions during his, and not the king's pleasure; and.whp, by dividing among themselves and their relations offices of many thousaiids a-ypar, enjoyed by proprietary favor, jfeeZ-where to place their lpyalty,8,I wish , they were as good- subjects to hismajjesty; -^and perhaps, they may be so, when the proprietary .inter feres no longer. •.'.:,!¦:; r,.- rrn -..Lliv ._ ,:; ^i ...;'¦ .U'l^-flM!, Another of your reasops.is, << that thq proposal pfiOfifoi NO. III. APPENDIX. 343 an ^gent is extremely disagreeable to a very great number pf the most serious and reputable inhabitants of the province ; and . the proof is, my having been rejected at the la^t election, though I had represented the city in assembly for 14 years." And do those of you, gentlemen, reproach me with this, ¦yvho, among four thousand voters, had scarcely a score more than I had? It seems, then, that your elections were very near being rejections, and thereby furnishing the same proof in your case that you produce in mine, of your being ; likevvisie ,e*tremely disagreeable to a very great number of the mpst serious and reputable people. Dp you, honorable sir, re proach me with this, who for almost twice J 4 years have been rejected (if not being chosen is to be rejected) by the same people, and unable, with all your wealth and connec tions, and the influence they give you, to obtain an ejection in the county where you reside, and the city where you were born^ and are best known, have been obliged to accept a seat fi°om one of the out counties, the remotest of the pro vince !— -;It is known, sir, to the persons who proposed me, that I wa,s first chosen agai'nst my inclination, and against my enti^eaties that I might be suffered to remain a private man. In none of the 14 plections you mention did I ever appear as a candidate. I never did, directly or indirectly, solicit any man's vote. For six of the years in which I was an nually chosen, I was absent, residing in England; during all which time your secret and open attacks upon my cha racter and reputation were incessant ; and yet you gained no ground. And can you really, gentlemen, find matter of tri umph in this rejection as you call it ? A moment's reflection on the means by which it was obtained must niake you ashanqed of it. Not only my duty to the crown, in carrying the post- 344 APPENDIX. NO, III. Office Act more duly into execution, was made use of to ex- ' asperate the ignorant, as if I was increasing my own profits, by picking their pockets; but my very zeal in opposing the murderers, and supporting the authority of government; and even my humanity, with regard to the innocent 7«ji/!ws under our protection, were mustered among my offences^ to stir up -against me those religious bigpts, who are of all savSges the most brutish. Add to this, numberless falsehoods propagated 'as truths, and the many perjuries procured among the wretched rabble brought to swear themselves entitled to a vote ;— ^and yet so poor a Superiority obtained at all this expense' of honor and conscience! Can this, gentlemen, be matter of triiimph ? Enjoy it, then. Your exultation, however, was .short. — Your artifices did not prevail everywhere ; nor your double tickets, and whole boxes of forged votes. A great majority of the new chosen assembly were of the old members, and' remain uncorrupted. They still stand firm for the people, and will obtain justice frorii the proprietaries. But what dbes that "avail to ybU who are in the proprietary interest? And what comfort can it afford you, when by the assembly's choice of an agent, it appears that the same, to you obnoxious, man, "(notwithstanding all your venomous invectives ag&ihst him) 'still retains so great a share of the public confidence? ¦ But " this step, you say, gives you the more lively affliction, as it is taken at the very moment when you were informed by ' a member of the house, that the governor had assured him of his having received instru'ctibns from the proprietaries, to give his assent to the taxation of their estates, in thef same manner that the estates of other persons are to be taxed ; and also to confirm, for the public use, the several squares formerly 'claimed by the' city." O the force of friendship! the power of interest ! What politeness they infuse into a writer, and what de licate expressions they produce ! The dispute between the pro- NO. III. APPENDIX, 345 prietaries and us was about the quantitm, the rate of their taxation, and not about the manner ; but now, when all the world condemns them for acquiring a partial exemption of their estates, and they are forced to submit to an honest equality, it is called" assenting to be taxed in the same man ner with the people:" — Their restitution of five public squares in the plan of the city, which they had near forty years unjustly and ¦ dishonorably siezed and detained from us, directing their surveyor to map streets over them (in order to turn them into lots) and their officers to sell a part of them ; this their dis gorging is softly called confirming them for the- public use; and instead of the plain y/otAs formerly given to the city, by the first proprietary their father; we have the cautious pretty expression of '' formerly claimedhythe city." — Yes, not only formerly but always claimed, ever since they were promised and given, to encourage the settiers, and ever will be claimed till we are put in actual possession of them. 'Tia pleasant, however,' to 'see how lightly and tenderly you- trip over these matters, as if you trod upon eggs. — But that " veey mo- M'ENT," that precious moment! why was it so long delayed? Why were those healing ¦ instructions so Ibtig withheld and concealed from the people? They were, it seems, brought over by Mr. Allek:^ Intelligence was received by various ' Extract from a letter, dated. Ldndon, August. 6, 1764, from David Barclay and Sons, to Messieurs James orai Drinker. ¦ « vVe very itiuch wish fox William Allen's .h,a,pjiy arrival on your side, when we bope his influence, ad.ded to the pomera.B^,commisfioni the proprietaries have ipyested hira^ with, may prove effectual, in-re- storing harmony and tranquillity among you, so much to be desired by every well- wisher to .your province. Pray, be assured ofoursrn- cerest and best wishes for the sueceSs of this salutary wort; arid that nothing in our power, to contribute, thereto, will ever be wanting.'' 346 APPENDIX. NO. III. hands from London, that orders w;ere sent by the proprietaries, from which great hopes were entertained of an accommodation. Why wa,? the bringing and the delivery of such orders so Ipng denied? The reason is easily understood. Messieurs Bar clays, friends to both proprietaries apd people, wish|ed for that gentleman's happy, arrival, hoping bis influence, addgd to the power and comOTzWows the proprietaries had vested him with, might prove effectual in restoring harmony and tran^ quillity among us ; — but he, .it seems, hoped hjs influfuc? might do the business, without those additions.; — There appear ed on his arrival some prospect, from sundry circumstances, of a change to be made in the house by the approaching election. The proprietary friends and. creatures kne^ the heart of their master, and how extremely disagreeable ^o him that gquul tfixation, that restitution, and the other coiicpsiqm to b.e.naade'fbr the sake of a reconciliation, must necessarily ^le. They.hoped therefore to spare him all those mortifica tions, and thereby secure a greater portion of his favor. Hence the instructions were not produced to the last as sembly,; though they arrived i before the September sitting, yvhen the governor was in town, and actually did business with tlie house. Nor to the new assembly were they mentioned^ till the '^- very moment," the fatal moment ! when the hoifse were on the point of choosing that wicked adversary of the proprietary to be an agent for the province in England. But I have, you say, a " fixed enmity to the proprietaries," and you "believe it will preclude all accommodation of our disputes with them, even on just and reasonable terms." — And why do you think I have a fixed enmity to the proprie taries ? — I have never had any personal difference with them. I am no land jobber, and therefore have never had any thing to do with their land-office or officprs ;— :;if I had, probably, like others, I might have been obliged to truckle to their meastncs. NO'. III. APPENDIX. 317 or have had like causes of complaint, — But our private in terests never clashed, and all their resentment against me^ i^nd mipe to them, has been on the public account. Let them do justice to the people of Penrisylvania, act honorably to the citizens of Philadelphia, and become honest men ; my en mity, if that's pf any consequence, ceases from the " very mo ment;" and, as soon as I possibly can, I promise to love, honor, and respect them. — In the mean time, why do ypu "believe it will preclujle all accommodation with thpm on just and reasonable tenun, ?" Do you not boast that their gracious •cppde,scensions,are,in.tbe hands of the governor, and that " if thi^ihad, be^n thp . j^sllajl time fpr business, his honor would haye $ent them do)vi;i, in .^ message to the house," . How then can my going to England prevent this accommodation? The governor can, call the house when he pleases, and one would Jthink that,, at least in your opinion, my being out of the vyay .WQ^ld be a favorable circumstance. For then, by " cultivat ing the disposition shown by the proprietaries, every reason able demand thut can.bp made on the part of the people might be obtained;;, ifl^.^igPI^PI^ly insisting on which, you pro- jmifp/tOrHnite most earnestly with the rest of the house*"-r-It afiems then we have," reasonable demands" tp make, and as yftU call them a littie higher, equitable demands. This is ipuch for prpprijqt3ry,i?iinio{is to ovynj-r-^iut yoif are all grow ing, better,- in- imi^^tjpn of your master, which is indeed very comipendable. And if the accommodation here should fail, I, hope, that though you dislike the person a majority of tvyo to one in the house have thpi|gjit jfit to appoint an agentj you will; nevertheless, in duty to your country, continue the noble re.splution of uniting with the rest of the housej in vigorously insisting on that,«^^i/'j^ and j;u£^2ce, which such an union will ilndQub|edly. obtain fpr us. I pass pver tl;e trivial ch^ge against the .assembrly^ that 348 APPENDIX. NO. III. they " acted with unnecesscirf haste in proceeding to this ap pointment, without inakiri^ a small adjournment," '&c. and your affected apprehensions of danger from that haste. The necessity of expedition on this o'dcasion is as obvious to every one out of doors as it was to those within; and the fears ybu mention are not, I fancy, considerable enbugh to break youir rest. — I come then to your high charge against me, " That I heretofore'ventured, contrary to an act of assembly, to place the public money' in the stocks, 'whereby this province suf fered a loss of £6000, and that sum added to the £5000, granted for my expenses, makes the whole cost of my former voyage to EngZa?2Jamountto eleven THOusAi^D pounds!" — How wisely was that form in our laws contrived; which, when a riikn is arraigned for his life, requires the evidence to speak the truth, the tffhole truth, and nothing but the truth! The reason' is manifest. A falsehood- may destroy the inno cent; so may part of a truth without the whole; and a mix ture bf truth and falsehood may be full as pernicious. YoUj Mr. Chief Jiistibej arid the other jiistiees among the protes* ters, and ' yoii, sir, who are a counsellor at law, must all of you be well acquainted With this exfcellent form ; and when you arraigned iny repiitation (dearer to me than life) before' the assembly,- and now at the respectable tribunal of the public. Would itiiot have well become y6nr honors to have had some small regard at least to the spiritiof that form ? You might h'ave' mentioned, that the dii'ettibn of the act to lodge the money in the bank, sdbjiect to the drafts of the trustees of the loan-office herfe, was impracticable; that the bank refused to receivb it on thPse terins, it bfeing contrary to their settled rules to take charge of money subject to 'the orders of unknown people hving in distant coiiutries, — You might have mentioned, that the house being informed of this, and having no imme diate call for the money, did themselves'idopt the measure of NO. III. APPENDIX, 349 placing it in the stocks, which then were low ; where it might on a peace , produce a considerable profit, and in the mean time accumulate an interest: that they even passed a bill, directing the subsequent sums granted by parliament, to be placed with the former; that the measure was prudent and safe ;• and that the loss arose, not from placing the money iN the stocks, but from the imprudent and unnecessary draw ing IT OUT at the very time when they Were lowest, on some slight uncertain rumors of peace concluded : that if the as sembly had let it remain another year, instead of losing they would have gained six thousand pounds; and that after all, since the exchange at which they sold their bills vvas near twenty per cent, higher when they drew than when the stocks were purchased, the loss was far from being so great as you represent it. All these things you might have said, for they are, and you know them to be, part of the whole triith ; but they would have spoiled your accusation. The late speaker of your honorable house, Mr. Norris, who has, I suppose, all my letters to, him, and copies of his own to me, relating to that transaction, can testify with how much integrity and clearness I managed the whole affair. — All the house were sensible of it, being from time to time fully ac quainted with the facts. If I had gone to gaming in the stocks with the public money, and through my fault "a sum was lost, as your protest would insinuate, why was I not ceu- sured and punished for if when I returned ? Yoii, honorable sir, (my enemy of seven years' standing) was then in the house. You were appointed on the committee for examining my ac counts; you reported that you found them just, and signed that report.' I never solicited the employ of agent : I made : : : ; — ; ,' -; ;. . ¦<„¦¦ -'^ ' ' Report of tht Committee on Benjamin Franklin's, .^ecoawfj, " In obedience to the order of the House, we have examined the ac count of Beiyaniin Franhliit, Esq. with tlie vouchers to us produced in 3-50 APPENDIX. NO. III. no bargain for my future service, when I was ordered to, JEfng- /a«(/ by the assembly; nor did they vote me any salary. I support thereof, and do find the satne account to be just, and that he has expended , in the immediate service of this province the sum of sewn hundred and fourteen pounds, ten shillings and seven pence, out of the sum of fifteen hundred pounds sterling, to him remitted and paid, exclusive of any allowance or charge for his support and services for the province, JouN Moiif ON, Joan Hdches, WiiLiAM Allen,- Samuel Rboad^ February 19, 1763, John Ross, John Wilkinson, John Moob, , Isaac Pearson. Joseph Fox, " Tbe house taking the foregoing report of tbe committee of ac counts into consideration, and having some time debated thereon, " Resolved, , •' That the sum of five hundred pounds sterling ;jer annum be allowed and given to Benjamin Franklin, Esq. late agent for the province of tenntyhania at the court of Great Britain, during his absence of six years from his business and connexions, in the service of the public; and that the thanks of this bouse be also given to the said, gentleman by Mr. Speaker, from the chair, as well for the faithful discharge of bis duty to this province in particular, as for the many and important services done to America in general, during his residence in Great Britain. , « Thursday, March SI, 1763. " Pursuant to a resolve of tlie nineteenth of last month, that the thanks of this bouse be given to Benjamin Franklin, Esquire, for his many services not only to the province of Penns^/OTmta,but t6 America in general, during his late agency at the court of Great Britain, the same were this day accordingly given in form from the chair, — To which Mr. Franklin, respectfully addressing himself to the speaker, made answer. That be was thankful to the bouse for tbe very hand some and generous allowance they bad been pleased to make him for his services; but that the approbation of this bouse was, in his esti mation, far above every other kind of recompense." Votes, 1763. NO. III. APPENDIX, 351 lived there near six years at my own expense, and I made no charge or demand when I came home. You, sir, of all others, was the very member that proposed for the honor and justice of the house) a compensation to be made me of the j^t;e thou sand pounds you mention. Was it with an intent to reproach me thus publicly for accepting it? I thank the house for it, then, and I thank you now for proposing it : though you, who have lived in England, can easily conceive, that besides the prejudice to my private affairs by my absence, a thousand pounds more would not have reimbursed me. The money voted was immediately paid me. But, if I had occasioned the loss of six thousand pounds to the province, here was a fair opportunity of securing easily the greatest part of it; why was not the five thousand pounds deducted, and the remainder called for ? — The reason is, this accusation was not then in vented. — Permit me to add, that supposing the whole eleven thousand pounds an expense occasioned by my voyage to Eng land, yet the taxation of the proprietary estate now established, wiU> when valued by years' purchase, be found in time an ad vantage to the public far exceeding that expense. And if the expense is at present a burthen, the odium of it ought to lie on those who, by their injustice, made the voyage necessar)', and not on me, who only submitted to the orders of the house, in undertaking it. I am now to take leave (perhaps a last leave) of the country I Ibve, and in which I have spent the greatest part of my life. — EsTO PEEPETu A I — 1 wish every kind of prosperity to my friends, — and I forgive my enemies. Philadelphia, Nov. 5, 1764. B.Franklin. APPENDIX. No. IV. The Examination of Dr. Benjamin Franklin, before the English House of Commons, in February, 176^ relative to the Repeal of the American Stamp Act. [Referred to in Memoirs, Part iu, p, 326.] Q. What is your name, and place of abode ? A. Franklin, of Philadelphia. Q. Do the Americans pay any considerable taxes among themselves ? A. Certainly many, and very heavy taxes. Q. What are the present taxes in Pennsylvania, laid by the laws of the colony ? A. There are taxes on all estates, real and personal : a poll tax ; a tax on all offices, professions, trades, and busi nesses, according to their profits; an excise on all wine, rum, and other spirits ; and a duty of ten pounds per head on all negroes imported ; with some other duties. Q. For what purposes are those taxes laid ? A. For the support of the civil and military establishments of the country, and to discharge the heavy debt contracted in the last war. Q. How long are those taxes to continue ? NO, IV. APPENDIX. 