THE JOHN P. BRANCH
HISTORICAL PAPERS
OF
, RANDOLPH-MACON COLLEGE

Published Annually by the Department of History

Vol. III. JUNE, 1909 No. 1

CONTENTS

Preface -  3
Thomas Roderick Dew— D. Ralph Midyette, Jr. 5
Wii;LiAivi Zenery Brodnax— H. F. Turner - 14
Nathanisl Macon Correspondence . - - 27

Price of Volume III, $2.00

Address, CHAS. H, AMBLER, Editor,
Ashland, Va.

RICHMOND. VA.
RICHMOND PRESS, Inc.
1909

THE JOHN P. BRANCH
MISTOMICAL I*APERS
OI*"
'R.AJSnOlJPM-'NlA.COlS COLI^EOE

JUNE, 1909

'ttintt

^ P^FIE Branch Papers for 1 909 consist of short biographies of
XI Thomas R. Dew and W. H. Brodnax and the remaining
available letters of Nathaniel Macon, of North Carolina.
The letters were collected and edited by my predecessor in the
Vaughan Chair of History of Randolph-Macon College, Professor
W. E. Dodd, now of Chicago University. The biographies
were also written under his diredion.
The Branch Papers for 1910 will contain biographies of
Edmund Ruffin and General Robert B. Taylor and ap account
of the work of Dr. William Henry Ruffner, in establishing free
public schools in Virginia. The biography of General Taylor
will bring out the leading events in the life of a Virginia
Federalist who played a prominent part in local politics from
1 798 to 1 832. The biography of Ruffin will trace the devel-
opme;nt of the pro-slavery sentiment on the part of Virginia's in
dustrial population from 1830 to 1861, and the war record and
tragic death of a soldier devoted to the cause of the Confederacy.
The paper on the Elstablishment of Free Public Schools in
Virginia will deal mainly with the Reconstruction Period.

THOMAS RODERICK DEW.*
B. D. Ralph Midyette Je.^ A. B.
Thomas Roderick Dew, teacher, political economist, and
man of letrers, w^as horn the fifth day of December, 1802, in
King and Queen county, Virginia. His father was of good
Scotch stock, and like most other Virginia gentlemen of his
time, was the owner of a large plantation. The son, Thomas,
seems to have been of a more sober temperament than the
average boy of his day and circumstances and preferred- to re
main at home reading and studying than to be abroad in the
fields riding and hunting. He had a great passion for his
tory and early became conversant with the principal facts of
ancient and modem history.
Quiet and retiring in manner, and old for his years, he de
veloped a decided literary taste, and the desires of an eager in
tellect were encouraged by his parents. When but fifteen years
of age he entered William and Mary College at Williamsburg,
Virginia, which was at that time the leading educational in
stitution in the South. He was a close and indefatigable student
while at college and graduated in 1820, being then only eighteen
years of age. This sedentary life, however much it had con
duced to his intellectual growth and improvement, had not had
a salutary effect upon his body, so that after he had finished his
schooling at William and Mary College he spent two years
traveling, abroad for his health. He availed himself of this op
portunity to further pursue his studies in history and politics,
so that when, in 1827 he was assigned to the chair of "History,
]\.tetaphysics, Natural, and National Law, Grovernraeut, and
Political Economy,"^ it would have been difneult to find lu
'Awarded the Bennett History Medal for 1908.
^Laws and Regulations of the College of William and Mary, 1S30.

6 Eandolph-Macon Historical Papers.
the LTnited States his equal in scholarship, especially in the
subjects which he taught.
When we consider the idea of a man holding a collegiate
chair with such a list of departments, to each of which he was
required to devote at least three lectures a week, we stand
amazed. Add to this the fact that he was engaged in writing
voluminous essays and treatises which required and have shown
gi'cat care and research in their preparation, besides a large
number of newspaper and magazine articles, and the necessa
rily large correspoudence encumbent upon a "savant," we must
admit that "verily there were giants in those days."
As noted above, William and Mary, prior to the opening of
the nineteenth century, had been the foremost college in Amer
ica, south of Boston, but the attendance had been greatly reduc
ed previous to its being taken in charge by Professor Dew. For
this there Avere se^-eral reasons. Already the North and the
South had become divided tipon political questions, and were
distinct political divisions, and the attendance at schools fol
lowed the line thus drawn, so that William and Mary now got
its students entirely from the South and not many Southern
students went North. Moreover the climate at Williamsburg
vias not very healthy. The location had become out of the
way and undesirable. Repeated attempts had been made to
have the college moved to Richmond, and finally, as the na
tural offspring of William and Mary there came the establish
ment of the L'niversity of Virginia in 1819.
In 1S36, when Dew succeeded Dr. Empie as president of the
college, a new era was inaugurated, and a golden period, it w.a?
for the college. In the first three years of his presidency the
roll was almost doubled. To quote a literary contemporary of
Dew's,- "his amiable disposition, fine talents, tact at manage
ment, great zeal and unwearied assiduity were the means of

'Meade's Old Churches.

Thomas Roderick Dew. '7
raising the college to as great prosperity as had ever been its
lot, notwithstanding many opposing difficulties."
The Law Course Avas improved and enlarged, and now num
bered thirty students. From 1779 to 1826 it had been presided
over by George Wythe and St. George Tucker, both eminent
statesmen and scholars. But probably no course was more ex
haustive, or its teacher more thoroughly gTounded in his sub
ject than that of History and Political Economy, taught by
Dew from 1827 until his death in 1846. His course in His
tory was the most thorough and comprehensive of any in
America at that time.
It has been said that in the North men gave the care of the
State to professional politicians, while in the South, the ordi
nary work being done by slaves, the whit© people had time for
¦fetudy and make practical use of their studies in politics, pre
ferring themselves to become the statesmen of their day. This
a.-: undoubtedly true, and probably no one in the entire South
did more to stimulate the- growth of this interest and personal
activity than did Dew. He Avas among the first teachers of
Political Economy in the South. Familiar with the best re
sults of French, German, and English scholarship in the field
of classical history, he taught his students to see analagous par
allels between ancient history and politics, and that of our own
State and nation. In the study of such subjects the South
Avas far ahead of the North, where they Avere not taken up
until after the Civil War, and this accoirated in large measure
for the conspicuous merit and superiority of Southern leaders
in political life.
In Dew's class in Political Economy Smith's Wealth of Na
tions was used as a text-book. Being a close disciple of this
great economist. Dew Avas naturally a firm aclherent to the pol
icy of Free Trade. In the United States the tAvo great par
ties were then, as noAV, divided on the subject of tarifFs. Thus
Dew — to use his OAvn Avords — "convinced of the error and im
policy of the Restrictive System, and having seen the excite-

8 Bandolp]i-2facon Historical Papers.
ment Avhich it had occasioned, and hoping that a calm and dis-
passiona,te view of the subject would be of some pro&t," pub
lished in 1829 his treatise on the "Restrictive System." This
Avas in the form of lectures Avhich were Avritten for, and de
livered to, his senior class in political science. HoAvever un
prejudiced and non-partisan Dbav announces himself to be,
and no doubt aimed to be, one readily sees that it is an attack
upon the Restrictive System, and that its author was a radical
Anti-Taritf man. The argument is logical and forcible. He
combined theoretical and practical A-iews, and aimed to make
the treatise fair and unprejudiced, "being couAdnced that it. is
the great duty of the Professor to inculcate upon the mind of
the student those general principles' alone, which will form the
basis of his future opinions and actions."
To Dew politics was something eminently practical, and he
expresses this clearly in closing this treatise, urging that it is
the duty of every American citizen, especially of such as enjoy
the privileges of education, to prepare himself for the part
Avhich may devolve upon him, "and a laudable ambition should
make you look to yourselves as the philosophers and statesmen
of other days."
This treatise, although written for his class, was Avidely read,
particularly throughout the South, where it coincided with the
political views of most voters. In the North it was also well
received. Its logic was irresistible and conclusive, and it is
believed to haA^e exerted a gTeat influence in the remodeling of
the tariff laws in 1832.
Another large work of Dew's Avas a "Digest of the Laws,
Customs, Manners, and Institutions of the Ancient and Modem
Nations." This also was writteti for his classes in the History
Department. It Avas printed and used in his classes, but was
not published until after his death. It has no pretensions of
originality, but has decided advantages over most historical
compilations of the time. This Avas also written in the lecture
style and is, rather than, an enumeration of facts and events.

Thomas lioderick Den: 9
a digest of thc subjects named in llie title. Its topical method
of trcahnent and the life Avhich the author has infused Into it,
make it very interesting and agreeable reading. Being .-;ug-
gestive of parallels betAvcen ancient and modern history and
politics, it Avas a practical application of the lessons of past
history to thc needs of the American youth.
Primarily Dew Avas a teacher, but this did not preA-eut him
from taking an acti^'o part in the political life of his day. We
have already noted his influence in regard to tho tarifi, but
far more than this Avas his influence upon the question of slave-
rA-. The evil of the institution had long been recoanized,
both in the North and in the South; in fact, tliere had neA-er
been a time Avhen it Avas not bitterly oppo.-ed. Thomas Jeffer
son had deA'oted a great part of his life in an effort to perfect
some means Avhereby the slave system could be done away
vith. In "\^irginia such men as George Wythe, St. George
Tucker, and John Randolph had done much to establish the
spirit of philanthropy prevalent in Virginia before the on
slaught of the Abolition'ists.
Benjamin Lundy, the editor of an emancipation paper pub
lished in Baltimore, had done much in the interest of emancipa
tion in the South. In 1829 there Avere several organ
izations in the Sou+h founded upon a moral dissatisfaction
Avith slavery. HoAvever, Avith the abuses and incriminations
of Garrison, Avho had taken charge and turned the direction of
Lundy's paper, the Avhole tide set in and the benefits of slavery,
socially, politically, and econoni'ically Avere preached in Vir
ginia by Dew, and in South Carolina by William Gillmore
Simms. Simms edited a volume, "The Pro-SlaA-ery Argu
ment," in Avhich Prof. Dew, Chancellor Harper and ex-Gov.
Hammond, of South Carolina, Avere his feUow contributors.
Simms argued the "divine right" of slavery ; Dew, the economic
and social benefits.
In this argument DeAV shoAved that it Avas to Virginia's ad
vantage to raise slaves, and that trade in slaves had been one

10 Eandolph-Macon Historical Papers.
of Virginia's chief sources of Avealth and profit. Dew pro
pounds two questions : "Can these two distinct races of people
now living together as master and serA'ant, be ever separated?"
and, "Will the day ever arrive Avhen the black can be liberated
from his thraldom and mount upward in the scale of civiliza
tion and rights to an equality Avith thc Avhite?" "^N^ith an argu
ment full of illustrations and deductions from law and history
he essays that such a consummation would be both undesirable
and impossible. That DeAv's sense of justice Avas hidden by
his 'interest in his State, or at least in the Avhite population of
it, is shown in the conclusion : "There is a slaA-e property of
the value of $100,000,000 in Virginia, and it matters but little
how you destroy it, A\.-hen it is gonS the deed is done and Vir
ginia Avill be a desert."
In August, 1830, there had occurred the slave insurrection
in Southampton county, Virginia. Cver fifty persons had
been killed before h Avas put doAvn by an armed force. The
insurrection produced a strong movement of the public mind
in the State and elsewhere. When the Legislature met in
December, 1831, it Avas evident that the question of negroes,
both slaves and freedmen, would be the principal subject for
deliberation before this body. During the session letters and
petitions Avere received from nea.rly every county in the State,
from Quaker societies and other philanthropic organizations.
A'aiions bills and measures Avere i^roposed, and the discussion
of the slave question was taken up day after day. At this
time tliere appeared in the Richmond ncAvspapers an argnment
in favor of slavery by Dew. This also appeared in the Amer
ican Quarterly RoAuew, and Avas no doubt Avidely read.
Whatever effect other influences might haA^e had, Ave knoAv
that Dew's argument was convincing and effectual, so that,
instead of emancipating the negro, the Legislature pass
ed stringent laAvs against the slaves, free negroes and mulat-
'•toes, forbidding them to hold public meetings, prescribing
their education, and imposing other restrictions which now

Thomas Roderick Dew. 11
soeni pitiable and entirely incompatible AvIth a correct sense
of moral justice.
In this argument Dcaa^ di.'r'cussed thc origin of slavery, its
advantages, the various proposed plans for abolition, and finally
its injustice and cauIs. The origin of slavery he attributed
to be due to four causes, Aiz., the laws of Avar, the state of
proper t A' aud feebleness of goA-emment, bargain and sale, and
crime. In setting forth the adA-antages of slavery and its aid
in civilizing the AA-orld, he shoAved that it had been the only
means of mitigating the hoiTors of saA'agc Avarfaro. Again,
it had conquered the sloth and llstlessness of the savage and
Inured him to regular industry. He Illustrates this point by
the fact that the only Indian tribe in America who had ad
vanced greatly in civilization had possessed negro slaves. jMorc-
over, as household servants, they relleA^ed Avoman of all thc
drudgery and thus raised her in dignity and position. As for
abolition, he considered that there could be but tAvp real plans:
emancipation AAith deportation, and emancipation Avithout de
portation. He proves the first impracticable, the second Im
possible. DcAV alloAvs that slavery is Avrong In the abstract and is- con
trary to the si>lrlt of Christianity, but he says that If AA'-e cannot
be rid of one evil Avithout perpeti-atlng another, then the laAV
of God and man forbid us action. In answer to Jefferson's
charge that slavery produces deleterious moral eiiects, he points
to the sound population of Virginia and the chivalry of the-
South. With the illustrations of Sparta, Thebes, Athens,
Rome, and Poland, he sIioavs that the history of the Avorld does
not prove slavery to be inconsistent or unfavorable to a re
publican state. Where there are .black slaves the Avhites are
equal, and this is the A^ery essence of republicanism. He
shows that there Is but slight Insecurity arising from the pos
sibility of slave uprisings. He admits that under favorable
conditions free labor Is the best, but Avhere loA-e of idleness
prevails slaA^e labor is consequently the better. Our free ne-

12 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
groes, the Indians, the Russian serfs, the Haytians, and oth
ers Avill not Avork except Avhen compelled.
To those Avho pointed out that Virginia aud the South Avcre
not keeping pace Avith northern and nCAv Avcstern States, he
ai-ffucd, like the staunch free-trader that he Avas, that the con-
ditions Avere due not to slavery, but to the fact that the Revolu
tion had destroyed the Sonth's agricultural market, and that
high tariff, and that alone, had restricted the growth of the
South. Of course no one to-day defends slavery, and Its injustice and
inhumanity is readily apparent to every thinking person, but
Ave find it hard to criticise or condemn this man whose philan
thropy Avas overruled by his interest in the State. It Avas
natural that Dew should defend slavery; his education and en-
Auronment had inculcated In him a firm belief in Its ach-antages.
Familiar with classic history, he looked back upon the splendor
and magnificence of Rome and Greece, and he hoped to see
slavery build up America cA^en as it had built them up. To
him the Roman State was ideal, the elevated condition of
woman, the men, AvIth slaves doing their work, devoting them
selves to edu-cation,' to art, to philosophy, and to statesmanship.
HoAVCA'cr much Dew might have otherAvise been interested
ir, politics, we know that President Jackson consulted him in
regard to the Bank Bill. He appears to haA'e had considerable
influence with Jackson, and has been called a member of the
famous "'Kitchen Cabinet."
Notwithstanding his' great interest and activity in the affairs
of the State, his gi-eat Avork v/as done in his daily Hfe as a
teacher. He Avas the greatest president of a college Avhich Avas
a maker of statesmen, a college Avhich produced four Presidents
of the United States, seA"enteen governors, as many senators,
and nearly forty judges, not to mention a goodly number of
congressn;ien, cabinet oificers, professors, etc. He was to Wil
liam and Mary what Prof. Cooper Avas to the College of South
Carollna-^a teacher Avhose doctrines entered Into the life of

Thomas Roderick Dew. 13
the Southern people. His whole soul Avas Avrapped up In his
college, and his research into the theory of government and the
great principles of political economy has made his influence
felt in the history of our State.
In the summer of the year 1816 he traveled abroad for the
second time. For many years his constitution had been gradu
ally undermined by consimiption, and a damp, chUlIug ocean
voyage accelerated its . ravages. On the fifth day of August,
as we learn from the Paris correspondent of the Charleston
Courier, he arrived in Paris accompanied by his wife, and
here he died the next day. On account of the nature of the
disease he was buried the day foUoAving his death, and Paris'
still holds the body of this great educator, a philosopher, one
of the first llteraiy men of the day, a distinguished political
writer and an able essayist. In his home life DeAV Avas of a
quiet, kind and unassuming disposition, which, Avith his ex
quisite literary taste and brilliant talents, made him much re
spected and beloA'ed.
De BoAv, J. D. B. Industrial Resources of the United States,
New Orieans, 1852. Vol. III.
Cook, John Esten. Article on William and Mary College.
Scrlbners, NoA'cmber 1875.
Dew, Thos. R. A Digest of the Laivs, Customs, Manners, and
Institutions of Ancient and Modern Nations. Noav York,
1853.
Howlson, R. R. . History of Virginia. Philadelphia, 18-16. Vol.
II.
Meade, Bishop. Old Churches and Families of Virginia. Phil
adelphia, 1872. Vol L, 177, 178.
Richmond Enquirer. Dec. 1831-^.Iay 1832. Sept. 11, 1846.
Rhodes. History of The United States. Ncat York, 1893. Vol.
L, 316, 368.
Trent, Wm. P. Life of Wm. G. Simms. Boston, 1892, p. 204.
Tyler, Lyon G. Letters and Times of the Tylers. Richmond,
1884. Vol. I., 543, 588; Vol. IL, 29.

GENERAL WILLIAM HSWERY BRODNAX.
By H. F. Tjjenee, A. B.
General William Henery Brodnax Avas born in BrunsAvick
county, Virginia, 1786. He Avas the son of AVilllam Brodnax,'
a lawyer practicing In BrunsAvick county." Of General Brod-
nax's boyhood aa-c know nothing; but if Ave may be alloAved to
judge Avhat the boy had been from Avhat the man Avas, he must
have been a whole-hearted boy, one Avho did not spend his
time in idle dreaming, but one eA-er ready for action; a leader
among' his companions.
He Avas tall, handsome, and commanding; a congenial com
panion, a true friend, and a kind and loving husband and father.
Pie was a gifted orator, quick-AvItted and good in repartee.
His language Avas floAving and his Avords U'ell chosen. His ar
guments Avere clear-cut and to the point, convincing his hearers
of the truth of his statements, and of the sincerity of the man
behind the statement.
In the later years of his life General Brodnax Avas in very
poor health, and often spoke under physical difficulties. Yet
Avhen the oeeaslon demanded his services he paid as little heed
as possible to his' feelings. In 1832 when he rose in the Vir
ginia Assembly, to speak on the subject of Federal Relations,
he said that he Avas suffering Avith his throat and a continuous
fever, but added that, even if he knew that it would be his last
effort, he Avould use what strength he had to try to persuade his
associates to adopt measures to safeguard our liberties.^
General Brodnax, though a Whig, Avas a staunch supporter
of the doctrine of States Rights. He believed that any State
had a i^erfect right to secede from the Union as a remedy for
"•WiUiam and Mary Colleg'e Quarterly — XIV; 13S.
"Order Book of Brunswick County Courts; Aug. 25, 1788.
^'Richmond Enquirer, Jan. 29, 1833.

General William Henery Brodnax. ' 15
oppression. But he thought it would be a serious act, and one
to be used as a last resort only.
Brodnax was a member of the Episcopal Church. In his re
ligions life he was zealous and consistent, and carried Arit'i
him the same earnestness that characterized him iu all he un
dertook. His religion Avas not for special occasions, but he car
ried it into aU his Avalks in life. On reading his letters, one is
impressed Avith his piety Avhich can be seen in every letter
AAiitten by him. He A\-rote like one whose confidence in the
goodness of God was unassailable.
General Brodnax in all probability attended Hampden-Sid-
ney College. In 1830 he received from that institution the
honorary M. A. He studied law in Petersburg, Virginia, under
Sterling RuiSn. General Winfield Scott, of Virginia, and
Judge Thomas Roan Ruffin, of North Carolina, were his felloAV
students. Brodnax at first located in GreeuAulle county, but
. later he moved to DinAviddie, purchasing that famous country
seat, Kingston. He practiced law in the counties of BrunsAvick
and GreeuAille, and in the city of Petersburg. He was a su3-
cessful lawyer, and. secured a large and lucrative practice.*
He married Miss Elizabeth W'lthers, a Avoman of rare culture.
They had bom to them four sons and tv/o daughters, all cf
whom outlived their father.
In 1818 he Avas elected to the Virginia House of Delegates
from Greenville county.^ He seiTcd one term, but did not
return the next year. Nor did he return to that body until
1830, and then from Dinwiddle county. However, he Avas
urged by his friends to accept the nomination for the office. In
a letter in reply to a letter from Hon. J. C. Cabell, urging him
to accept the nomination for another term, he said: "You ask
me if I could not serve one session? I have thought much on
the subject, for I distrusted the conclusions of my oAvn judgment
Avhen they ajjpeared to confiict Avith the opinions of many of my
?AA'iUiam and Mary College Quarterly— Vol. XI\^; 57-58.
"Journals of the House; 1818-1819.

16 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
friends (Including especially yourself), Avho, I know could only
Avish me Avell. But although my Inclinations aiid my feelings
very po^verfully prompt me to return to that body from the liope
that I might be of some small service to a cause that has my
Avarmest Avishes; yet my judgment remains unchanged. One
session under existing circumstances Avould throw me back for
years.""'-' General Brodnax was appointed Brigadier-General of the
militia by the Legislature of "^'Irginla in 1824, which, office
he filled, AvIth ci'edit, for the rest of his life."
When Lafayette visited Virginia in 1S24, the Legislature
sent General Brodnax to Baltimore to meet him and escort him
to Virginia. Brodnax Avas Chief Marshal at the celebration at
Yorktown giA'en in honor of Lafayette,^ and Lafayette Avas a
guest in the home of General Brodnax, and rode, at YorktoA^m,
his favorite horse, named Fergus, an animal of remarkable style
and beauty.
General Brodnax AA-as one of the j^i'esidentlal electors at tho
time Jackson Avas elected in 1828°
He Avas a member of the Constitutional CouA'entlon which met
in Richmond, October 5, 1829-January 15, 1830. He served
on many of the most important comrnlttees, and took an active |
part in the discussions of the convention. He strongly opposed
the motion to put all the judges out of office aud to elect a new
bench. In his speech opposing this motion he said, In part:
"'Sir, this scheme of shoving In one group all your judges 'by the
board' without crime on their part, without even the imputation
of an offense appears to me not ouly unjust to them as indi
viduals, but linpolitic in us as statesmen, from its inevitable
tendency to Invade the Judiciary, and a dangerous precedent to
future time." In speaking further he said: "Its injustice to
'Letter to Hon. J. C. Cabell, owned by Dr. John Brodnax, Manchester,
Va. ''Richmond Whig, Jan. 27, 1824.
'AViUiara and Mary College Quarterly, 'Vo^. yiTV; 57-55.
'William and Mary College Quarterly; XIA^: 57-58.

General WiUiam Henery Brodnax. 17
the present incumbents results from a palpable violation of
an expressed contract between themselves and the government."
On the next point he said : "Has not this piwision a direct
tendency to invade the Judiciary — ^not only now but for all
future time . . . In the very outset of the plan every
judge in the State is to be dismissed, Avith permission, hoAve^'e^¦
to be re-elected if he can; yes sir, if he can. That is, if he can
command interest or Influence enough Avith the Legislature, to
effect a favorable consideration of his pretensions.""
As fhe basis of: representation for (he General As.cembly,
he favored the Federiil Rule, which was to count free Avhites and
three-fifth of the slaves, but he Avas Avilling to count only A'-oters
as a basis for representation in the Senate.' '
This revision of the Constitution had been looked forAvard to
Avith great interest, and the best men of the State Avere chosen
for the Avork. Such men as cx-Prcsident James Madison, of
Orange county, ex-President James Monroe, of Loudouu,
Chief Justice John Marshall, of Richmond, John Randolph,
of Charlotte, John Y. Mason, of Southampton, aud other lead
ing men of the State were associated AvIth General Brodnax in
the Convention.
The presence of such men as those named above shows some
thing of the Importance of the Convention. Mr. Philip P.
Barbour, president of the Convention, after the resignation of
Monroe, said in his closing address: "To be a member, even,
of such an assembly as this Imports a large and. gratifying share
of public confidence.'"'
In 1830 General Brodnax was again elected to the House,
this time from Dinwiddle county, aud he Avas re-elected each
year from this time to the year before his death.^-
Brodnax coinmande'd the troops of militia from Green\'ille
and Brunswick counties during the Southampton Insurrection.
"Debates of the Convention of 1S29-1830.
"Debates of the Convention of 1829-1830.
i^Journals of the House 1830-1831; 1831-1832; 1S32-1S33.

18 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
In 1831 Governor John Floyd In his annual message to the
Assembly, .spoke as foUoAVS of General Brodnax's services in
putting down the Insurrection: "Tavo regiments In Brunswick
and Greenville were called into service by their commanding
officers, under the law vesting them AvIth poAver to do so for
such purposes. These troops being under General WlUiaiu
Henery Brodnax, that officer assumed command and did not
leave the field until all danger had passed.
"It gives me great jjleasure to commend to the General As
sembly the high satisfaction I feel In bearing testimony to the
zeal, promptitude and dispa1:ch, Avitli Avhich CA'ery officer dis
charged his dutj', and the cheerful alacrity AvIth which every
citizen obeyed the call of duty."^^
The session of Legislature for the years 1831-1832 proved.
one of unusual Interest. The Southampton Insurrection, men
tioned in the Governor's Message quoted above, led by a slaA'e,
Nat Turner, had resulted in the butchering of a number of in
nocent persons; mostly Avomen and children. This had caused
a wave of alann to SAveep over the entire State, and the people
Avcre looking to the Legislature for the adoption of some meas
ure Avhich would prevent the occurence of any similar tragedy
in the future. The governor in his message to the General As
sembly advised that something be done toAvards the solution of
tb.o slave question. And scarcely had the Legislature assembled
befoi-e petitions and memoi'Ials began to pour in from all parts of
the State requesting that some stei> be taken toAvards the aboli
tion of slavery.^*
General Brodnax Avas chairman of the committee to consider
these petitions and memorials a.nd to report to the House by
bill or otherwise. But before the committee had seen fit to re
port, Mr. Goode, of Mecklenburg county, offered a resolution as.
folloAA's: "Governor's Message, Journals of the House 1S31-1832.
"Journals of the House 1831-1832.

General William Henery Brodnax. 19

"Resolved, That the select committee raised on the subject of
slaves, and free negroes, and the melancholy occurrence growing
out of the tragic massacre of Southampton, be discharged from
the consideration of all petitions, memorials and resolutions,
Avhich have as their object the manumission of persons held in
sei-Autude under existing laws' of this Commonwealth, and that
it is not expedient to legislate on the subject."
Mr. Randolph, of Albemarle county immediately moved to
amend Mr. Goode's resolution by striking out all foUoAving the
word "Southampton" and inserting in its stead, the folio -.ving:
"Be Instructed to enquire into the expediency of submitting to
the vote of the qualified voters in the several towns, cities, bor
oughs and counties of this CommouAvealth the propriety of pro
viding by laAV, that the children of all female slaves Avho may be
born in this State on or after the fourth of July, 1840,. shall be
come the property of the CommouAvealth, the males at age of
twenty-one years and females at age of eighteen. If detained by
owners within the limits of Virginia until they haA-e respectively
arrived at the ages aforesaid ; to be hired out until the net sum
arising shall be sufficient to defray the expenses, of their remoA'al
beyond the limits of the United States.'"^
Mr. Goode's resolution and Mr. Randolph's amendment were
discussed in the House for several days. MeanAvhile General
Brodnax made the following report:
"The select committee to Avhom Avas referred certain memo
rials praying for the passage of some laAv proAading for the grad
ual abolition of slavery in the CommouAvealth, have according
to order had the same under consideration and have come to the
f ollOAving resolution thereupon :
"Resolved as the opinion of this committee, that it is in
expedient for the present Legislature to make any enactment for
the abolition of slavery.'"^
General Brodnax concurred in this report. Although he was
lin favor of some measure for the gradual abolition of slavery
¦"Journals of the House 1S31-1832.

20 Randolph-Macon Histoncal Papers.
he exjjressed his private opinion as being unfavorable to any
legislative enactment faA'oring the emancipation of the slaves
Avithout the consent of their owners and a fair compensation for
the jjroperty. And since a number of the western counties of
the State contained but few slaves he knew that a popular vote
of the citizens of the State Avould not be the expression of the
slaveholders. He considered the slaves as much property as houses and lands
and thought that the slaveholder should be protected in his
rights. This, however, did not blind him to the evils of the in
stitution. He said of it : "That slavery in Virginia is an evil,
and a transcendent evil, Avould be Idle and more than idle for
any human being to doubt. It Is a mildeAV Avhich has blighted,
in its course, everything that it has touched from the creation
of the worid.""
In speaking on the Mr. Goode's resolution and Mr. Ran
dolph's amendment General Brodnax said that he regretted very-
much that Mr. Goode had brought the subject up, for he thought
that It -ivould have been much better to have waited for the com
mittee's report before going Into the discussion of the question.
He said that he could not agree, either with Mr. Goode or Mr.
Randolph. Quoting from his speech, he said: "The subject
sir, has long been one, with me of anxious and jiainful refiec-
tion; and it is my misfortune to be unable entirely to concur
AvIth either of . the extreme i^artles of this House; either with
those A\-ho think that the existence of slavery Is not an evil, or
that nothing can or ought to be done to abate the evil, or to
lessen its effects; and still less Avith those Avho propose as a
remedy, a plan fraught in my judgment, AvIth Incalcuable
mischief; AA'hich Avould tear up by the roots all the ligaments
that bind society together, sub-i-ert principles which have been
consecrated by the Avlsdom of ages, and break doAvn every bar
rier AvIth which our constitution and laAvs have .fenced the se-
"General Brodnax's speech, Richmond Enquirer, Jan. 24, 1832..

General WilUam Henery Brodnax. 21
curity of private property; for such Is the light in Avhich I am
compelled to regard the motion of the gentleman from Alber-
marle (Mr. Randolph).'"' He said that he would never agree
to any scheme for the gradual diminution, or ultimate ex
termination of the black population of the State, unless the fol
lowing principles, which he said that he had always regarded as
axioms, were observed:
"'1st. That no emancipation of slaA-es should be tolerated,
unaccompanied by their immediate removal from among us.
"2nd- That no system should be introduced, AvhIch is cal
culated to interfere AvIth, or Aveaken the security of private
property or effect its value ; and
"3rd. That not a single slave or any property he possesses
should be taken from its 0A\-ner inihoiit his own consent, or an
ample compensation for it.'"^
The report of the committee, offered by General Brodnax,
¦ was adopted, with an amendment. In form of a preamble, pro
posed by Mr. Brice, of Goochland, which made the report read
as follows ; "Profoundly sensible of the great cAils arising from
the colored population of this CommouAvealth ; Induced by hu
manity, as Avell as policy, to an immediate removal, in the first
place as well of tEose who are now free as of such as shall here
after become free; believing that this effort while it is In accord
ance Avith the sentiments of the country on the subject, will
absorb all present means, and that a further action for the re
moval of slaA-es should aAvalt a more definite deA'elopment of
public opinion."^®
General Brodnax objected to the amendment, for Avhile he
accorded Avith the reasons given, he thought that the amend
ment would embarrass the House.
"General Brodnax's speech, Richmond Enquirer, Jan. 24, 1832.
^'General Brodnax's speech, Richmond Enquirer, Jan. 24, 1832.
"Journals of the House, 1831-1832.