353 A. Tliose for discharging the debt are to continue till 1 772 ; and longer, if the debt should not be then all discharged. The others must always continue. C2. Was it not expected that the debt would have been sooner discharged ? A. It was, when the peace was made with France and Spain. But a fresh war breaking out with the Indiam,,a fresh load of debt was incurred; and the taxes, of course, continued longer by a new law. Gt. Are not all the people very able to pay those taxes ? A. No. The frontier counties, all along i the continent, having been frequently ravaged by the enemy, and greatly impoverished, are able to pay very littie tax. And there- (fbre, in consideration bf their distresses, our late tax-laws do expressly favor those counties,, excusing the sufferers; and I suppose the same is done in other governments, Q. Are not you concerned in the management of the post-office in America ? A. Yes. I am Deputy Post-Master General of North America. Q. Don't you think the distribution of stamps, by post, to all the inhabitants, very practicable, if there was no oppo sition ? A. The posts only go along the sea-coasts; they do not, except in a few instances, go back into the country ; and if they did, sending for stamps by ppst would occasion an expense of postage, amounting, in many cases, to, much more than that of the stamps themselves. Q. Are you acquainted with Newfoundland? A. I never was there. Q. Do you know whether there are any post-roads on that island ? j^. I have heard there are no roads at all ; but that the VOL, II. Z 354 APPENDIX. NO. fV. communication between one settlement and another is by sea only. Q. Can you disperse the stamps by post in Canada ? A. There is only a post between Montreal and Quebec, The inhabitants live so scattered and remote from each other> in that vast countiy, that posts cannot be supported among them, and therefore they cannot get stamps per post. The English colonies too, along the frontiers, are very thinly settied, Q. From the thinness of the back settlements, would not the stamp act be extremely inconvenient to the inhabitants if executed ? A. To be sure it would i as many of the inhabitants could not get stamps when they had occasion for them, without taking long journeys, and spending perhaps three or four pounds, that the crown might get sixpence, Q. Are not the colonies, from their circumstances, very able to pay the stamp duty ? A. In my opinion, there is not gold and silver enough in the colonies to pay the stamp duty for one year,' ' The Stamp Act says, ' that the Americans shall have no com? merce, make no exchange of property with each other; neither pur chase, nor grant, nor recover debts : they shall neither marry nor make their wills, unless they pay such and such sums in specie for the stamps, which must give validity to the proceedings. The ope« ration of such' a tax, had it obtained the consent of the people, ap-r peared inevitable; and its annual productiveness was estimated by its proposer in the House of Commons, at the committee for supplies, at 100,000/. sterling. ^ The colonies being already reduced to the ne cessity of having popir-money, by sending to Britain the specie they collected in foreign trade, in order to make up for the deficiency of their other returns for Britain's manufactures, there were doubts vrhete could remain the specie sufficient to answer the tax. NO, IV. APPENDIX. 355 Q. Don't you know that the money arising from the stamps was all to be laid out in America ? A. I know it is appropriated by the act to the American service ; but it will be spent in the conquered colonies, where the soldiers are, not in the colonies that pay it. Q, Is there not a balance of trade due from the colonies where the troops are posted, that will bring back the money to the old colonies ? A. I think not. I believe very little would come back. I know of no trade likely to bring it back. I think it would come from the colonies where it was spent, directiy to Eng land ; for I have always observed, that in every colony the more plenty the means of remittance to England, the more goods are sent for, and the more trade yi'\\[iEngland carried on. Q. What number of white inhabitants do you think there are in Pennsylvania ? A. I suppose there may be about one hundred and sixty thousand. Q. What number of them are Quakers ? A. Perhaps a third, Q. What number of Germans ? A. Perhaps another third ; but I cannot speak with cer tainty. Q. Have any number of the Germans seen service, as .soI-> diers, in Europe ? A. Yes, many of them, both in Europe and America. Q. Are they as much dissatisfied with the stamp duty as the English ? A. Yes, and more ; and with reason, as their stamps are, in many cases, to be double.* ' The Stamp Act provides, ' that a double duty should be laid where the instrument, proceedings, &c. shall be engtossed, wrfitten, or 356 APPENDIX, NO. IV. Q. How many white men dp you suppose there are in North America ? A. About three hundred thousand, from sixteen to sixty years of age.' Q. What may be the amount of one year's imports ihtO: Pennsylvania from Britain? A. I have been informed that our merchants compute the imports from Britain to be above 500,000/, Q. What may be the amount of the produce of your pro vince exported to Britain? A. It must be small, as we produce little that is wanted in, Britain. 1 suppose it cannot exceed 40,000/. Q. How then do you pay the balance ? A. The balance is paid by our produce carried to the West Indies (and sold in our own islandsi, or to the French, Spa niards, Danes, and Dutch); by the same being carried to other colonies in North America, (as New England, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, Carolina, and Georgia ;) and printed, within the said colonies and plantations, in any other than the English language,' This measure appeared to be suggested by motives of convenience, and the 'policy of assimilating persons of •foreign to those of British descent, and preventing their interference in the conduct of law business till this change should be effected. It seems, however, to have been deemed too precipitate, immediately to extend this clause to newly-conquered countries. An exemption, therefore, was granted, in this particular, with respect to Canada and Grenada, for the space of five years, to be reckoned from the com mencement of the duty. See the Stamp Act. ' Strangers' excluded, some parts of the northern colonies double their numbers in fifteen or sixteen years ; to the southward they arc longer; but, taking one with another, they have doubled, by natural generation only, once in twenty-five years, Pennsylvania, it is said, itwludin§ strangers, has doubled in about sixteen years. NO. IV. APPENDIXi 357 by the same, carried to different parts of Europe, (as Spain, Portugal and Italy.) In all. which places we receive either money, bills of exchange, or commodities that suit for remit tance to Britain ; which, together with all the profits on the industry of our merchants and mariners, arising in those cir cuitous voyages, and the freights made by their ships, centre finally in Britain to discharge the balance, and pay for British ¦manufactures continually used in the province, or sold to foreigners by our traders. Q. Have you heard of any difficulties lately laid on the Spanish trade ? ' ' ^. Yes, I have heard that it has been greatly obstructed by some new regulations, and by the English men of war arid cutters stationed all along the coast in America, Q. Do you think it right that America should be protected by this countiy, and p«y no part of the expense ? ^. That is not the case. The colonies raised, clothed^ and paid, during the last war, near twenty-five thousand men, and spent many millions. Q, Were you not reimbursed by parliament ? A. We were only reimbursed ovhat, in your opinion, we had advanced beyond our pi-oportion, or beyond what might reasonably be expected from us ; and it was a very small part of what we spent, • Pennsylvania, in particular, dis bursed about 500,000/, ; and the reimbursements, in the whole, did not exceed 60,000/, Q, You have said that you pay heavy taxes in Pennsyl vania s what do they amount to in the pound ? A. The tax on all estates, real and personal, is eighteen pence in. the pound, fully rated ; and the tax on the profits bf trades and professions, with other taxes, do, I suppose, make full half-a-crpwn in the pound. ^58 APPENDIX. NQ, IV. Q. Do you know any thing of the rate of exchange in Pennsylvania, and whether it has fallen lately ? A. It is commonly from one hundred and seventy to one hundred and seventy-five. I have heard that it has fallen lately from one hundred and seventy-five to one hundred sixty-two and a half; owing, I suppose, to tiieir lessening their orders for goods ; and, when their debts to this country are paid, 1 think the exchange will probably be at par. Q. Do not you think the people of America would submit to pay the stamp duty if it was moderated ? A. No, never, unless compelled by force of arms. Q. Are not the taxes in Pennsylvania laid on unequally, in order to burthen the English trade ; particularly the tax on professions and business ? A. It is not more burthensome in proportion than the tax bn lands ; it is intended, and supposed, to take an equal pro portion of profits. Q, How is the assembly composed ? Of what kinds of people are the members ; landholders or traders ? A. It is composed of landholders, merchants, and artifi cers, Q. Are not the majority landholders ? A. I believe they are. Q. Do not they, as much as possible, shift the tax off from the land, to ease that, and lay the burthen heavier on trade ? A. I have never understood it so : I never heard such a thing suggested : and indeed an attempt of that kind could answer no purpose. The merchant or trader is always skilled in figures, and ready witli his pen and ink. If un equal burthens are laid on his trade, he puts an additional price on his goods ; and the consumers, .who are chiefly land holders, finally pay the greatest part, if not the whole. NO. IV. APPENDIX. 359 Q. What was the temper of' America towards Great Bri- %aia before the year 1763.^ A' The best in the world. They submitted willingly to the goverriment of the crown, and paid, in all their courts, obedience to acts of parliament. Numerous as the people are in the several old provinces, they cost you nothing in forts, citadels, garrisons, or armies, to keep them in subjec- ' In the year 1733, ' for the welfare and prosperity of the British sugar colonies in America,' and ' for remedying discouragements of planters,' duties were * given and granted' to George the Second, upon all rum, spirits, molasses, syrups, sugar, and panels, of foreign growth, produce, and manufacture, imported into our colonies^ This reguhtion of trade, for the benefit of the general empire, was acqui esced in, notwithstanding the introduction of the novel terms ' give and grant.' But the act, which was made only for the term of five years, and had been several times renewed in the reign of George the Second, and once in the reign of George the Third, was renewed mgain in the year 1763, in tbe reign of George the Third, and extind- ed to-other articles, upon new and altered ground^ It was stated in the preamble to ihis act, ' that it was expedient that new provisions and regulations should be established for improving the revenue qf this kingdom ;' ' that it was just and necessary that a revenue should bo raised in America for defending, protecting, and securing the same ;' ' and that the Commons of Great Britain, desirous of making some provision ..... towards raising the said reve^ ¦nue in America, have resolved to give and grant to his Majesty the several rates and duties,' &c.— Mr. Mauduit, agent for Massachusetts Bay, said that he was instructed, in the following terms, to oppose Mr. Grenville's taxing system : — ' You are to remonstrate against these measures, and if possible to obtain a repeal of the Sugar Act and prevent the imposition of any further duties or taxes on the co lonies. Measures will be taken that you may be joined by all the other agents. — Boston, June 14, 1764.' The question proposed to Dr. Franklin, alludes to this Sugar Act in 1763. Dr, Franklin's answer particularly merits the atte&tion of the historian and the politician. 360 APPENDIX. . NO. IV. tion. They were governed by this country at the expense only of a little pen, ink, and paper: they were led by a thread. They had not only a respect, but an affection for Great Britain ; for its laws, its customs, and manners ; and even' a fondness for its -fashions, - that greatly increased the commerce. Natives of Britain were always treated with particular- regard ; to be an Old- England-man was, of itself, a character of some respect, and gave a kind of rank among us. - , , , Q, And what is their temper now,.' A. Oh, very much altered. Q. Did you ever hear the authority of parliament, to make laws for America, questioned till lately ? A. The<.authority of parliament was allowed to be valid in all laws, except such as should lay internal taxes. It never was disputed in laying duties to regulate commerce.' Q. In what proportion hath population increased in Ame rica ? A 'A. think the inhabitants of all the provinces together, taken at a medium, double in about twenty-five years. But their demand for British manufactures increases much faster; as the consumption is not merely in proportion to their iium- bers, but grows with the growing abilities of the same num bers to pay for them. In 1723,- the whole importation from Britain to Pennsylvania, was but about 15,000/. sterling; it is now near ha)f a million. Q.. In \\hat light did the people of America use tp con sider the parliament of Great Britain? A. They considered the parliament as the great bulwark and security of their liberties and privileges, and always spoke of it with the utmost respect and veneration. Arbitrary mi nisters, they thought, might possibly, at times, attempt ta oppress them ; but they relied on it,, that the parliament, on NO. IV. APPENDIX. 361 application, would always give redress. They remembered, with gratitude, a strong instance of this, when a bill was brought into parliament, with a clause, to make royalinstruc- tion laws in the colonies, which the House of Commons would not pass, and it was thrown out. Q. And have they not still the same respect for parlia ment? A. No ; it is greatly lessened. . Q. To what causes is that owing? A. To a concurrence of cadses ; the restraints lately laid on their trade, by which the bringing of foreign gold and silver into the colonies was prevented ; the prohibition of making paper-money among themselves,' and then demand ing a new and heavy tax by stamps ; taking away, at the same time, trials by juries, and refusing to receive and hear their humble, petitions. Q. Don't you think they wbuld submit to the stamp-act, if it was modified, the obnoxious parts taken out, and the duty reduced to some particulars of small moment? A. No ; they will never submit to it. Q. What do you think is the reason that the people in America increase faster than in England ? ¦ ? A. Because they marry younger, and more generally. Q. Why so? A. Because any young couple that are industrious, may easily obtain land of their own, on which they can raise a fa mily." ' Some of the colonies had been reduced to the necessity of bar tering, for the want of a medium of trafBc, ¦ • * Seie Dr. Franklin's " Thoughts o» Peopling of Countries," W»ii- iKGS, Part II, 363 APPENDIX. NO, IV. Q. Axe not the lower rank of people more at their ease in America than in England ? A- They may be so, if they are sober and diligent ; as they are better paid for their labor. Q, What is your opinion of a future tax, imposed on the same principle with that of the stamp-act ; how would the Americans receive it? A. Just as they do this. They would not pay it. Q. Have not you heard of the resolutions of this House, and of the House of Lords, asserting the right of parliament relating to America, including a power to tax the people there ? A. Yes, I have heard of such resolutions. Q. What will be the opinion of the Americans on those resolutions ? A. They will think them unconstitutional and unjust. Q. Was it an opinion in America before 1763, that the parliament had no right to lay taxes and duties there ? A. I never heard any objection to the right of laying du ties to regulate commerce ; but a right to lay internal taxes was never supposed to be in parliament, as we are not reprC'? sented there. Q. On what do you found your opinion, that the people in America made any such distinction ? A. I know jthat wshenever the subject has occurred in conversation where I have been present, it has appeared to be the opinion of every one, that we could not be taxed in a parliament where we were not represented. But the pay ment of duties lai4 by act of pwliament as reguktions of commerce, was never disputed, Q, But can you name any act of assembly, or public act of any of your governments, that made such distinction ? A. I do not know that tiiere was any ; I think there waa NO, IV. APPENDIX. 363 never an occasion to make any such act, till now that you have attempted to tax us : thcit has occasioned resolutions of assembly, declaring the distinction ; in which I think every assembly on the continent, and every member in every assem bly, have been unanimous, Q, What then could occasion conversations on the subject before that time ? A. There was in 1 754 a proposition made (I think it came from hence) that in case of a war, which was then appre hended, the governors of the colonies should meet, and order the levying of troops,- building of forts, and taking every other necessary measure for the general defence ; and should draw on the treasury here for the sums expended ; which were afterwards to be raised in the colonies by a general tax, to be laid on them by act of parliament. This occasioned a good deal of conversation on the subject ; and the general opinion was, that the parliament neither would nor could lay any tax on us, till we were duly represented in parliament ; because it was not just, nor agreeable to the nature of an Mnglish constitution. Q. Do not you know there was a time in New York, when it was under consideration to make an application to parliament to lay taxes on that colony, upon a deficiency arising from the assembly's refusing or neglecting to raise the necessary supplies for the support of the civil government ? A. I never heard of it. Q. There was suCh an application under consideration in New York ; — and do you apprehend they could suppose the right of parliament to lay a tax in America was only local, and confined to the case of a deficiency in a particular colony, by a refusal of its assembly to raise the necessary supplies ? A. They could not suppose such a case, as that the assem bly would not raise the necessary supplies to support its 364 APPENDIX. NO. IV, own government. An assembly that would refuse it must want common sense ; which cannot be supposed. — T think there was never any such case at New York, and that it must be a misrepresentation, or the fact must be misun derstood. I know there have been some attempts, by ministerial instructions to oblige the assemblies to settle per manent salaries on governors, which they wisely refused to do ; but I believe no assembly of New York, or any other colony, ever refused duly to support government by proper allowances, from time to time, to public officers. Q. But in case a governor, acting by instruction, should call on an assembly to raise the necessary -supplies, and the assembly should refuse to do it, do you not think it wbuld then be for the good of the people of that colony, as well as necessary to government, that the parliament should tax them? .>.;.' A. I db not think it would be necessary. If an assembly could possibly be so absurd as to refuse raising' the supplies 'requisite for the maintenance of government among themj they could not long remain in such a situation; the disorders and confusion occasioned by it must soon bring theAi' to reason. Q. If it should not, ought not the right to be in Great Britain, of applying a remedy ? A. A right, only to be used in such a case, T should haVe no objection to ; supposing it to be used merely for the good of the people of the colony. Q. But who is to judge of that, Britain or the colony ? A. Those that feel can best judge. Q. You say the colonies have always submitted to external taxes, and object to the right of parliament only 'in laying internal taxes ; now can you show that there is any kind of No. IV. APPENDIX. 