22 Randolph-Macon- Historical Papers.
Several days later in the session General Brodnax introduced
a bill which set forth his vieAvs on the subject. The Bill witli
some amendments passed the House by a vote of 79 to 41.-'"
following is a summary of the bill as it passed :
"No free Negro shall be removed by force so long as there is
a sufficient number who are Avilliug to go to equal the means of
transportation at any given time.
"If more than enough should volunteer, they shall be selected
by age. First, men from 16 to 25 years' of age and women
from 14 to 23 years; as near an equal number of each sex
as possible. Second, men from 25 to 45 Avith their Asdves and
children, boys under IG and girls under 14; and AVomen from
23 to 40 Avith children, boys under 16 and girls under 14. And
third, men from 45 to 50, and Avomcn from 40 to 45. Provided,
in all cases, hoAvever, Avhere parents of any age shall be sent
their children boys under 16 and girls under 14 shall go Avith
them. If at an.y time there should not be enough volunteers to
use all the means In hand, a compulsory requisite shall be re
sorted to for the purpose of obtaining the required number.
Selection shall be on tho same principle as above, Provided,
however, that no man above the age of 45 or Avoman over 40
shall be removed Avithout his or her free consent.
Emigrants shall have, besides their transportation, money,
or its equivalent, sufficient to glA-e them a start in their ncAv
homes. SlaA-es emancipated by their OAvners shall be transport
ed at -first convenience, if proAusIons liaA-e been made by thos'j
emancipating them, for their transportation and temporary sup
port. If no provision haA-e been made they shall be hired out un
til the amount arising therefrom shall be sufficient for this pur
pose, and then transj^orted. For the -purpose of carrying these
provisions into effect, the sum of $100,000.00 shall be and I>
hereby appropriated for the year 1833 and $200,000.00 for each
=« Journals of the House, 1S31-1832.

General William- Henery Brodnax. 23
year hereafter. If at the end of any year there should be a sur
plus it shall go over to the next year."^'-
Thls bill, though it passed the House with a good majority,
did not meet A\ith favor In the Senate, aud was amended until
it was practically useless and finally tabled."-
General Brodnax was censured by some on account of th3
clause AvhIch called for the use of force in compelling the ne
groes to \ea.\e Avhen there Avere not asufficient number who Avere
willing to go. In reply to this he made a speech in the Ilouse
defending the compulsory clause. He said if avo intend to
export the free negroes that it would be necessary sooner or
later to resort to force, for the free negroes would not be as
anxious to go as some thought. And as to the humanity of the
case he said: "And on the score of humanity, I really think
that all the humanity and mercy, connected Avith the question,
are on my side of it — that those Avill be much more happily
consulted by retaining the compulsory feature than by expung
ing it."""
General Brodnax was a member of The American Colonizing
Society, Avhich had as its purpose the colonizing of such free
negroes as would consent to go to Liberia.
General Brodnax Avas re-elected to the House for the session
1832-1833. In this year South Carolina issued her Nullifica
tion Ordinance. And President Jackson in turn issued a pro
clamation threatening to resort to arms to enforce the laws of
the Federal government. On December 13, 1832, GoA-emor
John Floyd laid before the General Assembly of Virginia a
copy of the ordinance and a copy of the President's proclama
tion with a communication condemning any appeal to the sword,
but recommending a National Convention as the remedy In a
case like this AA'here a large minority of the people solemnly
protested. "Journals of the House, 1831-1832.
^Records of the Senate of Virginia 1831-1832.
"Richmond Enquirer, February 18, 1832.

24 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
The House appointed a select conm-uttee Avith General Brod
nax as chairman to consider the Ordinance of Nullification the
President's proclamation and the Governor's communication.
On December 20, the committee made a report denouncing
both the Proclamation and the Nnlllfication Ordinance. It ap
pealed to the President to withhold the arm of force ; to Congress
to repeal the obnoxious tariff laAv; and to South Carolina, not
to enforce her ordinance. It recommended that tAvo commis
sioners be sent to South Carolina to present the remonstrances
of Virginia. It requested the call of a convention of the
States in case the revision of the tariff Avas not effected by
the Congress, then In session. The resolution also set -forth the
vIeAv that a State had a right to secede as a constitutional remedy
for oppression.^*
The resolutions Avere discussed at length in tflc House and
after numerous amendments were adopted. The substance oi
them as adopted is as follows :
1st. South Carolina is asked to rescind her Nullification Or
dinance. 2d. Congress is asked to m.odify the offensive tariff' bill.
3d. All States are asked to abstain from any and all acts
calculated to destroy the peace of the country.
4th. That we continue to hold the doctrine of States Rights
and States Sovereignty set forth in the resolutions of 1798.
5th, House and Senate are to jointly elect a commissioner
to s'o to South Carolina and present the preamble and resolu
tions adopted by the Legislature of Virginia to the South Caro
lina Legislature.
fith. The Governor is requested to communicate the preamble
and resolutions to our representatives and senators at Wash-
in,2T'-,n, and to the Governors of the other States.°^
These resolutions were agreed to by the Senate, and Hon. B.
W. Leigh Avas sent as a commissioner to South Carolina.
=*Tvler: DetterS and Times of the Tylers, p 451.
^•Journals of the House 1832-1833.

General William Hendry Brodnax. 25
The clause in regards to States Rights Avas the center of dis
cussion, for on this question rested practically the Avhole is
sue. General Brodnax stood firm for States Rlglits although ho
did not favor nullification. He said that he Avas no friend of
nullification aud that it Avas not to be found in the policy of
Virginia. But he said that while disapproving South Carolina's
methods he did not censure her as severely as some, for she was
engaged in the same gi-eat cause as om-seh-es: "In resistance
to unprincipled monopoly and unconstitutional usiu-pation." Ha
said that sovereignty, in his opinion, rested in the people and
not iu the government. "It is the people Avho create both State
and general government."
In speaking of secession he said: "To withdraw from the
Union is a serious act . . . The seceding State, whatever
might be Its relatlA-e magnitude, would speedily and distinctly
feel the loss of the aid and continuance of the Union." But
admitting aU this he believed that the reduction by military
force of any State Avhen she was strugallng for what she con
sidered "her great and vital rights" v.'Ould be the death-lmell
of civil liberty in America,'"
The session of 1832-1833 Avas his last year iu the House.
His health was declining and he was not physically able to fill
the place.
He was invited to attend a banquet given in Petersburg, iu
honor of Hon. B. W. Leigh who, as we remember, was the com
missioner to South Carolina,, to offer the remonstrances of
Virginia as to the Nullification Ordinance. General Brodnax
was sick and unable to attend, so he sent a letter of regrets in
which he praised Jiir. Leigh very highly ; calling him the bravest
of the braA-e for the manner in which he had resisted the en-
croaehments of President Jackson on the Constitution as inter
preted by the South. Of President Jackson he said : "A Presi
dent came to the office under the influence of numerous pledges
^Speech of General Brodnax, Richmond Enquirer, beginning Jan. 24,
1833 and continuing Jan. 26-29-31-Feb. 2, 1833.

26 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers. '
on subjects, some of them dear, all highly interesting to the
people of Virginia, not one has escaped Aiolatlon." He said
that Jackson had done more to subvert many of the fundamental
pi-ovisions of the Constitution than any other President.
TMs Avas in all probability his last letter, for he died only a
feAv daA-s after this, at his home, Kingston, October 23, 1834,
leaving to his children the rich legacy of a life Avell spent In
the service of his State, fighting for princ-lples, though In some
cases thought by his contemporaries too radical, but we, having
the history of the time since his day to guide us in forming our
conclusions, see where he Avas fareighted."'
"Richmond Whig, Oct. 24, 1834.

MACON PAPERS.*
The following letters of Nathaniel Macon, covering practi
cally the whole of his political career, Avill add perhaps to our
knoAvledge of the period. Other fragments of the ]Macoii cor
respondence haA-e appeared in recent years in the American
Historical ReAuew, Vol. VII, 100, 111 ; the Branch Historical
Papers of Randolph-Macon College, Vol. I, No. 2 ; and the
James Sprunt Historical Monographs of the University of
North Carolina, Nos. 2 and 3. The present installment prac
tically completes the Macon correspondence in so far as it is
noAV knoAvn.
The publication of these letters in different places and forms
is rather to be regretted, but it was unavoidable. The only
remedy would be a completed edition in book form; but for
this there seems not to be a sufficient demand.
I have not attempted the ungrateful task of "editing" ex
cept in such in-stances as seemed to call for notes of explana
tion. A most interesting letter from the standpoint of party
politics Is that of Duncan Cameron to John Moore of Septem
ber, 1802; another which sheds some light upon the inner
Avorkings of the. first Jefferson administration is that of Macon
to Jc.seph H. Nicholson bearing the date of August 6, 1803.
William E. Dodd.
University of Chicago.
NATHAiSriEL MacojST To Rodeeic Bigeloav.
Philadelphia 8 April '98
Last thursday I received of Mr Richard Smythe for you
the cirtificate of Capt. William Parsons In support of the claim
*A remnant of an apparently rich collection of correspondence of
Southern leaders now in the possession of Mrs. W. K. Martin, Rich
mond, Va.

28 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
of John Branham, on friday gave it to ^Ir Simmons the ac
countant in the Avar dept. for examination, and to settle the
claim, and on Saturday the accountant sent me thc enclosed
letter, to Avhich I must refer you for the situation of the claim.
In my last to you, I told you that Mr. Smythe had declared,
he could not find the paper, and I had really after his declara
tion, no expectation of obtaining it, and you will observe, that
it Is yet doubtful, Avhether it may finally be of any value, indeed
Avithout an adequate authority to receive the pay if any should
(— torn  )
I have Avrote you several times on the subject of the claim,
and have never heard Avhether either of my letters had come
to hand, nor are they of any consequence now: because the in
formation given in this differs entirely from that contained in
them — in haste — I am sir yr. most obt SA^t, Nathl MACOIf.
[Roderic BIgelow] near Warrenton.
N. B. You Avill keep the accounts, letter or a voucher for
the deposit of the claim. N. M.
Nathajs-iel Macok To Rodeeic Bigeloav.
Philadelphia 17 May 1798
Sir Yours of the 26 ultimo has been received. The order from
Branham is not considered by the Comptroller of the treasury
as sufficient authority for you to obtain the cirtificate that may
be due for his services. Since my last to you, the accountant
of the War Depart, and the Auditor haA-e both examined the
claim, and the latter has reported to the Comptroller that there
is due to John Branham fhe sum of eighty one Dollars and
seventy nine cents, with interest from the 16 day of November
1783. The report of the Auditor avIU not be acted on by the

Macon Papers 29
Comptroller untill a personal apiflication shall be made by
Branham, or it is satisfactorily proved to him, that he is now
Uving, and that he is the identical man that served, aud the one
to whom the cirtificate is due, in either case, I imagine he
will admit the report of the Auditor, and order the debt to be
registered in the name of John Branham, Agreeable to the act
of the 27 of March 1702, Avhich you can see at the clerks office
of our county, or at our neighbor's Mr Dudley Clanton's, after
the debt shall be registered it avIH then be necessary for you to
get a power of attorney from Branham (unless he Avould person
ally attend at the treasury, to make on the books of the treasury
a transfer of the cirtificate to you) to authorize you to have
such transfer made. He is also entitled to land from the U. S.
I most sincerely Avish it was in my power to satisfy your in
quiry as to the time of my leaving this place. But I cannot
even now form any opinion when Congress Avill adjourn, and
I will not voluntarily go before that event happens.
Had not Pollard have exhibited a claim for Branham's ser
vices under the before mentioned act, no settlement could now
be made, because the statute of limitations would bar it. I
enclose you duplicate of the accountants letter to me, the origo-
nal of which was transmitted you some time since. I also
enclose the form of a poAver of attorney for transferring the
Registered debt, this probably you may want some time hence,
this together with my former letters contain all the information
that I possess on the subject of the claim For nesvs I must
beg leave to refer a'ou to the paper hercAvIth sent, as I re-ally
have not time to touch on politics — I am sir
Yr most obt. svt. Nathl ILvcon.
]{oderic BIgelow
near Warrenton.
N. B. after the Comptroller shall be satisfied that Branham

30 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
is noAV alive, and the soldier that served there [avIU] be no
difficulty in obtaining the number and the date of the cirtifi
cate. If I am here I can easily  or any other person
may. N. M.

Nathaniel Macon To Rodekio Bigeloav.
Philadelphia 34 May 1798
Sir
Yours of the 15 instant has been received, all the informa
tion it requires, was transmitted to you a few days before It
came to hand, except the price of tobacco, and the, enclosed
Avill give that. I got it from a merchant Avho is In the tobacco
trade and have no doubt but it may be depended on, though
the price at this place for that article is not so regular and
constant as in some of the more southern towns, and our situ- .
ation may render the price more precarious than common,
because an act passed both houses of the Legislature yesterday,
w-hich In my opinion amounts to a declaration of v/ar against
the. French Republic, and I haA'e no doubt but the President
will approve it early tomorrow-, so that It avIU be a laAV as soon
as possible, it is herewith sent and you can form your own
opinion on it. No neAv tax law yet passed, though the large
approjirlations that have been made avIII render one necessary
it is exi^ected, & a bill is before the house of R. laying direct
tax on land, houses, and slaves to be apportioned among the
states according to the rule prescribed in the constitution of
the United states.
You ask when I expect to be at home, it is not possible to
form at this day any correct opinion as to the time, though I
hope to be there In all the next month

Macon Papers 31
The price of tobacco next winter and spring will probably
depend much on the quality made, and the ease AvIth which
it may be got to Europe, from the present times there, it
can not I think be very Ioav. I Avas a feAV days past told,
that in France it noAV sells for about 30 dollars' per hundred,
and that price must be produced by a scarcity, and our crop avIU
not make [such] plenty as to reduce the price very much.
I am sir
Yr most obedient sevt,
Nathl Macon.
Roderic BIgelow
N. B. I have not been able to find out where Branham noAV
Uves, nor do I know that he has moved N. M.

Nathaniel Macon to Rodeeic Bigelow.
Philadelphia 27 April 1800
Sir Permit me to ask the favor of you to send the enclosed to
Ml'- Thornton's the evening after you may receive this: The
great desire that it may be early received induces me to make
this request.
I begin to think that it is very probable an attempt AviU be
made before Congress adjouiiis to raise the duty on imported
article, if the attempt succeeds, it Avill also raise the price
on the articles themselves to those Avho consume them: It will
not I suppose be so easy as was imagined to make a loan, AvIth-

32 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
out providing' ways, and means to pay it. I hope to be at home
by the 21 next month. I am sir Yr most obt sevt.
Nathl Macon.
]\Ir Roderic BIgeloAv
Moseley's Ferry, N. C. Washing-ton 17 Feb. 1801
Sir The House of Representatives this day made the 36 ballot
for President when Jefferson Avas elected by ten states.
I am Sir, your most obt Svt,
Nathaniel Macon.
Mr Roderic BigeloAV
]Moseley's Ferry Roanoke Cr
No Carolina.

J. A. Bayaed to Allan McClane.'^
Washington 17 Feb. 1801.
Dear Sir '
"Mr. Jefferson is our President . our opposition was contin
ued till it Avas demonstrated that Burr Avould not be brought in
& e^'en if he could he meant to come in as a democrat. In such
case to evidence his sincerity he must have swept every office
in the U. States. I haA-e 'direct Information that Mr Je-fferson
Avill not pursue that plan.
"The NcAv-England gentlemen came out and declared thej
meant to go without a constitution & take the risk of a civil Avar.
They agreed that those Avho would not agree to incur such an
extremity ought to secede without loss of time. We pressed
iMarked copy of a copy.

Macon Papers 33
them to go with us & preserve unity in our measures. After
great agitation & much heat they all agreed but one. But in
consequence of his standing out the others refused to abandon
their old friend.
"Mr. J. did not get a federal A'ote. Vermont gaA-e a A-oto
by means of Morris AvithdraAvIng. The same thing happened
with Maryland & the votes of S. Carolina & DelaAvare were
blank. I have taken good care of you & think, if prudent, you are
safe. Your ob. servant,
J. A. B."
Addressed "J. A. Bayard "Free
Allan McClane Esq.
"Wilmington Delaware"

JEFFERSON MSS.*
Nathaniel Macon To Thomas Jeefekson.
Buck Spring, May 24, 1801
Sir Your favor of the 14 instant has been received and the en
closed put in the post office at Warrenton for J.It Potter, I haA'e
written to him fully on the appointment, and have hopes that
he Avill accept. I have candidly stated to him, the probability
of the act under which he is appointed being repealed. I saw
him last Week, though not knowing whether he would be ap
pointed, I did not say so much to him, as I have written. I
*In Division of MSS. Library of Congress.

34 Randolp]i-Maco7i- Historical Papers.
will endeaA-or again to see him in tAVO or three Aveeks. If I
should I A\-ill inform you the result of our conversation.
In every recommendation I shall carefully endeavor to select
such as can discharge the duty of the office, and have been
uniformly Democratic, although I do not wish any person
turned out of office Avho Avas a Avhlg in the Revolutionary Avar
for any opinions he may now hold, yet I Avould not recommend
one for office Avho had not been always Republican ; I am con
fident that Mr Potter would not suffer by a comparison Avith
Sltgreaves or Hill.
I have been informed that the collector at Edenton, was dur
ing the Avar, a New York-Long Island Tory, but of the fact
I haA'e not sufficient information to speak positive, if it be so,
ought he to be continued. The fact I suppose can be ascer
tained next Avinter at Washington.
I am pretty Avell assured, that a systematic opposition may
be expected, it Avas probably organized at Washington last
AvInter. I have been a good deal about since my return, and
find the feds, every where trying to impress their principles
on the people, but without effect. General Davis Is not re
turned. I shall endeavor to see him as soon as possible. I
sincerely hope that he may be AA'IUing to undertake the nego
tiation Avith the Indians. Your acquaintance Mr Willis Jones
is I fear not long for this world, he Is unable to walk, and
there Is no probability, that he ever avIII again.
I am AvIth great respect
Sir yr most obt svt,
Nathl Macon.
reed May 30.

Macon Papers 35
Nathaniel M.\con To Thomas Jeffeeson.
Buck Spring 17 June 1S02.
Sir
Believing that it Avill not be disagi-eeable to you to hear the
sentiments of the people in different parts of the Union and
having since my return been in three of the adjoining counties,
I with real pleasure inform you, that all (except those who
were not expected to be pleased) seem to be perfectly satisfici
Avith the conduct of those, to whom they have enti'usted the
management of their public affairs ; some who before the elec
toral election appeared to be almost indifferent as to the elector
have declared their sincere approbation of the choice and their
joy that the late election gaAe birth to an administration
which deserves the support of every American
I was at Ralelgli the first of June. Judge Hall of South
Carolina not attending, there was no court for the trial of
causes. Mr Harris attended and done every thing which could
be done by a judge. I saAv General Davis there, had some
conversation with him, from which I hope he is inclined to
glv-e the present administration his support. I only mention
this because vei-A' different reports were circulated at Washing
ton last Avinter. The only hope of the dissatisfied is to produce
a division among the Republicans, of which I hope there is
no danger. I also hope none of them want offices, office hunters
are never to be satisfied.
Everj-one pleased with the appointing Potter district Judgej
and none that I know displeased Avith appointment of Harris.
I am AAith respect
Sir yr. obt. svt,
Nathl Macon.
Thomas Jefferson

36 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
Duncan Cameeon To John Mooee.^
Hillsboro Sept 1 1802
John Moore Esq,
Sir : Although I have not the pleasure of being personally
known to you, I am induced' to address this letter to you, from
reasons which will be fully explained in the course of it. Some
feAV Aveeks past I received from our mutual friend Colo. 
a letter from AvhIch I beg leave to offer to your consideration
the following - extract "The political opinion of a great por
tion of our citizens seem to me to groAV out of hatred and partj
principles. They are in the habit of reading, and I am
strengthened in this belief from assurance that Duane pub
lished and 'disseminated into all parts of the United States
many hundred papers that never were subscribed for, and that
Gales from the first year at this place j)ursued the same meas
ure. If these suggestions be true. It would seem to be the
duty of the federalists to pursue the same means to promote
their AicAvs. And in a couA'crsation Avith A. D. Moore at this
place some Aveeks ago. It was proposed that a subscription should
be set on foot in each District to rais money sufficient to furnish
about ten neAvspapers -for each county in a district AA'hlch should
-Duncan Cameron leading Federalist in North Carolina,
NATHAN ALEXANDER TO NATHANIEL MACON.
Dr Sir— Feby 14 1805
The letter herewith given to you is a copy of a letter purport
ing to have been written by Mr. D. Cameron of Hillsboro to Colo. John
Moore of Lincoln county, which letter I have great reason to believe
was genuine and that the copy now in my possession in the handwrit
ing of my brother AVallace was taken from the origonal but this cir
cumstance I can not now prove as he is since dead. I herewith offer
it to you to make use of as you may think proper for the general good
provided I am not personally implicated but if this should be necessary
I shall not flinch I am with esteem your most obedient
Nathan Alexander
N. Macon

Macon Papers 37
be sent to men of democratic principles of a moderate kind by
the printer, ilr Boylan has said that he will furnish 600
; papers Aveekly at $1.25 each for a year, Avhich is as low as the
price of the labor and. paper would enable him to print them.
It was further agreed betAveen the mayor and myself that this
scheme should be communicated to the following persons in
the several Districts, that is by him., the Printer, William
Boylan for Ncav Bern, W. B. GroA-e for Fayetteville and Col.
Ashe for Wilmington ; by myself to Colo. John Moore for Mor
gan, Archibald Henderson for Salisbury. D. Cameron for
Hillsboro, W. R. Davis for Halifax and by the latter some
person in Edenton District. That as soon as subscribers suf
ficient to furnish the number of papers were obtained and the
names cf the persons unto Avhom the printer should direct them
were fixed upon, that the list should be sent to ^Ir Boylan Avho
would then commence the publication. I have been engaged
so much in office duties ever since this meeting of Major Moore's
and mine, that I ncAer once thought of it till yesterday I re
ceived a letter from him saying that Colo. Ashe had got the
requested sum subscribed for Wilmington District. I h:ivr
not Avritten to any one of the gentlemen on the subject, but shall
do so shortly to Genl. Davis, and as you are, if I understood
you when I saw yon last at this place, going to Salisbury and
Morgan Count, I take the liberty of requesting you to open
the plan to 'Mr Henderson and Colo. Moore, and if it meets
their approbation, that they, as soon as practicable, furnish
the necessary information to the Printer."
When I had the pleasure to see Colo.  at Raleigh during
the last session of the Federal Court, I mentioned to him that
I had some intention of being at Morgan Sept. Term but I haA-e
declined it at present. It was under the impression that I should
do so, that he has requested me to open the plan detailed in the
foregoing extract from his letter. I have been induced fo do so
as well because he relied upon my making the communication

38 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
to you as that from what I have always understood to be your
political character Avith perfect confidence in your zealous co
operation with us in executing a plau AvhIch has for its end the ¦
noble objects of suppressing falsehood and disseminating truth,
of subverting the Avild and visionary projects and opinions of
Democracy and advocating in their place sound, substantial,
practical principles of Federalism — Immediately after receiving
Colo. — — 's letter, I com.muui cated the plan to a fe-v confiden
tial friends and Avith great ease obtained [in obtaining] sub
scriptions to the amount of 75 Dollars Avhicli sum at the rate
proposed atIU pay for sixty neA\-spapers. That is ten for each
county in this District — Wake excepted, Avhich I leave to the
gentlemen of Raleigh, and I also made a list of ten persons
in each of the counties Avhose political characters I have laiOAvn
of the kind mentioned In his letter Avhicli list I liaA'-e forwarded
to the Printer. Should you approA-e of this plan as I .highly
flatter myself a-ou avIII, I think it to be adAisable to open the
project to such characters only as you may knoAV or believe
to be confidential. It may be dangerous and tend to defeat the
plan if a knoAvledge of it became co-mmon. I communicated
[It?] only to fifteen persons and each of the subscribers five
dollars the sum proposed and from them raised seventy five
dollars above spoken of. If you adopt a similar plan and
the subscription should not appear too high, for each person
perhaps it Avould be Avell to do so.
I am &c

Duncan Cameeon.

Colo. Jno. Moore Lincolnton N. 0.

Macon Papers 39
RiCHAED Stanford To His Wife.^
Washington City, Januarj' 23, 1804.
I am, my dear girl, gratified tonight AvIth your tAVO favors
of the 1st and 9th lusts, and the more so that they were not
expected till the usual period of the Aveek.
I can only return your '^''oivn" husband's earnest AvIsh that you
too should see an happy new year, and that Ave may both see
many of them happily together. For the kind and interesting ex
hortations of my dear Avife I thank her. I would that my cold
heart was Avith my reason "to improve each moment as it
flies". Portius had informed me of Mr. DIcken's death and
here too, Ave are almost daily witnessing that "man is but a
thing of naught, and his life passeth away as a shadow".
I am pleased to hear" that IMiss Russell's school continues to
grow, and that there is a prospect of her keeping another quarter.
To manage the business you will please to subscribe 4 on my
account and if you knoAv any poor little girls in the neighbor
hood Avhose parents are not well able to pay you can indulge
your charity and direct tAVO of them to be sent on your ac
count. This your tAvo and my tAvo will m.ake out the four. I
am quite willing to pay for 4 that ]\riss Russell may be induced
to keep another quarter. In deed I should be sorry she should
quit before my return.
You should remember she is a poor young woman and re
port says an amiable one and should not be made to feel her
condition, and as things are attentions from you are more
'due and expected than from any other quarter. But that my
wife is not wanting in any of her duties is what "her own"
happily believes.
R. Stanfosd.
'This letter is furnished by a descendant of Stanford, Samuel L.
Adams Esq., of South Boston, Va. Stanford Avas a member of Con
gress from North Carolina, 1798-1816.

40 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
JOS. H. NICHOLSON. MSS.*
Nathaniel M.\con To Jqs. H. Nicholson.*
Buck Spring 6 August 1803.
Sir Yours of the 21 ultimo has been rccelA^ed, although I have
nothing to tell you, I write because you ask It. I haA-e an-
SAv'cred your other and returned the enclosed, since AvhIch I
have thought a little on Judge Chase's charge and submit for
your consideration the folloAving queries :
1. ought a Judge to be impeached for a charge to a grand
jury because It contains matter of which the grand jury
haA-e not cognizance.
2. ought a judge to be Impeached for a charge to a grand
jury, not legal but political
3. ought a judge to be impeached, for dellA'eiing in his
charge to the grand jury, political opinions which every
man may fully enjoy & freely express.
4. ought a judge to be Impeached for dellA-erlng his po
litical opinions in a charge to the grand jury, and
Avhich any member of Congress might dellA-er to the
house of AvhIch he is a member.
5. ought a Judge to be impeached because he aA-ows mon
archical principles In his charge to a g. j.
Is error of opinion to be dreaded when Inquiry is free; Is
the liberty of the press of any real value, when the poHtical
charges of a Judge are dreaded; What effect haA'e they pro
duced (Judicial political charges) In the United States. If
a Judge ought to be impeached for avoAving monarchical prin
ciples to the Grand Jury In his charge, Avhat ought to be done
'"These papers are in the possession of Hon. A. B. Hagner, Washing
ton D. G.
''Nicholson a member of Congress from Maryland 1801 to 1806.

Macon Papers 41
vith those who appoint them who actually supported them
n the field. I must stop or weary you with inquiries, X'Cr-
laps was I more of the lawyer and less of the planter I mig'tit
ee that none of these questions touched the case, although
he same principle is involved in the whole of them. It does
lot seem improper to examine each, because if either of them
mbrace the question it deserves the most serious consideration
cfore a single step be taken. Change the scene and suppose
?hase had stretched as far on the other side, and had praised
.-here no praise was deserring, would it be proper to Impeach,
ecause hy such conduct he might lull the people to sleep
?hile their interest was destroyed. I have said this much
0 hear your opinions on some of the points, nor can I quite
ithout express I to you [withhold expressing to you] my
rm conviction that you, if any attempt be made to impeach,
ught not to be the leader.
As to the question about the recession of Louisiana to Spain,
r rather to exchange it for the Floridas, I have never heard
mentioned till I received your letter, yesterday, since which
have not examined it, with respect to ]"-'undaries. I perfectly
gree Avith you, though I d^i not concur Avith you in one of
le reasons: I think representative government the only one
'hich could govern the whole world.
It appears by the last Aurora that democrats in and ab^ut
'hiladelphia had settled their disputes, but if the minority
'ere Burrites, they avIII not be easy, they would I fear join
ay interest to be in power
I am informed that Jaycocks has ceased being a candi-
ate, so that Aleson & Davis seem alone, I have also been in-
irmed that great exertions have been made, & Avill be contin-
2d till the election Avhich is next Thursday and Friday, in
her districts candidates remain as in my last.
Be pleased to tender my best respects to Mrs. N. tell Ed-

42 Ra-ndolph-Macon Historical Papers.
Avard I expect he is good at hopping before this, and believe
me to be Avith unfeigned esteem
Yours sincerely
Nathl Macon.
To J. H. N.
Centreville, Eastern Shore Md.

Nathaniel ]\1acon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Buck Spring 5, S'p. 1803.
Sir
It is with real pleasure, that I Inform you, that the Repub
lican cause is daily gaining ground Avith us: not only the
late elections but the candid acioioAVledgement of many that
they have been deceived fully confirm the fact: and this gain
ing is clearly the effect of observation on the difference be
tween the present and past times by the people, and It is
worthy of notice that the district Avhich sends the only fed
eralist from thc state to Congress, gave a majority of A-otes
to Republican candidates, and I must add that it Is also Avorthy
of notice, that during the present administration, not a single
person has been dismissed from office in this state, althotigh
with one exception T believe they Avere all federal, though riot
I hope of the same sort, which abound in some other places.
The acquisition of Louisiana has given general satisfaction,
though the temis are not correctly knoAvn. But If it is within
the compass of the present revenue, the purchase, Avhen the
tenns are known, will be more admired than even noAV.
If the Floridas can be obtained on tolerable terms and' the
belligerent powers only treat us as well as Av-e deserA-e: Ave
have nothing to make us [the U. S.] uneasy, unless it be the
party madness of some of our dissatisfied citizens.

Macon Papers 43
We have tolerable crops in this county though In some degree
injured by hard Avinds.
I am sir.
With great respect
Yr most obt. servt,
Nathanl Macon.
MONROE MSS.*
Nathaniel I^.Iacon To Jajies Monroe.
g-j. Washington 15 Nov. 1803.
I have taken the liberty to transmit the enclosed to you,
with a request that the cirtificate may be sent by post, agi-ee-
able to the direction of the letter. I ask this to serA'e our
^oung countryman and to oblige his Republican parents.
Congress have passed all the laws necessary to carr^- into
?ffeet the treaty &: conventions concerning Louisiana. The
[vhole transaction is generally Avell recelA-ed and popular:
though it is due to truth to say, that some of your friends
n'ould rather the Iavo million of dollars appropriated at the
ast session of Congress should have been otherAvise applied:
[t is feared that the application has something local in it,
hough not towards Virginia: you avIH pardon my saying this
nuch, and be assured that it has proceeded from a sincere
lesire to communicate that which I think you ought to know;
More would have been said, but it is believed some of your many
"riends must have Avritten to you on the subject.
Permit me ask of you to inform me whether Mr. Brodis
•pceives the cirtificate. I -wish this for the satisfaction of
lis parents. I am with great and sincere respect
Sir AT obt. svt.
Mr. Monroe. Nathl Macon.
*In Division of Manuscripts. Library of Congress

44 Randolph-2[acon Historical Papers.
Nathaniel Macon To Thomas Jeffeeson.
Washington 13 Feby 1804.
Sir By last mail I received enclosed; After readmg I will
thank you to return it. I have Avritten to another friend for
information concerning the grapes as soon as I hear from him,
you shall be informed, whether more sorts can be obtained.
I am AvIth very great respect
Sir yr most obt. servt,
Nathl Macon.
(In Jefferson's Handwriting)
W^Illiam Hawkins to Mr. Macon, Warren county Feb. 4,
1804
there are but tAvo kinds of grapes remaining
one, oval, purple, early ripe
the other round, Avhite,
Dr. Brekon Is supposed to have taken cuttings of
all the various kinds Avhich Col HaAvkins had
enquli-y shall be made.

JEFFERSON MSS.
Nathaniel Macon To Thomas Jeffeeson.
Buck Spring 2 Sept. 1804.
Sir I
Our elections are over, and at the next Congress N. 0. will
be unanimous on the Republican side. McFarland who last

Macon Papers 45
¦inter contested the seat of Purviance is elected, in the dis-
•ict where they live, was the only federal candidate in the
tate. The claim of the heirs of Lord Granville has made a good
eal of noise, but that now begins to abate, people seem to care
sry little about it at present.
In this neighborhood crops are A-ery sorry, in June too much
lin, in July and August too little, though the coimty avIU
lake enough for its own consumption I expect. In some
eighborhoods they haA'e tolerable crops.
American politics scarcely ever mentioned, nearly all seem
) be satisfied: The conduct of the belligerent nations on
3a to our A-essels is not quite so satisfactory ; But neutrals
ill always in some degi-ee be damaged by the powers at war,
ad' the U. S. will I hope for ever be neutral. The trifling
ijury is not to be compared, with the advantage of the neu-
•al situation, and of peace; It is to be expected some of our
lerehants avIII venture in illicit trade, and these will make
le most noise if they do not succeed.
I knoAv full well that the executive is held responsible for,
ppointments, and this may be a reason, for appointing mem-j
srs of Congi'ess, but it is a truth, that people do not like to
!e so many appointments made from that body. I mention
lis, because it may be possible your other friends may not
ave done so, and because I beHeve you ought to be informed
: it, you will I know place it to its true motlA'^e ; I am sir, with
ncere esteem, yr most obt. sArt,
Nathl Macon.
Marked by Jefferson "reed Sept 11."

46 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
JOS. H. NICHOLSON MSS.
Nath.-aniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Buck Spring 7 Sept. 1804
Sir Our Elections over, and to the next Congress N. C. will
haA-e all Republicans. McFarland Avho contested Purviance's
right to a seat Is elected ; he Avill be the only new member from
the state.
Judging bv the contents of the Aurora there seems to be a
little ferment In Philadelphia; T. C. ( ?) Avill be heard of far
ther than the Aurora itself, and Dr S. avIII at least keep
pace Avith that paper. These triffling disputes in the large
cities cannot produce any good to the republican cause, in
tiiue they may spread, and be an injury to the U. S. though.
I do not belle\'e any real evil avIU immediately result from
them. Has Our Friend Capt. Jones arrived, my anxiety to be in
formed has forced me to ask the question
Our crops of corn m this neighborhood are sorry indeed.
It Is possible the county may make enough for Its consump
tion, but the price to purchasers, must be high beyond example:
The -prospect Is alarming, and grain will be more scarce than
I ever knoAV it. This will also make pork scarce, and dear.
The conduct of the British armed vessels as stated in the
neAvspapers is disagreeable indeed, but it cannot be possible
that • the statements are correct, if. they were, the price of
American produce Avould decline.
I congratulate both you and Mrs Nicholson on the birth of.
your daughter and sincerely hope she may possess every qual
ity, which may give pleasure & satisfaction to you both: I
flatter myself Avith the happiness of seeing her next winter,
with my friend Edward, and it vA'ould be pleasing to see with

Macon Papers 47
you, the good damsels Avho Avere with you last winter. They
Avould be company for Mrs. N and make her time more agree
able while you were in Congress.
Where do you think of boarding, and will you be at Wash
ington the first day of the session
The Federalists in this part of the State haA'e not yet men
tioned a name for elector nor is it probable they Avill unless
they do it a few days before the election.
I am sir Yrs truly & sincerely
Nathl Macon.
N. B. I rec'd yours in answer to my first.
J. H. N. Centreville Md
Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Buck Spring 1 June 1806
Sir I have with uncommonly great pleasure received the letter
which you wrote me on the 15 ultimo, because it is the only
one, except one from Randolph which I have had from any
friend written since Congress adjourned, and it is the more
pleasing, because you begin with saying I have nothing to tell
you, that is from heart to heart. Pray Avrite often they will
always be acceptable especially when they inform me that you,
your lady and children are Avell, and that all your concerns
prosper, and that you may never have cause to communicate
anything else is my fervent prayer.
Madison I still think will be the next President, if the
New Yorkers mean to run Clinton in Good earnest as we coun
try people say, it is time they had begun. The Madisonians
Tfill not lose any thing by neglect or indolence, they may over
act their part, and in their zeal to keep Randolph doAvn, may

48 Randolph-Macon Histoncal Papers.
make some lukewarm about Madison: If R. had have stuck
to the embargo, he Avould have been up in spite of them: I
have been to our county court since my return, and at a public
dinner Avhere there Avere a considerable number of people pres
ent, I gaA'e my oi^inlon freely as to the next President and the
ehai'Qcter talked of for it, and the man Avhom I would prefer,
Some stared and after a while objected to the man in the usual
cant, that he came from Geneva but the number that objected
Avere not. large nor did fhe objection seem to have Aveight AvIth
many, having named him I defended him with true demo
cratic zeal, and a very respectable methodl&t and a good repub
lican besides, observed in the spirit of meekness and truth,
that the more he kneAV of him the more he admired him, he
wi'ote to me last Avinter and made some inquiries about Galla
tin, in answer I sent his speech before fhe legislature of Penn
sylvania, in defence of the elections held in the four Avestern
counties at the time of the riot there, also those in Congi'ess
on the navy and foreign intercourse; — Madison will I think
get the A-otes of N. C. for President and a part [of] them
merely because there is not a serious opposition to him.
I haA'e no tobacco plants, too much rain for Avheat. The peas
I'n the garden about 8 [In] high and corn remarkably Ioav for
the season, with the exception of plants I found my plantation
in tolerable good condition.
Each of my daughters had a son while I Avas absent, so that
I have now six grandsons, — If you see Lloyd or Avrite to him
remember me to him; and you must tell Mrs. Nicholson, that
I fear I shall be compelled to ask her next winter, to make a
cap like the one she made before for me, when at Washington.'
Shake her and Edward by the hand for me, and do not let
him forget me. Believe me yrs most sincerely,
^ Nathl Macon. ¦
J. H. N.
Baltlniore Md. ''

Macon Papers 49
Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 2 Dec. 1806
Sir
In the disagreeable seat of Speaker, I Avrite. I have been
obliged to hear the journal read, in Avhich the name of J. R.
Avas not on the Comtee of Ways and Means. Many may no
doubt think my feelings Avere too nice on this occasion, but
feuch was my sense of duty, that I could not act otherAvise. ]My
mind was so agitated last night after writing to you, that I
spent a sleepless night — Avrite me your opinion on this to me
delicate subject. Yrs. truly
Nathl Macon.
J. H. N.
Annapolis Md.
Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Buck Spring 19. June 1807
Sir
A few days past I was highly gratified by the receipt of your
letter of the 27 ultimo. It is certainly true that I have not
written to you before since Congress adjourned and it is equally
ti'ue, that I often thought of AViitlug & ahvays postponed in the
hope that something of the agreeable might occur, w-hich might
be worth relating; since my return, almost every countenance
has had the appearance of distress, it Avas to me evident, that
the expectation of want was strongly marked in most faces.
Grain has been more scarce than [it] was last fall expected
owing I imagine to the severity of the winter. Hitherto. I be-
lieve*people have made out to live without suffering & forward

50 Randolph-Macon- Historical Papers.
Avheat may cut next Aveek, if the weather permit; But the
crop of every kind of Avheat is much worse than I CA^er saAV.
Tbe loss of stock in the winter and spring Avas immense.
Since my retui-n I ha-s'e been mostly at home and haA'e
scarcely ever heard the next presidential election mentioned,
thougli I am inclined to think at this time Clinton Avould unite
more A-otes in this state than any other man. Madison prob
ably more than Monroe but this is all guess and nothing more.
As to myself I Avould prefer Gallatin to any man in the nation,
and Avere the Republicans to make such an effort as they made
to get Jeft'ersou elected the first time, I am sure he would
be elected by a great majority. The Yorkers will I think be
strong for C'n. Virginia In Congress dlAided betAveen M-n &
M-e — ^but a majority for j\'[-n. Those who made C-n Vice
President may. find him in their way, notwithstanding his
age. Tlie sending back the treaty avIU I think injure M-e,
It Avill be taken as a proof that Jefferson did not approve his
conduct, and certainly his signing It without making provision
for the sailors, will injure him in all the commercial towms.
I heartily Avish that I could be with you for a feAv days. I
want much to see you. Tell Mrs. Nicholson & EdAvard How-
dye and If you see Lloyd or LoAvdnes remember me to them.
I am yours most truly
Nathl Macon.
J. IL N.
Annapolis J\Id.

Richabd Stanfoed To His Wife.
Washington City, Feb'y 27, 1808.
My dear girl; —
I cover you a letter for Uncle Tom Lloyd if he should move '
soon to Roaches place. I made your consent the condition

Macon Papers 51
because if he should undertake I Avant you to let him know
you have no objection except as to the horses which from the
charge I gaA-e you about them you can't consent should ever
be used off the one or the other iDlantations. When they go
to mill I would rather you sent Stephen than any oue else
with them.
While he keeps sober he will suit you Avell till my return.
Before you give him the letter I want you to tell Ariana to
copy it and keep the copy for me. In my next I shall give
more directions about the field &o.,
We have debated one day about adjourning and did not
come to any decIslA-e vote because it Avas said we dare not go
home before the embargo Avas taken off, or disposed of in some
way or other lest if Ave did the people might dri\-e us back to
take it off or to make peace or Avar or do something Avkich they
could miderstand. To be serious I don't know wBat is yet to be
our fate and that is everything tliat keeps us here. Our great
ones here are negotiating an negotiating ever on and can't agree
but the moment they agree (if they should do it at all) we
shall adjourn. This although it may happen, in a Aveek may
not for several weeks.
I am glad you took IMIss McKey home Avith you, I have
neglected the old man and avIU write him this week.
Be a patient good wife, and keep up jouv spirits and tell
Saurrin I have sent him a red cap and must be weaned Avhen
I come home.
With love to you all.
R. Stanfoed.

52 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
JOS H. NICHOLSON MSS.
Nathaniel Macon To Jos. LI. Nicholson.
Washington 29 March 1808
Sir When great men so called, agree in general principles, or
in other Avords when the men held up for the next President
ai-e of the same political party, Is it Avorth AvhIle for little men
so called to take great concern which of these shall fill the
office or the great house If you had rather. I have been led
to this thought, in consequence of the feelings AvhIch Avere ap
parent in the countenance of many of the members of the
house since the communications of the President have been
reading; The face generally shoAved Avhether the person Avas
for Madison or ]\Ionroe. The Cllntonlans evidently seemed.
to be on the Monroe side; In reflecting on the subject I have
been inclined to an opinion that the great so called might as
well take care of themselves and their character as those who
are not so called ; When a principle is involved In the election
of a particular man, It is then quite a different question; Avhere
men of the same principles are candidates for the same oiiice
it looks much like a contest for the loa-zes & fishes; If this
should fortunately not be the case in the U S. either at this
or any future time our lot Avill be happy indeed; But with us
there may. be another cause for supporting candidates of the
same principles, this is state prejudice or partiality, to which
may be added the general uiiAvillingness of gTeat states to have
either P  or V. P. from small states, if none of the above
conjectures should ever apply to the peoj)le of the U. S. may
Ave not Avith truth say that Ave are a highly favored nation.
I suspect we shall have a dust raised iu the house before
the adjournment, but on what subject I cannot guess, but the
house is so engaged In President making, that it seems to me

Macon Papers 53
there must be an explosion before avc part, too much heat has
been collected since Ave have been reading and not speaking
to be suffered to Avaste aAvay.
The members are obtaining leave to go home fast.
I am yours truly
Nathl Macon.
J. H. N. Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 4 April 1S08
Sir
Yours of the 2 instant Avas last night received, the opinion
mentioned by you as given by some federalists is the univc r-r,'
doctrine of that party & I fear that soiue of another party are
not very different in their sentiments; but our situation is
every day growing Averse and it seems to me, that Ave must
prepare for the last reasoning of nations or rather of govern
ments, and in this situation Ave must raise a few troops for
some defenceless places; Indeed the attack on the Chesapeake
was war on the part of Great Britain ; We must either repeal
the law which authorized the President to issue the proclama
tion or take some steps to enforce it.
I see much of out of doors doings that. I hardly know what
to do, or what to think ; Randolph Avill I expect oppose the bill
for raising 6000 men; so that he and myself will split on the
question, you remember that 2 yrs. ago we split on the question
for raising troops he for and myself against.
The debate on tbe bill is commenced by Clopton.
I shall get Mr. Gallatin to send you the documents wHicK
have been printed. Yrs truly
'!Natsx Macon.
J. H. N.

54 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
N.iTHANIEL ]\LiCON To JoS. H. NiCHOLSON.
Washington 6 April 1808
Sir The bill to raise men is yet under debate. Stanford yester
day gave historical account of all the v-otes given in 98, and
Randolph a very able speech both against, though neither of
them convinced me, that the state of our affairs were the same
now as In 98. Closely opened this moruing against and Tall-
adge [Tallniadge] is now speaking for, so that I suppose both
old parties av-IU be divided.
I am still an Invalid with a sore breast AvIth the addition
to day of a scA-ere headache.
I really do not know what to write you, I am not in the
secrets of any one here, no not one; all, all except myself are
engaged in making Presidents : and you knoAV enough of public
life, to knoAv that in great election contests, he that does not
take an active part, on one side or the other, is generally hated
by both, and ahvays suspected by both, no matter how honest his'
Indlft'erence or hoAV sincerely he may believe the contest a matter
of no consequence, or hoAVAvininr.''he may be to support one, Avhom
he would prefer to either of those nameTl, and one Avhom he
thought better qualified in every respect for the appointment,
but whom neither of the parties would take, not because he is
unfit. This Aviil satisfy and convince you that I have nothing to
write ; and I am sure you must be tired of reading that which
is written only because I could not find any thing else to com
municate. Remember that I am always glad to see your hand writing
and the more I am secluded from the rest of my friends, the.
more anxious I ajn to get a line from you.

Macon Papers 55
Salute Mrs. N. & children after the manner of St Paul for
me and believe me to be your friend Nathl Macon.
J. H. N. Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 4 Dec. ISOS
Sir
It is true that I have letters from j'ou since I left Baltimore
that of the 3 inst. came too late yesterday for me to see Whit-
croft, and this being Simday nothing can be done. I Avill
endeavor to-morrow to see him and to transmit you the desired
receipt. I was at Gallatin's last evening, made the inquiry you
desired, he answered that he possessed no more infoi-mation
on the subject than you did, nor can I give any advice, because
I have no fact on which to ground an opinion.
The war men in the house of RepresentatiA^e-.s are
I conceive gaining strength and I should not be much
surprised if we should be. at Avar Avith both G. B.
& F. before the 4 of ^larch ; Gallatin is most de
cidedly for Avar, and I think that the Vice President and
W. C. Nicholas are of the same opinion; It is said that the
President gives no opinion as to the measure that, ought to be
adopted, it is not known whether he be for war or for peace,
it is reported that Mr. ^iFadison is for the plan, which I have
submitted, Avith the addition of high protecting duties to encour
age the manufactures of the U. S. I am as much against war
as Gallatin is in favor of it, thus I have continued in Congress
till there is not one of my old fellow-laborei-s, that agi-ees Avith
me in opinion. I do not know what plan Randolph will pur
sue. He is against continuing the embargo, I Avish he would
lay some plan before the house, it grieves me to the heart, to

56 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
be compelled fi'om a sense of right & duty to oppose him.
I am not consulted as you seem to suppose about anything,
iior do I consult any one. I am about as much out of fashion
as our grand-mothers ruffle cuffs, and I do not belIeA''e that 1
shall be in fashion r-.^ soon as they Avill.
God bless you and your family.
Nathl Macon.
J. .LL N.
P. S. It Is probable, that the imbargo may be taken off
before the adjournment, we have those Avho think it avIII and
that Avar avIII immediately foUoAv. I suspect all the N. E.
Republicans are for Avar & no embargo, you know It Is no
easy task to prevent what they Avant.
Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 28 Feby 1809
Sir . "^
Otis the secretary of the Senate, has this minute informed
the H. of R. that the Senate have agreed to the amendments
made by the House to the bill to repeal the embargo &c &c.
The Lord the Mighty Lord must come to our assistance, or
I fear we are undone as a nation.
Offer my best respects to Mrs. N. and tender ray love to
the children. Yr. friend Nathl Macon.
J. H. N. Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 23 May 1809
Sir I have this moment, and since writing this morning, re
ceived your letter of the 20 instant. I will endeavor to un-

Macon Papers 57
derstand the subject, and if I can, I wiU either bring It before
the House or get some one else to do It, who may stand a better
chance to succeed: I am not a good accountant and know
nothing about bills of exchange. I mean the practical pirt;
whether the gentleman you name, would Avillingly make the
motion I think doubtful. I wish your consent to keep the
letter to Taylor, and perhaps to Bibb and 3IadIson; I think
also that it would be well to send it to Randolph, unless that
part which relates to Gallatin may make it improper.
God grant you and your family health, happiness & pros
perity. : ,,
Most truly yours sincerely
Nathl Macon.
J. H. N. Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 25 May 1809
Sir After writing yesterday I received the letter you wrote me
on the day before. I wish that I could tell you that I could
join you at Baltimore and go to Chesterfield, there is certainly
no place in this world that I would more willingly visit, be
sides the pleasure of being there, I should add that of seeing
Lloyd. But I fear it is impossible for irie to A'isit you this
summer ; I wrote you yesterday that Randolph had moved for
an investigating committee. The debate on the motion,
though carried unanimously, has made it improper for me to
be a member of the committee if the speaker should appoint
me. Randolph's motion is reconsidered for the purpose of strik
ing out that part which relates to reporting provisions for the
better accoimtability of public money. I am for striking out
and leaving the Comtee nothing to do except the examination

58 Randolph-2Iacon Historical Papers.
of the expenditure and the application of public money. I
AvIsh this that the Comtee be them, A\'ho they may, may have
no excuse for not making a full investigation; It is not
Impossible but a committee might Avithout design be appointed, .
Avhich might be willing to let the subject be passed over, with-
uot a thorough examination.
Remember the order of the day, that Is to remember me to
the family.
Nathl Macon.
J. H. N.
Baltimore Md.
Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 23 June 1809
Sir
Last evening I received yours of the 21 inst. I shoAved It
this morning to Mr. & Mrs. Gallatin, the latter said we are all
modest, and the former that every thing Avould be done, that
could be done AvIth propriety. Every thing In my poAver wlfl
be done and I may tell you In confidence that although the
committee are well, disposed, owing to R. various engagements
on committees leaves me much of the inquiring part. Gal
latin's answer to the Inquiries are not received by the com
mittee. I can not say that it avIII be In my [power to] A'isit you
this summer. I Avill write, you again my determination.
Capt. Jones has pressed me much to visit him after the ad
journment. I sincerely AAi.sh that it may ncA-er so happen that the in-
vislbles" govern the nation without check. Last spring [torn
out of MSS] their power in treas. department, and that in
conversation many declare independence of them, yet on a
^'The Giles, Smith, Duane faction in Cabinet and Senate.

Macon Papers 59
vote they never fail to ha\-e a majority. If they are to gov
ern, it would be better that they governed according to the
constitution, than in the way they do, another now stands
betAA-een them and the people.
Written in the house ^
God bless you & yours
Nathl Macon.
P. S. I wrote you this week twice to Annapolis & before
twice to Centreville N. M.
J. H. N.

Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 3 April 1810
Sir Yesterday I received the letter you wrote me on the 1
(current) &: am very happy indeed to hear of Mrs. Nicholson's
recoA-ery. While I think of it let me tell you, that I have not
liad a word from you, about the $5 ynu had for the printer,
I wish you would send me his receipt for R. H. Jones for the
amount, I believe his name was John C. Hall. You however
will recollect it. I Avrote to him that you would pay him, and
I think showed you the letter when you were here.
By the papers you will see, that we are debating a motion
made by R. to repeal the non intercourse law. This motion
is hardly worth the time that has already been consumed, and
I apprehend we shall hardly decide it to day.
Among many members there is a desire to do something,
by which is meant to pass some act, which shall operate on
both the belliirerents. But I have nit discovered any system
except that which has been lost between the two houses, which
would not also operate very strongly on us; an embargo could
it be carried, is the only measure which would bring G. Britain

fiO Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
to terms. There is no chance for that, and that would proba-
. bly haA-e more effect on France than any other measure.
I am decidedly for reducing the army and naA'y or rather
-for puting them altogether down, and if Ave have any military
take a new start, the present army Is destroyed by the hatred
of those Avho are opposed to M — to those Avho support turn,
or more properly they hate each other too much to be in the
same service.
I was at Gallatin's yesterday Gordon continues to mend
slowly : The Feds seem to be in good spirits. They pay more
attention to our friend" than I ever saAv one set of men pay to
any man. I am yours most sincerely
Nathl Macon.
N. B. ObserA'e the speeches in "Spirit of '76" &"' write
me, Avhether you think it an impartial paper.
J. H. N.
Baltimore Md.
Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 10 April 1810
Sir
I rejoice to learn by your letter of the 15 instant that Mrs.
Nicholson was in a fair way to regain her health. . God grant
she may do it immediately.
I Avas at Gallatin's this morning. Gordon continues to
mend slowly, has for the tAvo last clays missed the chills men'-
tioned to you lasst week.
I am at a loss to guess, Avhat Ave shall do, on the subject, of
foreig-n relations. The bill in the Inclosed paper called Ma-
^Randolph¦¦a paper published, in the interest of Monroe and for which John Tay
lor of Caroline was a frequent contributor.

Macon Papers CI
cons No 2 Is not really Macon's, though he reported it as
namesake. It is In truth Taylyr's."" This I only -mtution to
you. Because when It comes to be debated I shall not act the
part of a father, of a step father.
Burwell and Eppes still talk about their convoy bills, each
professing his oAvn. The convoy, the AvaAs A: mean:: c; the
bank will make some warm talk I expect.
Tender my good wishes to Mrs. N. remember me to the
children & believe me Yrs truly & sincerely
N. M.
J. H. N.
Baltimore. Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 21 April 1810
Sir We have passed and sent to the Senate the 2d bill reported
by me, with an amendment proposed by Johnson of Kentucky
to lay 50 per cent on the duties now payable on French and
English goods, but which new duties are to cease when the de
crees and orders of G. B. k France are AvithdraAvn, which is to be
notified by proclamation of the President, when either or both
shall withdraw their edicts. This bill it seems to me Avill
neither encourage manufactures nor add to the income, after
the first quarter & yet its advocates imagine it will do both, the
uncertainty of its continuance will prevent its producing either.
effect. Kentucky, Pennsa, New Jersey and the NeAv England
Republicans are full of manufacturing, to these may be [added]
some of the Virga Republ's.
This plan is said to be a cabinet project, if so it satisfies me,
that the cabinet is hard pushed for a plan, but it may have been
°John Taylor of South Carolina

62 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
taken, to preA'ent a worse, or to prevent the continuance of the
present non-intercourse system; some Avho opposed No 1 Avished
it had become a laAv. I mean feds. I am' almost apprehensive
that the luAasIbles may be at the bottom of this amendment be
fore mentioned, AAuth a vIcav to injure Gallatin, they may if
they can ascertain its fate in the Senate by indirect means and
before a vote is taken, take the side Avhich may best answer
their purpose, if it avIU not pass they may (if it be a cabinet
measure) support it, to show their zeal for the administration,
and If it Avill pass Avithout their aid, they may oppose it, to
shoAv that G — nelth3r understands hoAv to get money In the
Treasury by noAV taxes, nor hoAV to encourage manufactures.
He G — I am afraid is not enough on his [guard] as to these
people; He ought to propose and adhere to his own financial
plans. I have shoAvn this Randolph — I Avrite AvhIle Love
is speaking on the bank. Yours most sincerely
N. M.
J. H. N. B.altlmore.
Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington Half past 3 oclock p. m.
28. April 1810
Sir
The House is engaged on the bill to reduce the naval estab
lishment and have begun to take yeas and nays. It is quite
probable that all the attempt to reduce expenditure at this session
will prove abortive; It is possible it may tend to make some
of the public functionaries a little more attentive to aeconomy,
the speeches on the fioor may produce this effect, all agree that
the expenditure In the Navy Department ought to be checked •
and yet It avIII not be checked I fear. Hamilton" I believe is
'Paul Hamilton of South Carolina, Secretary of Navy.

Macon Papers 63
honest and determined, but the abuses have got such .strong
hold, that it may be questioned, Avhether he has power to tear
them up by the roots. It is also doubtful whether the army
Avill be reduced ; difficult as it may be thought to get an expen
sive establishment fixed on a free nation, it is certainly more
difficult to get clear of one, Avhen it is fixed. These establish
ments generally make convenient places for the Governmental
connections, and their most obliging friends, and cniel is the
task which uprightness imposes, to take these snug places from
those that may be dear i: necessary to the iiilers.
The times have changed, the navy is now a Republican Institu
tion, and must be supported on loans, AA-ho of those, who loves oue
but must delight in the other; and AvIth these the admirer must
embrace executive discretion, which contrary to general laws of
nature, grows more lovely & comely the more it is used, and
the older it groAvs; it is not strange Avhen the quality of this
discretion is knoAA-n, that those Avho some years past spoke of
it as being more deformed and ugly than Cyclops, should now
think It more comely than Venus, and more to [be] admired
than christian faith or pure Gold, nay had Solomon have lived
In this day he Avould haA-e acknoAvledged that a navy Avas more
to be coveted than true Avisdom ; nay Instead of describing the ho
liness of wisdom and the loA'eliness of Avomen he would h,aA-e em-
polyed all his time, wisdom and knowledge in displaying the
comllness of a navy, and that without it civil liberty could not
be maintained. And if he, Solomon, had not have been a man
of peace. How elegantly could he have portrayed the great ad
vantages of a well dressed standing army to preserA-e national
liberty, over the ragged militia of the nation itself, which may
be considered the nation, nay how easy could he have proved the
people to be their Avorst enemies, and a standing army their only
& best friends.
After reading this you will hardly Avish another manuscript
for some days.

64 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
Remember me to 3ilrs. N. & the children & believe me your
faithful friend Nathl jMacon.

Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 17 Jan'y 1811
Sir
Yesterday and to-day, the house has been engaged on the bifl
to rencAv the charter of the U. S. (bank). The bill will not I
imagine pass. It is reported, that it has fcAver friends than at
the last session; The present friends to a national bank may
be divided into four classes, first for the renewall of the char
ter Avith some modification, second for a ncAV bank, third estab
lish a national bank at the next or some future session, fourth,
use the State banks and tlieir paper, all these are considered
as having no constitutional objections.
I have understood, that Bruff '" himself had mentioned the
letters he had written to you, and that gave rise to the determi
nation of the Comtee to call for them.
Remember me to Mrs. N. and the children, believe
Yours ever
Nathl Macon.
J. H. N. Baltimore.
Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Buck Spring 21 April 1811
Sir I receiv-ed a letter from Randolph dated Richmond 18 March,
in Avhich he Informs me that he had made you a A'isit since Con
gress adjourned, and that yourself, Mrs. Nicholson and the
whole family were well ; I pray that you may all continue so
™Head of the Branch of the National Bank in Washington?

Macon Papers 65
for many years; But as I am Informed you are all well; I
cannot truly say that I Avrite only to inquire after your and the
family's health, which is at all times the most Avellcome com
munication you can make.
Can you tell me hoAv the chaT-ge in the department of State
was brought about. The office of State seems to be the path
to Presidency, and the mission to Russia a port of political
death-bed, notwithstauding -J. Q. A. has been made a judge, the
History of the transaction I should like to knoAA", as well as by
Avhat means it Avas ascort.unid iL;-.; Monroe would accept the ap
pointment of Secty. of State; I make the inquiry of you, be
cause I expect you [can] tell more than any correspondent I
have. Randolph did not mention the subject In his letter. By
the by it seems to *me, that Monroe Avill be hard pressed, with
British negotiations, on account of the treaty he made, which
Mr. J. would not lay before the Senate.
Tender my best respects to ^Irs. Nicholson; Howdye the
children for me.

Yrs ever
Nathl Macon.

J. H. N.

Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Buck Spring 23 March 1813
Sir At Warrenton I received the letter which you AATote to me
on the 2 instant, and yesterday returned from thence home.
It is proper that I should state to you, that I am not acquainted
with Capt. Phillips. The fact stated by me was I believe stated
correctly, and it seems that it is the opinion Avhich the Capt. sup
poses has injured him. The opinion that he was properly disin
terested has been the only one I ever entertained on the subject,
and it is the first time, that an opinion draAvn from fact, has

CG Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
been supposed to give offence. The opinion may be erronioiis,
but it may also be bone;t, us it really Avas. If I Avas convinced
that it Avas erronioiis. I Avould Avith pleasure retract It, but Vi-ith-
out this 1 iiCA-er shall; I ceitainly had no intention to give of
fence to Captain Phillips or any man living, having stated the
fact. The opinion Avas given Avitbout any previous determina
tion to do so as Avell as I now recollect, I say recollect because
tlie notes from Avhich the speech Avas delivered haA-e long since
been destroyed: The Captain as I understood the affair, com
manded a public armed ship and Avas cruising in her, Avhen the
men AA'ei'e taken from him, and he ought not In that case to have
suffered his men to be taken from him. If I Jiad tiiouo'ht that
Mr. Adams had done wrong in dismissing him I think it quite
likely that I should have said so, and this Avould not have been
off'ensive to the Captain, and I had the same right to say Avhat
I did say, it was my opinion, and I had a right to gh'-e it, they
A-\-ere both public character- in the service of the nation at the
time the affair happened. If I had haA-e said any thing about
him, not connected Avith his public duty, I should indeed feel
great regret, but having said Avhat I believed to be true, I can
only regret, that my motives should hav-e been misunderstood,
nor can I conceive how an opinion draAvn from a fact, Avltliout
intention to offend can give offence, It is evident from the
speech itself, that no indlA-Idual Avas the object of It; and
certainly the use ma'.Ie of the fact, can easily be seen from the
speech ; I did' not knoAv at the time, that he had not a commis
sion, but if -he AViis cruising under a letter from the secretary
of fhe navy, it could not I apprehend be piracy to defend him
self: I o'ught to tell you. that I have not the [speecli] by me, of
course do n.i.-)t recollect the AA-ords in which the fact Is stated;
but appro\ing the conduct of ~Mr Adams is matter of opinion,
and 110 Avords if decent can be improper. Indeed I had the
fact of the British ofrlcer taking men, Avas all that Avas supposed
to have any eft'ect, it Avas the fact Avhich Avas seized on. I am

Macon Papers 67
sorry, that I should have Avounded the feelings of an unfortu
nate iu,an and one unknown to lae, and tiiat too Avithout inten
tion, but the opinion then entertained is still belieA'ed, I regret
it thc more, because the opinion could have uo Aveight on the
main question then under debate; to retract it Avithout convic
tion that it was wrong can never be done but if ojuvinced of the
error, I will Avith pleasure retract it; Rtmember me to Mrs.
Nicholson &. the boys. Yrs ever Nathl M.\con.
J. H. N. Baltimore.
CompljVint of Noeth Cveolina LEcisL-A.TrEE Found Among
THE Macon Papees.
"We make this inquiry thus early after having assembled to
gether that we maj' be able during our session to give to North
Carolina an attitude suited to her population, and the extent
of her resources, and to extend to our S^a Coast the requisite
protection should it be longer withheld by the General Govern
ment.. We invite your attention to the communications of His
Excellency the Governor of this State Avitli the Department of
War of the United States and earnestly entreat you to give im
mediate effect to the mode of protection and defence therein
pointed out."
Nov. 29, 1813.
Nathaniel jMacon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 19 March 1814
Sir
I should like to knoAV Avhat the post Master here and at Balti
more, think of my AvritIng so often to you, The correspondence
they may think very interesting and on some Important subjecis
if this should be their thoughts, how much they are mistaken.