365 ¦difference bettii>een the tzeo'taxes to the colony on which they may be laid ? A. I think the diiference is very great. An external tax is, a duty laid on commodities imported; that duty is added to the first cost and other charges on the commodity, and when it is offered to sale, makes a part of the price. If the people do not like it at that price, they refuse it ; they are ' not obliged to pay it. But au internal tax is forced from the people without their consent, if not laid by their own representatives. The stariip-act sa\ s, we shall have no com merce, make no exchange of property with each other, neither purchase nor grant, nor recover debts ; we shall neither marry nor make our wills, unless we pay such and such sums ; and thus it is intended to extort our money from tis, or ruin us by die consequences of refusing to pay it. Q, But sAipposing the internal tax to be laid on the neces saries of life imported into your colony, will not that be the same thing in its effects as an internal tax ? A. I do not know a single article imported into the north ern colonies, but what they can either do without, or make tiiemselves. Q, Do not you think cloth from England absolutely ne cessary to them ? A^ No, by no means absolutely necessary ; with industry and good management, they may very well supply themselves with all they want. Q. Will it not take a long time to estiiblish that manufac.^ ture among them ; and must they not in the mean while suffer greatly ? A, I think not. They have made a surprising progress already : and 1 am of opinion that before their old clothes are worn out, they will have new ones of their own making. Q. Can they possibly find wool enough in North America ? 3^6 APPENDIX. NO, IV. A, They have taken steps to increase the wool. They entered into general combinations to eat no lamb ; and very few lambs were, killed last year. This course persisted in, will soon make a prodigious difference in the quantity of wool. And the establishing of great manufactories, like those in the clothing towns here, is not necessary, as it is where the business is to be carried on for the purposes of trade. The people will all spin, and work for themselves, in their own houses, Q. Can there be wool and manufacture enough in one or two years ? A. In three years, I think, there may. Q. Does not the severity of the winter, in the northern colonies, occasion the wool to be of bad quality ? A. No ; the wool is very fine and good. Q, In the more southern colonies, as in Virginia, do not you know the wool is coarse, and only a kind of hair ? A. I do not know it. I never heard it. Yet I have been Sometimes in Virginia, I cannot say I ever took particular notice of the wool there ; but I believe it is good, though I cannot speak positively of it ; but Virginia, and the colonies south of it, have less occasion for wool ; their winters are short, and not very severe ; and they can Very well clothe themselves with linen and cotton of their own raising for the rest of the year, Q, Are not the people in the more northern colonies obliged to fodder their sheep all the winter ? A. In some of the most northern colonies they may be obliged to do it, some part of the winter, Q, Considering the resolutions of parliament," as to the right ; do you think, if the stamp-act is repealed, that the North Americans will be satisfied ? ^ Afterwards expressed in the declaratory act. NO, IV. APPENDIX, 367 A. I beheve they will. Q. Why do you think so ? A- I think the resolutions of ri^it will give them very little concern, if they are never attempted to be carried into practice. The colonies will probably consider themselves in the same situation, in that respect, with Ireland : they knovir you claim the same right with regard to Ireland, but you never exercise it. And they may believe you never will exercise it in the colonies, any morie than in Ireland, unless on some very extraordinary occasion. Q, But who are to be the judges of that extraordinary occasion ? A. Though the parliament may judge of the occasion, the people will think it can never exercise such right, till representatives from the colonies are admitted into parlia.* ment ; and that whenever the occasion arises, representatives will be ordered, Q. Did you never bear that Maryland, during tiie last war, had refused to furnish a quota towards the common defence ? A. Maryland has been much misrepresented in that mat ter. Maryland, to my knowledge, never refused to con tribute, or grant aids to the crown. The assemblies every year, during the war, voted considerable sums, and formed bills to raise them. The bills were, according to the con stitution of that province, sent up to the council, or upper house, for concurrence, that they, might be presented to. the governor, in order to be enacted into laws. Unhappy dis putes between the two houses, arising from the defects of that constitution principally, rendered all the bills but one or two abortive. The proprietary's council rejected them. It is true, Maryland did not contribute its proportion ; but it 168 APPENDIX. NO. IV. was, in my opinion, the fault of the government, not of the people. Q. Was it not talked of in the other provinces as a proper measure to apply to parliament to compel them ? A. I have heard such discourse ; but as it was well known, that the people were not to blame, no such applicar tion was ever made, nor any step taken towards it. Q, Was it not proposed at a public meeting ? A. Not that I know of, ~ Q, Do you remember the abolishing of the paper cur rency in New England by act of assembly ? . A. I do remember its being abolished in th« Massachu setts Bay. Q. \yas not Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson principally concerned in that transaction ? A. [ have heard so. Q. Was it not at that time a very unpopular Jaw ? A. I believe it might, though I can say little about it, as I lived at a distance from that province. Q. Was not the scarcity of gold and silver an argument used against abolishing the paper ? A. I suppose it was.' , Q. What IS the present opinion there of that law| ^. it as unpopular as it was at first ? A. I think it is not, Q. Have not instructions from hence been sometimes sent over to governors highly oppressive and unpolitical ? A. Yes, ' See Dr. Franklin's answer to the report of the board of trade, of Feb. 9, 1764, itititled, " Remarks and Fads relative to American Faptr Money." Wnmnoa, Part I. Sec. i. NO. IV. APPENDIX. 369 Q. Have not some governors dispensed witii them for that reason ? A. Y(?s ; I have heard so. Q. Did the Americans ever dispute the controlling power of parliament to regulate' their tommerce ? A. Nq._ ; . Q. Can any thing less than a military force carry the stamp act into execution ? d. I do not see how a military force can be applied to that purpose, Q. Why may it not ? . A. Suppose a military force sent into America, they will find nobody in arms ; what are they then to do ? They can not force a man to take stamps who chooses to do without them. They will not find a rebellion : they may indeed make one. Q. If the act is not repealed, what do you think will be the consequences ? A. A total loss of the respect and affection the people of Ainerica bear to tiiis country ; and of all the commerce that depends on that respect and affection. Q. How can the commerce be affected ? A. You will find, that if the act is not repealed, they will take very littie of your manufactures in a short time. Q. Is it in their power to do without them ? A. I think they may very well do without them. Q. Is it their interest not to take them ? ¦ A. The goods they take from Britain are either necessa ries, mere conveniences, or superfluities. The first, as cloth, gcc. with a little industry they can make at home ; the second they can do witTiout, till they are able to provide them among. themselves ; and the last, which are much the greatest part, tliey will strike off immediately. They are mere articles of^ VOL. II. 2 A 370 APPENDIX. NO, IV. fashion, purchased and consumed, because the fashion in a respected country, but will now be detested and rejected. The people have already struck off, by general agreement, the use of all goods fashionable in mournings ; and many thousand pounds worth are sent back as unsaleable. Q. Is it their interest to make cloth at home ? A.. I think they may at present get it cheaper from Britain, 1 mean of the same fineness and neatness of workmanship ; but when one considers other circumstances, the restraints on their trade, and the difficulty of making remittances, it is their interest to make every thing, Q. Suppose an act of internal regulation connected with a tax, how would they receive it? A. I think it would be objected to, Q, Then no regulation with a tax would be submitted to? A: Their opinion is, that when aids to the crown are wanted, they are to be asked of the, several assemblies, ac cording to the old established usage, who will, as they always have done, grant them freely. And that their money ought not to be given away, without their consent, by per sons at a distance, unacquainted with their circumstances aud abilities. The granting aids to the crown is the only means they have of recommending themselves to their sovereign ; and they think it extremely hard and unjust, that a body of men, in which they have no representatives, should make a merit to itself of giving and granting what is not its own, but theirs ; and deprive them of a right they esteem of the Utmost value and importance, as it is the security of all their other rights. Q. But is not the post-office, which they have long re-i ceived, a tax as well as a regulation ? A, No ; the money paid for the postage of a letter is not of the nature of a tax ; it is merely a quantum meruit for NO. IV. APPENDIX. 371 a service dbne ; no person is compellable to pay the money, if he does not choose to receive the service. A man may still, as before the act, send his letter by a servant, a special messenger, or a friend, if he thinks it cheaper and safer. Q. But do they not consider the regulations of the post- office, by the act of last year, as a tax ? A. By the regulations of last year the rate of postage was generally abated near thirty per cent, through all America ; they certainly cannot consider such abatement as a tax. Q. If an excise was laid by parliament, which they might likewise avoid paying, by not consuming the articles excised, would they then not object to it ? ' A. They would certaihly object to it, as an excise is un connected with any service done, and is merely an aid ; which they think ought to be asked of them, and granted by them, if they are to pay it ; and can be gi-anted for them by no others whatsoever, whom they have not empowered for that purpose; Q.. You say they do not object to the right of parliament, in laying duties on goods to be paid on their importation ; now, is' there any kind of difference between a duty on the importation of goods, and an excise on their consumption ? A. Yes ; a very material one : an excise, for the reasons I have just mentioned, they think you can have no right to lay within their country. But the sea is yours : you main tain, by your fleets, the safety of navigation on it, and keep it clear of pirates; you may have therefore a natural and equitable right to some toll or duty on merchandises carried through that part of your dominions, towards defraying the expense you are at, in ships to maintain the safety of that carriage, Q,. Does this reasoning hold in the case of a duty laid on the produce of their lands exported ; and would they not then object to such a duty ? 372 APPENDIX. NO, IV. A. If it tended to make the produce so much dearer abroad as to lessen the demand for it, to be sure they would object to such a duty ; not to your right of laying it ; but they would complain of it as a burthen, and petition you to lighten it. Q. Is not the duty paid on the tobacco exported a duty of that kind ? A. That, I think, is only on tobacco carried coast-wise from one colony to another, and appropriated as a fund for supporting the college at Williamsburgh in Virginia, Q. Have not the assemblies in the West Indies the same natural rights with those in North America ? A. Undoubtedly. Q. And is there not a tax laid there on their sugars ex ported ? A. I am not much acquainted with the West Indies; but .tine duty of four and a half p^r cent, on sugars exported was, I believe, granted by their own assemblies, Q, How much is the poll-tax in your province laid on unmarried men ? A. It is, I think, fifteen shillings, to be paid by every single freeman, upwards of twenty-one years old. Q. What is the annual amount of all the taxes in Penn sylvania ? A. I suppose about 20,000/, sterling, Q. Supposing the stamp-act continued, and enforced, do you imagine that ill-humor will induce the Americans to giye as much for worse manufactures of their own, and use them, preferably to better of ours ? A. Yes, I think so. People will pay as freely to gratify one passion as another ; their resentment, as their pride, Q, Would the people at Boston discontinue their trade ? A. The merchants are a very small number compared NO, IV, APPENDIX. 373 with the body of the people, and must discontinue tiieir trade if nobody will buy their goods. Q. What are the body of the people in the colonies ? A. They are farmers, husbandmen, or planters. Q. Would they suffer the produce of dieir lands to rot ? A. No ; but they would not raise so much. They would manufacture more, and plough less. Q. Would they live without the administration of justice in civil matters, and suffer all the inconveniences of such a situation for any considerable time, rather than take the stamps ; supposing the stamps were protected by a sufficient force, where every one might have them ? A. I- think the supposition impracticable, that the stamps should be so protected as that every one might have them. The act requires sub- distributors to be appointed in every county town, district, and village ; and they would be neces sary. But the /)n>/c2;oa/ distributors, who were to have had a considerable profit on the whole, have not thought it worth while to continue in the office; and I think it impossible to find sub-distributors fit to be trusted, who, for the triflins profit that must come to their share, would incur the odium, and run the hazard that would attend it ; and if they could he found, I think it impracticable to protect the stamps in so many distant and remote places. Q. But in places where they could be protected, would not the people use them rather than remain in such a situa tion, unable to obtain any right, or recover, by law, any debt? A. It is hard to say what they would do. I can only judge what other people will think, and how they will act, by what I feel within myself. I have a great many debts due to me in America, and I had rather they should remain unrecover able by any law, than submit to the stamp-act. They will be debts of honor. It i^ my opinion the people will either con- 374 APPENDIX, NO. IV. tinue in that situation, or find some way to extricate thena- selves, perhaps by generally agreeing to proceed in the courts without stamps. Q. What do you think a sufficient military force to pro tect the distribution of the stamps in every part of America ? A. A very great force. I cannot say what, if the disposi tion of America is for a general resistance. Q. What is the number of men in America able to bear arn^s, or of disciplined militia ? A. There are, I suppose, at least— — \^Question objected to. He withdrew. Called in again!] Q. Is the American stamp-act an equal tax on the country ? A. I think not. Q. Why so ? A. The greater part of the money must arise from law suits for the recovery of debts ; and be paid by the lowerjsort of people, who were too poor easily to pay their debts. It is therefore a heavy tax on the poor, and a tax upon them far being poor. Q. But will not this increase of expense be a means of lessening the number of law-suits ? A. I think not ; for as the costs all fall upon the debtor, and are to be paid by hini, they would be no discotn-agemeut to the creditor to bring his action, Q. Would it not have the effect of excessive usury ? A. Yes, as an oppression of the debtor. Q. How many ships are there laden annually in North America with fiax-seed for Ireland ? A. I cannot speak to the number of ships, but I know that in 1752, ten thousand hogsheads of fiax-seed, each containing seven bushels, were exported from Philadelphia to Ireland. I supppiie the quantity is greatiy increased since that time ; NO. IV. APPENDIX.. 375 and it is understood that the exportation from New York is equal to that from Philadelphia. Q. What becomes of the flax that grows with that flax-seed ? A. They manufacture some into coarse, and some into a middling kind of linen. Q. Are there any slit ting-mills in America ? A. I think there are three, but I believe only one at present employed. I suppose they will all be set to work, if the in terruption of the trade continues. Q. Are there any fulling-mills there ? A. A great many. Q. Did you never hear that a gteat quantity of stockings were contracted' for, for the army, during the war, and manu factured in Philadelphia ? A. I have heard so. Q. If the stamp-act should be repealed, would not the Americans think they could oblige the parliament to repeal every external tax-law now in force ? A. It is hard to answer questions of what people at such a distance will think. Q. But what do you imagine they will think were the mo tives of repealing the act ? A. I suppose they will think that it was: repealed from a conviction of its inexpediency ; and they will rely upon it, that while tiie same inexpediency subsists, you will never at tempt to make such another. Q. What do you mean by its inexpediency ? A. I mean its inexpediency on several accounts; the po verty and inability of those who were to pay the tax ; the general discontent it has occasioned; and the impracticability of enforcing it, Q. If the act should be repealed, and the legislature should shew its resentment to the opposers of the stamp-act, would 376 APPENDIX, .NO. IV. the colonies acquiesce in the authority of the legislature? What is your opinion they would do ? A. I don't doubt at all, that if the legislature repeal the stamp act, the colonies will acquiesce in the authority, Q, But if the legislature should think fit to ascertain its right to lay taxes, by any act laying a small tax, contrary to their opinion, would they submit to pay the tax ? A. The proceedings of the people in America have been considered too much together. The proceedings of the as semblies have been. very different from those of the mobs; and should be distinguished, as having no connexion, with each other. The assemblies have only peaceably resolvet^ what they take to be their rights : they have taken no mea sures for opposition by force, they have not built a fort, raised a man, or provided a grain of ammunition, in order to such opposition. The ringleaders of riots they think ought to be punished ; they would punish them themselves, if they could. Every sober sensible man would wish to see rioters punished, as otherwise peaceable people have no security of person or estate. But as to an internal tax, how small soever, laid by the legislature here on the people there, while they have no representatives in this legislature, I think it will never be submitted to : they will oppose it to the last.