68 Randolph-Macon Histoncal Papers.
hue they are not more mistaken than many others avIio under
take to guess at Avhat they believe others are doing, or intend
to do, or AA'hat others think on particular subjects.
Our desire to talk for a day or tAVO past, is quite as great as it
Avas Avhen the loan bill Avas under consideration.
I knoAV nothing of the plans of the Comtee of ways & means.
The house determined on Thursday not [to] alter In a small
degi-ee the act laying a duty on stills, which operated hard on
us poor people of No Carolina, I have since told the chairinan
of tlie Committee of Ways & ]Means, to pay ftio regard to my
former solicitations to report tax bills, that since the represen
tation of a single member from ^'ermont had more weight than
all the representatives of Carolina, I should hereafter hold
back, unless the inconvenience before alluded to, was provided
for; Well now this great neAvs [is], but no kink, not important
enough though, to keep you from sleep, or to make you scratch
your head or rub your eyes.
]\Iany things equally Imijortant might be added, but two such,
Avould be too much for any one letter; CA'en though It should be
to a man Avho Is both judge and President, therefore out of
the high respect I entertain for you shall forbear, lest I take
your mind from your responsible situations, that of Captain,
Judge and President ; Avhen I reflect on the many high and im
portant places you fill, I feel A-ery great regret, that I have
written so long and on so many subjects of such great conse
quence. To Roane of Virginia I have read this letter, he says he never
heard of so great a man and Avants to knoAv your name, this
rny same high respect for you, forbids me to glA'e, though he Is
sure he must be a Virginian, as no other state produces such a
consequential man.
I .stop because an adjournment Is called for.
God bless you and the family.
Nathl Macon.

Macon Papers 69
Nathaniel ^Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Sjj. Washington 21 March 1814
The bill to compromise the Yazoo claims is now under debate,
and as I do not expect to hear any thing new, or anything old
better than I have heard it said before, I haAe determined to
give you the trouble of reading, whatcA'er I may first think.
I wrote you a very long letter on Saturday last, and one that
I am sure you must ansAver with great pleasure.
The prospect at present seems to be that Congress will ad
journ on the day fixed by the house of RepresentatlA-es, though
the Senate has not x^^i acted on the resolution.
I hear not a word as to the intention of the Committee of
Ways & Means on the subject of revenue;
It will I imagine soon be ascertained whether the loan can
be obtained, I have still my doubts, unless the interest be higher
than the last; John Jacob Astor is here, no doubt to attend to
the loan or a national bank or more probably to both; He saw
Mrs Gallatin at Mr. Dallas'; she was well, but rather Ioav
spirited he thought. I am yours sincerely
' Nathl Macon.
Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 22 March 1814
Sir
I believe you -will if you have not already repented having
ever wrote to me, that you did not receive as many letters from
me, as you Avished for of late, I have made as strong draft on
your patience as the sailor did on the purse of Dr. Hankey;
and to tell you a trutli, T have often wondered hoAv you or any
other friend, could be pleased Avith my letters, which are more
like a coarse hash, than a dish of good bacon and Greens boiled
in the same pot, and brought to the table in the same dish.

70 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
The bill passed by the Senate to compromise the Yazoo claims,
has been under consideration yesterday and to-day; CA^ery pre
liminary question has been decided In -favor of the compromise.
if decided before adjournment, you shall have the result.
I suppose you are so much engaged in the performance of
the several duties attached to your several stations, that you
cannot spare a moment to think of any one, that your Avhole
¦mind is absorbed Avith the Bench, the camp and the bank, take
notice I do not complain, but on the contrary am rather sur
prised hoAv you can attend to and perform to the satisfaction
of all concerned so many various duties; and I ought to tell
[you] hoAv much I should be gratified to see you at the head of
your military command, I am sure your movements, would be
equal to that of any Virginian, and a stranger might take you
for one.
Jones I think is daily gaining f i-Iends' by his judicious man
agement of the naA-y Department. I knoAV that some who once
thought little of his talents, noAV consider him, the most usefull
member of the administration, and declare that his department
Av-as ncA'er so well filled before, and that It Is a misfortune to
the nation that he Avas not there sooner.
Cheves Is an excellent speaker & besides has a fine family, &
withall a good felloAv. Yours most truly
Nathl Macon.
J. H. N. Baltimore.

Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 1 Feby 1815
Sir ,, , ¦
I live at Mrs. Clark's In F. street not far east of the burnt
treasury office. Rhea of Tennessee, Hall of Georgia, Roane

Macon Papers 71
[Jno] & Burwell of Virginia, & Franklin of N. C. make up
the mess, [Meshach Franklin]. The house is about middling
and I can, I believe, get a bed put in my room for you, if you
should visit the city; let me know a day before hand, that the
room may [be] fixed.
Jonathan did not love David, more than I have Randolph,
and I still have that same feeling tOAvard him ; but somehow or
other I am constrained from saying [anj'thing] about it or him,
unless now & then to defend him, against false accusations, or
what I believe to be such; There Is hardly any eAdl, that af
flicts one [more] than the loss of a friend, especially when not
conscious of haAing given any cause for it; I can not account
for the coldness, with which you say he treated you or his not
staying at your house Avhile in Baltimore. Stanford now and
then comes to where I sit in the house, and shows me a letter
from R. to him, which is all I see from liim, he has not Avi'ote
to me since he left Congress nor I but once to him, which was
to enclose him a book of hi.s, that I found in the city, Avhen I
came to the next session.
I have said this much in answer to your letter, and it is more
than has been said or Avritten to any other person.
God bless you and yours.
Nathl Macon.
J. H. N. Baltimore.

Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 14 Dec 1827
Sir
Sir, I have been quite unAvell for the three last nights, I
must therefore ask you to excuse mc from my promise to dine
with [vou] on next Sunday. I am with gi-eat respect &c
N. M.

S-;

Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
JEFFERSON MSS.
Nathaniel Macon To Thos. Jeffeeson.
Washington 7 Jany 1816
fcir The Legislature of North Carolina has ordered a full size
statue of General Washington of the best marble and workman
ship to be procured and set up In the Capitol of the state. The
Governor AA-ho is authorized to carry the order Into execution,
has requested me to ascertain v/liether one worthy the character
[it] Is to represent and the state AvhIch erects It, can be made in
the United States, and the sum that It will probably cost. If it
cannot be got in this country, the best means of getting one
from Italy, the time it may require and the probable cast there.
Relying on your kiioAvn and uniform AvIUingness to give such
Information, Avbenever it has been asked, I have ventured to
trouble you on this subject, with which I am entirely unac
quainted, It is proper that I should state to you, that It is my
intention, to transmit the answer you may give to the Governor.
That the evening of your life may be as happy as the meridian
ha? been useful, is the sincere prayer of
Sir Your unfeigned friend
& Hble Sevt
Nathl Macon.
"reced Jan 21"

JAS. H. NICHOLSON MSS.
Nathaniel Macon To Jos. H. Nicholson.
Washington 15 Deer 1816
Sir
Yesterday I recelA'cd your very acceptable letter of the day
before. If Congress shall adjourn long enough at Christmas

Macon Papers 73
for me to visit you without neglecting my duty, I will use my
best exertions to dine with you the 25 instant, Christmas day;
permit me to say explicitly k plainly that I would rather ha
with you and A-our f amih- alone, than Avith any others, because
then I think we should all be more free; perhaps it is wrong
for me to mention it, but there are but very few to whom I could
use such friendly language & to no one can It be used more
freely than to yourself.
I rejoice with unspeakable joy at your recovery, habit makes
any maimer of living agreeable & Avhen health depends on living
in the very best manner; that is plain; it ought to be the way,
we should live; but pride, vain pride multiplieth food of the
plain kind. Into such a variety of forms and taste, that a plain
respectable countryman; who hath enough to eat & to spare
hardly knoweth the flesh of the beef or of any other animal,
when he happens by chance to be at the table of the rich in a
commercial city; so much has cooking changed in a few years;
that he scarcely knows the name of one dish, if he scarcely
ImoAvs beef, how will he find out the new fa.shioned pies, pud-
dens & c c ; D-ictor Thornton's .irimgi-acks Avould not bother him
more, nor make him sweat half so freely: there Is an aristoc
racy in evei'y thing but down right Avork; the rich cannot bear
that the food of the poor should be cooked or dressed like theirs,
nor that they .should use the same words to convey the same
meaning, nor that clothes should be cut in the same fashion
hence the constant change in all these and many other things
which concern the great family of mankind. Do not judge
from this that I am unwilling that those who have the means
of getting good thin^ should not have them I only object to
this universal change, which constantly exerts itself to separate
the more fortunate class of society from the less fortunate; I
have Avithout design I assure you run into this political morality,
having done so, you will have it to read ; like all other old folks,
I think the politics of former days better than those present.

74 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
and that every change of fashion which tends to separate farther
the rich and the poor has a strong tendency to aristocracy, and
that these changes avIII if they have not already, tend to give
a wide construction to the constitution of the U. S. in fact to
make it unlimitted by degrees & Avithout a regular amendment,
in the proper & constitutional method; in no other way it seems
to me, can an}'- one account for the great and almost universal
chauge Avhich has taken place ra that which is now called re
publican politics ; they have done that with approbation, which
their opponents could not do, with approbation, fashion has
enab](v[ them to do it; and fashion will probably enable them
going forward till it [changes], but if she be pursued; the cur
rent Avill not leaA'-e them; .Even religion Itself is not entirely
free from the influence of the tyrant, fashion. Enough of this,
which you avIH think Avild notions, a.nd strange opinions.
God bless you and all your household,.
Nathl Macon.
J. II. N. Baltimore.
Nathaniel ?Jacon To W. H. Ceaaveoed.^'
Buck Spring 13 Oetr 1817
Sir
I have received your letter of the 3 — instant, with 3 sorts
of Avheat enclosed, one of the red kind Mr. Somervllle Avas de
sirous of tiying in his garden, I gave it to him, the other I
intend to get Mr. Eaton to try, the AvhIte I propose to try in
my coUard patch ; I am thankful for them, & so I think I ex
pressed myself for the Luspenella seed ; I shall put them on 3
plantations to prevent their mixing, which they might do in
my patch; I did not think you Avould scold at me for my la?t
letter; I will try however to be more on my Ps. and Qs. when
writing to the Capital of the U. S. So far from producing a
'^Furnished by Prof. U. B. Phillips, Tulane University.

Macon Papers 75
'scold, I expected nothing less than to see some thing in the
N. [ational] I. [ntelllgencer], like proposals for establishing
a society to encourage and promote the examination and culti
vation of American plants and grasses; nay I was almost certain
that the P. of the U. S., Vice P. and heads of departments
would be members and Presidents, and thought it quite proba
ble that Adams, Jefferson & Madison would be elected members
Avithout being consulted ; and that Clay after all the Ghent pub
lications were ended might spare time to be a memb^-r. Not
withstanding my expectations were so much disappointed, I
cannot say that I repent having Avritten the letter; I still be
lieve in the correctness of the sentiments there advanced, in
deed I saw in Governor Mllledge's garden near Augusta a
native grass, which looked well and of which he spoke Avell, he
promised me some seed-
It is very true that my land and that which my cousin sold
is not of the rich kind, and it is equally true, that the land from
the Scull Shoals on the Oconee to Lexington has some sour [ ?]
wood on it, but I have nothing against Georgia, I like the peo
ple. My cousin has bought land, which produces 125 bushels
of corn to the acre ; a spare thin man can scarcely walk through
a field. Much do I wish that the public debt could be paid in a few
years, it is an old opinion Avith me, that our strength is in pro
portion to the sm.allness of our taxes, encumber and overload
us with debt, and we are ruined ; but I will not con.sent to per
manent taxes, to be bargained & scuffled for in Congress, and
by this means go into fhe Presidential election. If by the first
of next Jany 20,000,000$ of the debt could be paid, it would
sound well all the world over, and- make we the people feel Avell.
One word on another interesting subject, is it not time that
foreign currency should cease to be a legal tender, it is a great
inconvenience to those who want specie; the banks pay the

76 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
meanest thing they have, if tbe time is come, the laAV ought to
be repealed, if not the mint abolished, thlnli of this.
Remember me in all good avIU to Mrs. Crawford and the
family, belleA'e me your friend. Nathl Macon.
Pray tell Mr. Dawson that I haA'e received his letter, and
e-xpect to lodge AvIth him, provided a mess can be formed; it
Is a pity that he has so many rooms in a house. N. M.

JEFFERSON MSS.
Nathaniel Macon To Thos. Jeffeeson.
Washington 4 Jany, 1819
Sir I have received and read with great pleasure the proceedings
and report of the commissioners for the University of Virginia:
To improve the rising generation is a duty to God, the country
and ourseh'-es, those Avho do most toAvard it, desen^e best of the
nation; What man or Avhat talents now in existence, can pre-
tf-aid to limit the progress of the human mind : Improvement in
the United States have brought machines to do almost eA'ery
thing but speak ; and surely other branches of useful knoAvledge
may be carried to the same perfection.
Will you permit me, to take this opportunity to state to you,
that I have for some time past thought much of Avriting to you,
to ask you to inform me, for I know of no one else Avhich could,
hoAv it happens that all the meanness which turned the federal
ists out have been and are now the fashion ; I have not done '
so, because It might be that you were over done with letters, !
and did not wish to touch politics; I stop the pen and smother'
my Inclination, to prevent another which might be disagree-'
able. -

Macon Papers 77
Accept my warm thanks for your kind remembrance, and
my sincere Avishes that the remainder of your useful life, may
be as easy and pleasant to yourself as the past has been bene
ficlal to our country, and believe me to be your friend
N. M.
Thos. Jefferson Esq.

Nathaniel Macon To Thomas Jeffeeson.
Washington 28 Feby 1819
Sir Doctor Hall a friend of mine, one of the Representatives of
North CaroHna, brought with him to this place, a few bottles
of Scuppemong wine, the best American, that I haA-e tasted : I
asked for two to send you, which he -willingly gave and regret
ted, that application had not been sooner made, that more might
have been sent: Our friend Governor Barbour has kindly
offered to contrive them to you. Accept them as a small mark
of the great esteem entertained for you by
Your friend
N. M.
Thos. Jefferson. Natil-vniel Macon To Thomas Jeffeeson.
Washington 11 Feby 1820
Sir A gentleman of North Carolina is now engaged, in Avriting
its history, he is very desirous to obtain information about its
first settlement, & officers, imtll the revolution ; It has occurred
to me that it was possible, that you could furnish much infor
mation, which no other person now living could, under this be
lief, I take the liberty, to request vou to favor me, Avith such

78 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
as you may think proper, for his use ; I beg leave to assure you,
that I would not thus trouble you, did I believe it Avould be
got from any other person. I am with great tinith
Your friend & obt. seA-t,
Nathl Macon.
Nathaniel Macon To Thomas Jeffeeson.
[Buck Springs Oct. 20, 1821]
Sir
I did not receive your letter of the 19 ultimo untill yesterday,
It had no doubt been at Warrenton some time ; but I live twelve
miles from it and seldom go there.
The letter^- with the copy of the enclosed avIU not be seen by
any person during my life, without your direction, though I
incline to the opinion, that much good might be done, by a few
well tried friends reading them; If I should live longer than
you, am I to be understood, that after your death, you now have
no objection to their publication, then, this is my Im.pression,
and Avithout being advised to the contrary, vrill be done; They
will be immediately put under cover and sealed, directed to a
friend, remain In my possession, to be delivered after my
death, and not to be opened during your life.
Will you pardon my stating to you, that I have long thought,
many of the letters AVrltten to you, were written by persons who
either knew or had heard of your candor and frankness, and
calculated that the ansAver might possibly be made useful to
them or their friends in their private affairs, & often mentioned
to some of our Virginia friends that I Avished, they would com
municate the opinion to you, in the most easy and friendly
manner; Nothing prevented my doing it but the great aversion,
I kneAV you had to being plagued with letters, besides I thought
^Jefferson's AVritings, vol. xii 206-208 (Ford's Fed. ed.) for reference to
this letter.

Macon Papers 79
it rather too forward to Avrite to you about your private con
cerns, and it seemed not unlike, the frog trying to equal the ox.
No one thinks higher of the two books written by Colo. Tay
lor than I do. I however almost fear, it is too late for them to
do the great majority of the people good; too many persons
have lived so long so well on the public debt and Bank stock
and by bank and other swindling, that it wiH be almost impos
sible for the honesty and the industry of the nation to get clear
of them ; the new-s papers are generally on the paper and idle
side, and they are generally as much depreciated as the bank-
bills. I mentioned to you in a letter some years past, that the prin
ciples which turned the federalists out of power, were not fash
ionable at Washington, nor is there much probabiKty of their
being shortly; for two years past, the U. S. have borrowed
money in time of peace, to keep their vessels cruising on every
sea, and to pay an army; but G. Britain does the same; and if
we continue to follow her example, debt, taxes and grinding th,e
poor are the certain consequences.
After it Avas known that President Madison, one of oui- best
and most worthy men, would sign the act, to establish the ex
pensive bank of the U. S. ; all who were tired of the principles
which put them into power; immediately laid them aside, and
went farther into constructive and implied powers, than had
been done at any time before; new converts always go beyond
those who held the opinions before them; beHeve lue I have
jQot mentioned Mr. Madison, Avith an intent to injure him ; and
if I was disposed to do so, I could not calculate to proceed Avith
you, no man respects him more than I do; but the errors of a
great and good man often do much mischief.
I am almost ashamed of the length of this letter and yet it
requires an exertion to stop, whenever one of the few who main
tain the old and safe principles Avrites to me ; I fear that I am
apt to make the answer too long and perhaps tedious ; that the

80 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
evening of your life may be as happy as the morning has been
useful to your country is the sincere Avish of your friend
Nathl Macon.
Th, Jefferson.

MACON PAPERS.
Thomas Jeffeeson To Nathaniel Macon
Monticello Oct. .10, 1823
Dear Sir:
The bearer Doctor Watkins has for some time been my neigh
bor and family physician, and in the latter character particu
larly has deserved much of my self and personally age and
accident have given me much occasion for aid in that line,
his political principles are yours and mine; and proposing a
visit to Washington he naturally AvIshes to be knoAvn to one
so long and so prominent in the school of genuine republicanism,
I recommend him to your acquaintance as one whose worth
and responsibility and correctness of character render him
truly estimable ; and I do it AvIth the more pleasure as it gives ,
me the occasion of recalling myself to your recollection and of
assuring you that time has not changed nor ever will change
toAvards you my constant affection and friendly attaint and
respect.
Th. j.
Nathl. Macon.
Nathaniel Macon To GoA^ Tuenee, of N. C.^^
Washington 22 Decbr. 1823
Sir
Since being here. I have written only once to you ; ev-ery time
I see Crawford who is still very low and mends very slow; he
"Copy of original in possession of Miss Nellie Irby, Nottoway County,
Va.

Macon Papers jil
enquires after you In the most frien.lly manner; Lloyd of
Maryd & Lloyd of Mass. have asked after you, more often than
all the others senators now of your acquaintance noAv an then en
quire after you ; King of N. York as often as any except the tAvo
Lloyds. I continue to think Crawford, has the best chance to be the
next president of the named candidates; though I understand
there is uncommonly great sliy hogging against him.
The message of the president, goes rather to far from home;
for the information I have ^oen; what the president may have
I do not know.
The Tariff k internal improvement men are in high spirits;
let the last have money k they ai-e satisfied ; k the first avIU no
doubt be content, to prohibit the importation of articles ; Avhich
they manufacture or wish to manuf actui-e : Let the government
give one money k prohibit importation for the other; then they
will cease to complain; then too the tillers of the earth will
be Gibionites to them; provided the banks will surrender their
claim to them.
Randolph often talks about you, k constantly expresses his
regard for you k I am extremely anxious to be informed hoAv
you are k how you have been since I left home.
Your friend
Nathl Macon.
Gov. Turner of N. C.

JEFFERSON MSS.
Nathaniel Macon To Thom.as Jeffeeson.
Washlncrton 2 Feby 1822
Sir
Your letter of the 23^"* of last NoA-ember was received soon
after my anuA-al at this place. The answer has been delayed,
"This letter not in any of the Macon collections known to the editor.

82 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
under the belief, that the meeting of Congress Avould add greatly
to the number of your coirespondents, and that it Avould be
more acceptable, to Avait till you had got clear of them.
The plan of the federal court, seems to be to keep pace Avith
Congress, The decisions do not go beyond, the system of Inter
nal improA'ements, which has often been before the National
Legislature and received the sanction of both branches, As
Congress attempt to get power by stretching the constitutiou
to fit its vieAvs, it is to be expected, if other departments^ do not
check the attempt, that each of them, will use the same means
to obtain p<;>Aver, and thus destroy any check, that Avas intended
by the division of power Into three distinct and separate bodies:
The Legislative, Executive and the Judicial; The great prin
ciple of the American governments is election for short periods;
yet in most of them, It has been departed from in the Judiciary;
this is attempting to mix principles, Avhich cannot be united,
that is to make men by the tenure of office, independent and up
right, Avho are not so from nature or principle; The tenure of
good beliavior is a violation of the elective principle, it remains
to be determined whether governments uniting tAvo opposite
principles Avill go on smoothly ; Again in many of these a check
Is intended by having two branches In the legislature generally
elected by the same electors, some requiring one qualification
and some another for the elector, but not one of them seem
to me, to have followed the law of nature, in the requisite for
the elector or the elected, In some advances have been made to
ward it ; That tAvo branches are necessary in the legislature is
not doubted, and that they ought to be elected for short period?',
and that the ExecutiA'e should not be elected: for a longer period
than the legislature, and Judges, ought not to hold their office
during good behavior, but for a fixed time ; but with great defer
ence to the opinions of others; a plan will be stated, which has
not, that I knoAV off, been tried, it is this, Let the most numer
ous branch of the legislature be elected by all the whites of the

Macon Papers 83
age of 21 years except paupers. Lunatics, and those Avho have
committed crime, and every elector be eligeble, let tlie other
branch be elected by the same sort of people above a glA't n age ;
eveiy elector as in the other case io be eiigeble. The age for this
branch ought not to be less than 30 years, perhaps forty would
be better ; The right to vote for both branches would depend on
age and moral character; The object to let every man have a
part in the government, and one branch at an age beyond
youthful heat. Pardon my troubling you, Avith my small
thoughts on this great subject, it is more pleasing to communi
cate them, than the doings of others, which have not been ap
proved. I fear we are approaching the stare, the Israelites
were iu a few years after the death of Joshua.
This letter is m-ach longer than I expected when I began, yet
was I to follow my feelings it would be longer : I know you do
not -wish to increase the number of your correspondents and I
would be the last man in the world to give you trouble, but while
I live I shall remain Your friend Nathl Maoon.

NATBA.NrEL Macon To Ttiomas Jepfeeson.
Washington 21 May 1S24
Sir The acts for the banks of the United States, the tariff and
internal improvements seem to have put an end to legislating
on the old republican principles and to prove, that under any
party name, unconstitutional measures may be adopted, names
may please, but without the principles, AvhIch ought to attach
to them, they are useless or worse; The acts above mentioned,
and such as may be expected to follow tend I fear, to make
Con"ress rather bargainers and traders than sound and fair
legislators; to look forward, caimot be pleasing, especiaUy to

84 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
those Avho have been opposed to constructive k implied powers
in the federal government. Bank notes if they deserve that
name, have introduced a system of speculatlA'e SAvindling, Avhich
has no doubt, liad some effect iu leading to measures, not finally
considered to be within the power of the government, by the
party noAV supposed by many people to be In authority.
I have Avritten this much because I could not consent to
enquire after your health, Avithout a few AA'ords on our aft'airs;
that your days may be many & happy is the most sincere &
constant Avish of Sir, Yr friend & obt sevt,
N. M.

MACON PAPERS.
Geoege M. Teoup " To Njithaniel Macon.
MiUedgeville, June 15 1824
Dear Sir
Our friends begin to feel uneasy about Mr. Crawford. They
fear that his disease may prove fatal or otherAvise disqualify
him for the office which Ave so much hoped to see him fill. In
this unfortunate event I knOAV of no person who would unite
so extensively the public sentiments of the Southern Country
in his favor as yourself. In such an unhappy result therefore
unless you forbid it I avIU . take the liberty to propagate my
opinion as diffusely as I can. In the administration of the
general Government Ave want virtue, virtue, virtue
Your friend
G. M. Teoup.
Nathl Macon.
"Troup was one of the ardent States Rights leaders who played an im
portant role in the controversies of Georgia and the Federal Govern
ment 1820 to 1827.

Macon Papers 85
Nathaniel Macon To Baetlett Yancet.^'
Washington Dcr 1825
Sir
Your letter of the IS Instant has been received. I am truly
glad to find things going on so well in the General Assennbly &
hope when it adjourns, that it may desen'e and recelA'e thanks
of all good people ; The evil of depreciated bank paper is be
yond calculation, it enables debts to be paid with less than was
due & injures the morality of those who are unfortunately com
peUed to use it [torn]
It is very probable that the proposed message of the president
about the Creek treaty wiU produce a very warm debate. I
have not seen all the correspondence betAveen the government of
the U. S. and that of Georgia on the subject, of course have
no fixed opinion; That an Indian treaty was ever made without
presents to particular chiefs I do not believe, That the fact
must be knoAvn to the admiulstration would seem clear because
the instructions for all negotiations ought to be in some of the
departments; on what ground the executive intends to bottom
the message I have not heard: It is reported and it is stated
on report only, that the friends of the late Genl. ZMcIntoch,
Indians who are [torn] appear to despair & that of the killing
party seem to be in high spirits.
It seeins somewhat strange that the federal Government,
should, be able to acquire so much land from the Indians to the
West k North west & so little to the South; & South west;
Georgia claims of her to fulfil the bargain made many years
'since, & no other state or teiTltoi'y has a bargain, by Avhich to
claim' the extinction of the Indian title; The bargain with her,
has not been more respected than was the cession act of North
Carolina, the claimants of land In Tennessee under N. C. were
"For other information about Yancey see the Sprunt manuscripts.
University of North Carolina.

86 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
ousted by a legislative act passed by Cong. Avhich ought to be
considered a bargain rather than a law, to which Tenn. & the
U. S. were the sole parties. The Indian title to the Connectl-
cntt reserve in the State of [Ohio] has long since been extin
guished, though that was private property, having been sold by
thc State to a company.
This question ha.s' been put to several lawyers — Could a black
from' San Domingo or the new continental governments in Amer
ica, be a witness against a white, in a State Avhere the laws did
not permit the black to give testimony against a white, to which
lEO satisfactory ansAv'er has yet been obtained.
You Avish rae to Avrlte often, you know how little there is to
Avrite, that raay not be seen in every newspaper, & there is at
Milton a very good one — to Avrite what every one knows Is irk
some to the writer & tiresome to the read.er, It is words and
nothing else, it may suit pompous but not plain folks.
It would gratify me very much to be again under your hospit
able roof, to see the Madam & all your children; Rufus I saw
at the University, but he did not make himself known to me,
I immediately found him out, I believe I have before mentioned
this to you.
I do not recollect any circumstance or fact worth notice, and
I am not from the right part of the Union to have a talent for
guessing ; so it is uncertain, Avhether more can be added. I avIU
stop a while, to try to find something to fill the paper, it is
grog time, perhaps a drink may assist me. Egg nog was pre
pared last night k this morning, but I did not taste it, good
it was said to be and was tempted to try it.
Taken the gi-og, eat dinner, & add that I believe this ad
ministration, Avill by the help of patronage be able to carry
most of its plans. The Senate of late years, has been the cheek
on executive power.
Saunders I expect Avrites- to you very often perhapsi once a
week, as I do not go about, nor do I know that he does, I can

Macon Papers 87
not give the ncAvs which circulates at the city (s  e s) nor
at Mrs. Adams house. The more knowing ones.  -[torn
out] no doubt these talk of great matters & are prepared to re
tail them to the first patient company, who would rather hear
than speak.
Now I Avish to you and Mrs. Yancey k to all your family a
merry Christmas k a happy new year and many of them, and all
the good things which the negroes usually wish their Masters
and Mistresses at this season of the year and farewell to you all,
& believe me Your friend
Nathl Macon.
Bartlett Yancey.

JEFFERSON MSS.
Nathaniel Macon Tq Thomas Jefferson.
Washington 14 Jan. 1826
Sir Permit me to introduce to your acquaintance & attention, my
much esteemed friend and relative Judge Henry SeaAvell of
Raleigh, Avho will hand, you this, he is a worthy man of the old
republican school in poHtics, k avIU I am sure receive your kind
civilities, which will add another to the many oblIgation-5 al
ready conferred. He -will take a son with him, who he is
anxious to place in the Virginia Unu-ersity, & I am desirous.
that the son should be made acquainted with you, for whom I
have long entertained the highest esteem & the most profound
respect. If it shrould so happen that the Judge, should not
visit Charlottesville, this will be delivered to you by his son

SS Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
William, when he shaU apply for admlttlon into the Univer
sity. He is a graduate of our University.
Accept the assurance of the continued good avIU and esteem
of your friend Nathl Macon.
Thomas Jefferson.

MACON PAPERS.
Nathaniel Macon To Gideon Alston.^^
Washington Jany 9. 1828.
Since being here, I have not heard from you, nor been inform
ed whether you received the note of hand, which Nat M Martifl
paid with the money you put in his possession for the purpose,
he Nat done all you requested, & I forwarded you the note some
time since.
Judging from what I hear, it is more than probable that
Jackson Avill be elected the next president.
No neAvs worth telling. Congress have done nothing, & I
hope will not do much unless by repealing the tariff laws & this
I am sure will not be done.
Tell Gideen I often think of him & wish him well ; & assure
all your family of the good will k esteem of
Yr friend & kinsman Nathl Macon.
Nathaniel Macon To Noeth Caeolina Assembly.
Buck Spring 14 Nov. 1828
Gentlemen :
A.ge and Infirmity render it proper for me to retire from
public service, I therefore resign; the appointment of Senator
"Copy furnished Thos. M. Pittman, Henderson, N. C.