— They do not consider it as at all necessary for you to raise money on them by your taxes ; because they are, and always have been, ready to raise money by taxes among themselves, and to grant large sums equal to their abilities ; upon requisition from the crown. They have not only granted equal to tiieir abilities, but during all the last war, they granted far beyond their abilities, and beyond their proportion with this country, (you yourselves being judges,) to the amount of many hun dred thousand pounds : and this they did freely and readily, only on a sort of promise, from the secretary of state, that it NO, IV. APPENDIX. 377 should be recommended to parliament to make them compen sation. It was accordingly recommended to parliament, in the most honorable manner for them. — America has been greatly misrepresented and abused here, in papers, and pam- phletS, and speeches, as ungrateful, and unreasonable, and unjust, in having put this nation to immense expense for their defence, and refusing to bear any part of that expense. The colonies raised, paid, and clothed, near twenty-five thousand men during the last war ; a number equal to those sent from Britain, and far beyond their proportion ; they went deeply into debt in doing this, and all their taxes and estates are mort gaged, for many years to come, fbr discharging that debt. Government here was at that time very sensible of this. The colonies were recommended to parliament. Every year the king sent down to the house a written mes.sage to this purpose : * That his Majesty, being highly sensible of the zeal arid vigor with which his faithful subjects in North America had exerted themselves, in defence of his Majesty's just rights and posses sions ; recommended it to the house to take the same into consideration, and enable him to give them a proper compen sation,' You will find those messages on your own journals every year of the war to the very last ; and you did accordingly give ^200,000 annually to the crovi-n, to be distributed in such compensation to the colonies. This is the strongest of all proofs that the colonies, far from being unwilling to bear a share of the burthen, did exceed their proportion ; for if they had done less, or had only equalled their proportion, there would have been no room or reason for compensation. Indeed the sums reimbursed them were by no means adequate to the expense they incurred beyond their proportion : but they never murmured at that ; they esteem their sovereign's approbation of their zeal and fidelity, and the approbation of this house far beyond any other kind of compensation: there- 378 APPENDIX, NO, IV. fore there was no occasion for this act, to force money from a willing people: they had not refused giving money for the purposes of the act : no requisition had been made : they were always willing and ready to do what could reasonably be expected from them ; and in this light they wish to be con sidered, Q. But suppose Great Britain should be engaged in a war in Europe, would North America contribute to the support of it? A. 1 do think they would, as far as their circumstances ¦would permit. They consider themselves as a part of the British empire, and as having one common interest with it : they may be looked on here as foreigners, but they do not consider themselves as such. They are zealous for the honor and prosperity of this nation ; and, while they are well used, will always be ready to support it, as far as their little power goes. In 1739 they were called upon to assist in the expedi tion against Carthagena, and they sent three thousand men to join your army.' It is true Carthagena is in America, but as remote from the northern colonies, as if it had been in Eu rope. They make no distinction of wars, as to their duty of assisting in them. I know the last war is commonly spoken of here as entered into for the defence, or for the sake pf the people iu America. I think it is quite misunderstood. It began about the limits between Canada and Nova Scotia ; about territories to which the crown indeed laid claim, but which were not claimed by any British colony : none of tbe lands had been granted to any colonist ; we had therefore no particular concern or interest in that dispute. As to the Ohio, the contest there began about your right of trading in the » Admiral Vernon and General Wentworth commanded this expe dition; with what success is well known. NO. IV. APPENDIX. 379 Indian country, a right you had by the treaty of Utrecht, which the French infringed ; they seized the traders and their goods, which were your manufactures ; they took a fort which a company of your merchants, and their factors and corre spondents had erected there, to secure that trade. Braddock was sent with an army to retake that fort (which was looked on here as another encroachment on the king's territory) and to protect your trade. It was not till after his defeat that the colonies were attacked. ' They were befoie in perfect peace with both French and Indians; the troops were not therefore sent for their defence. The trade with the Indians, though carried, on in x\merica, is not an American interest. The people of America are chiefly farmers and planters ; scarce any thing that they raise or produce is an article of commerce with the Indians. The Indian trade is a British interest ; it is carried on with British manufactures, for the profit of Bri tish merchants and manufacturers ; therefore the war, as it commenced for the defence of territories of the crown (the property of no American) and for the defence of a trade purely British, was really a British war — and yet the people of America made no scruple of contributing their utniust towards carrying it on, and bringing it to a happy conclusion. C2. Do you think then that the taking possession of the king's territorial rights, and strengthening the frontiers, is not an American interest ? A. Not particularly; but conjointly a British and Ameri can interest, ' When this army was in the utmost distress for the want of wag gons, &c. Dr. Franklin and his son voluntarily traversed tbe country, in order to collect a sufficient quantity ; and they had zeal and address enough to effect their purpcyse, upon pledging themselves to the amount of many thousand pounds, for payment; of which there still reinains a balance due to Dr.F.— See an account of this transaction in jMdmoibs of Life, Part II. p, 208, 380 APPENDIX, NO, IV. Q. You will not deny that the preceding war, the war with Spain, was entered into for the sake of America ; was it not occasioned bij captures made in the American seas ?' ~A. Yes ; captures of ships carrying on the British trade there with British manufactures. Q. Was not the late war with the Indians, since the peace with France, a war for America only ? A. Yes ; it was more particularly for America than the former; but it was rather a consequence or remains of the former war, tbe Indians not having been thoroughly pacified ; and the Americans bore by much the greatest share of the expense. It was put an end to by the army under General Bouquet; there were not above three hundred regulars in that army, and above one thousand Pennsylvanians. Q. Is it not necessary to send troops to America, to defend the Americans against the Indians ? A. No, by no means : it never was necessary. They de fended themselves when they were but an handful, and the Indians much more numerous. They continually gained ground, and have driven the Indians over the mountains, without any troops sent to their assistance from this country. And can it be thought necessary now to send troops for their defence from those diminished Indian tribes, when the colo nies are become so populous and so strong ? There is not the least occasion for it ; they are very able to defend themselves, Q. Do you say there were no more than three hundred regular troops employed in the late Indian war ? A. Not on the Ohio, or the frontiers of Pennsylvania, w hich was the chief part of the war that affected the colonies. There were garrisons at Niagara, Fort Detroit, and those remote posts kept for tbe sake of your trade : I did not reckon them ; but I believe that on the whole the number of Americans, or provincial troops employed in the war, was NO, IV, APPENDIX, 381 greater than that of the regulars. I am not certain, but I think so, Q. Do you think the assemblies have a right to levy money on the subject there, to grant to the crown? A. I certainly think so ; they have always done it. Q. Are they acquainted with the declaration of rights ? and do they know that, by that statute, money is not to be raised on the subject but by consent of parliament ? A. They are very well acquainted with it. Q. H ow then can they think they have a right to levy money for the crown, or for any other than local purposes ? A. They understand that clause to relate to subjects only within, the realm ; that no money can be levied on them for the crown, but by consent of parliament. The colonies are not supposed to be within the realm; they have assemblies of their own, which are their parliaments, and they are, in that respect, in the same situation with Ireland. When money is to be raised for the crown upon the subject in Ireland, or in the colonies, the consent is given in the parliament of Ireland, or in the assemblies of the colonies. They think the parlia ment of Great Britain cannot, properly give that consent, till it has repi esentatives from America ; for the petition of right expressly says, it is to be by common consent of parliament ; and the people of America have no representatives in parlia ment, to make a part of that common consent. Q. If the stamp-act should be repealed, and an act should pass, ordering the assemblies of the colonies to indemnify the sufferers by the riots, would they obey it ? A. That is a question 1 cannot answer. Q. Suppose the king should require the colonies to grant a revenue, and the parliament should be against their doing it; do they think they can grant a revenue to the king without the consent of the parliament of Great Britain ? A. That is a deep question. — ^As to my own opinion, I ^82 APPENDIX. NO. iV, should think myself at liberty to do it, and should do it, if I liked the occasion. Q. When money has been raised in the colonies, upon re quisitions, has it not been granted to the king ? A. Yes, always; but the requisitions have generally been for some service expressed, as to raise, clothe, and pay troops; and not for money only. Q. If the act should pass, requiring the American assem blies to make compensation to the sufferers, and they should disobey it, aud then the parliament should, by another act, lay an internal tax, would they then obey it ? A. The people will pay no internal tax ; and I think an act to oblige the assemblies to make compensation is unne cessary ; fori am of opinion, that as soon as the present heats are abated, they will take the matter into consideration, and if it is right to be done, they will do it of themselves. Q. Do not letters often come into the post-office in Ame rica, directed to some inland town where no post goes ? A. Yes. Q. Can any private person take up those letters, and carry them as directed ? A. Yes : any friend of the person may do it, paying th« postage that has accrued. Q. But must not he pay an additional postage for the dis tance to such inland town ? A. No, Q. Can the post-master answer delivering tiie letter, with out being paid such additional postage ? A. Certainly he can demand nothing, where he does no service, Q. Suppose a person, being far from home, finds a letter iu a post-office, directed to him, and he lives in a place to which the post generally goes, and the letter is directed to that place, will the post-master deliver him the letter, with- NO. IV. APPENDIX. 383 out his paying the postage receivable at the place to which the letter is directed ? A. Yes ; the office cannot demand postage for a letter that it does not carry, or further than it does carry it. Q. Are not ferrymen in America obliged, by act of parlia ment, to carry over the posts without pay ? A. Yes. Q. Is not this a tax on the ferrymen ? A. They do not consider it as such, as they have an ad vantage from persons travelling with the post. Q, If the stamp-act should be repealed, and the crown should make a requisition to the colonies for a sum of money, would they grant it ? A. I believe they would. Q. Why do you think so ? A. I can speak for the colony I live in : 1 had it in instruc tion from the assembly to assure the ministry, that as they always had done, so they should always think it their duty, to grant such aids to the crown as were suitable to their circum stances and abilitie.s, whenever called upon for that purpose, in the usual constitutional manner ; and I had the honor of communicating this instruction to that honorable gentleman then minister. ' ¦ The following is supposed to be tha history of this transaction: — Until 1763, and the years following, whenever Great Britain wanted supplies directly from the colonies, the secretary of state, in his ma jesty's name, sent them a letter of requisition, in which the occasion for tfa« supplies was expressed ; and the colonies returned a, free gift, the mode of levying which they wholly prescribed. At this period, a chancellor of the exchequer (Mr. George' Grenville) steps forth and says to the house of commons — We must call for money from the colonies in the way qf a tax ; — and to the- colony agents, write to your several ¦colonies; and tell them, if they dislike a dhty upon stamps, and prefer any other method qf raising the money themselves, Ishallbe content, provided 384 APPENDIX. NO. IV, Q. Would they do this for a British concern ; as suppose a war in some part of Europe that did not affect them ? A. Yes ; fbr any thing that concerned»the general interest. They consider themselves as part of the whole. Q. What is the usual constitutional manner of calling on the colonies for aids ? : A. A letter from the secretary of state. 0,. Is this all you mean ; a letter from the secretary of -state ? A. I mean the usual way of requisition ; in a circular letter from the secretary of state, by his majesty's command ; reciting the occasion, and recommending it to the colonies to grant such aids as became their loyalty, and were suitable to their abilities. Q. Did the secretary of state ever write for money for the crown? A. The requisitions have been to raise, clothe, and pay men, which cannot be done without money. Q. Would they grant money alone, if called on ? A. In my opinion they would, money as well -as men, when they haVe money, or can make it. the amount be but raised. ' That is, observed the colonies, when com menting upon his terms, ' if we will not tax ourselves, as a-e may he directed, the parliament will tax us.' — Dr. Franklin's instructions^ spoken of above, related to this gracious option. — As the colonies pould not choose ' another tax,' while they disclaimed every tax; — the parliament passed the stamp art. It seems that the only part of the offer which bore a show of favor, was the grant of the mode qf levying i'-and this was the Only circum stance which was not new. See Mr. Mauduit's account of Mr. Grenville's conference with' the agents, confirmed by the agents for Georgia and Vifginia; and Mr, Purke's speech in 1774. NO. IV, APPENDIX, 385 Q. If the parliament should repeal the stamp-act, ^viU the assembly of Pennsylvania rescind their resolutions ? A. I think not. Q. Before there was any thought of the stamp-act, did they wish for a representation in parliament ? .4.-N0.Q. Don't you know that there is, in the Pennsylvanik charter, mi express reservation of the right of parliament to lay taxes there ? A. I know there is a clause in the charter, by which the king grants that he will levy no taxes on the inhabitants. Un less it be with the consent of the assembly, or by act of parliament . Q. How then could the assembly of Pennsylvania assert, that laying a tax on them by the stamp-act was an infringe ment of their rights ? A. They understand it thus: by the same charter, and otherwise, they are entitled to all the privileges and liberties of Englishmen : they find in the great charters, and the peti tion and declaration of Tights, that one of the privileges of English subjects is, that they are not to be taxed but by their common consent ; they have therefore relied upon it, from the first settletiient of the province, that the parliament never would, jnor could, by color of that clause in the charter, assume a right of taxing them, till it had qualified itself to exercise such right ; by admitting representatives from the people to be taxed, who ought to make a part of that com mon consent. Q, Are there any wbtds in the charter that justify that cbnstriiction ? A. The common rights bf Englishmen, as declared by Magna Gbarta, and the petition of right, all justify it. VOL, II. 2 B 386 APPENDIX, NO, IV. Q. Does the distinction between internal and external taxes exist in the words of the charter ? A. No, I believe not, Q. Then may they not, by the same interpretation, object to the parliament's right of external taxation ? A. They never have hitherto. Many arguments have been lately used here to shew them that there is no difference, and that if you have no right to tax them internally, you have none to tax them externally, or make any other law to bind them. At present they do not reason so ; but in time they may pos sibly be convinced by these arguments. Q. Do not the resolutions of Pennsylvania say — all taxes? A. If they do, they mean only internal taxes ; the same words have not always the same meaning here and in the colonies. By taxes they mean internal taxes ; by duties they mean customs; these are their ideas of language, Q. Have you not seen the resolutions of the Massachusetts Bay assembly ? A. I haye. Q. Do they not say, that neither external nor internal taxes can be laid on them by parliament ? A. I don't know that they do : I briieve not. Q. If the same colony should say neither tax nor imposi'« tion could be laid, does not that province hold the power of parliament can lay neither ? A. I suppose that by the word imposition they do not intend to express duties to be laid on goods imported, as re gulations of commerce. . Q. What can the colonies mean then by imposition, as dis tinct from taxes ? A. They may mean many things ; as impressing of men, or of carriages, quartering troops on private hpuses, and the NO. IV. APPENDIX. , 387 like : there may be great impositions that are not properly taxes, Q. Is not the post-office rate an internal tax laid by act of parliament ? A. I have answered that. Q. Are all parts of the colonies equally able to pay taxes ? A. No, certainly ; the frontier parts, which have been ra vaged by the enemy, are greatly disabled by that means ; and thM-efore, in such cases, are usually favored in our. tax-laws. Q. Can we at this distance be competent judges of what favors are necessary ? A. The parliament have supposed it, by claiming a! right to make tax-laws for America : I think it impossible, Q. Would the repeal of the stamp-act be any discourage ment of your manufactures?— Will the people that have begun to manufacture decline it ? . A. Yes, I think they will ; especially if, at the same time, die trade is opened again, so that remittances can be .easily made. I have known several instances that make it probable. In the war before last, tobacco being low, and making little remittance, the people of Virginia went generally into family- manufactures. Afterwards, when tobacco bore abetter price, they returned to the use of British manufactures. So fulling- mills were very much disused in the last war in Pennsylvania, because bills were then plenty, and remittances could easily be made to Britain for English cloth and other goods, Q. If the stamp-act should be repealed, would it induce the assemblies of America to acknowledge the rights of pariiament to tax them, and would they erase their reso lutions ? A. No, never. Q. Is there no means of obliging them to erase those resolutions ? 