Macon Papers 89
to the Senator of the U. S., that of Trustee of the University
of the State, and that of Justice of the Peace for the County
of Warren.
In retiring from, the service of the State, I want AVords to
convey to the Legislature and through them to the people my
thanks and gratitude for their kindness and the confidence re
posed in me. There are feelings which words cannot express,
mine are of the kind. I may however be permitted to add, that
no person can be under more obligations to a State, than I am to
North Carolina, nor feel them more strongly, and that fluty
alone, has induced me to resign.
I am Gentlemen. With utmost respect & esteem,
Nathl Macon
Gen. Assembly, Raleigh, N. C.
"WhUe^^ at Princeton New Jersey in 1776 I served a short
tour of militia duty, after the fall of Charleston S. C (12 May
1780) I served in the militia till the preliminary articles of
peace were signed (30 Nov. 1782) k never received or charged
a cent for militia duty anywhere — ^I never solicited any man
to work for me, or hinted to him, that I wished him to do so,
nor did I ever solicit any person to make interest, for me, to
be elected to any place.
When elected to the U. S. Senate; I di;d not receive double
pay for travelling.
Twice offered the office of post Master General — Speaker of
the House of E. 3 limes successively 1801-1807.
Bepfoed Beown To Nathjvniel Macon.
WasMngton City 29 April 1830
Dear Sir
Your favor of the 10 Inst, was duly received and I owe you
an expression of my thanks for your kindness in writing me,
"In Macon's handwriting on back of this paper to the Legislature.

90 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
as any thing from the pen of a FelloAv Citizen so large a share
of whose life has been devoted to the service of his country, and
the correctness of Avhose political course time Is constantly af
fording the most ample testimony in favor of, could not be oth
erwise than grateful to my feelings.
The speedy payment of the national debt, referred to in
your letter should be an object of unceasing solicitude, with all
who AvIshTto see the government brought to its republican course,
for so long as it remains unpaid. It avIU form a pretext for con
tinuing the present high rates of duties ; thus annually exacthg
from Agricultural industry a large sum of money, which a Avise
and provident government, should leave in the pockets of its
citizens. If this course Is persevered in, and it should become
the settled policy of Congress a-fter the national 'debt is extin
guished, to continue a system of taxation, which will annually
bring into the Treasury a larger sum than the ordinary expen
diture of government require, it cannot but be looked on with
dismay and apprehension, by those who are friendly to preserv
ing the limitations, Avhich the framers' of the constitution de
signed to impose on the federal government, but which have
been almost entirely' disregarded by a combination of selfish
politicians, Avho have succeeded in establishing, Avhat they "false
ly denominate the "American System" ! by Avhich extortions
are to be practiced on a portion of the people of the confederacy,
to be expended in distant states in which those Avho contribute
tbe largest amount of money, have no immediate interest. A
system more false to the prosperity of the Southern portion of
America, better calculated to annihilate the sovereignty of the
States, and destroy the peace and harmony of the Union, could
not in my opinion have been doAised : It has caused our Govern
ment In theory the best which history* furnishes an account of,
to become in its practical effects, oppressh-e on a large portion
of its citizens, and by the douceurs, Avhich it holds out to its
citizens by appropriations, for internal improA-ements, a spirit
of cupidity is excited among them, of a corrupting tend.enoy,

Macon Papers 91
and Avhich leads to their acquiescence, in the usurpatloit of the
Gen. Govt., but of this, enough! for Avith the motives Avhich
influenced the political schemes, to Avhom Ave are indebted for
this system and the destructive influence which it is exerting
on the prosperity aud freedom of our country, no one is better
acquainted than yourself.
The BUI authorizing the President to exchange Avitli certain
Indian tribes, lands west of the Mississippi, for those noAV oc
cupied by them, and making an appropriation for their removal
Sn the eA-ent of their consent to do so, passed the Senate a few
days since (as' you avIU liave seen by the papers before this)
and it is believed will pass the House of Representatives. On
yesterday Mr. McDuffie continued in the H. of R. the speech
which he commenced on the day before in support of his amend
ment to Mr. Jilallory's Bill for the more faithful collection of
the public rcA'enue. Mr. McDuffiie's amendment, which I have
out of the U. InteUigeneer is enclosed. His speech in supjiort
of it was one of great power and is said to have produced some
effect on some of those in favor of the protecting policy, though,
I have but little hope if a reduction of the duties at this session
except on tea, coft'ee, and perhaps on salt. In the Senate we
make but slow progress, the opposition party haA-e left no effort
unessayed, to embarrass the measures of the administration at
evei'y step. This has been the case, more especially in exeeutlA-e
business, as we have on several occasions sat six or seA'en hours
at a time Avithout having acted on more than one or two nomi
nations. The nomination of Kendall has not yet been acted
on. it probably avIU be in the course of the present week and it
is extremely doubtful whether it will be confii-med. The time
when Congress will adjourn is yet uncertain as there is much
business of Imp':>rtance still to be acted on and should the Sen
ate tiy the impeachment of Judge Peck at the preseut session,
which is probable (as a commiuiication was yesterday recei'.ed
from him intimating a AvIsh to be tried) it will, I fear, be near
the first of June before the session terminates. I fear Sir, I

92 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
have trespa-ssed on your time by the length of my letter and will
conclude by tendering you my earnest AvIshes for your health
and happiness. Very respectfully your obt. svt.
B. Beown.
Nathaniel Macon Esq.
Nathaniel Macon To Samuel P. Cjveson."
Buck Spring, 9. Feb. 1833
Sir: I have received your letter of the 24 ultimo. There
can be no doubt that the U. S. are in a deplorable situation,
and that the publication of the opinion you desire would be
useless. It has never been a secret and always stated to those
Avho Avanted to know it. In the year 1824 the constitution
was buried in the Senate. The opinions of gen. Washington,
Mr. Jefferson and gov. Clinton are knoAvn but not respected.
I have never believed a state could nullify and remaiin in the
union, but have always believed that a state might secede when
she pleased, provided she AVOuld pay her proportion of the pub
lic debt, and this right I have considered the best guard to
public liberty and to public justice that could be desired, and
it ought to have prevented what is now felt in the south-
oppression. "The proclamation contains principles as contrary to what
was the constitution as nullification. It Is the great error of
the adnilnistration, Avhich, except that, has been satisfactory
in a high degree, to the people who elected the president. "When
confederacies begin to fight liberty is soon lost, and the gOA-era-
ment is soon changed. A goA'ernment of opinion established
by sovereign states, for special purposes, cannot be maintained
by force.. The use of force makes enemies, and enemies cannot
live in peace under such a government.
The case of South Carolina is as different one from that of
Pennsylvania as any tAvo cases can be. In 1816 the system that
"From Niles Register 44, 418.

Macon Papers 93
noAV oppresses the south Avas begun. It Avas then opposed. In
1824 the constitution Avas buried. Senators who were then in
the Senate, avIU no doubt recollect — (Repetition — old age avIU
shoAv) — Time to quit, Yonrs, very truly
Nathl MIacon
Samuel P. Carson Esq of N. C.
Late U. S. Senator.
Maetin Van Bueen To Nathaniel Macon.
Washington Feby 13, 1836
My dear Sir
The enclosed letters will show you the steps I have
taken in regard to the picture, which has I hope before this time
come to light, or rather to your hands. I have taken the lib-
erty of showing your letter to the President who feels himself
complimented by the preference you have been pleased to give
to Mr. Braggs (work), and desires to be affectionately remem
bered to you. AUow me to add on my oavu account that I feel
myself highly honored to have my name introduced- into your
family, & sincerely hope it may some day be in my pOAver to
be serviceable to the youth who bears it. I think I may safely
say to you that the French business avIU be (certainly?) and
satisfactorily settled -with an increase of reputation abroad of
the strength of the administration- at home. The abolition
question has received its quietus in the House, will be treated
in like manner in the Senate k the States, so as to put it out
of the power of evil disposed persons to disturb the harmony
of our happy Union through its agency. Assuring you of the
great pleasure it will always give me to hear from you I am
Dear Sir
Very truly yours
M. Van BtJEEN.
Washington Feby 13, 1836.
Nathaniel Macon Esq.

THE JOHN P. BRANCH
Historical Papers
OF
Randolph-Macon College
Published Annually by the Department of History
Vol. III. JUNE 1910 No. 2
CONTENTS

Prkface - _ . _ . - 97
Edmund Ruffin — ^Henry G. Ellis - - - 99
Dr. W. H. Ruffner— E. L. Fox 124
Gen. Robt. B. Taylor--\V. B. Elliott 145

Price of Vohime III. $2.00.

Address, Chas. H. Avibler, Editor.
Ashland, Va.

RICHMOND, VA.
RICHMOND PRESS, Inc.
1910

THE JOHN P. BRANCH
HISTOK-ICAI. ]PAI>SK:S
OF
JUNE, 1910

PREFACE

The Branch Papers this year present biographies of Ed
mund Ruffin, Dr. William Henry Ruffner and Gen. Robert
B. Taylor. The importance of these men in Virginia history
would justify fuller biographies than these here given, but
it is hoped that the results of these pieces of research may
prove useful to students of Virginia history. Gen. Taylor
was a prominent Federalist during practically the AvhoIe
of the period from 1789 to 1516 Avhen that party Avas in
fluential in Virginia. Edmund Ruffin Avas the ablest and
most iniluential of Virginia's agricultural leaders during a
period of thirty years immediately preceding the Civil War.
He Avas the author of a celebrated essay on calcareous ma
nuring; he Avas also an ardent pro-slavery advocate and an
apostle of secession. Dr. William H. Ruffner's activities
belong to the Reconstruction period. He is the father oi^
Virginia's public free school system.
The Branch Papers for 191 1 will contain one or two short
biographies of prominent Virginians and a large part of the
unpublished correspondence cf Tho.mas Ritchie, editor of
the Richmond Enquirer.
CHAS. H. ATvIBLER.

EDMUND RUFFIN: PnS LIFS AND TIMES.*
BT HENRY G. ELUS.
"And he gave it for his opimon, 'that whoever could make two ears of corn,
or two blades of grass, to grow upon a spot of ground -where only one grew
before, would deserve better of manldad, and do more esEential service to
his country than thc whole race of politicians put together.' "
The thirty years immediately preceding the great Civil War
were years of political unrest. After the so-called "Era of Good-
feeling," an issue pushed itself forward that was to rise above
and eclipse all other national political issues. In spite of all
the efforts at pacification and compromise the chasm between
the North and the South on the economic and political problem
of negro slavery was constantly widening and deepening.
The South was united with its proverbial solidity to oppose
the efforts of emancipators and abolitionists. The difference
was not one that could be settled at the ballot box, and Cobb,
of Georgia, spoke with more truth and foresight than he was
probably av/are of, when, in the debates over the Missouri com
promise, he said to the anti-slavery men: "You have kindled a
fire which all the waters of the ocean cannot put out and which
seas of blood only will extinguish." -j" While it was true that
the South, as opposed to the North, stood solid on the question
of ndgro slavery, it was also true that, in the South itself there
was a division, clear and well-defiiied, between those who
staunchly defended slavery as a divine institution, an economic
good and necessity, and those who apologized for it as an evil,
a burden on the country, the sooner rid of the better.
Of the political leaders of this time, much has been written
and the work of the Clays, the Calhouns, the Websters, the
Yanceys, the Davises, the Douglcises, has been more or less
thoroughly threshed out. But there was another class of men,
the industrial leaders, whose opinions did much to mold the
?Awarded the Bennett History Medal, 1909.
t Anruils of Congress, 15 Cong. 2 Sess., I., 1204.

100 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
thought of the great masses of people and to bring on the "ir
repressible conflict." Of these industrial leaders little is known
and their work, not being accomplished in the limelight of
political publicity, is often unappreciated and its significance
not understood. A type of these leaders is Edmund Ruffin, of
Virginia. To get a proper understanding of him, he must be
studied as an economist, a leader in agricultural improvement,
who, during his many years of usefulness, probably did more
for the farming element of the South, and of Virginia in par
ticular, than any other man, either before or since his day.
Incidentally he was a publicist, a pro-slavery leader, a defender
of minoi'ity rights and a rank secessionist.
It is said that when a man becomes prominent in New York,
people ask: "How much is he worth?", in Boston: "What does
he know?" With a great deal of truth it m.ay be added that in
Virginia they ask: "Who was his grandfather? What is his pedi
gree?" This is to a large extent true to the present day and was
truer in those days that preceded the conflict of i860.
Edmund Ruffin came of good stock. His grandfather was
"Edmund Ruffin, fourth in descent from Wm. Ruffin, who was
seated in the Isle of Wight county in i656, and died in 1693.
He was the son of Edmund Ruffin by his first marriage with
Mrs. Edmunds, nee Simmons, (he married secondly Elizabeth
Cocke, of Surry County) and was born January 2, 1744 or 1745,
and died in 1807; was a member of the House of Delegates 1777,
1784, 1786 and 1787; County Lieutenant 17S9; Sheriff 1797;
married Jane, daughter of Sir William Skipwith, Bar't., of
Prestwood, Mecklenburg County.*'' To this union was born, in
1765, a son, George, who married Rebecca Cocke. A son of
this union was Edmund Ruffin, the subject of this sketch, born
January 5, 1794, in Prince George County, Virginia.! The
Edmund Ruffin referred to above, the grandfather of Edmund
* Collections of the Virginia Historical Society, (n. s.) X., 380.
t Virginia Magazine of History and Biographt/, V., 74. Accounts of Mr.
Ruffin may be found in DeBmo's Review, XI., 431-436; Yearbook, TJ. S. De
partment of Agriculture, 1895, 493-502; and The American Farmer, 1852, VII.

Edmund Ruffin. 101
Ruffin, the secessionist, was a member of the Virginia Con
stitutional Convention of 17S8 and, while he made no speeches
in the convention, it is interesting to note that his votes show
that he sided with Grayson, Patrick Henry, Mason, and those
other great advocates of the rights of the individual states.^:
Thus, even before our Federal Constitution was adopted, he
was defending the rights of the states as did his eminent grand
son in the two decades immediately preceding the Civil War.
Mr. Ruffin's father, George Ruffin, was not prominent as a
public man; but as a Virginian planter he remained true to the
traditions of his ancestors and reared his son in the states'
rights school.
Of Mr. Ruffin's early life little is known. It has been stated
that he was impeded in his work by a feeble constitution.* If
this be true the work he later accomplished seems the more
wonderful, for his was a busy and useful life. His father, being
comparatively wealthy, was able to give him the advantages of
a good education and, when he arrived at the age of sixteen, he
was entered at the famous William and Mary College, the alma
mater of Jefferson, John Taylor of Caroline, and others of like
stamp. The records of the college for this time have been
destroyed and we can, therefore, learn nothing of Mr. Ruffin's
college career. It has been stated, however, that his connec
tion v/ith the institution proved unprofitable and that he was
suspended for continuous neglect of duty.f It is not improbable
that the sudden change from a country plantation to Hfe in a
college tovvn developed in the young man a tendency to sow
his wild oats and the above statement is doubtless true. When
the second war with Great Britain came on he enlisted in the
first muster of soldiers in August, 1812, and served, as a private,
until February, 1813, when he returned home to take charge of
% Elliot's Deha:tes on ihe Federal Constitution, III., 654, 655, 662.
* American Farmer, VII., 293.
t W. P. Cutter, A Pioneer in- Agricultural Science, Yearbook, U. S. De
partment of Agriculture, 1895, 494; .The American Farmer, VII., 293.

102 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
an estate at Coggin's Point, Prince George County, which he
had inherited from his father.
Thus, when only twenty years of age, he began his remarkable
career as a scientific agriculturist. Whether he had made a
success as a college student or not, it is certain that any failure
to do so was not due to lack of ability as his later works abund
antly testify. With the energy and application that was char
acteristic of all his later undertakings he immediately began to
familiarize himself not only with all the practical knowledge
of farming but also with the theories of scientific agriculture.
He not only familiarized himself with the works of Virginia's
tv/o great publicists, John Taylor of Caroline and Thomas R.
Dew, but he also read and digested the scientific works of Sir
Humphrey Davy, Boussingalt, Liebig, Berzelius and many other
scientists of note.
Agriculture at this time in Virginia was at a low ebb.* Un
scientific farming and the nature of the crops cultivated had com
bined to drain the exuberant soil of its fertility. The settlers
of Virginia had planted its fields in tobacco to satisfy the Euro
pean demand. After years of culture of this crop the Euro
pean v\rars created a demand for cereals and the already de
bilitated acres were planted in wheat. In the midst of an
abundance of soil the Virginia farmer had found it easier to
break up new land than to improve the old. By the beginning
of the nineteenth century nearly all the land, of Tidewater,
Virginia, had been put into cultivation and as there were no
new fields to clear the older on«s were, by exhaustive crops
and a wasteful system of slave labor, robbed of their fecundity.
In the hunt for new land the farmers were, in many instances,
leaving the homes of their fathers to start new ones in the
fertile west. Prices went down, fences rotted, fields were left
uncultivated, and deer and wild turkeys were said to be more
abundant around Virginia's ancient capital, WilHam-sburg, than
anywhere in Kentucky. John Randolph, of Roanoke, prophe-
*See Ljriichburg Virf/irwan of July 4, 1833, and other papers of the time.

Edmund Ruffin 103
sied that the time would soon come when the master would
flee from the slave and be advertised for in the public papers.
Such conditions and the patriotic need of remedying them faced
the young planter, Edmund Ruffin.
The Virginia farmer, like the Chinaman, was, and is, inclined
to plant his fields and raise his crops in a certain way because
his father and grandfather did it that way. With rare orig
inality Mr. Ruffin immediately set to work to devise some
means of permanently increasing the fertility of his acres and the
returns therefrom. He commenced a set of experiments, keep
ing careful record of the results of each one, and succeeded in
proving to his own satisfaction that a great means of improving
exhausted lands was by the application of marl.t The idea was
not original with Mr. Ruffin, nor can he be called the first
great agricultural leader of Virginia. Marl had been used as a
fertilizer for many years in England and as early as the time of
Governor Yeardley it had been tried in Virginia. | In the very
beginning of the nineteenth century John Taylor of Caroline, in
his famous pamphlet entitled Arator,** had given the farmers
of Virginia the soundest advice as to means of improving their
land; but Mr. Ruffin was the first to convince the farmers of
the value of marl and to get- them to use it to any extent. He
based his argument not on theory alone but on practical and
convincing experiment, and it is no mean comment on his work
that, according to the census of 1850, the increase in the value
of the lands of eastern Virginia since 1837 amounted to §23,-
000,000.00.* It is not claimed that this was wholly due to
Ruffin's work and influence, but there is no other cause to which
we can attribute by far the larger part of the increase.
An interesting incident throws some light on Mr. Ruffin's
political convictions at this time. Between 1815 and 1825
t A mixture of clay and carbonate of Ume. Deposits of this substance
are very numerous in Virginia and of great value as a fertilizer.
% P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, I., 427.
** This pamphlet may be had at the Virginia State Library.
* American Farmer, VII.

104 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
County Agricultural Societies v/ere being organized throughout
the eastern part of the State. These Societies were at first
devoted only to the interests of agriculture but they soon became
interested in politics. In 1818, Mr. Ruffin was instrumental
in forming such an agricultural Society in his county. From
several local societies was formed the United Agricultural
Societies of Virginia and Mr. Ruffin became its Secretary.!
¦This society, under his direction, presented to Congress in the
session of 1819-20, what DeBow's Review terms "the first peti
tion ever offered against the protective policy." J It was doubt
less with reference to Mr. Ruffin's activity at this time that the
impetuous Ritchie in a later editorial in the Richmond En
quirer said: "He was among the earliest and most enlightened
opponents of the abominable Tariff."*
In 1821 the first published exposition of Mr. Ruffin's. agri
cultural theories and practices a.ppea.red in the American Farmer,**
as an "Essay on the Composition of Soils and their Improvement
by Calcareous Manures." This Essay was read before the
United Agricultural Societies of Virginia and attracted such
attention that it was ordered to be printed. The title of the
article implies its character and the Essay shows that . it is
the result of careful study and experimentation and that the
author was well versed in the then young science of agricultural
chemistry. It was but the precursor of a long and able series
of agricultural works, comprising no less than fifty magazine.
articles and ten books and pamphlets, not to rnention ten years'
service as editor of the Farmer's Register and numerous purely
political books and essays.
In 1823, Mr. Ruffin was elected to the Virginia State Senate
for the District composed of Sussex, Surrey, Southampton, Isle
of Wight, Prince George and Greenesvilie counties.***
t American Farmer, III., 321; DeBow's Review, XI., 431.
•t DeBow's Review, XI., 434.
* Rich^nond Enquirer, July 18, 1833.
** American Farmer, III., 313-319.
***Virg.inia Senate Journals, 1823-24, 16.

Edmund Ruffin lOj
This was his first and only appearance as a public man and
he held this office only three years. There is nothing to offer
any better explanation of his refusal to serve longer than the
folloAving from DeBow's Reviau;: "With too much of patriotism
and rigid, unbending political principle to be a simple partisan,
he ever had but little kindness for either of the great political
parties which divide and distract our country. He has freely
denounced both w-hen wandering, as he believed, from those
principles which should control the government of this con
federacy. It can never be said of hira, as of Burke, that he
to party gave up vv-hat was meant for mankind. -|- As soon as
he appeared in the Senate he was appointed on the Committee
of Internal Improvements t and continued to serve on this
committee as long as he v%-a3 in that body. Althoug'n these
three sessions of 1823-24, 1824-25 and 1825-26 were stirring ones
in the National Congress, very little legislative vrork was ac
complished in the Mrginia Assembly. True to Tidewater, Vir
ginia, Mr. Ruffin consistently opposed any effort to create new
counties in the discontented west.* He was. un-wiliing to see
any of the political power of the wealthy eastern minority di
minished by increasing the representation of the v>-estern part
of the Commonwealth. Always an opponent of the banks, as
they were then conducted, he opposed all motions to recharter
the Farmer's Bank of Virginia, which was first chartered in
February, 1812.**
In 1833, Mr. Ruffin started the Farmer's Register, "A Monthly
Publication Devoted to the Improvement of the Practice and
Support of the Interests of Agriculture." The first number
of this magazine was cordially welcomed by all interested in
agricultural matters. Farmers in general were glad to have
this means of learning the opinions of the editor who had al
ready come to be recognized as an authority on agricultural
t DeBovj's Review, XI., 4.34.
t Virginia Senate Joumah, 1823-24, 22.
* HM., 49-
** Ibid., 119 and 123.

106 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
matters. The Richmond Enquirer in a review of the first issue
hailed it as forming a new era for agriculture in Virginia and de
clared that even the first number had exceeded, the most sanguine
expectations. This review is accompanied by a sketch of Mr.
Ruffin's life which placed hira as one of the foremost scientific
planters of the South and East.* The magazine grew in cir
culation and influence until it was recognized by subscribers
from New England to Georgia as one of the ablest of Its kind.f
It gained for its editor recognition as "one of the most distin
guished practical farmers of the ancient Dominion." It took
for its motto the saying from Swift quoted at the beginning of
tills article and it is interesting, as well as surprising, when we
consider the temperament of the editor and the time of its
publication, to note that all articles of a political nature were
absolutely excluded from Its pages. This was at a time when
politics were warm. A paper that printed the political opinions
of one party would hardly be admitted to the homes of some
of those of the opposite "persuasion." In order that the
Farmer's Register might have a wider and better influence in
matters agricultural, questions political were not discussed. It
was during this period, when Jackson ruled the country with
the hand of a master, that the theory of "Minority Rights,"
which w-as to be so Interpreted as to strengthen the theory of
State's Rights and Secession, was developing. Eastern Vir
ginia was then a part of the minority and willingly embraced the
doctrine of the Calhoun school. At this time (July, 1S37) a
toast was proposed hy N. Flerbermont at a Fourth of July
celebration in South Carolina that is worth quoting in full. It
is not only evidence of Mr. Ruffin's standing but also throws
light on the politics of the time in South Carolina and through
out the entire pro-slavery South, including eastern Virginia.
When the time for toasts came, Mr. Herbermont said: "Gentle
men: — We cannot consent to pass over the Fourth of July
without drinking some toast. Who is the man now in public
* Richmond Enquirer, July 18, 1833.
t Harper's Weekhj, IX.., 478; and numerous contemporary re-yiews.

Edmund Ruffin 107
office or capacity, deserving of having his nam.e thus extolled?
Our political affairs are in such a state, that those at the head of
them, deserve our most unequivocal disapprobation. Our
money and commercial affairs are in such a condition, from the
wild and dishonest projects concocted in the kitchen at head
quarters for the gratification of the vitiated palates of the mag
nates of the country, that we cannot, with a clear conscience,
estimate any of them sufficiently high to send their names to
the world with our commendation and praise. In this dilemma,
I propose, gentlemen, to deviate so far from the usual practice of
having on this day exclusively political subjects. I propose
then, Edmund Ruffin, of Petersburg, Va., the talented and
indefatigable editor of the Farmer's Register and author of
that most interesting and valuable work, 'Essay on Calcareous
Manures' ****** Verily, he deserves our thanks.
May our approbation of his virtues and patriotic exertions be
as a nucleus for the gratitude which posterity will bear to his
name.* In 1835, Mr. Ruffin published in connection with the Farmer's
Register, his most widely known work,t An Essay on Calcareous
Manures.X This able work ran through five editions and increased
in size from a hundred and si.xteen pages in 1835, to four hundred
and ninety pages in 1852. It is an able and careful work, setting
forth in a scholarly and convincing manner the author's ideas
concerning the use of Calcareous Manures as a means of re
storing impoverished lands. It is divided into two parts. The
first, or theoretical part, is a logical argument from a scientific
viewpoint, sustained by eminent chemists and agriculturists.
The second, or practical part, gives the result of a set of careful
and painstaking experiments. The essay deals chiefly with
agricultural subjects but makes incidental references to negro
* Southern Agriculturist, X., 401-402.
^ Sovihem Agriculturist, X., 402; American Journal of Science and Arts,
XXX., 138-163; Harper's Weekly, IX., 478.
t Copies of this work may be had at the Virginia State Library and at the
Library of Congress.

108 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
slavery and the domestic slave trade. Of the profits derived
from the slave trade tbe author says: "The cultivators of eastern
Virginia derive a portion of their income from a source quite
distinct from their tillage — and which, though it often forces
them to persist in their profitless farming, yet also in some
measure conceals, and is generally supposed to compensate for,
its losses. This source is the breeding and selling of slaves; of
which (though a discussion of this point will not be undertaken
here) I cannot concur in the general opinion that it is also a
source of profit.*"
Mr. Ruffin continued the publication of the Farmer's Register
for ten years. With each volume the number of subscribers
seemed to be increasing and the magazine had become a hand
book for the farmers of the East. But in 1842 the editor was
forced to stop the publication, because, even with the Increased
subscription, it was not a financial success. Throughout the
whole ten volumes the editor had stuck strictly to his original
purpose, that is of publishing matter "devoted to the improve
ment of the Practice and Support of the Interests of Agri
culture." It is true that some contemporary newspaper at
tacked him for publishing, in the ninth volume of the Register,
discussions of the Bank Evils. These contemporaries claimed
that Mr. Ruffin had not stuck to his declared purpose of ex
cluding political discussions from the columns of the Register;
but Mr. Ruffin defended his position on the grounds that the
subject of Banking was of vital interest and importance to every
farmer in the country and that the Register was merely dis
cussing the Banks from the standpoint of their utility to the
farmer.'! So vitally interested did Mr. Ruffin become in this
subject that the movement to recharter the United States Bank
and the results of the panic of 1837 caused him to enter tem
porarily the field of National Politics. In.September, 1841, he
began the publication of the Bank Reformer, a monthly pamphlet
* Essay on Calcareozcs Manures, Edition of 1842, 22.
t Farmer's Register, IX., passim. Contemporary issues of the Richmond
. Compiler and Petersburg Statesman.

Edmund Ruffin. 109
devoted to the purpose of reforming the existing bank evils.
This paper was published for six months and opposed the ^s ild-
cat banking in as strong articles as the English language and
printers' Ink could supply. In addition to the editor's opinions
and those of his contemporaries, the writings of Gallatin, Jef
ferson, Madison, Webster and Clay were searched and whatever
they said or wrote against the bank evils was republished in
this organ of reform. At this time the editor was instrumental
in organizing a "Reform Association," at Petersburg, having
the same end in view as the Bank Reformer.
But the field of National politics had no charm for Ruffin.
The Virginia Legislature, In the session of 1840-41, established
a State Board of Agriculture, of which he was made a member.
When the Board met for the first time on December 6, 1S41,
he was elected Secretarj', James Barbour being elected Presi
dent.* After organizing and arranging plans for a Statewide
campaign for agricultural improvements James Barbour was,
by authorit>- of the Board, commissioned to prepare an address
to the General Assembly, stating the plans of the board and the
condition and needs of Virginia. In the course of this address,
Barbour writes: "It is with unfeigned regret that the Board
feels itself compelled to draw the attention of the Legislature to
the condition of the Commonwealth and especially of its eastern
portion. Ours is a case unparalleled in the progress of human
affairs: a country once fertile, in a most genial climate, with
advantages peculiar to ourselves in our "numerous and fine
na-vigable streams, and all these blessings under the protection
of order and equal laws, becoming depopulated, is a spectacle
without its like. Whatever other causes may have contributed
to this mournful result, all will readily refer the principal agency
therein to an injudicious husbandry. To remove this blighting
evil will be the greit object of the Boards It does not disguise
from itself, however, that, unaided and alone, its efforts will be
unavailing. It must have the constant and cordial co-opera-
* Journal of State Board of Agriculture, First Session. Ruffin manuscript
papers.

110 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
tion of all classes, and the fostering countenance of the Legis
lature. Agriculture should be the first object of civilized man;
its condition is a fair test of the state of society; when It is de
fective, all conditions suffer — ^when it prospers, all partake of its
prosperity."* This last sentence, from the pen of the able
United States Senator, Secretary of War, and Minister to the
court of Saint James, may be taken as the keynote of Edmund
Ruffin's career.
In 1842, Mr. Ruffin was made Agricultural Surveyor of the
State of South Carolina. This office came entirely without
solicitation on his part and was a practical recognition of his
ability and accomplishments as an agriculturist, and a proof
that his influence had, even at that early date, extended far
beyond the boundaries of his own State. Leaving Virginia, he
went to South Carolina and fulfilled the duties of his office for
one year. In 1843, his Report of the Commencement and Progress
of the Agricultural Survey of South Carolina for 184J was pub
lished. This is a careful and exact account of his work. It
makes statements as to the occurrence of marl-beds in the
State, contains many statistics and chemical analyses, and makes
a plea for more scientific farming and an intelligent use of marl
as a fertilizer.
Mr. Ruffin returned to Virginia in 1843 and organized the
Virginia State Agricultural Society of which he was elected
President. He continued to serve In this capacity for several
years.f About this time he purchased Marlbourne, an estate in Han
over County on the Pamunkey River, and late in December
commenced to move his effects to that place. On leaving
Prince George County, a dinner was given at Garysville in his
honor, and his admiring friends and neighbors "in considera
tion of the distinguished services rendered by him in promoting
the agricultural interests of the county by the practical use of
~~*~IUd. t Yearbook, U. S. Department of Agriculture, 1895, 493. Harper's En
cyclopaedia of United States History, VII., 499.