388 APPENDIX. NO. IV. A. None that 1 know of : they will never do it unless compelled by force of arms, Q. Is there a power on earth that can force them to erase them ? A. No power, how great soever, can force men to change their opinions. Q. Do they consider the post-office as a tax, or as a regulation? A. Not as a tax, but as a regulation and conveniency: tvery assembly encouraged it, and supported it in its infancy, by grants of money, which they would not otherwise have done ; and ihe people have always paid the postage. . Q. When did you receive the instructions you mentioned ? A. I brought them with me, when I came to England, about fifteen months since. Q. When did you communicate that instruction to the minister ? A. Soon after my arrival, — while the stamping of Ame rica was under consideration, and before the bill was brought in. Q, Would it be most for the interest of Great Britain to employ the hands of Virginia in tobacco, or in the manu factures ? A, In tobacco, to be sure. Q. What used to be the pride of the Americans ? A. To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of Great Britain, Q. What is now their pride ? A. To wear their old clothes over again, till they can make new ones. Withdrew. See Appendix, p, 383. APPENDIX. No. V. Account of Governor Hutchinson's Letter^, and the Examination of Dr. Franklin before a Committee of the British Privy Chuncil. [Referred to, Part iii, p, S54, and seq. of M^WPIks qb the Life.] Governor Hutchinsoi^i, lieutenant-governor Andrew Oliver, Charles Paxton,Esq,, Nathaniel Rogers, Esq., and Mr, G, Roome, having sent from Boston certain representations and informations to Thomas Whately, Esq. member ol parliament, private secretary to tbat Mr. George Grenville, who when in office was the father of the stamp act, and afterwards one of the lords of trade ; these letters were placed by some friend to the interests of America, in the hands of Dr. Frankhn, who, as an agent for the colonies, in discharge of his duty, had them conveyed back to Boston. The assembly of Massachusetts were so much exasperated, that they returned attested copies of the letters to England, accompanied by a petition and re monstrance, for the removal of governor Hutchinson, and lieutenant-governor Andrew Oliver, from their posts. The council of Massachusetts likewise, on their own part, entered into thirteen resolves, in tendency and import similar to the petition of the assembly ; five of which resolves were una nimous, and only one of them had so many as three dissen tients. In consequence of the assembly's petition, the fol lowing proceedings and examination took place. 390 APPENDIX. NO. V. Dr. Franklin had, from his station of agent for Pennsylvania and Massachusetts, naturally a large share in these transac tions; having been also exposed to much iiidecent persecution,. and attacks upon his character, by the ministers and their de pendants, he was called upon by the natural constancy and vigor of his mind, to sustain himself and the trusts confided to him; and entered resolutely into those affairs. His exami nation in 1766, (See Appendix No, iv.) had made an indelible impression on the government, from its force, its truth, the capacity and equanimity of the man ; and the jealousy excited by the overwhelming evidence he gave, which proved so clearly the ignorance of ministers, and the impolicy of their measures towards America,caused him thenceforth to be looked upon with an eye of suspicion, if not of hatred. In this tem per of the ministers it was that he addressed the following let» ter, with the memorial, to the secretary of state. To the Right H m. the Earl of Dartmouth. London, Aug- 21, 1773. My LokDj, I have just received from the house of representatives of the Massachusetts Bay, their address to the king, which I now enclose, and send to your lordship, with my humble request in their behalf, that you would be pleased to present it to his majesty the first convenient opportunity, I have the pleasure of hearing from that province by my late letters, that a sincere disposition prevails in the people there to be on good terms with th6 mother country ; that the assembly have declared their desire only to be put into the situation they were in before the stamp act: They aim at na novelties. And it is said, that having lately discovered, as they think,, the authors of their grievances to be some of their own people, their resentment against Britain is thence much abated. NO. V. APPENDIX, 391 This good disposition of theirs (will your lordship permit me to say) may be cultivated by a favorable answer to this address, which I therefore hope your goodness will endeavor to obtain. With the greiitest respect, I have the honor to be, my lord, &c, B, FRANKLIN, Agent for the House of Representatives. TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. Most Gracious Sovereign, We your majesty's loyal subjects, the representatives, of your ancient colony of Massachusetts Bay, in general court legally assembled, by virtue of your majesty's writ under the hand and seal of the governor, beg leave to lay this our hum ble petition before your majesty. Nothing but the sense of duty we owe to our sovereign, and the obligation we are under to consult the peace and safety of the province, could induce us to remonstrate to your ma jesty concerning the mal-conduct of persons, who have here tofore had the confidence and esteem of this people; and whom your majesty has been pleased, from the purest motives of rendering your subjects happy, to advance to the highest places of trust and authority in the province. Your majesty's humble petitioners, with the deepest concern and anxiety, have seen the discords and animosities which have too long subsisted between your subjects of the parent state and those of the American colonies. And we have trembled with apprehensions that the consequences, naturally arising therefrom, would at length prove fatal to both coun tries. Permit us humbly to suggest to your majesty, that your S92 APPENDIX. NO, V. sfthjects here have been inclined to believe, that the grievances which they have suffered, and still continue to suffer, have been , Adams, Quinsey, Mayben, and Cooper. Mr. Otis was so much in jured by the wounds he received, as never to recover, and afterwards died in a state of mental derangement, produced by his wounds. 400 APPENDIX; NO, V. sor of gbvei'ndr Htitchinson; had been at night attacked by one Robinson, a commissioner of the king's customs, at the head of a gang of ruffians armed wiih svvords and bludgeons; who, on entering the house; extinguished the lights, and afte^ leaving the respectable geritlenian coVer^tl with Wounds, fled and found a refuge on board a king's ship. Mr. Hutchinson by one declaration alone, he said, justified all the complaints of Massachusetts, and called fbr an immediate dismission of an officer so hostile to the rights and liberties of his country men. He who had declared " there must he an abridgment qf English liberties in the colonies," was justly charged With " making wicked and injurious representatibns, designed to influence the ministry, and the nation, and to excite jealousies in the breast of the king against his faithful subjects." The speeches of Messrs. Dunning and Lee were never reported at length ; but the extracts which they read Were marked for them by Dr, Franklin, of which the following is one, EXTRACTS FROM HUTGHINSON's CORRESPONDENCE, - Boston, June 22, 1772. '< The union of the colonies is pretty well broke : I hope I shall never see it renew]ed. Indeed our sons of liberty are hated and despised by their former brethren in New York and Pennsylvania ; audit must be sometiiing very extraor dinary ever to reconcile them," " Boston., December^ 177*2. *' You see no difference between the case of the colonies and that of Ireland. I care not in how favorable a light you look upon the colonies, if it does not separate us fi-om you. You will certainly find it more difficult to retain the colonies than you do Ireland. Ireland is near yoti, and under yoilr NO. V. APPENDIX. 401 constant inspection ; all officers are dependent and removable at pleasure. The colonies are remote, and the officers gene rally more disposed to please the people than the king or his representative. In Ireland you have always the ultima ratio [a standing army] : in the colonies you are either desti tute of it, or you have no civil magistrate to direct the use of it." Mr. Wedderburn, after a review of the arguments of counsel, and the customary eulogies on the loyalty and ser vices of his clients, evading the examination of the matter in complaint, directed himself to an inculpation of tiie assembly aiid people of Massachusetts, and intemperately against the character and conduct of Dr. Franklin generally, but parti cularly in the case of the letters. " The letters could not have come to Dr. Franklin," said Mr. Wedderburn, " by fair means. The writers did not give them to him, nor yet did the deceased correspondent, who, from our intimacy, would otherwise have told me of it : nothing then will acquit Dr. Franklin of the charge of ob taining them by fraudulent or corrupt ipeans, for the most malignant of purposes, unless he stole them from the person yi'ho stole them. This argument is irrefragable, " I hope, my lords, you will mark and brand the man, for the honor of this country, of Europe, and of mankind. Pri vate correspondence has hitherto been held sacred in times of the greatest party rage, not only in politics but religion." — " He has forfeited all the respect of societies and of men. Into what companies will he hereafter go with an unembar- ras.sed face, or the honest intrepidity of virtue ? Men will watch him with a jealous eye ; they will hide their papers from him, and lock up their escrutoires. He will hence- VOL. II. 2c 40a APPENPIX. N^, V, forth ^teeinj it ^ }ife^ to ^^ pallpd q man of letter^, homo r.eixiM ' literarum I " But he npt only tai^ aw^y the letters from one brother,; but ^gpt him^plf coqcealed till he, nearly occasioned the murder of |he other. Iii is ippflssjiblq to read his accoqut, expressive of the coolest and niost deliberate ipajipe, without horror. \Here he read the letter of Dr. Franklin iri, the Public Advertiser.^ — Amidst these tragical events, of one person nearly murdered ; pf apothej? ans\verablp for the issue ; af a worthy goY^rnpr hurt in his dearest interests ; the fate qf Amsripa is in suspense : here is a man, who, with the ut most insensibility of remorse, stands qp and avp\vs himself the author of all, — \ can cpmpare it only te Zgnga in Dr. Young's Revenged " Know then 'twas ^I; I forged the letter, J disposed the piptur^ ;--¦?- I hated, — . — I despised, and I destroy," " I ask, my lords, whether the revengeful temper, attri-i buted by poetic fiction only to the bloody African, is not surpassed by the coolness and apathy of the wily American f ' These pleadings for a time worked great effects ; the lords assented, the town was convinced. Dr. Franklin was dis missed,' and Mr, Wedderburn placed himself in the road for that high advancement which he sou^t, and with which he was rewarded ; " Damn'd to everlasting Fame." — Pope.* ' i. e. Fur (or thief.) * Act Vth. ^ s lie was dismissed from his station in the American post-office, which bad only been pr43dugtive upd^r his management. * Mr. Wedderburn. had a,lj:eady'by his intrigues and,sei;vility been appointed to the offices of solicitor-general and cofferer to, the qu^n ; NO. V. APPENDIX, 403 Unfortunately for Mr, Wedderburn, the events of the war did not correspond with his System. Unfortunately too for he was afterwards prortioted to the chancellorship, and progressively created Baron Loughborough and Earl Rosslyn. His politics are hereby ascertained ; principles he bad none ; for be had been in ducted into public life under the auspices of Mr. George Grenville, after" the latter had professed the principles of Whiggism, and while he was a partisan of Lord Rockingham ; and it is to this defection from the tenets that Mr. Wedderburn had avowed, that Junius al ludes to in his 44th Letter, when he says, — " To sacrifice & respected character, and to renounce the esteem of society, requires more than Mr. Wedderburn's resolution : and though in him it was rather a profession than a desertion of his principles, yet we have seen him in the house of commons overwhelmed with confusion, and almost be reft of his faculties." Another energetic writer thus depicted Wedderburn, after he ar rived at the chancellorship. " Whelp'd on some tare,' in ruefu' poottith * hrCd, In early youth with aits and haggess ^ fed, Sent hungry forth at tliy lean sire's command. To mend thy fortunes in this promised land ; Tliou didst' not rise the chancery bench to fill. Where long-wigg'd blockheads wait thy wayward will ; Thou didst descend, as modest Scotsmen can. From that proud attic* where thy course began : Nor didst thou for th« law's slow learning wait. Bat gain'dsl thine object — .through another gate. . — 'Skill'd in the dark intrigues, the thriving tricks, The crooked paths qfm:odern politics, False to thy party, faithless to tliy friends,* And only constant to thy private ends." I A bog. * Rueful ¦poverty. 3 Oats and haggess, food of Ijhe poorer Scots. * Alluding to his firit cliamber in tlie Temple. S " As for U/r. WeddcrbuTrt, there is aometlihig about him, tliat even treachery can not trust."— Junius, Letter 49. 404 APPENDIX. NO, V. his " irrefragable argument," Dr. Franklin afterwards took an oath in chancery, that at the time tbat he transmitted the letters, he was ignorant of the party to whom they had been addressed, having himself received them from a third person, and for the express purpose of their being conveyed to America. Unfortunately also for Mr. Wedderburn's " worthy governor," that governor himself, before the arrival of Dr. Franklin's packet in Boston, sent over one of Dr, Franklin's own " private" letters to England ; expressing some little coyness indeed upon the occasion, but desiring secresy, lest he should be prevented procuring more useful intelligence from the same source.' Whether Mr. Wedderburn in his speech intendedto draw a particular case and portraiture, for the purpose only of injuring Dr. Franklin, or meant that his language and epithets should apply generally to all, whe ther friends or foes, whose practice should be found similar to it, is a matter not bf so much importance. But to return to Dr, Franklin, It was not singular per haps, that, as a man of honor, he should surrender his name to public scrutiny in order to prevent mischief to others, and yet not betray his coadjutor (even to his death) to relieve his own fame from the severest obloquy ; but perhaps it be longed to few besides Dr, Franklin, to possess mildness and magnanimity enough to refrain from intemperate expressions and measures against Mr. Wedderburn and his supporters, after all that had passed. In a note, in the hand-writing of Dr. Franklin, he observes on the word duty, in the close of his letter in the Public Advertiser, as follows : " Governor Hutchinson, as appears by his letters, since found and published in New England, had the same idea of ¦ See the Remembrancer for the year 1776, part ii.,p. 61. col. 1st. and 2d. NO. V. APPENDIX. 405 duty, when he procured copies of Dr. Franklin's letters to the assembly, and sent them to the ministry of England." The result of the deliberations of the committee of the privy-council was such as might be expected from the com placency with which they had heard Mr. Wedderburn, and the general fatuity that appears to have governed the councils of the British nation at the time. The privy-council made a report in which was expressed the following opinion, " The lords of the committee do agree humbly to irepoit, as their opinion to your majesty; that the petition is founded upon resolutions formed on false and erroneous allegations ; and is groundless, vexatious, and scandalous, and calculated only for the seditious purpose of keeping up a spirit of clamor and discontent in the said province. Aud the lords of the committee do further humbly report to your majesty, that nothing has been laid before them which does or can, in their opinion, in any manner, or in any degree, impeach the honor, integrity, or conduct of the said governor or lieutenant- governor : and their lordships are humbly of opinion that the said petition ought to be dismissed." Feb. 7th, 1774. " His majesty taking the said report into consideration, was pleased, with the advice of his privy- council, to approve thereof ; and to order that the said peti tion of the house of representatives of the province of Massa chusetts Bay be dismissed the board — as groundless, vexa tious, and scandalous ; and calculated only for the seditious purpose of keeping up a spirit of clamor and discontent in tiie said province." A former petition against Governor Bernard, met with a dismission, couched in similar terms. 406 APPENDIX. NO, V. A few days after this- disgraceful business, the following was inserted in the Public Advbetiser. To Alexandek Wedderburn, Esq. , You stated as a fact, in your late speech befor* tfeft privy- council, that Dr. Franklin sent the letteps in an anonymous cover, with injunctions of s.ecresy,. (wrijfeten in a hand, how ever, well kno.wn thereto W** to the s,pe)aker, as officially he ought to have done, but to private persons. Hence you drew a qoniclusion,, that he was conscious of villany, and ashamed at having it known. The weqkuii^ss of this Stating, w^ere it tnus, w^kdid defeat the wicke,dness of the G&Hclusion, How cotdd you suppose ^ m^U: vvouJd expect conceal ment from suppressing bis name, i^ his hand were weld known? or if, by some sHraaage confu sion of ideas, he did think himsdf concealed, to what end 5)hould he, enjoin sdcres^ ?—-Wherefor© should he have wished fair concealment ? Was there such terror in the hatred of those detecti&d, Mr. Hutchinson and Mr. Oliver ? Could he possiblty have conceived, that any $et of ministers woujd; be so weak and wicked as to persecute: him for a measure, which inini^jtered to them the fairest ojiportunity of healing gra- cio;jsly those unhappy divij^o»s with which they were per- pJexed in the extreme ? B^ whai will yoiw hearers, what will the world think of you, when, I affirm that the viiliole of what you stated was an absolute faisefyjoii'^ Ij dftfy you to. prove a word of it, 1 feelth^ harshness; of the t^m^^.l use, but I appeal to every one that heard ypii, whether the language you uttered entitles you. to be treated like a. gentleman ? The letters were enclosed, to the speaker ; that which accompanied them was signed by the agent ; nor was there a single injundion of seeresy with regard to the sender. He NO. V. APPENDIX, 407 appreliended thfait th6 immediate ptrbliiiatitofr bf tfeefrt ^buld raise the popular indignation so as to be fatal to the writers. Gut of humanity to thein ht defeirfed they might not be made publici Dr. Franklin's declaration was thte next sut^«ct of youT abusd. You inveighed against it as marking thfe most inhu^- mah apathy that the imagination conld Colftfteiv^; inade to iri"- sult over distress, and aggravAW tlid wdunds wMch hii ^illany had occasioned. Let n^ stite the fiW, and See ho'^ fk it vfoftld i^lippbrt Hih charge. On the sAi of December, a letter tinder th* signature bf Ante NOR, accused Mr. Temple of dishonorably taking the letteir^ in question ffbm Mi*, Whsttiely, vt^ho^S name vvai vouched' for the truth of th'« chai'ge. The next da^ Mr. Teftipk's acciiser dp^^'af^iJ,- declaring Mr. Whattely'si con currence with hitn in d'eriying the fattS, oU whitih the charge was founded. So far was there, in this stage of the business', any appearance of any quarrel likely to happen between these two gentlemen, that it seemed as if they were united in contradicting a malignant anonymous accusation ; but on the llth Mr, Whately contradicted Mr, Temple, and at four o'clock that day the duel was fought. — What time or oppor tunity was there here for the intervention of Dr, Franklin, especially as Mr, Temple's challenge was grounded on the other's flatly denying what he had actually given to the public under his hand? — The original cause of the dispute was, Mr, Whately's having given rise to, and countenanced a most false, unjust, and cruel accusation against Mr, Temple. The following Plaisanterie also appeared about this time, and was attributed to Dr. Franklin. 