Edmund Ruffin. Ill
marl as manure and by his Essays on that subject," f presented
him with a gift of silverware. At the dinner the guests drank
to the toast: "Edmund Ruffin, the Pioneer of Marling, the
Author of the Essay on Calcareous Manures and Editor of the
Farmers' Register, — Imperishable Works of genius and industry —
We deeply regret his intention to leave us; he carries with him
our highest respect for his character and gratitude for his
services." i
Marlbourne is situated on the Pamunkey River, in the Tide
water section of Virginia, the old aristocratic neighborhood of
Hanover County. Adjoining it was the plantation of Carter
Braxton. Like most of the Tidewater, it had been impoverished
by unscientific farming before the time when Mr. Ruffin took
possession of it. It contained 9773^ acres, 684J4 o^ which v/ere
in the low-grounds of the Pamunkey. Improvements on it
consisted of a large and valuable dwelling house, kitchen,
laundry, meat-house, ice-house, stables, carriage-house, bam,
negro quarters, all in good condition.* The farm is drained by
three small streams and a spring bursting from the hillside not
sixty yards from the dwelling house kept it supplied with ex
cellent v/ater. "The mansion is near the brink of the hill,
overlooking the extreme low-ground, which offers even now- a
prospect of rare beauty; and which, when the land is improved
by marl and made to bear rich crops of grain and grass, will be
inferior in beauty to no view which does ffot embrace either
water or mountains."** Marlbourne was a typical Southern
plantation and had come into the hands of a progressive repre
sentative of the Southern slave holder. Upon taking possession
of it, Mr. Ruffin immediately set to work to improve the land-
according to his theory of the use of calcareous manure. Be
ginning with January i, 1844, he kept an almost daily record
of his farming operations and from this Farm Journal one can
t Southern Agriculturist, (n. s.) IV., January, 1844.
tmd.
* Description of Marlbourne in Farm Journal. Ruffin, Manuscript papers.
** Ibid.

112 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
learn just how far he practiced the use of marl which he had
so earnestly advocated for many years. On January 24, 1844,
no sooner than he had gotten his furniture arranged at Marl
bourne, "all hands, except five ditchers and one carter, began
marling operations, by uncovering marl on the land of IVlr.
Carter Braxton, close adjacent to my land and where the marl
is better than mine. He had kindly offered me this privilege
for all that I shall need or desire to use and the offer wa.s an
operatical inducement to me to buy the land as I feared and
believed that the marl was both poor and scanty." *
These improvements were continued and in 1849, at the
earnest solicitation of Mr. Willoughby Newton and other prom
inent farmers, Mr. Ruffin consented to give an account of his
experiments. Accordingly, in July, 1849, an article entitled,
"Farming Profits in Eastern Virginia: The Value of Marl,"
appeared in the American Farmer.^ This article not only
gives us an exact account of the profits of Mr. Ruffin's farm
since January, 1 844, but also shows clearly that he had made a
success in the practice of his theory. At the time the article
was written, there was employed on the Marlbourne farm an
overseer, with a family of five persons, and over thirty-five
slaves. Three horses were kept exclusively for riding and
driving, and eight servants were employed in and about the
"Great House." The farm, buildings, slaves, etc., were valued
at $28,000.00 and this article shows that on this capital for the
five years between i844 and 1849, Mr. Ruffin made an average
net profit of 12.84%, or a yearly return as follows: First year,
a loss of .27%; Second year, a profit of 8.16%; Third year,
12.81%; Fourth year, 22.86%; Fifth year, 20.10%. The aver
age wheat crop was from 2,000 to 4,869 bushels annually, corn
from 2,830 to 3,080 bushels. In the five years, 276,613 bushels
of marl had been applied to the land and the above figures
seem convincing as to its utility.
* lUd.
t American Farmer, V., 2-11.

Edmund Ruffin. 113
A story is to this day current in the Marlbourne neighborhood
which shows how Mr. Ruffin took ever>' opportunity to put
more marl on his land. It is said that one winter, Mr. Ruffin,
for some reason, failed to fill his ice-house. A sudden freeze
came late in February and, with characteristic neighborliness,
the farmers for miles around, know-ing that the ice wouldn't
last but a day or two, each sent a cart and a negro driver to
enable him to fill his ice-house before the thaw came. When
Mr. Ruffin found all the teams assembled In his stable-yard
soon after daybreak, the report goes that he concluded that the
opportunity was too good to miss and, preferring marl to ice, he
sent every cart to the marl pits. That evening he sent the carts
back home with a message of thanks and appreciation, saying,
that the timely loan had been a great help to him. To this
day the farm show-s the effect of the marl applied by Mr. Ruffin
in 1844-48, and is one of the richest and most productive in
Eastern Virginia.
In connection with the above mentioned article on Profits of
Agriculture the Editor of the American Farmer said: "With
pleasure and pride v/e commence our new volume by calling
the attention of our agriculture friends to the paper on this
subject (Profits of Agriculture) in our present number, from
the pen of that accomplished agricultural w-riter and successful
improver of the soil, Edmund Ruffin, Esq., * * * * Facts
are stubborn things and figures, it is said, cannot lie; but v/e
may be permitted to say, that the vv-riter has in the course of
his very able communication demonstrated two things bej'ond
all controversy. First, that poor lands are susceptible by well-
directed and enlightened processes of being made fertile, — and
secondly, that agriculture as a calling is a profitable one * *
* * * * The communication of Mr. Ruffin will, v^fe are
sure, be the more treasured as its author is as well known for
his love of the truth and moderation in all his statements as
he is for his brilliant success as a practical farmer and wide
spread reputation as an agricultural writer." etc., etc.* The
* American Farmer, (n. s.) V., 1.

114 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers.
Philadelphia United States Gazette noticed the article thus:
"The July number of the (Baltimore) American Farmer contains
a highly interesting communication on the above named sub
ject (Profits of Agriculture) from the pen oi Edmund Ruffin, Esg.,
of Virginia, author of the v\-ell-kno-vvn and highly esteemed work
on 'Calcareous Manures,' and one of the most distinguished
practical farmers of the ancient TJominion.' Successful in all
his private efforts in the renovation of old exhausted lands, Mr.
Ruffin's experience is the more authoritative, as well as interest
ing; and his account is a very encouraging one of the profits
that may be actually realized in the intelligent pursuit of those
rural occupations, v/hich in all other respects, are known to
yield such good returns of health, independence, and happiness."
etc., etc.j
From the time of the appearance of this article (1849) to the
Civil War there were years of political agitation in which the
destiny of the. Nation was in the balance. At a time like tiiis,
when the entire State was full of turmoil and political strife, it
seems strange that the ardent pro-slavery Ruffin did not give
some written expression of his political opinion. But not so.
The years from 1849 to 1856, he seems to have spent at his
chosen calling, namely, that of improving the condition of
Virginia's farms and farmers. During all this time his pen was
not idle. He contributed to the various agricultural magazines,
twelve Essays on Agricultural Subjects, and offered many
premiums to farmers of Virginia and Maryland for sets of ex
periments that would tend to Improve husbandry. In Novem
ber, 1852, he read before the South Carolina Institute, at its
fo'drth annual fair, an Address on the Opposite Results of Ex-
hausting and Fertilizing Systems of Agricidlure. In 1853, his
Premium Essay on Agricultural Education \'/as published in
pamphlet form. This Essay is a plea for more and better
Agricultural and Mechanical Colleges. In 1854, be was ap
pointed Agricultural Commissioner of the State of Virginia.*
- t American Farmer, V., October 1S49.
* American Farmer, (n. s.) IX., July 1854.

Edmmid Ruffin. 115
In 1855, his Essays and Notes on Agricidlure was published at
Richmond.! While Ruffin was accomplishing these works of peace, the
politicians and agitators were bringing on the Civil War. The
sentiment for a united South, based on negro salvery and the
cultivation of cotton, was daily becoming stronger. In Virginia,
a contest was on not unlike that in the Nadon as a whole.
Slowly but surely the difference between the aristocratic east
and the democratic west which had been manifesting itself for
more than a century began to widen. The line of demarkation
v/as being clearly drav/n. In the western part of the State
there was a decided effort to get rid of negro slavery. The
Rev. Henry Ruffner, D. D., preacher, educator and publicist,
became the spokesman of the west. In 1847; while he was
President of Washington College (later Washington and Lee
University) he delivered an address at Lexington in which he
clearly set forth the position of the west and its grievances
against the east, and urged the abolition of negro slavery in
Western Virginia for economic reasons. The address was such
a clear statement of the position of the west that John Letcher
and ten other prominent citizens of that section wrote and
asked that it be published. Dr. Ruffner consented and the
address became known as the famous "Ruffner Pamphlet."
The reception of this pamphlet very clearly defined the boundary
between the pro- and anti-slavery sections of Virginia. West
of the Alleghenies it was well received ; in the east it was either
ignored or denounced as abolitionist.* All other differences of
opinion v.-ere svv-allowed up in this great question of negro slavery.
Whig and Democrat forgot their dissimilitude and stood shoulder
to shoulder to oppose all efforts of the emancipator and aboli
tionist. Tidewater Virginia was arrayed against Front er Vir
ginia, slaveholder against liberator. Aristocrat against Demo-
t This is a book of 408 pages consisting of a collection of foiuteen Essays
pre-viously published in magazines and neswpapers. A copj' may be had at
the Virginia State Library.
* Kanawha Valley Star, Aagust 3, 1858.

116 Randolph- Maco7i Historical Papers.
crat. A division similar to this was forming in national affairs.
Plowever bravely the boys In blue later may have fought for
the preservation of the union; however gallantly the boys in
gray maj' have battled for abstract and somewhat intangible
principle, the real factor in bringing on secession, the real casus
belli, was the economic institution of negro slavery. The South
was "solid" on this question; and secession, a secession, not of
individual states, but of a section, in which the states v.'ere
united by a bond of common interests, was freely talked. Books
began to appear, defending slavery not only as an economic
good and necessity, but also as a divine Institution, beneficial
alike to master and slave.
Under such conditions as these Ruffin could no longer remain
oblivious to political affairs. From his father he had inherited
both a number of slaves and a disposition to defend the rights
of the states as opposed to the centralizing tendencies of the
Federal Government. For over forty years he had been a
master of slaves, growing rich in the proper management of
their labor, and his notable success as a practical farmer had
doubtless done much to confirm his belief that slavery was an
economic good. Ever since the adoption of the Federal Con
stitution his family had stood for the sovereignty of the states.
It was but natural that he should stand for these things now.
Taking the pen that had wrought such a revolution in the
agricultural world he began to defend the institution that was
the mainstay of Virginia's declining aristocracy, that was a
source of income to the slaveholders of that state, and that was
to be overthrown by the bloodiest war in all history.
In December, 1856, he published in the Richmond Enquirer
an Essay on the Causes a7id Consequences of the Independence
of the South. This article consists largely of political prophecy
and deals in dreams of an independent, slave-holding, aristo
cratic nation, composed of the Southern States of the Union,
enjoying the benefits of free trade and having amicable relations
with its neighbor of the North.* Following this Essay there
* Richmond Enquirer, December, 1856. A copy of this Essay is appended
to Anticipations of the Future to serve as Lessons fcyr the Present Time: Rich
mond : J. W. Randolph, 1860.

Edmund Ruffin. 117
appeared in 1857 a pamphlet entitled The Political Economy of
Slavery or The Institution considered in regard to its influence on
public wealth and the General Welfare.'^
As Ruffner's pamphlet was the expression of the anti-slavery
sentiments of West Virginia, Ruffin's voiced the opinion of the
Ecist and Lower South. Ruffner had contended that slavery
was injurious to the public welfare and for economic reasons
should and could be gradualh' abolished without detriment to
the rights and interests of sahe-holders. On the other hand,
Ruffin claimed that slavery was an economic good, both to
master and slave, a blessing on the country, a divine institution,
second only to the institution of marriage and parental rule.
In elaborate argument he contended that the master of the slave
was benefitted by slavery, that the slave was also a beneficiary,
and that the abolition w-ave then sweeping over the country,
arose from many ignoble reasons, which were hidden behind the
veil of religion and philanthropy. The condition of the master,
he argued, was improved because he had leisure for social inter
course, thus making possible the far-famed civilization of the
South. On the other hand the farmer and his sons in the North
were day-laborers, his wife and daughter menials. Thus they
could accumulate wealth but they were totally debarred from
that polish and refinement vv-hich was the characteristic of the
Southern gentleman.
The condition of the slave was best under slavery because he
was well fed and cared for; he suffered from no panics or sus
pension of specie payments; for reasons of self-interest he was
well treated by his master, instances of cruelty being no more
frequent than cases of the cruelty of a man to his wife and
children; he had received more of the benefits of Christianity
and civilization in two hundred years of slavery than in four
thousand years of freedom in his native home; he was utterly
incapable of managing for himself and all his wants were sup
plied by his master; he was cared for in his old age; and he did
t A copy of this pamphlet may be had at the Virginia State Library and
the Library of Congress.

lis Randolph- Macon Historical Papers.
not have to undergo the sufferings of class slavery which would
inevitably follow the abolition of slavery as it then existed.
Mr. Ruffin believed that the emancipators of the North were
hypocritically hiding behind the mask of religion to Carrj' out
their plans. "The present leaders," said he, "in this Northern
warfare against Southern Slaverj' are actuated much less by
love for the slaves than by hatred for their masters. Their
lust for political power is a still stronger operative motive than
either. ******* jf they, or other as malignant and
more powerful leaders, should ever succeed in abolishing this
institution in these Southern States, It will not only be the
utter ruin of these States but one of the heaviest blows to the
well-being of the world, the most powerful obstacle to the settle
ment, culture, civilization and highest improvement of all this
western continent, and the extension of free government and
the true principles of freedom among all the superior races
capable of appreciating and preserving these blessings."
The Essay goes further and attacks the Colonization Society
and all connected with it. The characteristics of the negro
race are dwelt on and the author seeks to prove that the negro
is by nature incapable of ever attaining to a sufficient degree
of intellectuality to warrant his being given the rights and
privileges accorded to the whites. In the pamphlet the doctrines
and teachings of Thomas Jefferson are freely attacked and de
nounced as the dreams of a theorist and the imported heresies
of a political visionary. Finally the sentiment of the South is
voiced thus: "***** it seems to me an inevitable
deduction that the institution of slavery Is as surely and mani
festly established by the wise and benevolent design of God, as
as the institution of marriage and parental rule— and it is next
to and inferior to these only, in producing important benefits to
mankind." *
This pamphlet was followed in that same year by Consequences
of Abolition Agitation, and in 1859 by African Colo?iization Un-
* Political Economy of Slavery, passim. , Copies of this pamphlet may be
had at the Virgiijia State and Congressional Libraries.

Edmund Ruffin. 119
veiled and The Colonization Society and Liberia. The first two
are ardent pro-southern pamphlets, similar in tone to the
Political Economy of Slavery and the last is an Essay published
in DeBow's Review,! in which the author endeavors to prove
that the attempts to form a successful negro government in
Liberia have not succeeded and that the reports of its success
which were then in circulation were false and misleading.
In i860, Mr. Ruffin published Anticipations of the Future to
serve as Lessons for the Present Time. This is a curious book,
purporting to be "Extracts of letters from an English resident
in the United States to the London Times from 1864 to 1870."
As an appendix the Essay "0?i The Causes and Consequence
of the Independence of the South," referred to above, is attached.
On the title page the famous words of that great exponent of
states' rights, "If this be treason, make the most of it," are
printed. The book was written about the time of Lincoln's
inauguration, the preface being dated June 5, i860, just after
the Letcher campaign of 1850 had brought the slavery question
to a head in Virginia, and at a time when Ruffin was in perfect
accord -with other leaders in urging secession without delay. In
the preface the author announces that, while he claims no gift
of prophecy, he has assumed some things to have happened and
reasons a priori from these assumptions. He "does not believe,
as being among such consequences [of secession] either that the
then remaining states, (as the "United States" or in any other
character) will deem it expedient to make' war on the seceding
states or to invade Southern soil, (unless the anti-slavery fanati
cism shall have ripened to insanity, and also become general
with the Northern people) or that they can successfully blockade
Southern ports, or be able (no matter how willing or anxious)
to excite extensive or important servile insurrection in the
South," etc., etc.* Two leading party men are characterized
t DeBow's Review, 'KXXll, (1859).
* Anlicipalion of the Future to serve, etc.. Preface, VI.

120 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
as the "wily, able and prominent Seward, and the obscure and
coarse Lincoln."
The first letter of the book is dated at Washington, November
II, 1864.. It tells of the election of Seward by a strict'y sec
tional and abolition vote. Taking a retrospective view, Lin
coln Is described as having, in a presidency of four years, com
mitted no "overt act" of violence of Southern Rights, thereby
enabling the "Conservatives" or "Union Men" of the South to
keep their states from seceding. During his term, seven new
states had been admitted, and each had cast Its vote for Seward
in 1864. Seward opened his administration by attempting to
subjugate the South without resorting to any "overt act" by
means of an abolition majority in Congress. From this first
letter the history of the country is followed down to January
27, 1870, when the South is represented as having seceded and
entered into favorable treaties w-ith France and England, and
as being In a prosperous condition. On the other hand the
North Is torn by dissension and the prospect of further dis
union. On October 10, 1868, the South is supposed to have
offered to end the war, conducted since January, 1868, by a
treaty in which every concession was to be given to the South
as a separate nationality ; and the North is represented as having
refused to ratify this treaty only because of an article in which
the South claimed an equal division of the net value of all the
public lands owned by the United States before the disunion.
Since the North would not ratify this treaty a long truce was
agreed upon during which the South increased in power and
wealth and strengthened her position by means of favorable
European treaties.!
Amusing as these things seem to us now, they represented
the firm faith of a large percentage of the ultra-southerners of
that time and it was such firm faith as this that precipitated
that awful conflict.
During all this period of political agitation Edmund Ruffin
had not forgotten his primary mission and self-imposed duty of
t Anticipations of the Future to serve, etc., passim.

Edmund Ruffin. 121
improving Virginia's agricultural class. While his political
books and pamphlets were being printed he was busj' experi
menting and writing those scientific and practical works { which
neither fire nor sword nor the canker of Reconstruction could
destroy. The political issue for which he wrote, spoke, fought
and bled is now a thing of the past; Virginia gentlemen no
longer drink their juleps and discuss current politics while their
slaves produce the crops that support them; but Virginia's im
proved farms are a monument to the life work of Edmund
Ruffin that is more enduring than stone and more lasting than
the praise of men.
Anticipations of the Future was Ruffin's last printed expression
of his political con\-ictions. From the time of its publication
to the secession of South Carolina, if we may trust the account
of a contemporary newspaper, he went about from convention
to convention, dressed in homespun, with the Cockade, that
emblem of resistance, in his hat, a political Peter the Hermit,
preaching Secession where\-er he went.* Political conditions in
Virginia were complex. The election of Letcher had been a
victory for the west and for the conservatives. Lines began to
be more clearly drawn between the east and west In religious,
economic and political matters. The east, under the influence
of Wise, Ruffin and others began to take an even more decided
stand for a United South. The west was no less firmly resolved
on staying in the Union. While these internal conditions were
holding Virginia back and retarding her Secession, South Caro
lina, with characteristic impetuosity, passed the fatal ordinance
in December, i860. Mr. Ruffin had ceased to be primarily a
Virginian. With heart and mind bent on what he believed to
be the economic salvation of his section; that is. Secession, he
had become a Southerner first, a Virginian next. Impatient of
Virginia's hesitancy and delay, he hastened to the state that had
t During this period he wrote: Communications on Drainage and other con
nected agricultural subjects — Agricultural, geological and descriptive sketches of
lower North Carolina, and the similar adjacent lands — and numerous magazine
articles on like su'ojects.
* Frarik Leslie's Ulustrated Newspaper, XI., 172.

122 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
acted in accordance with his views. At two o'clock A. M., on
the twelfth day of April, i86l. General Beauregard, under in
structions from headquarters, demanded the surrender of Fort
Sumpter. This was refused by Major Anderson. Then came
the order to fire. This honor, and no doubt to him an exquisite
pleasure, was accorded to Edmund Ruffin, the champion of
Slavery and Secession, and at 4.30 A. M., he fired the first shot
that inauguarated the bloodiest war that historians have yet
recorded.! Mr. Ruffin was then sixty-eight years old, twenty-eight years
past the age of military duty, but he served faithfully through
the four years of war, defending with his aged body what he
had defended with his intellect and pen. In 1865, when the
South was torn and bleeding, her army ragged, starved and
drawn out Into that thin gray line of heroes defending home
and principle, he was seen on the battlefield in Virginia, near
his home and property, riding on a gun casson, his eye keen, his
nose scenting the conflict with pleasure, his long, white hair
streaming in the wind, the very incarnation of the "pomp and
circumstance of glorious war." The ninth of April came. To
Mr. Ruffin this day must have been comparable to none other
in all history, save that day on Calvary. To his mind the crown
of thorns had been pressed down upon the brow of justice and
right, and liberty had been crucified.
Life now contained little for him. Lacking the buoyancy
and hope of youth he could not see beyond the clouds of adversity
and disappointment which had so thickly settled around him.
On the fourth daj' of January, 1864, the seventy-first anniversary
of his birth, he had made his will disposing of a large estate.
On the tenth day of June in that same year he added thereto
a codicil, necessitated by the death of his son, Julian. His
wordly affairs were thus put In order, his hope had already been
destroyed by the failure of the Confederacy, his life had been
t Collections of Virgiaia Historical Society, (n. s.) X., 380; Harper's Weekly,
IX., 478; Montcure D. Conway, Autobiography, I., 324, note; Mrs. R. A.
Pryor, Rem.iniscemces of Peace and War, 121, confirmed by letter of Judge
Roger A. Pryor to the writer; and various Encyclopaedias.

Edmund Ruffin. 123
further saddened by the death of one of his sons, he had passed
the allotted scriptural age. Overcome by these griefs and d is-
appointments, and determined not to live under the United
States Government, probably foreseeing the horrors of Re
construction, on June 15th or 17th, 1865,* Mr. Ruffin took his
own life. As he had lived with his life v/rapped in the interests
of the South, so he died, his body w-rapped in the folds of the
"Stars and Bars," ! the conquered banner of the "Lost Cause."
The Historj^ of the Confederacy is a tragedy. The life of its
great political leader, Jefferson Davis is a tragedy-. So is the
life of its great industrial leader, Edmund Ruffin. It is not for
us to judge his suicide. Cato of old killed himself rather than
surrender; Ruffin of \'lrginla, killed himself rather than submit
to government by the hated abolitionists. He had staked his
all and lost. The candle of an ardent life had been snuffed by
its own intensity, but the reflected wave of undying conviction
will pass on through all eternity to light the path of posterity.
* Encj-clopaedia Accounts; Collections of the Virginia Historical Society,
(n. s.) X., 38(); and various other sources say this occurred June 15th. Harper's
Weekly, IX., 478, in a notice of his death, gives the date as June 17th.
t Lyon G. Tyler— Lef/er-s and times of the Tylers, IL, 647.

WILLIAM HENRY RUFFNER AND THE
RISE OF THE PUBLIC FREE
SCHOOL SYSTEM OF
VIRGINIA.

E. L. FOX, A. B.

Orators have been lauded to the skies, calm, yet persistent
reformers have passed away unobserved, worthy souls have been
held in disdain, but those men are truly great who fight for a
cause against which the masses are opposed, and who, having
won the battle, die universally respected and beloved. To the
last of these classes William Henry Ruffner belonged.
Ruffner was born February 11, 1824, at Lexington, Virginia.*
His father. Dr. Henry Ruffner, was at that time president of
Washington College (now Washington and Lee University) and
was the author of the celebrated "Ruffner Pamphlet." The
3'outh therefore was reared amid the environment of educa
tional life, and the impressions made upon his childish mind
probably exerted a large influence upon his later life. Upon
the college campus he spent his boyhood days and amid these
surroundings, interrupted by the annual visit to his grandfather.
Col. David Ruffner, who lived on the Kanawha river near the
present city of Charleston, West Virginia, he grew into manhood.
He entered college at an early age and at the age of eighteen
received the A. B. degree from Washington College. It is an
interesting coincidence that, at the commencement exercises,
he and James L. Kemper, later Governor Kemper, v/ere selected
as student orators, Ruffner speaking on the "Power of Know
ledge" and Kemper on "The Importance of Ha-ving a Free
*Several sketches of Dr. Ruffner's life have been written. Probably the
best is that of his daughter, Mrs. Barclay, in the West Virginia Historical
Magazine Oct. 1902.
See also Virginia School Journal, May 1, 1902. The first page of this
magazine contains a full page likeness of Dr. Ruffner.

WiUiam Henry Ruffiner. 125
School System in Virginia", and that, later these two men
constituted two of the three members of the board of education
of the state.
But although young Ruffner was reared amid enrironments
peculiarlj- educational, he showed through his entire life a
strong attachment to nature. He loved the rocks, the flowers,
the trees, and the lessons that they taught him. He loved the
streams, the hills, the meadows, and the soil with its various
treasures. Consequently we find him in the next jear after
graduation determining to settle in the Kanawha country- and
revive the production of salt at his father's abandoned salt
springs. He made the necessary improvements and, until the
latter part of the following year, v.as engaged in the ver\- prom
ising industrj'. In 1845 he gave up tbJs work, returned to Lex
ington, and during the same year received the A. M. degree
from Washington College.
From the time of his graduation Ruffner was an active leader
in Christian and tem.perance work, and, having determined to
prepare himself for the ministry in the Presbyterism church
he attended, during the session of 1845-46, the Union Theological
Seminary at Hampden Sidney, Virginia. The following session
he went to Princeton, which vvas patronized by a great manj'
Virginians. But on account of his fast failing strength, he was
compelled to return to Lexington. After his return his health
rapidly improved and before the end of the year he secured
license to take up ministerial work. Owing to the declining
health of his mother, who died early the following year, he was
given work in the mountains in the neighborhood of Lexington.
In the autumn after her death he became Chaplain of the Univer
sity of Virginia, where he attended the lectures of Dr. W. H.
McGuffey and secured the services of a number of the most
distinguished theologs of the Presbyterian church in a series
of lectures on the "Eridences of Christianity."
In September 1850 he married Harriet A. Gray, and in Sep
tember of the next year gave up his work at Charlottesville to
fill the pulpit of the Seventh Presbyterian Church of Philadelphia

126 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
which was fast declining in usefulness and was burdened with a
heavy debt. Under Dr. Ruffner's wise and businesslike guid
ance its strength was greatly augmented and much of the debt
w-as removed. He threw himself into his work with all the
vigor he possessed. He was diligent not only in his ministerial
work but also in the various conti'oversies that arose, writing
in support of his riews a volume on "Charity and the Clergy,"
and delivering, besides, lectures concerning the relation between
science and the Bible. These, together with his activity as a
member of the African Colonization Society proved to be more
duties than his constitution could bear. His health again broke
down and he was compelled, against the protests of the members
of his church, to relinquish the hope of continuing this minis
terial duties.
Consequently he gave up his work and for the second time
moved into a rural district — this time In Rockingham County,
Virginia, near the present city of Harrisonburg. Here he
busied himself chiefly with farming, although he showed the
same interest in important questions of the day that he had
shown throughout his previous career. He was a staunch anti-
slavery advocate, but, although the condition of his health pre
vented his taking a soldier's part, when the struggle came he
was found to be in sympathy with that noble galaxy of heroes
who believed that their allegience v/as due to the commonwealth
that gave them birth rather than to the nation founded, they
believed, for the mutual protection of the individual states.
Wiiatever contributions he could make, whether of clothing or
food, were given freely to the Southern cause. In 1863 Ruffner
again returned to his native town where he remained until his
election, March 2, 1870, as the first Superintendent of Public
Instruction of the state.
Interesting as is Ruffner's career from the time of his gradua- •
tion at college to the year 1870, it is only with this date that he
became one of the foremost characters of his state. The fore
going outline, therefore, has been given as little space as possible;
for it is with this vastly more important period of his life that

William Henry Ruffner. 127
this sketch is intended to deal. It is with Wm. H. Ruffner as
founder of the Virginia public free school sj^stem that v/e v\-ish
to deal, rather than with Wm. H. Ruffner in the other activities
of his life. In order to appreciate m.ore fully his labors let us
note briefly the educational m.ovements in Virginia prior to 1870.
EDUCATION IN VIRGINIA BEFORE 1870.
During the early colonial period Virginia was far behind her
sister colonies of the North in the matter of education. Before
many years had passed from her settlement, Massachusetts
was active in the establishment of a system of popular instruc
tion. Likewise the other Northern colonies established systems
much more readily than the south. The reason for this condi
tion of affairs is not difficult to find. The North was composed
entirely of thickly settled communities. Villages dotted her
area from one end to the other. Consequently in the North
the population w-as compact enough to permit of the attendance
of a sufficient number of children at the various schools; while,
in the South, and especially in Virginia, the plantation made this
system impossible.* As the inevitable result of these con
ditions Virginia was tardy in legislating for the establishment
of schools.
It is a mistake, however, to suppose that no attention v/hatever
was given to this important subject. While it is true that many
of the royal governors were uncompromisingly opposed to any
system of education. Governor Berkley declaring, when asked
about education In Virginia, "I thank God there are no free
schools nor printing, and I hope we shall not have these hundred
years; for learning has brought disobedience and heresy and
sects into the world, and printing has divulged them — God keep
us from them both!"; yet repeated references to the subject may
*Madison's Writings I, 273; III, 294; Dr. Herbert Adams "William and
Mary College," where also much interesting material may be found on the
history of WiUiam and Mary College; Report U. S. Com. of Education 1899-
1900, I, 428-4.30.
tHening II, 511, 517.

12S Randolph- Maco7i Historical Papers.
be found by a perusal of the records of the Plouse of Burgcsses.|
The difficulty arose, not primarily from the hostility of the law
makers, but from the impracticability of enforcing the laws when
enacted. This plantation barrier, which proved so formidable an emeny
to education among the citizens of the colony as a whole, was
largely overcome among the wealthy and cultured class. Among
them the youth wa.s not allowed to grov/ up in illiteracy and
ignorance. As soon as he was old enough, instruction v/as
given him by parents or other members of the household, in the
primary elements of education. After these elements were
mastered he was put in the care of a family tutor and was trained
for the time when he would ride off to the then fashionable
centre of Williamsburg to attend William and Mary College,*
or, in case he was the oldest son, for the time when he would be
sent to the mother country where each of the distinguished
Virginia families had a preference among the English universi
ties. If no tutor was secured the youth was sent to one of the
neighboring "Parsons' Schools." ! Which were for a long time
almost exclusively in vogue in Virginia as a means of elementary
public instruction. These schools were so named beca-use the
"parsons," in addition to their clerical duties, commonly took
it upon themselves to instruct the youth in their own and neigh
boring communities, In temporal as well as spiritual affairs.
Foremost among their doctrines was that which refrains from
sparing the rod. In spite of their inadequacy, upon the whole,
thej' rendered the colony an inestimable service and counted
among their number of pupils Jefferson, Madison, and Richard
Henry Lee.
But from the middle of the eighteenth century to the out
break of the Revolution, a new movement was on in Virginia — &
X See also- First Annual Report Supt. Public Instruction of Va. 85-88.
* Founded by Comraissary Blair in 1692; see Foote's Sketches of Va., ISO. _
t From acts of the House of Burgesses and contemporaneous records it
appears that the rehgious standard of tho "parsons" was not high. Act II,
632 declared," ministers shall not give themselves to excesse in drii-ikinge or
ryo tt, spending their tyme idelie by day or by night playing at dice and cards."
Foote's Sketches of Va. 29.