403 APPENDIX, NO. V. to the printer of the public advertiser. Sir, D. E. Q. that is Sir F. Bernard, in his long, labored, and special dull answer to Q. E. D. endeavors to persuade the king, that as he was his majesty's representa tive, there was a great similitude in their characters and con duct,; and that Sir F.'s enemies are enemies of his majesty and of all government ! This puts one in mind of the chimney^ sweeper condemned to be hanged for theft, who being chari tably visited by a good clergyman for whom he had worked, said, " I hope your honor will take my part, and get. a rer prieve for me, and not let my enemies have their will; be cause it is upon your account that they have prosecuted and sworn against me." " On my account ! how can that be i" " Why, sir, because as how ever since they kneza I was em ployed by your honor, they resolved upon my ruin : for they are enemies to all religion ; and they hate you and me and every body in black." Z. Z. APPENDIX. NO. VI. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERIC^A. [Referred to in Memoirs of the Life, Part v. Vol ii. p. 198.] JVe the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our poste rity, do ordain and establish this CONSTITU TION for the United States of America, ARTICLE L Sect. 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be veste'd in a Congress of the United States, which shall con sist of a senate and house of representatives. Sect, 2. The house of representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several states, and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature. No person shall be a representative who shall not have at tained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven ye*irs 410 APPENDIX. NO. V. a citizen of the United States, and who shall nbt^ when elected, be an inhabitamrof the state in which he shall be chosen. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be' included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and ex cluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the congress of the Uniled States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such man ner as they shail by law direct. 'The number of represent atives shall not exceed due for evecy tfiirty thousand, but (fiftfh state sHall hate at feast one repr^^flfativte ; and u\itil sach enumeration shall be nlad«, flie' stsit^ df NeW^MdAip- shiie shall be entitl'«?d' to ehoos6 thfeej Massaohiisetts «ight, Rhode. Inland' and* Pro*idericd Plantations on^, Connecticut five, New York six. New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland Six, Vifginia ten. North Carolina five. South Carolina five, and Georgia three. When vacancies happen iu the representation from any .State, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill sUch vacancies. The house of representatives shall chobSe their speaker and other officers ; and shall have the sole power of impeach ment. Sect. 3. The seriate of the United States shall be com posed of two senators from each state, chosen by the legis lature thereof, fof six years ; and each senator shall have one vote. Immediately after they shall b^ assembled in consequence of the first election, tliey shall be divided as equally as may NO, VI. APPENDIX. 411 be into three classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of tbe third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one- third may be chosen every second year ; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any state, the executive thereof may make'tem<- porary appointments until the next meeting of the legisla ture, which shall then fill such vacancies. No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an in habitant of that state for which he shall be chosen. The vice-president of the United States shall be' president of the seimte, but shall have no vote, unless they be equity divided. The senate shall choose their other officers, and also a pre- sidetit pro tempore, in the absence of the vice-president, or when he shall exercise the office of president of the United Statesv The senate shall have the sole ppwer to try all impeach ments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oatii or affirmation. When the president of the United States is tried, the chief justice shall preside: and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the mem bers present. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not- extend further than to removal from office, and disquahfication to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit under the United States; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable aud subject to indictment> trial, judgment and punishment, according to law. Sect, 4, The times, places and manner of holding elections 412 APPENDIX, NO, VI, for senators and representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legi.slature thereof : but the congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing senators. The congress shall assemble at least once in every year ; and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a diffijrent day. Sect. 5. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorised to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as each house may provide. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, pu nish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the con currence of two-thirds, expel a member. . Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secresy ; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house on any question, shall, at the de sire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. Neither house, during the session of congress, shall, with out the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. Sect. 6. The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and in going to arid returning from the same ; and for any speech or debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in any other place. NO. VI. APPENDIX. 413 No senator or representative shall, during the time for whicli he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the au thority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time; aud no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a member of either house during his continu ance in office. Sect. 7. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the house of representatives : but the senate may propose or con cur with amendments as on other bills. Every bill whicli shall have passed the house of represen tatives and the senate shall, before it become a law, be prer sented to the president of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it ; but if not, he shall return it, with his objec tions, to that house iu which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration two-thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both houses sliall be determined by yeas and nays, and the. names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the president within ten days (Sundays ex cepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. Every order, resolution or vote, to which the concurrence of the senate and house of representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment), shall be presented to the president of the United States; and before the same shall 414 APPENDIX. NO. VL take effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be re-passed by two-thirds of the senate and house of representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. Sect. 8. The congress shall have power To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts and ex cises, shall be uniform throughout the United States : To borrow money on the credit of the United States : To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes: To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States : To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures : To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the secu rities and current coin of the United States : To establish post-offices and post-roads : To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by se eming for limitejd times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries : To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court : To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations : To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water : To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years : To provide and maintain a navy : To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces : NO, VI, APPENDIX, 415 To provide fqr calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions : To provide for organising, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be ero-- ployed ill the service of the United States, reserving to lia states respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the disciplina prescribed by congress : To exercise exclusive legislation in all eases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of congress, beconie the seat of the government of the United States, and to e.xercise like authority over all places purchased by th»i consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for tbe erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings:— .-And To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. S^ct. Q. The migration or innportation of such persons, as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, $hall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred aud eight ; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. No capitation, or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census, or enumeration herein-before direct ed to be taken. 416 APPENDIX. NO. VI. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another ; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one state, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in conse quence of appropriations made by law ; and a regular state ment and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States : and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of the congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. Sect. 10. No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attaijider, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility. No state shall, without the consent of the congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be»absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws ; and the net produce of all duties and imposts laid by any state on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States ; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the congress. No state shall, with out the consent of congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war iu time of peace, enter into any agree ment or compact with another state,, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded,' or in such immi- ueut danger as will not admit of delay. NO. VI. APPENDIX. 417 ARTICLE II. Sect. 1. The executive power shall be vested in a presi dent of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and together with the vice- president, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows : Each state shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the wholte number of senators and representatives to which the state may be entitled in the congress': but no senator or representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector. The electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the num ber of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of the government of the UnitecFStates, directed to the president of the senate. The president of the senate shall, in the presence of the senate and house of representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the great est number ot votes shall be the president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the house of representatives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for president; ^nd if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the said house shall in hke manner choose the pre sident. But in choosing the president, the votes shall be talcen by states, the representation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of VOL. II. 2'is 418 APPENDIX. NO. VI- all the states shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the president, the person having the great est number of votes of the electors shall be the vice-president. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the senate shall choose from them by ballot the vice-president. The congress may determine the time of choosing the elec tors, and the day on which they shall give their votes ; which day shall be the same throughbut the United States, No person, except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adoption of this constitution, shall be eligible to the office of president ; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resi dent within the United States. In case ofthe removal of the president from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the i^anie shall devolve on the vice-president, and the congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the president and vice-president, declaring what ofiicer shall then act as president, and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a president shall be elected. The president shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor dimi nished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolu ment from the United States, or any of them. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation : ¦ '' I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully exe cute the office of president of the United States, and will to the b^st of my ability preserve, protect and defend the cour stitution of the United States." NO. VI. APPENDIX, 419 Sect. 2. The president shall be commander in chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the United States ; he may require the opinion, in writing, ofthe principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices ; and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of im peachment. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur ; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the senate shall appoint am.^ bassadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for^ and which shall be established by law ; but the congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the president alone, in the cpurts of law, or in the heads of (departments. The president shall have power to" fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the^ senate, by granting' commissions which shall expire at the end of their next ses sion. Sect. 3. He shall from time to time give to the congress information of the state of the union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judgei necessary and expedient ; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; hs shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and sh^ll commission all the officers of the United States, 420 APPEJfDIX. NO. VI. Sect- 4. The president, vice-president, and all the civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. ARTICLE HI. Sect. 1 , The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hcdd their offices during good behavior, , and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation, which shall iiot be diminished during their continuance in office. Sect. 2, The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this constitution, the laws of the United Stateis, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls ; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; to controversies between two or more states, between a state and citizens of another state, between citizens of different states, between citizens of the same state claiming lands under grants of different states, and between a state, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states> citizens or subjects. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a state shall be a party, the supreme court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before-mentioned, the supreme court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and ulider such 'regulations as the congress shall make. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in the state NO. VI. APPENDIX. 421 where the said crimes shall have been committed ; but when not committed within any state, the trial shall be at such place or places as the congress may by law have directed. Sect. 3. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall he convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. The congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. ARTICLE IV. Sect. 1 . Full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings, of every other state. And the congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. Sect. 2. The citizens of each state shall be enUtled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states, A person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another state, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the state from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction ofthe crime. No person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, espaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. Sect. 3. New states may be admitted by the congress into this union ; but no new state shall be formed or erected 422 APPENDIX, NO, VI. within the jurisdiction of any other state ; nor any state be formed by the junction of two or more states, or parts of states, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned as well as of the congress. The congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belqnging to the United States ; and nothing in this constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular state. Sect. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every state in this union a republican form of government, and shall prO'<- tect each of them against invasion, and, on application of the legislature, or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence. ARTICLE V. The congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this consti tution, or, on the application of the legislatures of two-thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as p^rt of this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the ohe or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Cbngress ; pro vided, that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any man ner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article ; and that no state, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the senate. ARTICLE VL All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this constitution, shall be as valid against the NO. VI. APPENDIX. 