William Henry Ruffner. 129
movement that was momentous in her educational as well as
her economic history. It was the entrance into the \'alle>- and
other portions of the colony, of immigrants from the colonies to
the North of Virginia. Thousand after thousand of dissenters
swarmed from Pennsylvania, Presbyterians and German ?Jen-
nonites occupying the fertile region of the Valley, Baptists and
Lutherans settling along the Rappahannock river. Of all these
dissenters the Presbyterians gave the rital impetus to an im
proved system of education — and their influence never ceased
imtil one of their number, Wm. H. Ruffner, Siicceeded in se
curing a full-fledged system of free public instruction in 1870.
Many of them were fresh from the halls of Princeton. The new
comers came w-ith the determination to provide for posterity a
more competent means of securing a liberal education. As a
consequence of this, before many years had passed Augusta Aca
demy (now Washington and Lee University) w-as established
and a few years later, in 1776, the doors of Prince Edward
Academy (nov/ Hampden- Sidney College) were opened ; besides
a number of academies that have been of less importance than
the two above named institutions.
During and directly after the Revolution education was at
its lowest ebb. Students, w-ho had, for the time being, become
soldiers and Tory "parsons," found the climate unsuited for
further abode in Virginia. It was during this dearth of educa
tion that Jefferson, whose ever open eye beheld the needs and
whose sympathetic heart re-echoed the cries of the thousands
along the Western frontier of the state for an adequate legisla
tive provision whereby they might enjoy the educational
privileges which heretofore only the wealthier class had
enjoyed, became interested in better schools. Consequently
in 1779, he, with Pendleton and Wyth, drew up a bill
which was presented to the General Assembly and which
provided for a system of liberal education on the triple basis (1)
"of elementary schools which shall give to the children of every
citizen gratis, competent instruction in reading, writing, common
arithmetic, and general geography"; (2) of collegiate institutions

130 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
in which all expenses were to be borne by the studerits themselves
"adding a provision for the full education at public expense of
select subjects from among the children of the poor"; (3) of "an
university in which all the branches of science deemed useful at
this day shall be taught in their highest degree." * As for the
arrangement of the elementary schools, the bill propsed "to lay
off every county into small districts of five or six miles square,
called hundreds, and. in each of them to establish a school for
teaching reading, writing, and arithmetic. The tutor to be
supported by the hundreds and every person in it entitled to
send their children three years gratis, and as much longer as
they please, paying for it." It was proposed that the higher
grammar schools should be twenty in number. This plan,
which Jefferson declared was the most important bill in the
v/hole revised code, ! was utterly ignored by the assembly in
which it was introduced and remained unnoticed until 1796.
Even when it did receive the attention of legislators it was so
overburdened with provisos and amendments that for many
years nothing of importance was done. Jefferson himself,
elected to the presidency in 1801, was unable to press the im
portance of the subject until his retirement from public life in
1809. The next year a bill, drawn up by James Barbour, then
speaker of the House of Delegates, resulted In the enactment
of a law providing for the establishment of a permanent "Literary
Fund." This v/as the most important step taken since the be
ginning of Virginia history in the diffusion of learning in the
state. The "Literary Fund" -was the chief source of state aid
to education until the time of the establishment of the present
system. The Literary Fund proved benficial but inadequate In the
extreme. J What schools did exist were taught largely by men
and women who had been forced to leave the factories of New
* Jefferson'^ V/nUngs (Ford Ed.) Ill, 251-252.
t Ibid, IV., 268.
± Va. Educational Journal, I, 209.

William Henry Ruffner. 131
England as the result of the competition of immigrant labor.
Of these the periodicals of the state seem to have had not too
high an opinion. *
The creation of the "Literary Fund" marks the dividing line
between eastern and vv-estern Virginia in educational matters.
Before, there had been little difference in the sentiment of the
sections. After this a constant struggle is on. The west had
shown itself in favor of free education by the vote it cast in the
legislature upon the school bill of 1796. Now, upon the estab
lishment of the "Literary Fund," the west agreed to the pro-
viaon by which $15,000 of the income from it should be appro-
priate<d annually to the University only on the condition that a
free school system should be later established-!
Again in 1816, a bill which was substantially of the Jeffersonian
plan, was introduced into the Senate and killed by the vote of
the eastern part of the State. Three years later a third bill
appeared, this time with more successful results. With this
bill the University of Virginia was provided for; and in the next
year the last obstruction was removed and the great Jefferson
saw the fruition of his labors in a well, established University.
From this time until his death, his life is devoted to the cause of
education in his commonwealth. But although he secured the
establishment of the University and was doubtle^ influential
in the creation of the "Literary Fund," he was sadly disappointed
in the hope of building up a free school system, with the Univer
sity as its head, where the children of the poor might be educated
without cost. For whatever else Jefferson may have contended,
he was the greatest advocate of education of any statesman of
his time — despite the fact that historians have ignored this
essential phase of his activity, so clearly demonstrated in his
correspondence. From this time on, the west was constantly in opposition to
the State University. They looked upon it as an institution
* Va. Educational Journal I, 209.
t Report of U. S. Corn, of Educational 1899-1900, 1, 433.

132 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
essentially aristocratic and as a means of depriving them of a
large share of the funds that would otherwise go to them through
the "Literary Fund," rather than as an institution founded for
the instruction of youth in the higher branches of learning. An
attempt v/as made to establish, at the University, a chair of
agriculture, but it was defeated by the vote of the west.*
From this time until tbe Civil War, and e%'en later, the "old
field" school was in vogue. A writer has Interestingly described
them as "usualij- old outhouses, fitted up for the purpose, stand
ing in the midst of afield. From this fact, the schools v/ere derid-
ingly called Old Field Schools. The houses were built of round
logs, with clapboard roofs, and in many cases, mud and wooden
chimneys. Long windows v/ere cut In the logs. In width ad
mitting one small pane of glass. At the windows, in the inside,
were writing desks the length of the w-indow, at which pupils
could sit and write, facing the light. The seats were without
backs, and usually arranged in a square around the capacious
fireplace, which was often from six to eight feet in width. The
general arrangement was such that dire confusion reigned in the
schoolroom; some going to the writing desks to write, others to
the fire to warm, while still others were moving back from the
fire to cool." ! This was the school that children must attend
if they desired an education. Even after they were seated on the
rude, hard, seats they beheld before them a schoolmaster whose
appearance was equally as unbearable and hard. It was his
custom to call at the homes of the prospective students ot the
neighborhood and urge upon the parents the importance of
having their children attend an institution of learning. He
added to the enrollment as he tramped from house to house.
The "Literary Fund" was intended to aid the needy in the
education of their youth. But they were loath to ask for aid
from the coffers of the state. They preferred to pay their
taxes into the treasury along with the taxes of other citizens,
and receive from the State the benefits that were likewise to be
* Kanawha Republican, Dec. 25, 1841.
t Va. School Report, Pari III, 61, 69.

Wiltiam Henry Ruffner. 133
received by her citizens whether poor or rich. They desired a
system of statewide free instruction and not free instruction
given only to those who personally requested it.
In the forties, when the free school spirit had been intensified
by the settlemnt of m.any pioneers from the North, the hostility
of the Vv'est v\-as shown in its refusing the University patronage.
Although situated in the Western section itself, the University,
during the session of 1841-42, enrolled only twelve students from.
West of the Blue Ridge mountains, out of a total enrollment
of the whole state of one hundred and twelve; in 1845, only four
teen out of a total of one hundred and thirty four. * Vv'estern
students preferred to attend Marietta College, in Ohio, rather
than the University of Virginia.
Particularly in the years from 1841 to 1846, the western part
of the state clamored, in its numerous conventions — most im
portant of v/hich were those held at Clarksburg and Lexington,
for legislation designed to improve the existing system of common
schools and to eliminate the "pauper sj-stem." ! As a result
the legislature was forced to enact a law allowing each county to
establish an independent system. { Dr. Henrj% father of Vv .
H. Ruffner was one of the leading spirits in these western conven
tions. In that held at Lexington, he proposed a plan for the
establishment of an educational system. ** From this plan his
son doubtless drew a large part of the plan which he later pro
posed to the legislature and which constitutes the organization
of the present system.
Again in 1858, when the movement v/as on to make the State
University the moulder of the political creed of the South, the
West took no pride in its development. Although as a result of
this effort, the enrollment increased from less than 200, in 1848,
to 645, In 1857, the trans-Alleghany section contributed only 13
* Journal of House of Del. 1842-43, Documents 1 and 6.
t Journal of House of Del. 1841-42, Document 7; Report of U. S. Cmn. of Ed.
1899-1900, I, 437-39.
t Acts of Assembly, 184.5-46.
** For copy of the plan see Report of U. S. Com. of Ed. 1899-1900, I, 381-97.

134 Ra7idolph- Macon Historical Papers.
students. When the final rupture came, one of the accusations
brought against the east was that the west had been denied
free schools and that their taxes had been expended for the
sustenance of an aristocratic university.*
The "old field" school continued In vogue and was the pre
vailing means of education v/hen the Civil War began. During
the struggle the devastations of war were Virginia's institutions
of learning and the battlefield was her young mens' university.
After the close of the war the first movement for the further
advancement of learning was that made by George Peabody in
1867. ! Peabody liberally endowed the cause of education in
the South, which had suffered from the destructive ravages as
well as the disastrous consequences of civil war. The fund was
given for educational purposes at a time of greatest need. Vir
ginia received assistance from the income of this fund and the
spark of education although faintly burning, v/as not allowed to
go out. With the exception of this gift, no noteworthy step was
taken to promote general instruction until the meeting of the
constitutional convention of 1867-68.
The personnel of the convention is well known to the older
citizens of the State. It was controlled by an element that
wounded Virginia's pride. Not only was It composed largely
of ultra-radical unionists, but twenty four of its one hundred and
five members were of the colored race. % A glance at some of
the speeches made will convince one that endless disorder reigned.
One after another the negroes rose with their constant harangue.
This one moved that the compensation of the body be increased,
tha.t one that a member of the opposition be expelled.
Whatever the deficiencies and merits of the constitution
submitted by this body, provision was made whereby the legis
lature should, by 1876, establish an elaborate uniform system
of free public schools. There was to be a Superiiitendent of
* Wheeling Intelligence May 3, 1860.
t Va. School Report Vol. I.
t Richmond Enquirer for the period of the convention.

William Henry Ruffner. 135
Public Instruction and a Board of Education, composed of the
Governor, Superintendent of Public Instruction, and Attorney
General. It was also provided that the proceeds of all public
lands donated by Congress should be used in the advancement
of learning and that various taxes should be applied for the
maintenance of the system. The Superintendent of public
Instruction was to submit to the General Assemblj-, within-
thirty days after his election, a plan for the organization of the
schools. *
Probabl J- this was one of the instances in -which a body wrought
better than it knew. The negroes were willing enough to
demand educational advantages -which heretofore only v/hite
persons had enjoyed- And the radicals were equally as willing
to thrust this privilege immediatel;/ upon them. Probably
neither comprehended the full significance of the provision
when they incorporated it into the constitution.
No sooner had the convention adjourned than a conser\-ative
or anti-<:on5titutional partj' was formed. ! Delegates v/ere
chosen from the counties and conservative conventions were
held throughout the state. They hoped to succeed in having
the people reject the constitution. And not the least of
their objections Wcis to the provision w-hich directed the legisla
ture to adopt a system of common free schools. The majority
of the citizens of the State were opposed to its establishment, i
They urged, with a great deal of truth, that the disastrous con-
sequences of the late war forbade any large expenditure that
was not a dire necessitj'. The initiation of an educational
system such as the convention had proposed would involve the
expenditure of a large amount of the public fund and this ex
penditure would have to be replaced from the pockets of im-
* ConslUviimi of Va. ratified July 6, 1869, Article S.
t Manv references to, and articlra concerning this party are found in the
Bickmond Eriquirer of 1869-70.
± West Va. Historical Magazine, Oct., 1902, 38.
"Of aU the states of the Union, Va. was perhaps the least disposed, up to
this date '^1870) to adopt the common school sjrstem of the Northern states
of the Union". P^eport of U. S. Com. of Ed. 1890-91 , 881-921.

136 Randolph- Ma C071 Historical Papers.
poverished citizens. Many other objections were urged against
the system. But in the election the conservative forces were
defeated, and the constitution was ratified by the people July
6, 1869.
The constitution ratified, the legislature was bound under
the provision that "the General Assembly shall provide by law,
at its first session under the constitution, a uniform system of
public free schools, and for its gradual, equal, and full intro
duction into the counties of the state, by the year 1876, or as
much earlier as practicable." !
The conservative forces were defeated. One of their most
obstinate contentions was opposition to a sy,stem of free public
instruction. Clearly the most effective way, under existing
conditions, to affect a victory for themselves, therefore, was to
arouse public sentiment against the provision so that the legis
lature might establish a sj-stem that would be real only In name.
They believed that the actual fulfillment of the constitution in
its section relating to education, would be disastrous to the
state. When the legislature met, it contained, through the efforts of
the conservative party, a goodly number of conservative men.
The fate of the constitutional provision seemed almost certain of
defeat. It was obligatorv- on the part of the Assembly to elect
a Superintendent of public Instruction by March 10, 1870.
There were 15 applicants for the place; but the strong arm of
Robert E. Lee was supporting Wm. H. Ruffner, and Major
Wm. Anderson was also urging his election. When the vote
was taken on March 2, Ruffner was the successful candidate.
After obtaining the caucus nomination, he was unanimously
elected. The constitution required that within thirty days he should
submit a plan for the organization of the system. Consequently
these days were spent in profound consideration of the large
problem confronting him. It is remarkable that within this
too brief space of time he formulated a system that has held
t Constitution of Va. ratified July 6, 1869, Art. 8, Sec. 3.

Williayn Henry Ruffner. 137
its own ever since, it was submitted by him. Probably the
attempt would have proven futile had he not had before him an
excellent plan which his father, Dr. Henry Ruffner, proposed
at the Lexington Convention of 1841, and which Influenced
him largely in formulating his own. He reporced his plan to
the General Assembly about a week before the rhirty days had
expired. This plan provided, in general for, first, the specific
duties of the Superintendent of Instruction in relation to the
other officers of the sj-stem, second, the duties of the county
superintendent, and third, the duties of district trustees. It
also prorided that the expenses of the system be covered by funds
from the state treasury, the county treasuries, and taxes im
posed by the schooi districts. The school should educate,
gratis, ail persons between the ages of five and tv/enty one, who
desired to share the benefits of the sj'stem. Separate schools
should be provided for white persons and negroes. The studies
to be taught were orthography, reading, v/rlting, arithmetic,
grammar and geography, i
This plan was reported to the Assembly on March 28, and
Ruffner was immediately requested to draft the bill for the
consideration of the legislature. This also was a task of no little
importance. Ruffner drafted the bill on April 26 and delivered
it to Major Henderson ]\I. Bell of the House committee on
schools and colleges. Bell was an opponent of the school sv-stem
but he believed that, since the people had ratified the constitu
tion, its provisions should be scrupulously obeyed by the legis
lature. This committee, after six days, reported favorabl.\- the
bill which, after considerable discussion, vvas passed by the vote:
Ayes 71, noes 33.* In the Senate there was a much more
bitter contest. The champion of the bill there was Col. Edmund
Pendleton, v.ho also was opposed to a system of freepubliceduca-
tion; but he was unwilling to disobey the provisions of the con
stitution. During the T%-hole discussion in this body, Ruffner
was seated by Col. Pendleton and, through him, answered the
t Va. School Report, 1871.
* Journal Hov.se of Delegates 1869-70, 615.

138 Radolph-Macon Historical Papers.
spirited objections that were buried against him and his "yankee
system." When the question came to a vote, hov/ever, the
result was almost unanimous in favor of the proposed schooi
bill — the vote being 23 to 3.
This action by the legislature assured at least a trial of the
public free school. The success or failure of the system depended
largely upon Ruffner. And In this connection, it must be
remembered that Ruffner was not the first who had attempted
this important task. Jefferson had attempted it and — shall
we say, failed? Lie did succeed in establishing the University
of Virginia; but he failed in that portion of his scheme which lay
nearest to his heart. He failed to secure a school system which
was popular v/ith the public.
But not only had Jefferson contended. Through all the inter-
intervening years from Jefferson until 1870, a class of noble
minds appealed to Virginia to establish a means of free educa
tion. Henry A. Wise was one of the most persistent of them all.
In a speech delivered in 1846, upon his retirement from Congress
to accept the appointment as minister of the United States to
Brazil, he declared; "if I had an archangel's trump — the blast
of which could startle the living of all the world— I would snatch
It at this moment and sound it in the ears of all the people of the
debtor states and of the states which ha'/e a solitary poor un
washed and uncombed child untaught at the free school. Tax
yourselves. First; to pay your public debt. Second ; to educate
your children-'— every one of them— at common, primary, free
schools at the state's charge." * But appeals like this were
made in vain. Nor was the desire of the whole western section
more encouraging In its results. The Clarksburg and Lexington
conventions had not accomplished the desired results.
They had all produced almost the opposite effect. Jeffer
son's interest in primary education had been an Important factor
in his estrangement from eastern Virginia. And so it was with
every important movement made by the v/estern section of the
state. And so it was with Wm. H. Ruffner. He knew but all
* Report U. S. Com. of Education 1899-1900, 397.

William He7iry Ruffner. 139
too well that he w-as not courting a popular whim. He knew
that he was already being called the instigator of the "yankee
system." He knew that eastern Virginia had an able cham.pion,
Dr. R. L. Dabney and that the newspapers were printing letters
from his opponents, and were heading the columns with such
introductions as this: "MORE LEARNED THUNDER—
ANOTHER DABNEY BOLT FOR DR. RUFFNER'S BENE
FIT." * He knew that they were exclaiming "the old state
wants less of talk and fuss and feathers, and more of practical
sense In the management of her school system," j "and the
people have consented, though it should never be forgotten,
under the persuasive influence by bayonets of the United States
government, to make a trial of a mode of education against
which their judgment and observation for years revolted" i and
"for decencj's sake let us not be cursed with any system of
schools, public or private, which turns loose such a pack as has
rushed down upon us from tbe free school region of yankeedom
since the close of the v/ar."** Indeed those who are unacquainted
with the conditions existing in 1870, have but a faint impression
of the barriers over which Ruffner had to pass. Surely one
whose faith was wavering in the least, could not have withstood
the then overwhelming blUov/s of opposition.
Surely it took a great heart and a persistent determination
to face the old time combination of political, social and religious
agitators who had thwarted Jefferson's most favorite conten
tion, that had beaten to the wall for more than a centurj- a
system of state education and that was ready to deal the fatal
blow to Ruffner's cherished plan.
* Richmond Enquirer, April 26, 1876.
t Ibid Sept. 1, 1874.
i Va. EducxUioTMl Journal I, 223.
** Ibid 255.

140 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
SECTIONALISM IN VIRGINIA ON THE FREE SCHOOL
SYSTEM.
Enough has already been said to suggest. that the same sec
tional differences that existed in Virginia at the time of the
Revolution, and that have existed at almost every period of our
important national issues, existed also at the times when the
question of free schools was agitated.
Before the closing years of tbe eighteenth century this spirit
had not developed as far as a system of education is concerned.
Education was then in the hands of the clergy. Consequently,
whatever differences might arise v/ere not of the nature of sec
tional differences. But with the separation of education from.
religion, the diversity of interests .soon culminated in a corres
ponding diversity of sentiment In regard to popular education.
The final outcome was that the eastern portion of Virginia was
opposed to free public Instruction, while the western portion —
the Vallej', the Southwest, and the section now comprising West
Virginia — strongl}' favored such a system. Along with that
more democratic and pioneering disposition, and that social
environment in v/hich none were very rich and few more were
very poor, there came a desire for a system of free education.
This is the secret of the differences that continually arose over
the subject of education from this time until 1870. Those
differences vv-hich were prominent during the period from the
very beginning of the agitation until 1870 have already been
noted. Let us now consider these differences as they wert
after that time.
Although by 1870 West Virginia had ceased to be a part of
Virginia, the Valley and Southwest united to fight the old battle
anew. A map of the vote in the house of delegates on the estab
lishment of the free school system would show evidence of asecr
tional spirit. A glance will reveal the fact that the old and aristo
cratic sections along the Chesapeake and the James still opposed
it. On the other hand the whole of the Valley and Southwest
Virginia voted almost unanimously in fa-vor of the system.

William Henry Ruffner. 141
In each of these sections was a leader who conducted the cam
paign against the other. The leader of the Eastern section was
Dr. R. L. Dabney. He lived almost on the border between the
East and West, but was in sympathy with the Eastern aristo
cratic spirit. The leader of the West was Wm. H. Ruffner.
He on one side, and "class prejudice, sectarian bigotry — dis
guised as zeal for Christian education," and, most of all, sec
tional jealousy, were arrayed on the other. Let us note briefly
a few of the argumicnts used by each.
The opponents of the Ruffner system, especially Dr. Dabney,
branded him as the great "leveler" and his scheme as the "level
ing policy." They feared that there would be a "mixture of
the children of the decent and the children of the vile,"
creating as a resultant, a class of citizens of mediocre value.
Again they argued that not ail could expect to be great; therefore
the preferable plan w-ould be to let some be educated while
others remained in ignorance. The truly great, they argued,
would rise under any condition. And "the destiny of the major
part of the human family is the alternative of manual labor or
savagery." Why, then, should this inevitable tendency be
interrupted by a smattering of education? Besides, by a system
of free schools, the youths v.-ould be created into a class of readers
one fourth or one tenth cultivated; the "sure result will be the
production of a false, shallov/, sclostic literature, science, and
theology infinitely worse than blank ignorance." Quoting
Pope, Dabney declared
"A little learning is a dangerous thing;
Drink deep or taste not the Pierian spring."
As a result of the free school system, they contended, the
number of criminals w^ould be increased, lawlessness and vice
would become more prevalent, and the state would be burdened
with convicts — the fruits of the free school system. This
was the story of Prussia, France, and the Northern states of the
Union, Dabney declared. He said that Virginia's greatest
thinkers had been opponents of a system of free schools and that

142 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers.
he expressed the sentiment of his commonwealth w-hen he pro
tested against a system that "will make a long stride backward
into the pagan past when the care of the child lay not in his
paternal hearth, but was in accord with the theory, derived from
heatlien Sparta and Plato's heathen Republic, that the children
of the commonwealth are the charge of the commonwealth,
and are not under parental restraint." He protested against
a system of schools which "are, and inevitably will be, wielded
by the damagogues who are in power for the time, in the interest
of their faction," a system that has become "mischievous and
tyrannical, in that it forces on us the useless, impracticable,
mischievous, dishonest attempt to teach literary arts to all
negroes, when the State Is unable to pay its debts and provide
for its welfare, and has been despoiled of its possessions by vio
lence." "Time," he declared, "must be the only teacher of
these overweening philanthropists. When they are taught by
him that this system of State education has utterlj"- failed to
produce the benefits they designed, they w-ill learn that these
are the words of truth and soberness." "We freely acknowledge
the hope that the whole system may be wrecked at an early
date." And back of all these objections were two which have
already been mentioned, and which were, doubtless, as effective
as all the others combined. These v/ere, first, the extreme pov
erty of the State in 1870, as the result of the Civil War, and;
second, the enmity against any institution that had its origin
in the North. *
These contentions— so strange to us v/ho have seen the effect
of the system — and many others, were sown broadcast through
out the State. But Ruffner's sound logic and knowledge of
political economy enabled him successfully to refute the objec
tions. With a calm — yet unanswerable— statement of the views
of Virginia's greatest statesmen, he proved that they had been
supporters of a system of public instruction. He proved by
example of countries such as Prussia and the Northern States,
* These contentions are taken chiefly from the columns of the Richmond
Enquirer for this period. See especially the articles by Dr. R. L. Dabney
in the Richmond Enquirer April, 20, 1876, April 22, 1876, and April 26, 1876.

Willic7n Henry Ruffner. 143
that education and obedience go hand in hand. * His pen was
constantly busy, furnishing material for the large number of
periodicals and newspapers in which he upheld his views. For
six years he was thus engaged, until experience hushed the
voice that had formerly cried out against him. As the jears
went by the system became more and more successful until,
within a short while, after 1876, the last cry of opposition had
ceased. "Never before has a commonwealth, so overwhelmed
by the results of a disastrous civil war, risen vrith such persistent
determination and, in one short and troubled generation, placed
itself, In all ways so far in advance of any previous period of its
history." !
The stori' of his great work has been told. From 1876, he
became the leading educator of his state. He had risen as the
champion of education, he had borne every kind of insult, he
had braved the fury of his opponents, he had conquered; and
now, when the significance of his work had become apparent
throughout the state, he was heralded v.ith epithets far different
from those v/ith w-hich he had been greeted only a few years
before. The Virginia free school system -//as recognized as a per
manent affair, and, v/hatev-er had been its deficiencies in the
past, it had a promising future.
In 1882, a successor to Dr. Ruffner was elected; and when,
in 1884, the legislature made an appropriation for a state normal
school, Ruffner became its first president. He had labored for
a number of years to secure such a school and it was through
his influence that the State Female Normal School was estab
lished. The term of his presidencj- was a successful one. When
he retired after three years, the institution was on a firm basis.
Besides his work in establishing an educational system,
Ruffner did extensive scientific work. He accornplished a great
deal in the line of geological research work especially; locating
the Alabama coal fields and examining the properties of coal
and iron along the Georgia Pacific Railroad. He also made
* Ibid May 10, 1876.
t Report of U. S. Com. of Education 1890-91, II, 891.

144 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
two trips to the state of Washington for the purpose of geological.
and phj-sical sur\-ey work. The closing years of bis life were
spent largely in writing a history of Washington and Lee Univer
sity. He died November 24, 1908.
What estimate shall we put upon him who has been called
the Horace Mann of the South? Probably it is not too much to
say that the following quotation is accurate in its estimate of
his work. "That in the brief space of tv/elve yea.rs of official
service this accomplished and courageous leader had so conducted
the educational campaign that his displacement from office in
18S2 left the system so firmly established in the hearts of the
people of Virginia that neither the relentless opposition of the
defeated combination of its enemies, nor" — "the fierce agitation
of a new political administration were able to discourage the
educational public of tbe state, is conclusive proof of the success
of this momentous achievement; for in this experiment was in
volved not only the establishment of the American system of
Virginia, but virtually in all the states of the South." *
* Report of U. S. Com. of Education, 1890-91, II, 890.

ROBERT BARRAUD TAYLOR.
BY W. B. ELLIOTT, A. B.
The birth of Robert Barraud Taylor was not the least of
events which v/as destined to awaken the hospitable old borough
of Norfolk from its Knickerbocker lethargy. For it Wcis to him
she later entrusted her safety in war, and her confidence in
peace. Robert Barraud Taylor was bom at Smithfield, March 24,
1774. His father, Robert Taylor, was of good English stock and
was a land owner of considerable influence in Isle of Vv'ight
County. But the traits of his raotlier's ancestors were to be
more prominent in the son. She, Sarah Barraud, was the
daughter of Daniel Barraud* of Elizabeth City County. She
was one of the pious Huguenots who had witnessed the turbulent
scenes in southern France. It was from the Huguenot then
that Robert Barraud Taylor got his frank nature, v/hich taught
him to resent promptly a personal injury, and to love his home
and countrv".
Soon after young Robert's birth, his father became discon
tented with the easj' going ways of the hog raisers and peanut
grov/ers of Smithfield, and moved his family to Norfolk, where
he entered politics. Meanv/hile, Robert, Junior, was put under
the instructorship of the master Dr. Alexander Whitehead.!
The father soon became prominent in public affairs and held
the office of mayor for three terms.J Thus young Robert be
came acquainted with the best lawj'ers and politicians, of his
time, in the city. He went often, w-e are told, to the county
courts at Suffolk, and would criticise to his father the arguments
of the attorneys who appeared there. Perhaps it was the close
* Letter from Dr. L. G. Tyler. Grigsby's lAfe of Tazewell. Abstracts from
Norfolk CourUy Marriage bonds. The Lower Norfolk County, Va., Antiquary
TV., 102.
t Grigsby-'s Tazewell, 33-37.
i Forest's Korfolk.

146 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
contact with the government and its workings, that caused
him to look to the bar for his profession.
At an early age he entered William and Mary College,* where
he became associated with those who were destined to play dis
tinguished parts in the Commonwealth. John Randolph, of
Roanoke, James Barbour of Orange, LItt. W. Tazwell, John
Thompson, of Petersburg, and others whose names are familiar
in the annals of Virginia, were then members of the institution.
When Thompson and Tazwell were .seniors, Barbour, Cabell and
Taylor v/ere juniors, while Randolph did not join the later class
until it became senior.
All the young fellows were said to have been handsome and
al! except Taylor were six feet tall.! He, however, presented
an imposing and elegant statue to the same contemporary.
Taylor, later said of Thompson, that he was the brainiest man
he had ever known, and decidedly outstripped any of his class
mates in debate or conversation. Although most was expected
from, him, he v'as the only member of this famous class who
never entered public life and died at an immature age, unknown
except by his pen.i
It was here that the life-long friendship began betv/een Taylor
and Tazwell, v/hich was to prove fruitful to both. A generous
spirit of emulation sprang up between them which brought out
the sterling qualities of each. The two men were different in
m.any respects. Tazwell was from the north side of the James
and Taylor from the south. This fact meant a good deal in
Virginia politics at this time, cut up as she was by sectional
interests. Tazwell was reserved and wary in nature, while
Taylor was impet-aou.s., and frequently ga\-e w-ay to outbursts
of temper. Both were of Gaelic descent. Notwithstanding
these differences, they each seemed necessary to the greatness
of the other. It is very probable that Taylor would not have
acquired tbe reputation for ability and learning of which John
* Obituary in American Beacon, April 13, 1834.
t Va. Hist. Reporter, I., 1, 72-76, 108.
+ Grigsby's Tazewell, 33-37.

Robert Barraud Taylor 147
Marshall spoke in highest commendation, had he not had
Tazw^ell by him to spur him on to his best.!
An unfortunate affair between Taylor and John Randolph
caused a duel. Taylor was shot in the encounter, and carried
the ball till his death. Both of the young fellows were expelled
from school, and so Taylor's college education was ended, before.
he graduated.*
Since the boy had a manifest liking for the bar, he was im
mediately installed in the law office of John Marshall, in Rich
mond. It is said that old folks shook their heads and said that
nothing could be made of this wild young fellow. But contrarv^
to the expectations of all, he began to apply himself to w-ork,
and his talents scon attracted attention. While he was here,
a copy of Burke's "Reflections on the French Revolution" fell
into his hands. Although he had been delighted before with
the progress of the plebean rebellion in France, because he
thought the people w-ere getting their rights, he recoiled now
from the cruel barbarities, censured by Burke. The cool,
logical sty-le of the great statesman con-vinced him that the
most amicable plan, is the best means to an end. Ta\-lor's
sensitive nature and patriotic pride was shocked at the action
of Genet and the unprecedented conduct of the diplomatic
agents of France in our country. These things, together with
the contact with the sound judgment of Marshall, caused hira
to turn his back upon the tenets of his early friends and to line
up with the friends to the administration.
Tazwell had come to Richmond the year before Taylor came
and was reading lav/ in the office of Mr. Wickham a few doors
from Judge Marshall's office. Soon the college friends again
renewed their friendship. They became rivals in a love affair,
as was natural for two young men of such similar tastes. It
is said that Tazwell won.
Taylor nothing daunted ^ however, soon directed his affec
tions in another direction. He had returned to Norfolk and
t Grigsby's Tazwell, 33-37.
* Grigsby's Tazwell, 35-36.