423 United Slates under this constitution as under the confedera tion. This constitution, and the laws of the United States whi.cb shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the jutlges in every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the con stitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding, . The senators and representatives before-mentioned, and the members of the several state legislatures, and all execu tive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several states, shall be bound, by oath or affirmation, to sup port this constitution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States, ARTICLE VII. The ratification of the conventions of nine states shall be sufficient for the establishment of this constitution between the states so ratifying the same. DONE in Convention, by the unanimous consent of the States present, the seventeenth day qf September^ in the year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Mighty-seven, and of the independence of the United States of America the Twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our Names. G. WASHINGTON, President, And Deputy from Virginia. NEW HAMPSHIRE, John Langdon,— Nicholas Gilman, MASSACHUSETTS, Nathaniel Gorham,— Rufus King. CONNECTICUT, W, S, Johnson,— Roger Sherman, NEW YORK, Alexander Hamilton, 424 Appendix. no. vi. NEW JERSEY, W. Livingston,— David Brearley,-TW, Pat terson, — Jonathan Dayton. PENNSYLVANIA, B.Franklin.— Thomas Mifflin,— Rob. Morris, — Geo, t. My me r,— -Tho, Fitz-simons, — Jared In- gersoll, — James Wilson, — Gouv, Morris, DELAWARE, George Read,— Gunning Bedford, junior, — John Dickinson, — Richard Bassett, — Jaco, Broom, MARYLAND, James M'Henry,— Dan, of St, Thos. Jeni fer, — Danl. Carroll. VIRGINIA, John Blair, — James Madison, junior. NORTH CAROLINA, Wm. Blount,— Richard Dbbbs Spaight, — Hu, Williamson. SOUTH CAROLINA, J. Rutledge,— Charles Cotesworth Knckney, — Charles Pinckney, — Pierce Butler. GEORGIA, WilUam Few,— Abr. Baldwin. Attest. WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary. IN CONVENTION. Monday, September 17, 1787. PRESENT, The states of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Mr, Hamilton from New York, New Jersey, Pennsylva nia, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, ^outh Carolina, and Georgia, Resolted, That the preceding constitution be laid before the United States in congress assembled, and that it is the opinion of this convention, that it should afterwards be submitted to a convention of delegates, chosen in each state by the people thereof, under the recommendation of its legislature, for their assent and ratification ; and that e^ch conventionassentiDg t&. NO, VI, APPENDIX. 425 and ratifying the same, should give notice thereof to the United States in congress assembled. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this convention, that as soon as the conventions of nine states shall have ratified this constitution, the United States in congress assembled should fix a day on which electors should be appointed by the states which shall have ratified the same, and a day on which the electors should assemble to vote for the president, and the time and place for commencing proceedings under this con stitution. That after such publication the electors should be appointed, and the senators and representatives elected : That the electors should meet on the day fixed for the elec tion of the president, and should transmit their votes certified, signed,' sealed and directed, as the constitution requires, to the secretwy of the United States in congress assembled ; thajt the senators and representatives should convene at the time and place assigned ; that the senators should appoint a pre sident of the senate, for the sole purpose of receiving, open ing and counting the votes for president : and, that after he shall be chosen, the congress, together with the president, should, without delay, proceed to execute this constitution. By the unanimous order of the convention, G. WASHINGTON, Phesident. W. Jackson, Secretary. In Convention, Sieptember 17, 1787. Sir, We have now the honor to submit to the consideration of the United States in congress assembled, that constitution which has appeared to us the most advisable, Tlie friends of our country have long seen and desired, that the pbwer of making war, peace and treaties, that of levying money and regulating commerce, and the correspondent exe- 426 appendix. NO. vi. cutive and judicial authorities, should be fully and effectually vested in the general government of the union : but the im propriety of delegating such extensive trust to one body of men is evident. Hence results the necessity of a diffisrent organization. It is obviously impracticable in the federal government of these states, to secure all rights of independent sovereignty to each, and yet provide fof the interest and safety of all. Indi viduals entering into society must give up a share of liberty to preserve the rest. The magnitude of the sacrifice must depend as well on the situation and circumstance as on the object to be obtained. It is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered, and those which may be reserved : and on the present occasion this difficulty was increased by a difference among the several states as to their situation, extent, habits, and particular interests. In all our deliberations on this subject we kept steadily in our view, that which appears to us the greatest interest of every true American, the consolidation of our union, in which is involved our prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps our national existence. This important consideration, seriously and deeply impressed on our minds, led each state in the convention to be less rigid on the points of inferior magnitude than might have been otherwise expected : and thus the constitution, which we now present, is the result of a spirit of amity, and of that mutual deference and concession which the peculiarity of our political situation rendered indispensable. That it will meet the full and entire approbation of every state is not perhaps to be expected : but each will doubtless consider, that had her interests been alone consulted, the consequences might have been particularly disagreeable or injurious to others : that it is liable to as few exceptions as NO, VI. APPENDIX, 427 could reasonably have been expected, we hope and believe : that it may promote the lasting welfare of that country so dear to us all, and secure her freedom and happiness, is our mpst arplent wish. With great respect, we have the honor to be. Sir, Your Excellency's most obedient and humble Servants^ G, WASHINGTON, President, By the unanimous Order ofthe Convention. His Excellency The President o/'Congress. APPENDIX. No. VII. Queries and Remarks on a paper, entitled " /Zm/s/or the Members of Convention." No, II, in the Federal Ga zette of Tuesday, Nov, 3, 1789, [Referred to in Memoirs of the Life, Part v. vol. ii. p. 206.] Hint 1, Of the Executive Branch. " Your executive should consist of a single person.'* On this I would ask, is he to have no council ? How is he to be informed of the state and circumstances of the dif ferent counties, their wants, their abilities, their dispositions, and the characters of the principal people, respecting their integrity, capacities, and qiialifications for offices? Does not the present construction of our executive provide well for these particulars ? And during the number of years it has existed, have its errors or f&ilures in answering the «nd of its appointment been more or greater than might have been ex pected from a single person ? " But an individual is more easily watched and controlled than any greater number." On this I would ask, who is to watch and control him ? and by what means is he to be controlled ? Will not those means, whatever they are, and in whatever body vested, be subject to the same inconveniences of expense, delay, ob- NO. VII. " APPENDIX. 429 struction of good intentions, &c, which are objected to the present executive ? • 2, The Duration of the Appointment, " This should be governed by the following principles, the independence of the magistrate, and the stability of his ad ministration : neither of which can be secured but by putting both beyond the reach of every annual gust cf folly and of faction." On this it may be asked, ought it not also to be put beyond the reach of every triennial, quinquennial, or septennial gust of folly and faction, and in short beyond the reach of folly and of faction at any period whatever ? Does not this rea soning aim at establishing a monai-ehy at least for life, like that of Poland ? or, to prevent the inconveniences such as that kingdom is subject to'in a new election on every decease ? Are the freemen of Pennsylvania convinced from a view of the history of such governments, that it will be for their ad vantage to submit themselves to a government of such con struction i 3. On the Legislative Branch. " A plural legislature is as necessary to good government as a single executive. It is not enough that your legislature should be numerous, it should also be divided. Numbers alone are not a sufficient barrier against the impulses of pas sion, the combination of interest, the intrigues of faction, the haste of folly, or the spirit of encroachment. One division should watch over and control the other ; supply its zeants, correct its blunders, and cross its designs, should they be cri- mnal or erroneous. Wisdom is the specific quality of the 430 APPENDIX. NO. VII. legislature, grows out ofthe number of the body, and is made up ofthe portions of sense and knowledge which each mem ber brings to it." On this it may be asked, may not the wisdom brought to the legislature by each member be as effectual a barrier against the impulses of passion, &c,, when the members are united in one body as when they are divided ? If one part of the legislature may control the operations of the other, may not the impulses of passion, the combinations of interest, the intrigues of faction, the haste of folly, or the spirit of en croachment in one of those bodies obstruct the good proposed by the other, and frustrate its advantages to the public ? Have we not experienced in this state, when a province under the government of the proprietors, the mischiefs of a second branch existing in the proprietary family countenanced and aided by an aristocratic counsel ? How many delays and what great expenses were occasioned in carrying on the pub lic business ; and what a train of mischiefs, even to the pre venting of the defence of the province during several years, when distressed by an Indian war, by the iniquitous demand that the proprietary property should be exempt from taxa tion ! The wisdom of a few members in one single legisla tive body, may it not frequently stifle bad motions in their infancy, and so prevent their being adopted i whereas if those wise men, in case of a double legislature, should happen to be in that branch wherein the motion did not arise, may it not, after being adopted by the other, occasion long disputes and contentions between the two bodies, expensive to the public, obstructing the public business, and promoting fac- tio.is among the people, many tempers naturally adhering obstinately to measures they have Once publicly adopted? liave we not seen in one of our neighboring states, a bad NO. VII. APPENDIX. 431 measure adopted by one branch of the legislature, for want of the assistance of some more intelligent members who had been packed into the other, occasion many debates, con ducted with much asperity, which could not be settled but by an expensive general appeal to the public ? And have we not seen in another neighboring state, a similiar difference between the two branches, occasioning long debates and con tentions, whereby the state was prevented for many months enjoying the advantage of having senators in the congress of the ' United States ? And has our present legislative in one assembly committed any errors of importance, which they have not remedied, or may not easily remedy ; more easily probably than if divided into branches ? And if the wisdom brought by the members to the assembly is divided into two branches, may it not be too weak in each to support a good measure, or obstruct a bad one ? The division of the legis lature into two or three branches in England, was it the pro duct of wisdom, or the effect of necessity, arising from the pre-existing prevalence of an odious feudal system ? which government, notwithstanding this division, is now become, in fact, an absolute monarchy ; since the * * * *^ by bribing the representatives with the people's money, carries, by his minis ters, all the measures that please him ; which is equivalent to governing without a parliament, and renders the machine of government much more complex and expensive ; and from its being more complex, more easily put out of order. Has not the famous poUtical fable of the snake with two heads and one body, some useful instruction contained in it ? She was going to a brook to drink, and in her way was to pass through a hedge, a twig of which opposed her direct course ; one head chose to go on the right side of the, twig, the other on the left ; so that time was spent in the contest, and before the decision was completed, the poor snake died with thirst. 432 APPENDIX. NO. VII. " Hence it is that the two branches should be elected by persons differently qualified; and in short, that, as far as passible, they should be, made to represent different interests. Under this reason I would establish « legislature cf two houses. The upper should represent the property ; the lower, tlie population of the state. The upper should be chosen by freemen possessing in land and houses one thousand po,unds ; the lower, by all sUch as had resided four years in the coun try, and paid taxes. The first should be chosen for four, the last for two years. Tkey should he in authority co-equal." Several questions may arise upon this proposition, 1st. What' is the proportion of freemen possessing lands and houses of one thousand pounds value, compared to that of freemen whose possessions are inferior ? Are they as one to ten ? Are they even as one to twenty ? I should doubt whether they are as one to fifty. If this minority is to dhbose a body expressly to control that which is to be cho sen by the great majority of the freemen, what have this great majority done to forfeit so great a portion of their right in elections? Why is this power of control, contrary to the spirit of ill democracies, to be vested in a minority, instead of a majority ? Then is it intended, or is it not, that the rich should have a vote in the choice of members for the lower house, while those of inferior property are deprived of the right of voting for members of the upper bouse ? Aud why should the upper house cbosen by a minority, have equal power with the lower chosen by a majority ? Is it supposed that wisdoni is the necessary concomitant of riches, and that one man worth a thousand pounds must have as much wisdom as twenty who have each only 999 ; and why is property to be represented at all ? — Suppose one of our Indian nations should now agree to form a civil society ; NO. VII. APPENDIX. 433 each individual would bring into the stock of the society* little more property than his gun and his blanket, for at present he has no other ; we know that when one of them 1ms attempted to keep a few swine, he has not been able to main tain a property in them, his neighbors thinking they have a right to kill and eat them whenever they want provision, it being one of their maxims that hunting is free for all : the accumulation therefore of property in such a society, and its security to individuals in every society, must be an effect of the protection afforded to it by the joint strength of the soci ety, in the execution of its laws. Private property therefore is a creature of society, and is subject to the calls of that so ciety whenever its necessities shall require it, even to its last farthing ; its contributions to the public exigencies are not to be considered as conferring a benefit on the public, entitling the contributors to the distinctions of honor and power, but as the return of an obligation previously received, or the pay ment of a just debt. The combinations of civil society are not like those of a set of merchants who? club their property in different proportions for building and freighting a ship, and may therefore have some right to vote in the disposition of the voyage in a greater or less degree according to their re spective contributions : but the important ends of civil so ciety, and the personal securities of life and liberty, there remain the same in every member of the society ; and the poorest continues to have an equal claim to them with the most opulent, whatever difference time, chance, or industry may occasion in their circumstances. On thes'e considera tions I am sorry to see the signs this paper I have been consi dering affords, of a disposition among some of our people to commence an aristocracy, by giving the rich a predominancy in government, a choice peculiar to themselves in one half the legislature to be proudly called the upper house, and VOl-. II. 2 E 434 APPENDIX. NO. Vll. the other branch chosen by the majority of the peopOe d«- gpaded by the denomination of tbe lower, and giving to this! upper house a permanency of four years, and but two to the lower. I hope therefore that our representatives in the convention will not hastily go into these innovations, but take tbe advice of die prophpt, — :" Stand in the old ways, vietv the ancient paths, consider them well, and be not. amen g those that are given to change^' THE end. INDEX TO MEMOIRS. A, Act of the British Parliament to prohibit and restrain American ' trade, vol. i. 418. Alexander, William, Esq. Franklin's letter to, on the origin of the Stamp Act, vol. i. 321. America asserts her right of exclusively taxing herself, vol. i. 295. Atteedotes of Bradford, vol. i. 36 — of Ralph, vol, i. 54 — of Gpv. Clinfem, vol. i. 171— of Beatty, vol. i. 230— of Gov, Denny, vol, i. ,2f O-T-qf Franklin^ vol. ii. 296. Arguments against the Right of the British Parliament to tax . Ameftica, vol. i. 418. Arnold, General, his treacherous conduct, vol. ii. 95 — Verses on ditto, vol. ii. QJ — How rewarded by the British Government,. vol. ii, 100, 101. Articles of Belief and Acts of ReKgion, vol. i. 127. Art of Virtue, Vol. i, 129. B. Barclay, David^ Interview betwixt Frankhn and, vol. i. 438 — ^^letters to FranfeKn, voK i. 439^459. Beatty, Mr. anecdote of him and Franklin, vol. i. 230. Bgrmrd'i Governor, Dispute with Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson - and; vol. i. 383. Btiltiin^, FraiikHn anel hee's Memorial to the King, vol. i, 514. 436 INDEX TO MEMOIRS. Bond, Mr. Thomas, proposes and establishes an Hospital in Phila delphia, vol. i. 188. Boston, Resolutions of the Town of, vol. i. 103 — ^Tumult with the people and the soldiers, vol. i. 366 — Bill considered, vol. i. 420- Bradford, Andrew, anecdote of, vol. i. 36. Bradock, General, arrives in America, vol. i, 209 — Service rendered to his army. His character, vol. i. 211 — His defeat, vol. i. 219— 223— Death, vol'. i.'251. Brown, Dr. turns the Bible into doggrel verse, vol. i. 33, Burgoyne, General, surrenders with his whole army to the Ameri cans, vol. ii. 57 — 59- Burnet, (son of Bishop Burnet,) notices Franklin, vol, i, 48. Busy-body, Franklin writes several pieces under that title, vol. i. 95. • C. Caricature occasioned by the Stamp Act, vol. i. 326. Charter, the first Royal, granted to Pennsylvania, in 1681, vol. f. 283, Chatham, Lord, his Motion relative to America, vol. i. 490 — ^Visits Franklin, vol, i, 496 — His plan for settling the disputes with the Colonies, vol, i. 498 — Rejection of the same, vol. i. 499. Clapham, Colonel, vol. i. 231. Clarkson's Life of Penn, Refutation of censures on Franklin in, vol. i, 301. Clifton, John, first proposes the lighting ofthe streets of Philadel phia, vol. i. 195. Clinton, Governor, anecdote of, vol. i, 171, Coleman, William, Character of, vol, i. 98 — Liberality to FrankKn, vol. i. 100. Colonies, plan for their Union, vol. i. 202. Collins, John, some account of, vol. i. 19 — 30 — 44, Collison, publishes Franklin's " New Experiments in Electricity," vol. i, 238—426, Congress, General Assembly of, vol, i, 432^Their declaration of Rights: their petition to the King, vol, i, 514— Send theu: pro ceedings to Lprd Chatham, vol, i, 514 — Present a second peti- INDEX TO MEMOIRS. 437 tion, vol. ii. 30 — Declare the independence of the Colonies, vol. ii, 30 — Appoint a deputation to meet Lord Howe and hear his pro positions of Peace, vol, ii. 23 — Resolution respecting General Sullivan, vol, ii, 44 — Report of the Committee appointed to con fer with Lord Howe, vol. ii. 41 — Assemble at Philadelphia, vol. ii. 35. Cook, Captain, passport granted him by Franklin, vol. ii. 88. Copley, Sir Godfrey, his gold medal presented to Franklin, vol. i, 243. Creed, Franklin's early religious, vol. i, 125. D. Dartmouth, Lord, made Secretary of State? for America, vol. i. 349. — His good wishes towards the Colonies,, vol. i. 4l6. Daschkaw's, the Princess, letter to Franklin, vol. ii. 228. Delor introduces Franklin's Electrical Experiments into France, vol. i. 2!.l. Denham, Mr. an early fiiend of Franklin, vol- i. 6o — His death : trait in his character, vol. i. fS, Denny, Governor, anecdote of, vol. i. 207, De Romas, invention of the Electrical Kite, falsely attributed to, vol. i. 340. D'Estaing arrives in Ainerica with six sail of frigates, vol. ii. 83. Causes of his want of success, vol. ii. 84. Duhourg, Mons. translates Franklin's Philosophical papers into French, vol. i. 329. Dunkers of America, some account of the, vol. i. 178. E. Ecton, in Northamptonshire, birth-place of the Franklins, vol. i. 5. Electrical discoveries, geiieral account of Franklin's, vol. i. 240. Electricity apphed to various purposes by Franklin, vol. i. 241, ¦ 242. Emblematical design used by Franklin, vol. i. 423. Epigram, a curious, vol. ii. 81. 438 INDEX TO MEMOIRS, JFVm, Indian method of concealing, vol. i. 230. Fothergill, Doctor, Character of, vol. i. 105 — Letters to Dr. Frankhn, vol, i. 440, vol. ii. 58^ Franklin, early history of the family of, vol. i. 1 — Thomas bom, vol. i. 5 — The name formerly an order of rank, Ndte, vol. i. 4 — ¦ Benjamin Franklin bbrn', vol, i. 9 — Placed at the Grammar School, vol. i. 10 — In the. employ of a tallow-chandler, vol. i. 12 — Youthful anecdote of, vol. i. 12 — General character of his father, vol. i.'13 — Erects a monument to his father and mother, vol. i. 15 — Dislikes the business of a tallow-chandler, which he quits, vol. i. l6— Passion for letters, the cause of his becoming a , printer, vol. i. 17 — Is apprenticed to his brother, vol. i. 17 — Displays a turn for writing poetry, vol. i. 19 — Method of teach ing himself English composition, vol. i. 21— Effect produced by his reading Tyron on vegetable diet, vol. i. 22 — Course of read- itig pursued by him, vol. i. 25 — Writes for the New England Courant, vol. i. 26 — Differs with bis brother, the printer, to whom he is apprenticed, vol. i, 27 — Leaves his brother and proceeds to New York, vol. i. 29 — Quits New York for Philadel^ phia, vol. i. 3 1 — Becopies acquainted with Dr. Brown, vol. i, 33 — Account of 'his landing at Philadelphia, vol. i. 35 — Is em- I^oyed by Keiiuer the printer, vol, 1. 38 — Resides at Mr. Read's^ his future wife's father, vol. i. 40 — Returns to Boston, vol. i, 42 —Second visit to Philadelphia, vol. i, 45 — Is introduced to Burnet the Governor of New York, vol. i, 48 — Is deceived by Sir William Keith, vol, i. 51 — Relinquishes vegetable diet, vol, i. 5 1— -Proposal made for establishing a new religious sect, vol, u 52 — Resumes his vegetable diet, vol. i. 53 — Pays his addresses, to Miss Read, vol. i. 54 — Forms new acquaintance, vol, i. 55 — Embarks for London, vol. i. 58 — Contracts an intimacy with Mr. Denham during the voyage, vol. i. 59 — Arrives in London, vol.i. 60 — Becomes ¦ acquainted with Mr.- Hamilton, vol.i. 61 — Ob tains employment as a printer, vol. i, 63 — Writes a dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, with remarks on Wollastou's Reli- INDEX TO MEMOIRS, 430 gion ef Nature, vol. i. 63 — Becomes acquainted with Mr. Lyons, Dr. MaBdeville, Dr. Pemberton, and Sir Hans SloalWi Vol. i. 64 —Is employed by Wafts, vol. i. 68 — Prowess as a switiak**, vol. i. 73— Engages as clerit with Mr. Denham, vol. i. 75 — Is iMtro- d'liced to Sir William Wyudham, vol. i. 76 — Quits England, Vol. i. 77 — Lands at Philadelphia, vol. i. 77-— Mbdte of Life, vol. i. T8— Eroploys himself again as a priiiter, vol.i. 79— •Q'ud'rels with Keimer, and quits hi^ employ, vol. i. 83 — Makes paper niftney for New Jersey, vol. 1. 84 — Enters into partnership with Meredith,* vol. i. 85 — His moral and religious principles, vol. i, 66— Gommences business wiAhis partner, vol. i,~89 — Founds a literary Junto, vol.i. 91 — Industry in his profession, vol. i. 9* .— .-Projects a newspaper ; is forestalled- in his intentions, v6l. i. 95— ^Writes under the sigiliitiCu-e of the Bu'Sy'^ody, Vol. i. 9i — PUfChase* the paper staHed in oppiositiofn 4© his pi"6pOScd.pfan, \(A. i. 95 — ^Separates froin Meredith and commences On his Own aocOMnt, vol. i. 100 — Writes on the necessity of Paper Mofiey, vol. i. 102 — Opens slliop as a stationer, vol. i. lOS^^Declines an oflfer of marriage proposed by Mrs. Godfrey, vol, i. 105-^^Re- news his intimacy with Miss Read, Vol. l. 107 -^His' marriage to Miss Read, vol. i. lOS-^rojects tbe first Subscription Libriiry in "Philadtlpliia, voLi. 109 — Luxury first introdticed into Frahk- iirfs family. Vol. i. 124 — His Religious' Opinions, vol. i-. i2i— Composes Articles ¦of Belief and Acts of Religion for his own use, vol. i. 127— Projecis for attaining moral perfection, vol. i. i^ — Extensive project, vol. i. 143^0bservations on ireaditig If istofry, vol. i. 145 — ^United party for virtue, vol. i. 145— Religibus Creed, vol. i. 146— Publishes Poor Kichard's Almanack:, vol; i. 146^^Mode of conducting his newspaper, vol. i. 148— ^Seiicfs a Pwnter to South Carolina, vol. i. 149— Recommends a know- iledge of accounts as a part of female Education, vol. i. 150 — Begins the study ¦dfianguages,. vol.i. 152 — Intonsistency of the catmnon mode of teaching, languages, vol. i. 153-^Pays a visit to Boston, vol. i. 154 — LoseSone of his sons, vol.i. 154 — Appointed CleriioftheGeneral Assembly of Pennsylvania, vol. i,156-^First turns histboughts to public affairs, vol. i, 138 — Made post-maste* 4.40 INDEX TO MEMOIRS. at Philadelphia, vol, i, 158 — Founds the Union Fire Company, vol, i, 160— Proposes establishing an Academy and Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, vol. i. 169 — Pubhshes Plain Truth, vol, i, 170 — Its effect, vol, i, 17 1 — Proposes a lottery for build ing a battery, vol, i, 171 — Invents au open stove, vol. i, 180 — Renews his attempts to establish an Academy at Philadelphia, , vol, i, 181— ^Writes a paqiphlet to forward the intention, vol, i, 182 — Enters into partnership with Mr, David Hall, vol, i. 184 — Devotes his time to philosophical experiments, vol, i. 185 — Is elected a member of the Assembly, and a justice of the Peace, vol. i. 185 — His son appointed Clerk of Assembly, vol. i. 186 — Js appointed a commissioner to treat with the Indians ; the sin gular behavior of the Indians, vol. i. 187 — Plan for cleansing tfae streets of Philadelphia, and paving the same, vol. i. 193— His improvement in street lamps, vol, i, 194 — ^Appointed joint post master-general, vol, i, 200 — Made Master of Arts of Cambridge and Yale Colleges, vol, i, 200 — Plan for the Union of the Cole(- nies, vol. i, 201— His address to the Counties of Lancaster, &c, Tol, i, 210 — Renders great service to General Bradock's army, .vol, i. 215-^Defends the north-west frontier, vol, i. 224 — Chosen Colonel of a Volunteer Regiment, vol, i. 233 'Honors paid him by his Regiment, vol. i. 234 — Philosophical reputation, vol. i. 235 — Chosen a member of the Royal Society of London, vol. i. 242 — Is presented with the gold medal of Sir Godfirey . ,Copley, vol, i, 243 Embarks for England, vol, i. 248-^Narrow escape froin the Scilly Rocks, vol. i. 250 Arrives at Falmouth, , vol, i, 258 — In London, vol. i. 258 — State of politics on his ar rival, vol. i. 261 — His connexion with the London newspapers, vol. 1. 269 — ^Beply to the insinuations of tfae " Citizen, or Ge neral Advertiser," vol. i. 269:^Defends the American : question . in various publications, vol, i. 272 — Dedication of his Historical Review, &c. to Arthur Onslow, Esq. vol, i, 276 His conduct ' daring the differences of the Pennsylvanians, vol, i, 300 — Is no ticed by persons of rank in England, vol, i. 3o6 Consulted by • Mr, Pitt, vol, i. 3p7 — Writes " England's interest with respect . ip the Colonies;" its effect, vol. i 308 — Visits Scotland, is made INDEX TO MEMOIRS. 441 LL.D, at St, Andrew's, vol. i. 308— Receives the same honor from Oxford, vol. i. 309 — His son appointed Governor of New Jersey; vol. i. 309' — Error corrected respecting his attempting to seduce his son (Governor Franklin), from his allegiance to the King, vol. i. 310 — Returns to Philadelphia, vol, i, 312 — Writes a pamphlet intitled " Cool Thoughts," vol. i, 319-^Loses his seat in the Pennsylvania Assembly, vol. i. 319 — Reinstated in his agency, and again visits Great Britain, vol. i. 319 — Examined before the House of Commons respecting the Stamp Act, vol. i. 326-^Visils Holland, Germany, and Paris, vol, i, 329 — Intro duced to Louis XV. ; his Electrical Experiments are repeated in his presence, and by Count de Buffon, &c. vol. i. 337 —Opposition to the Act making paper money legal tenders, vol, i, 343 — Publishes a work, " The Cause of the American Discontent," vol, i, 343 — His account of the affair of Hutchin son's Letters, vol, i, 360 — ^The dispute betwixt Whately and Temple stated, vol. i, 36l — Is involved in a Chancery suit, vol, 1, 396 — ^Reflections on Hutchinson's affair, and vindication of bimself, vol. i. 398 — 'Is dismissed from the office of dieputy post-master, vol, i. 406 — Controversy with Dean Tucker, vol, i. 408 — Reflections on that Controversy, vol. i. 412— Invents and uses an emblematical design, vol, i, 423 — Receives private information ofthe intention of the British Government to arrest him, vol. i. 429 — Determines on, and quits England, vol.i. 429 — On his passage home writes an account of his efforts to nego ciate betwixt Great Britain and America, vol. i, 430 — Hints for ttrms of Union with Great Britain, vol, i. 443 — Letter to Lord Dartmouth, vol. i. 515 — ^Answer to Lord Howe's Letter, vol. i. 524 — Interview with Lord Howe,vol. i. 527, 529, 533— Memorial addressed to Lord Dartmoutli, vol. i. 536 — Experiments on the Waters of the Ocean, Reflections ou Navigation, vol. i. 540 — Arrival in America, vol. ii. 1 — The state thereof, vol. ii. 3 — Proposes the adoption of paper money in America, vol. ii. 10 — Visits the American Camp, vol. ii. 10 — Sent on a Mission to Ca nada, vol, ii, 11— Writes to Holland for assistance, vol, ii. 12 —Correspondence with Lord Howe, vol. ii, 23 — Protest „„„:_„t 1 .,..t;«~ ;- ^ <- —¦. i,. 35 — jj appointed 442 INDEX TO MEMOIES. Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of France, vol. ii. 46 — Sets off for France. Experiments during the voyage, on sea water, vol. ii, 47 — Is chased by Cruisers, Takes two prizes, vol. ii. 47 — Journey to Nantes, thence to I^aris, vol. ii. 48 — ^State of American Politics, Account of his Mission to France, in a letter to Dr. lugenhausz, vol. ii. 55 — Grants Let ters of Marque to American Pi'ivateers, vol. ii. 56 — Is presented to the King, vol.ii. 62— Letter to the Count D'Aranda, vol. ii. 67 — JLetter on Wilson's claiming the discovery of Lightning con ductors, vol! ii. 74 — -Epigram on Lightning Conductors, Note, vol. ii. 81 — Letter to- Mr, Jjuttou the Moravian, vol. ii. 86 — Re- eeive?. a present of Cork's Voyages from (the British Government, vol, ii. SS — Private Jourjial, viol. ii. &fl^--Requests leave to retire from tbe Count of Franeie, on account of his age, vol, ii. 91 — The Congress refuse his Testation, vol, ii. 92 — Curious Letter to a Friend ou that Account, vol. ii. Q3 — Account of G-eneral Arnold's treachery, in a letter to General La Fayette, vol. ii. 9^ — Amuses himself iu printing- at a private press in his own bouse, vol, ii. i05'--Singular deceptions practised by himj'vol.ii. 106-r-Political Communications witli Sir WiUiam Jones, vol, ii,. J 17 — Negpciates for a Peace at Paris, vol. ii. 130 — 135-^Opens jaegociation with the Swedish Court, voUii,. 135 — ^The Treaty of Peace H;pointtd' governor of, vol. i. 309- Newspaper, mode of conducting, vol: i. 148. Nolleti, tlie Abbg, opposes rraffkliiys-sysleift of Electricity^ vol.i. 239— claims the discovery ofthe theory of lightning, vol. i. 240. INDEX TO MEMOms> 447 North's, Lord, motion in the House of Commons respedting Ame rica, vol. i. 525. O. Onslow, Arthur, Esq., Franklin's J/irfmcaZ iJewicM) dedicated to him, vol. i. 126, Orme, Captain, anecdote of, vol.i. 221, Oswald, Mr., is succeeded by David Hartley, Esq. as minister from Great Britain, vol, ii. 137. Oxford University confers the degree of LL.D. on Franklin, vol. i. 309. P. Pome's pamphlet, " Common Sense,'" effects of, in America, vol. ii. 13. Paper Maney, vol. ii. 10. Parliament, British, arguments against its right to tax tlie Ameri- -can Colonies, vol.i, 417. Partnerships, advice in, vol. i. 168. Paxton murders, account ofthe, vol.i. 313. Pemherton, Dr., an early friend of Franklin, vol. i. 64. Penn, William, anecdote of, vol. i. 176 — exacts qujt-rents — cha racter of, vol.i. 386 — attaches himself to James the Second, vol.i. 287 — deprived of his authority in Pennsylvania, vol. i. 289. — is re-instated, vol. i. 294. Pennsylvania, Library, an account ofthe, vol. i. 181 — state ofthe province of, in 1757, vol; i. 295 — first royal charter granted to the colony, vol. i. 283. — first cause of dispute with the colony of, vol. i. 312,— petition from, to the King, vol.i. 315. Philadelphia Library first established by Franklin, vol. i. 109.— plan for cleansing and paving the streets, vol. i. 193. Philosophical Society of Philadelphia proposed by Franklin, vol. i, 169. Piquet, Mons. La Mothe, captures 22 sail of British merchant ves sels, vol. ii, 102, Pitt, Win., consults Franklin respecting Canada, vol,i, 306. Plain Truth published^ vol*, i^. 170'. Polybius, supposed translation of a Fte^ment if, fey Sir William 448 INDEX TO MEMOIRS. Poor RicAard'* Almanack first published, voLi. 147, Pownall, Governor, anecdote of, vol. i, 476, Prayers, on the opening of Congress, Franklin's motion for, voF, ii. 194. Priestley's, Dr,, testimony of the merits of Franklin's discoveries in Electricity, vol, i. 329- — his account of Franklin's demeanor bef re the privy council, vol.i. 356. Privy Council discuss the Massachusett's petition. Mr. Wedder burn's abuse of Franklin, vol, i, 355. Putrid Fevers common in Russia, vol. ii. 150. Q. Quakers' Meeting, the first house Franklin entered at Philadelphis after his arrival, vol, i. 37 — anecdote of the, vol. i, l64,. — they take an active part in opposing the rioters deiiominated Paxton^ Boys, vol, i, 206. R, Ralph, the historian, curious anecdote of, vol. i. 54 — becomes schoolmaster, vol. i. 65 — obtains a pension for political viriting, vol. i. 245.] Read, Mr., father of Franklin's wife, vol. i. 36, Religion, a new one proposed to be established, vol. i, 52, Religious Creed of Franklin, vol.i, 127. Richman, Professor, introduces Franklin's Electrical discoveries into Russia, vol. i, 341. Right of British Parliament to tax America, and argument against it, vol, i, 295, Rittenhouse's funeral oration for Franklin, vol. ii, 235, Rochefoucault' s eulogium on Franklin's system of government, vol, ii, 36., Roy, Mons. Le, refutes the Abb6 NoUet, voL i, 240. Roycd Society of London, Franklin chosen a member thereof, vol. i. 242. S. , . Salaries, Franklin's speech thereon, vol. ii. 185. Selkirk, Lord, anecdote of, vol. ii. 115. INDEX TO MEMOIRS. 443 Shelbume, (Lord) American business taken from him, vol, i. 345. Shirley, General, anecdote of, vol. i. 205. Slave Trade, opposed by Franklin, vol, ii. 222. Sloane's, .Sir Hans, visit to Franklin, vol. i. 65. Smith, Dr., pronounces a funeral oration fiir Franklin, vol. ii. 277. Spangenberg, Bishop, some account of, vol. i. 226. Spotswood, Colonel, governor of Virginia, vol. i, 157. Sta'el, the Baron de, letter on the peace with Sweden, and request ing Mr. Temple Franklin to be employed at the Swedish court, vol. ii. 135, Stamp Act, origin of, vol. i, 320 — caricature occasioned thereby, vol. i. S%6 — disturbance in America,'occasioned by passing the, vol. i. 316 — its repeal, vol. i. 327. Stuber, Dr., observations on the right of the British parliament to tax America, vol. i. 420, Swimming, great feat in the art of, vol, i. 73, T. Teignmouth, Refutation of certain points in his Life of Sir Wil liam Jones, by Lord, vol. ii. 119- Temple, Mr. John, his duel with Mr. Whately, vol. i. 393. Tennent, Rev. Gilbert, account of, vol. i. 191, Treaty of Peace between France and America, vol. ii. 61. Tryon on vegetable diet. Influence of, vol. i. 22, Tucker, Dean, controversy with Franklin, vol, i. 407 — reflections thereon, vol. i. 412, V, Vaughan's, Benjamin, letter to Franklin, requesting him to continue his memoirs, vol. i. 111. Vergennes, the Count de, receives the American commissioners. vol. ii, 57. Vernon's confidence in Franklin, vol, i. 45. U. Union Fire Company founded, vol. i. 16O, W. Walpole's, Hon. Thomas, letter to Franklin, vol. i. 537- vol.. If ' 2 F 450 INDEX TO MEMOIRS. Washington, General, letter of congratulation to Franklin on his return to America, vol. ii. 182. Watson, Dr.i draws up an account of Franklin's discoveries, which is read before the Royal Society of London, vol. i. 241. Webb, George, anecdote of, vol. i. 80. Wedderburn, (afterwards Lord Loughborough) his abuse of Franklin before the privy council, vol. i. 355. and Appendix, No. J. vol. ii, p. 389. Whately's duel with Mr. Temple of Boston, vol. i. 393 — their dis pute stated, vol. i, 396, Whitfield, Rev. George, arrives at Philadelphia, vol. i. l6l — de parts for Georgia ; builds an orphan-house there, vol. i. iGU. Wilson's, Mr., objections to Franklin's lightning conductors, vol. ii, 77 — his system overthrown by Messrs. Henley and Naime, vol, ii, 79. Wright, Dr., introduces Franklin's discoveries in philosophy to tbe Royal Society of London, vol. i. 245. CONTENTS OF THE APPENDIX TO MEMOIRS, No. 1, Journal of Franklin's Voyage to Philadelphia in 1726J vol. ii, 303. 2. Rules for a Club in Philadelphia, vol. ii. 336. 5. Remarks on a protest against Franklin's being appointed agent in England for Philadelphia, vol. ii. 340, 6, Franklin's Examination before the English House of Com mons, vol, ii, 352, 7. Account of Governor Hutchinson's letters, and the Exami nation of Dr, Franklin before the Privy (Council, vol. ii. 389- 8. Constitution of the United States of America, vol, ii, 409, 9. Queries relative to the federative constitution of the United States, vol, ii, 428, THE END, YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 01489 0264 :%¦¦¦: ::---?^. ¦-¦--¦.'¦ . -r-x g^i. »^f c-*- ™*