148 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
was beginning in business by himself. Although he was only
twenty-one, he assumed quickly a station at the bar, which
told clearly the distinguished career which awaited his life.
He had no trouble in persuading the daughter of Captain
Preston to join her life with one, which had such glowing pros
pects. They were married and lived in an old colonial mansion,
overlooking tbe harbor of Norfolk.*
Perhaps her life was an Inspiration to his own, for at this
time he acquired habits of thoroughness and carefulness, which
gave lum a foundation for his later success. He retired late
and rose early, his whole time being devoted to his profession.
Nothing was left undone which would advance the interests of
his clients. No document was left unexamined, no page un
turned, no clew unsearched.!
In the meantime, affairs in Virginia politics were coming to a
crisis. The commercial interests of the Tidewater and former
Loyalists were now Federalists, as were the voters of the valley
and Trans-Alleghany regions. In England the interior counties
of Virginia found a profitable customer for their abundant
wheat crops and the East was Interested to preserve undis
turbed commercial relations. Jefferson, under the Republican
standard, was leading the Piedmont in opposition. The public
prints under his influence were fearlessly thundering out vitu
peration against the administration of Adams. Madison and
Jefferson considered the alien and sedition laws an outrage and
came forward with a last desperate effort to keep their declining
forces together and to deal t'ne Federalists a return blow. In
the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions they insisted that the
States had a right to judge for themselves whether they should
break the federal compact; also that the States had a right and
are in duty bound to correct a "deliberate, palpable and unjust"
action on the part of the Federal Government. John Taylor,
of Caroline went farther and threatened secession. If the hated
laws were not repealed.! ^  ¦
* Its site is now occupied by Watt, Rettew, Clay & Co., on Main Street.
t American Beacon, April 14, 1834.
% Howison's Virginia. Proceedings of the Assembly, 1798-99.

Robert Barraud Taylor. 149
In the spring of 1799 the Federalists made a concerted fight
to get a majority in the Assembly, to repeal these resolutions.
Patrick Henry, with one foot upon the threshold of death, made
his last political speech against the resolutions. Early in the
contest, Robert B. Taylor allied himself with the Federalists,
and soon became known for his debates. At such a critical
time, Taylor was selected to represent Norfolk in the General
Assembly. Probably, at no period before or since, was a greater
number of able men e\er elected to that body. Among them
were Madison, William B. Giles, John Taylor, George Keith
Taylor, Daniel Stewart, L. W. Tazwell and James Bar'oour.
Patrick Henry was elected by the citizens of Charlotte County,
but died before the Assembly convened.*
The principal issue before the house at this session was of
course the adoption or rejection of the Madison's Report,
written to justify the resolutions of 1798. Taylor, though
young, played his part well among such illustrious contempo
raries. With George Keith Taylor, also a Federalist, he opposed
the adoption of the report-! He argued that it Interfered with
the legitimate powers of the general government. He said that
the people had two organs — the Federal Government and the
State Legislature, and that the first was to be preferred because
its representation in Congress was more democratic than that
of the State in the Assembly. He claimed that the alien and
sedition laws were required by the state of the country, and
pictured in eloquent terms the dangers arising from foreign
invasion. He said these laws would awe the undesirable class
of foreigners and keep them out. The sedition laws w-ere not
made to restrict the freedom of the press, but to punish Its
licentiousness, to prevent injury, ra,ther than punish offenders.
This speech w^as met by the fiery eloquence of the opposition.
They protested, that the Laws tended to monarchy and that
aliens had the sacred right to trial by jury, that Congress had
no more power over the freedom of speech than of conscience.
* Howison's Virginia.
t American Beojxn, April 13, 1834.

150 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
Following this discussion a motion was put to the effect that the
senators should be instructed to do all in their power to get a
repeal of the alien and sedition acts. Taylor's cause was un
popular and he was among the minority when the question
came to vote.*
The true worth of 3'oung Taylor was soon discovered in the
A.ssembly, and he was appointed to positions on many com
mittees, demanding men of sound ability. Most important of
these was a committee to bring in a report by which the courts
of justice could be re-/ised, so as better to meet the needs of the
government. He was also on committees to amend the penal
laws and to examine the High Court of Chancery.
During t'ne same Assembly a proposition was brought in to
put a bust of Patrick Henry in a niche of the Hall of Delegates.
Taylor was an ardent admirer of Henry; but despite this fact
he voted against the measure, because he thought it resembled
too much' the practice of hero worship among the semi-cultured
people of the middle Ages.!
He was not in favor of raising the wages of the members of
the Assembly.
His opposition to Republicanism is clearly shown, by his vote
to instruLt the United States senators to try to get the na^vy in
creased, and to let the standing army still stay in commission.
He did not want the common law of England to apply in America.
While Taylor had been in Richmond rendering his home city
the services of a citizen. Republicanism had stolen in, even to
the very seat of Federalism and rapidly gained supremacy.
Taylor's services might have been inestimable, still he believed
the Federalist cause hopeless and refused to stand for a re-election.
He now returned to his practice. At the bar, he was often heard
in debate with Wirt, Tazwell and others of like fame.
In i807, Taylor was one of the jurors who found a bill of in
dictment against Aaron Burr for treason.!
* Proceedings and Debates of the Assembly, 1798-99.
flbid.
% Lassing's Pictorial Field-Book of the war of 181S, 677-678, 684-85.

Robert Barraud Taylor. 151
On the 22nd of June of this same year the British frigate
Leopard stopped the Chesapeake just after she bad passed the
capes, and compelled her to surrender three of her passengers.
This was a great blow to the national pride and an insult to the
American flag. Although Norfolk was a center for British
sympathizers in the South, she became alarmed at such bold
conduct. Feeling ran so high that, when an English officer
came on shore he -was almost torn in pieces by the infuriated
mob. Col. Hamilton, the consul on shore, vas believed to be
in collusion with the commander of the Leopard and was sub
jected to the grossest insults. No attention was paid to the
law and mobs went about compelling those who v/ere suspected
of favoring the British to sign pledges of allegiance to the United
States. The citizens resolved themselves into an Assembly of
the whole as in the dajs of the Revolution and v.-ith Matthews
at the head, appointed a committee of safety. Taylor, though
a Federalist, was on the committee. A preamble was adopted,
and it was resolved that there should be no intercourse with
the British frigates in cur waters, or wita their agent: imtil the
decision of the Federal Government was known, under penalty
of being deemed infamous.*
Commodore Barron, the commander of the Chesapeake, v/as
brought before the courts and charged with treason, in that he
surrendered without fighting. Taylor v.-as employed as his
counsel and in defending him became very unpopular with the
people.! Consequently he was defeated the following jear
when he became a candidate for Congress in the Norfolk Dis
trict in opposition to Col. Thomas Newton, the Republican
nominee.! At this time, Taylor's pet policj- was a reform in the method
of representation in the State Assembly. He proposed that
one member be struck from each county. He defended this
scheme on the ground of economy and expediency. It was not
Cooper's Naial Engagements of the war of 1812. Forest's Norfolk.
t Lassing's Pictorial Field Book of fhe war of 1812, 677-78.
t Va. Hist. Reporter, I., i, 72-76.

152 Rajidolph- Macon Historical Papers.
until later when he became better acquainted with the Common
wealth at large that be espoused the more popular plan of the
vvhite basis of representation.*
In the meanv/hile, relations between England and America
were coming to a crisis. Treaties were broken, neutral riights
violated, seamen impressed and our flag Insulted. The Con
gress which met in 1812 was composed mostly of young Re
publicans, who were anxious for war. It did not take them
long to stir up the fighting blood of t'ne conservatives, and war
was declared. It soon became evident that Norfolk was to
be a point of attack in the South, and every means possible was
planned to defend it until the last. A large force was con
centrated here and fortifications started.
Being a Federalist, Taylor had fought the war party, but as
soon as war was declared he accepted a commission as Colonel
of Horse ! in the State militia, and from this time his only thought
was how he could render his people the best service. The only
military training he had received was in the monthly practice
of the home regiment, but what he lacked in military tactics,
he made good in energy and enthusiasm. His cavalry command
went through vigorous training every day, and many improve
ments v/ere made in Its equipment. On May 10, 1812, Taylor
wrote to Governor Barbour protesting against the many modes
of training troops, which were then in vogue. ! He said that
all troops in the State should be trained according to one system.
As it was, some v/ere trained like English, some like German and
others like French troops. When such a mixture was massed
together in an army, no o.ne could be certain of their move
ments, and it was impossible to have them under one commander.
The suggestion was adopted and Taylor raised to the rank of
Brigadier General, of the Ninth Brigade.** In this capacity he
* Ibid I., i, 75.
t Calendar Va. State papers. Letters of Taylor, X. American Beacon,
April 13, 1834.
t Calendar of Va. State papers, X.
** See letter from above, dated Dec. 25, 1812.

Robert Barraud Taylor. 153
commanded the whole military district of Norfolk, and under bis
directions, the city was soon so well fortified, as to be pronounced
impregnable, both by land and sea. Fort Nelson was strength
ened. Fort Norfolk built on the east bank of the Elizabeth
River, and all possible approaches by land heav-ily guarded.
It was well that Norfolk had such a man as Taylor to defend
her, for she soon found need of all these precautions. Early in
the spring of 1814 the British under Cockburn entered tlie
Chesapeake and were devastating the country with the most
atrocious cruelties. After having gone through a series of in
famous depredations upon the coast of the Chesapeake he con
centrated his forces in the Hampton Roads, preparatory to
making an attack upon Norfolk.* Taylor anticipated his
movements, and strongly fortified Craney Island at the mouth
of Norfolk Harbor. Three batteries were placed here, and a
blockhouse built. Thus fortified it would be impossible to
enter the harbor without a stiff fight. The island lay close to
the west bank of the Elizabeth River, and a bridge was built
connecting it with the shore, in order that infantrj' might be
brought up by land from Fort Nelson. Reinforcements were
summoned here, from all parts of the State, but the men were
unused to the malarial swamps, and many of them stayed on
the sick list, unfit for duty. Captain Betty was in command of
the land forces. Many think that General Taylor commanded
in person here, but he did not. Of course he planned the
battle, and had charge of its execution, being commander-in-
chief of the district, but he was at Fort Norfolk, several miles
away when the battle was fought.!
After a period of expectancy, the enemy at last moved to the
attack on June 22nd. They were twenty-six hundred strong
and came in two detachments j aiming to make a simultaneous
attack from sea and land. The one on boats and barges moved
against the north of the Island, where marines and sailors,
* Howison's Virginia.
t Va. Hist. Register, I., 132.
% Howison's Virginia.

154 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
commanded by Lieutenant Neale, were working the batteries.
The guns were trained with such fatal precision, that three of
the boats were sunk. One was literally cut in half. The other
boats hauled off in discomfiture, and the Virginians instantly
sent aid to the drowning wretches in the water.J Meanwhile
the other detachment had landed on the main shore, and was
attempting to cross the bridge in front of the southern battery.
Captain Betty was reinforced here by thirty men under Captain
Pollard, sent by Taylor from Norfolk. The enemy were cut
to pieces at long shot and were not allowed to come any where
near the shore. They soon retreated in confusion, and took
refuge in a pine forest on the mainland. The twenty-four
pounders from the battery were directed to this spot, and played
havoc among the disordered enemy. In all, about three hun
dred men were lost by tbe attacking side, while not a single
man was killed among the brave defenders. It has been re
marked as almost a miracle.*
Such a defeat filled the British v/ith rage and shame. They
abandoned their plans to take Norfolk, and sought easier game.
Hampton across the Roads was weakly defended by a force of
four hundred men, and Cockburn immediately moved to this
point with his whole force. The handful of defenders on the
shore of course could not withstand them and before all the
citizens could escape, Flampton was in the hands of the enemy.
A wanton destruction of property ensued. The degraded
soldiers, and negroes were allowed to riot in every form of bru
tality. The officers made no pretense to protect the helpless
persons of the citizens from their insults. Women left in the
town were brutally handled, and no attention was paid to their
outcries by the drunken soldiers.!
General Taylor was utterly powerless to aid the unfortunate
town for fear Norfolk would be in danger were he to leave it.
Brackenbridge says, "General Taylor made the conduct of the
% Richmond Enquirer, .June 29, 1813.
* Cooper's Naval Engagement of the war of 1818.
t Richmond Enquirer, July 2, 4, 9, 1813.

Robert Barraud Taylor. 155
British at Hampton the subject of a special protest to Sir Sidney
Beckwith, in which he depicted the infamy of their proceedings
with manly eloquence." Beckwith was a better hearted man
than Cockburn, but he could have prevented these outrages,
and did not do it, therefore his name deserves to be printed
on the blackest pages of history, alongside of Cockburn.
Soon afterwards, the enemy v/ere driven out of the Chesa
peake, and directed their attack against the coast of North
Carolina. General Taylor resigned his com.mission February
4, 1814. He was succeeded by General Parker.* The apprecia
tion of his ability is shown by an editorial in the Norfolk Herald,
dated February 6th. The writer said: "We cannot look back
upon the term, of General Taylor's continuance in office v/ithout
adding our mite to the applause which he has so amply- merited
and universally received. Appointed to an arduous command,
involving the most serious responsibilities, at a period truly
critical and without the aid of experience to direct him, he has
triumphed over every obstacle and by his zeal, perseverance and
vigilance acquired that capability in his new station which to
a mind less active and intelligent would have been a v/ork of
years." Many other manifestations cf approval and regrets at
his retirement were shov/n. He v/as given a public dinner by
the citizens of Portsmouth and Norfolk. This was a sumptuous
affair held at Ducoing's Long Room. Many toasts were drunk
to the activity and skill of Taylor.**
James Balkhead, Adjutant General, in his official orders of
February the 6th, said that he was much pleased with the
condition of Forts Norfolk and Nelson; and that the brigade of
State troops, under General Taylor had surpassed his expecta
tion in its acquirement of the knowledge of field experience.!
President Madison recognized Taylor's value although the
men were opposed in policies, and offered him a commission in
* Va. Hist. Reporter, I., 1, 132.
** See the issues of the Norfolk Herald for this time. Also Forest's Norfolk.
t From his letter in Forest's Koifolk.

156 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
the United States Army. But true to the old States' Rights
school, and his policy of opposition to war, he declined to accept
it. Taylor now disappears from public notice for a time. He
settled quietly down in Norfolk, all the while continuing to do
a large business in his profession. He was much interested in
the education of the youth, and was secretary of the Norfolk
Lancastrian Academy, which he had been instrumental in found
ing- 1
In 1822, he was honored by a.n appointment as Major General
of the State Militia in the Norfolk District. He accepted this
as it did not require much of his time.*
During the years of 1824-25 the Marquis de Lafayette made
a detour of the States, upon invitation of Congress. Besides
the part he had played in our war for freedom, his career as the
champion of democracy on the continent, had procured for him
a warm place in the hearts of the American people. Next to
Washington, he v/as considered the father of our liberty. People
went wild with enthusiasm when his name was mentioned, and
when he himself appeared, no display was too good for him.
Every State vied to show the hero of Yorktown the most
gorgeous reception. Perhaps none succeeded so well as the
Old Dominion.
Fifteen thousand people gathered at Yorktown on the 19th
of October, the anniversary of the victory, to entertain the
Marquis in a grand festival. A writer of that time said, ".Gen
erations may roll away, and empires, and old Time itself may
become gray, and the bright sun be shed of its glory ere he
again look down on such a festival." It was true. Every regi
ment in the State was on the field and two from the army at
Washington, all in dress uniform. Many of the soldiers were
old veterans, who had starred under Washington upon these
very fields. The appearance of things was preserved very
much like they were on that morning in '81, so fatal to the
X The Lower Norfolk County Va. Antiquary., V., 118-21.
* Cal. Va. State Papers, X.

Robert Barraud Taylor. 157
British cause in America. Lafayette slept in the very tent
that had served Washington as headquarters nearly a half
centur>' before. The old ramparts were very littie changed by
time.* Besides being commander-in-chief of the military forces col
lected here. General Taylor was chosen orator of the occasion.
We quote below, Hugh Blair Grigsby's estimate of Taylor, and
what he says about the significance of the choice. From con
temporary writers we find that this does not flatter our subject.
"General Taylor is about the middle size, slightly inclined to
corpulency. His countenance is lighted up with the liveliest
and most expressive blue eyes, which reflect the high and chiv
alrous impulse of the soul w-ithin. His head is on the ancient
Roman model and according to Gale, indlctive of great powers
of eloquence. Nor are these indications false. If the guardian
genius of Columbia had selected from the scroll on which the
names of her brightest sons are recorded some favorite champion
to address the veteran aposties of Liberty or the mouldering
battlements of Yorktown, I do not think I exceed moderation
in affirming that the choice of Virginia would have been con
firmed. His elegant deportment, fascinating manners and
withal those brilliant powers of eloquence, heightened by high
toned military feelingj eminently qualified him for performing
with corresponding eclat the ceremony."
A triumphal arch was erected on the ruins of the rock re
doubt standing within six yards of the river's bank. The
procession began to move towards this at eleven o'clock. It
was a sublime spectacle, the old General Lafayette leading up
the hillock, followed by a concourse of officers and citizens.
He v/as limping slightly, and leaning on the arm of the governor.
When he had reached the triumphal arch. General Taylor
stepped from the group collected around, and saluted the
Marquis with profound respect and addressed to him his memor
able oration. In chaste and beautiful language he recounted
* Ward's Gen. Lafayette's Visit to Va., 27-28, 44-46. John Foster's Tour
of Lafayette of the U. S., 1824, 201-203.

158 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
the career of Lafayette and paid him tribute. We feel that it
would be an injustice should we pass farther without quoting
some sentences from his masterpiece, which is beyond us to
criticise. We ha\'e chosen the opening and closing paragraphs
for our purpose.
"General, on behalf of my comrades I bid you welcome.
They come to greet you with no pageantry, intended to surprise
by its novelty, or dazzle by its splendor, but they bring you,
General, an offering, which wealth could not purchase, nor
power constrain. On this day associated with so many thrilling
recollections, on this spot consecrated by successful valor, they
corne to offer you this willing homage of their hearts.
"Judge, General, of their feelings at this moment by your
own. *****
"Your life. General, illustrious throughout, in this is dis
tinguished. Time which dims the lustre of ordinary merit,
has rendered yours most brilliant. After a lapse of nearly half
a century, your triumph is decreed by the sons of those who
witnessed your exploits.
"Deign then, General, to accept the simple but expressive
token of their gratitude and admiration. Suffer their leader
to place upon your veteran brow, the only crown it would not
disdain to wear — the blended emblem of your worth and martial
powers. It will not pain you, General, to perceive some scattered
sprigs of melaricholy cypress intermingled with the blended
leaves of laurel and oals. Your heart would turn from us with
generous indignation, if, on an occasion like this, amid the
joyous acclamations which greet you everywhere, were heard
no sighs of grateful recollections for those gallant men who
shared your battles, but do not, cannot share your triumphs.
The w-reath which our gratitude has woven to testify our love
for you will lose nothing of its fragrance or its verdure, though
time hangs upon its leaves some tears of pious recollections of
the friend of your early youth, In war the avenger, In peace the
father, of his country.

Robert Barraud Ta\lor. 159
"In behalf then of all the chivalry of Virginia, on this re
doubt, which his valor wrested from the enemy at tbe point of
the bayonet, I place on the head of Major General Lafayette
this wreath of double triumph, won by numerous and illustrious
acts of martial prowess, and by a life devoted to the happiness
of the human race. In their names, I proclaim bim alike vic
torious in arms and In acts of civil polity, in bannered fields a
hero; in civil life the benefactor of mankind " *
Lafayette was deeply affected and sensible of the honor which
was conferred upon him. There v/as a solemn earnestness
about his manner which impressed all present. Many wept
and all were filled with emotion. When General Taylor had
ceased his speech he was about to fix the civic wreath upon the
Marquis'- head, bent in a naive and graceful m.anner which
bespoke the true man he was, Lafayette wrested the wreath
from Taylor's hands, and respectfully bowing, dropped it at
his side. In his simple, cordial manner, he then thanked Gen
eral Taylor in the foilow-ing words:
"I most cordially thank you, my dear General, and your com
panions in arms, for your affectionate welcom.e, your kind rec
ollections, and the flattering expressions of your friendship.
Happy am I to receive them on these already ancient lines,
where the united arm.s of Am.crica and France have been glori
ously engaged in holy alliance, to support the right of American
independence and the sacred principle of the sovereignty' of the
people, happy also to be so welcomed on the particular spot
where mj- dear light infantrj' comrades acquired one of their
honorable claims to public love and esteem. You know sir
that in this business of storming redoubts with unloaded arms
and fixed baj'onets the merit of the deed is in the soldiers who
executed it, and to each of them I am anxious to acknov/ledge
their equal share of honor. ******
"In their name, my dear General in the name of the light in
fantry, those w-e have lost as well as those who survive and only
in common with them, I accept the crown with which you are
* Foster's Sketch of the Tour of Gen. Lafayette to the U. S., 1834, 201-203.

160 Randolph-Macun Historical Papers.
pleased to honor me, and I offer you the return of the most
grateful acknowledgments."
When he had finished he moved on to where the troops were
drawn up and reviewed them. It was a splendid spectacle.
Every man was looking his best with ever}'- buckle and button
polished. Every movement was with clocklike precision.
At five o'clock in the afternoon, the whole company of fifteen
thousaad sat dov/n to tables arranged in circles around General
Lafayette and riis body guard. The country people had been
liberal in their preparations and all had plenty. Nothing on
so grand a scale had ever been seen in America before. It well
illustrated the wealth and generosity of the hospitable old
State. At the center table General Taylor presided, assisted
by Generals Cocke and Brodnax. Lafayette sat on the right
of General Taylor. The banquet lasted till late in the night.
Great bonfires v/ere lighted and the people full of convivial joy,
gathered around to hear toasts made by men of prominence.
On the next morning, Lafayette set out to Norfolk, stopping by
Williamsburg and Jamestown. He arrived at 4 o'clock in the after
noon of October the twenty-fifth. He came on the steamboat
Petersburg from Jamestown, which landed at the ferry stairs.
A delegation of citizens was there to meet him attended by the
Norfolk and Portsmouth regiments. When the steamer came
in sight flags were waved from everywhere, and the air was
rent with the cheers of thousands gathered on housetops and
in upper storiesj.
Lafayette stayed in Norfolk three days. During most of the
time he was entertained at the elegant mansion of General
Taylor* Many demonstrations of the people's good will were
shown. . A banquet was served at the Exchange in his honor.
He was conducted everywhere with a body guard composed of
officers. No man since has ever been honored so by the citizens
of Norfolk.
Taylor was again elected to the General Assembly in 1826-27.
He took no conspicuous part in the debates. The principal
* V>';i.rd's Tour of Lafayette, 1834.

Robert Barraud Taylor. 161
issue before the house was the adoption of the resolutions pro
posed by \\ m. B. Giles in opposition to the tariff. In interest
of his constituents, Taylor opposed these. In this Assembly he
was chairman of a committee on schools and colleges and as such
brought in a plan for the furtherance of education throughout
the State. Jefferson could not have been more zealous than he
in his appeals for larger appropriations b].- the State for the build
ing of more schools.*
These were momentous years for the Comraon-.v^alth, and
Taylor was soon to be called upon to serve her in a new capacity,
namely, to help make for her a new Constitution. \'irginia had
developed, beyond the mountains, a west entirely different from
the older parts of the State. Confronting many obstacles, the
hardy pioneers had planted their homes in the valleys among
the Alleghany mountains. The environnient was different
from that of the planter in the Tidewater. Here the people
lived in ^^IIlage3 and upon small farms, and consequently found
littie use for negro slaves. Under such conditions they were
naturally democratic, but they had long been denied a voice
proportionate to their numerical strength in the State govern
ment. Lender the constitution of 1776, every man v/ho owned
twenty-five acres of land was allowed a yote. In 1829 there
were 31,000 white males over tv/enty-one years of age, in the
State, w-ho did not have the right of suffrage under this law.
Among these were well circumstanced merchants and crafts
men, who had no use for land. Land was high in the East and
such men did not care to keep twenty-fhe acres of land solely
for the right of suffrage. In the West however, land was cheap
and taxes light, consequentlj- many men found it no trouble to
own land for no other purpose than togivethema vote. Natu
rally the brother mechanic and professional in the East was
clamoring for reform.
At last the protest of the citizens was heard by the Assembly
in 1829. The West with a white population of 254,196 had
eighty delegates, and nine senators, while the East with a white
* Journal of House of Delegates, Dec. 16, 1826, 34.

162 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers.
population of 348,873 had one hundred and thirty-four dele
gates and fifteen senators. It is obvious that a reapportion
ment according to white basis, would have given the West a
greater share in representation. The West not only wanted
this, but it also wanted the number of representatives and the
length of the Assembly sessions cut down in order that there
might be more money in the treasury for building roads and
cutting canals.
For many years the justices of the county courts appointed
by the Governor upon the recommendation of the sheriff, had
been unsatisfactory to the reformers.
On the loth of February, 1829, an act was passed organizing
a convention to amend the Constitution. Under this act the
people met at their respective courthouses and elected four
m.embers from each of the twenty-four senatorial districts. At
last the hopes of the people had been realized, and everyone
waited with anxiety each new move. Not only was this so
within the State, but tbe most distinguished men of the Union,
statesmen, the moneyed Interests of the North, old planters
from the South, all came to Richmond to watch the progress of
this convention. Great things were expected from a body, over
w-hich an ex-president of the United States, James Monroe, pre
sided, in which another ex-president, James Madison was at
the head of the most important committee, and the Chief
Justice, John Marshall, was a prominent figure. Taylor was
elected with Tazwell, Prentis and Loyall from the Norfolk
district, which section was practically unanimous in its opposi
tion to reform.
The convention met the fifth of October 1829. From the
first day the paramount questions were: the extension of suf
frage and the reapportionment of representatives. The people
west of the Blue Ridge were fighting for a representation based
exclusively on the white population. The people east of the
Blue Ridge, generally favored the mixed basis. The west
wanted manhood suffrage, while the east clung to the old method
of freehold suffrage.

Robert Barraud Taylor. 163
Taylor had not sided with either section before he came to
the convention, and he says: "When I arrived the only senti
ment in my heart was an ardent desire to know what vvas the
truth, and when found to pursue it. I conversed with gentle
men of various and opposite opinions, sought for facts in all
directions. But as I proceeded, my own judgment became be
wildered. It was Insufficient to take in so many and conflicting
principles at a single glance. Under circumstances so perplexing,
I resorted to what seemed to be the only remedy. It was to
analyze the materials of which it was composed, to search, for
reasons and principles, and draw a just conclusion." *
The conclusion he came to was that representation according
to the white basis and manhood suffrage were the only just
policies, consistent with the Republican regime. The Virginia
Historical Reporter casting a retrospectis-e view over the situation,
says: "As we look back over his honest deliberation, and the
conclusion he came to, knowing at the time that nineteen
twentieths of his constituents were against him, we cannot but
regret that more members had not adopted his plan, more had
not had his forethought and prudence." Perhaps West Vir
ginia would still be under the name and protection of the Old
Dominion, and none of the frictions of the fifties would have
occurred. The first matter taken up in the convention was the Bill of
Rights. The Reformers were anxious to get.the old Bill adopted
in toto. Some like Taylor desired to go even farther and to
amend the BiU of 1776, with resolutions to the effect that equal
representation for all voters and manhood suffrage should prevail
in the States. The conservatives were afraid to take this step,
and wanted to pass over the Bill of Right until more practical
measures could be considered.!
Taylor had w-orked out independentiy a set of resolutions
embodying his principles. He introduced them with the in-
* Debates of the Convention, 1829-30. Richmond Whig, Oct. 6, 1S29.
t Richmond Whig, Oct. 7, 8, and 9, 1S29. Little's Richmond, 56-57.

164 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
tention that they might be accepted as an amendment to the
Bill of Rights. These resolutions were as follows:
1st. Resolved, that the elective franchise should be uniform,
so that throughout the State similar qualifications should confer
a similar right of suffrage.
2nd. Resolved, that among those entitled by the Constitu
tion to exercise the elective franchise, there should be entire
equality of suffrage, so that in all elections the suffrage of one
qualified voter should avail as much as that of another, whatever
may be the disparity of their respective fortunes.
3rd. Resolved, that representation should be uniform through
out thc State.
4th. Resolved, that individual suffrage should be equal with
out respect to the disparity of individual fortune, so an equal
number of qualified voters are entitled to equal representation
without regard to the disparity of their aggregate fortunes.
5th. That in all pecuniary contributions to the public service
regard should be had to the ability of individuals to contribute,
and as this ability to pay from disparity of fortune is unequal, it
would be unjust and oppressive to require each citizen to pay
an equal amount of public taxes.
His defense and explanation of these resolutions was not in
ferior to the other debates produced on this occasion. In sub
stance, he said that his resolutions referred to a single object—
the elective franchise, and the mode in which it should be ex
ercised. All our Constitutions, whether State or Federal, are
founded on the assumption of these political truths, that free
governments are best adapted to human happiness, if not every
where, at least to the happiness of man in the American States;
and that sovereignty resides of right, as well as in fact, in the
people, and that the best modes of administering that sovereignty
is by agents instead of by the people personally.
He believed that the elective franchise was an essential part
of the existing system. It looked to two objects; first, to the
persons exerci-sing it, — that is suffrage; in the second place, to
the effect of the suffrage, w-hen exercised, — ^that Is representa-

Robert Barraud Taylor. 165
tion. Suffrage is tbe means and representation the effect.
Suffrage then ought to be uniform so as to confer like privileges
in like circumstances; or so di\-ided in its co-operation that the
rights exercised by persons in one section of the State shall not
be denied to other persons similarly situated in another section.
He illustrated this by imagining a county containing three
hundred voters. Let two hundred and fifty of these vote for
A, and the remainder for B. The house would see that on the
decision of the above question would rest, whether A, with two
hundred and fifty or, B. v/ith fifty votes would be the representa
tive of that county. It would depend entirely upon the question
whether you graduate the votes according to the wealth of the
voters or whether you will establish a rule of uniform suffrage.
To explain he supposed the two hundred and fifty voters for A,
each entitled to an estate worth $100.00, and fifty for B who
have propearty over and abo\'e the qualifications required by
law, worth $1,000.00. If number's decide, A is elected by two
hundred majority. If wealth, B is elected by 525,000.00 rria-
jority. Shown this way it is easy to see how unfair the plan by
wealth is. The plan would be impractical, because there would
be a rule of the aristocracy, and this would bring about the
usual friction between v/ealth and labor. All the principles
for which we had fought in the Revolution would thus be
broken down, by putting the government in the hands of the
few. In spite of Taylor's protests that these resolutions should be
a part of the Bill of Right, and that they should be adopted
as the basis of subsequent work, a motion was carried to lay
them on the table, until the other part of the Constitution
should be determined. The motion was carried, and Taylor
never had a chance to bring them up again.
A few days afterwards, Jones of Pittsylvania brought in a
resolution to the effect that representation should be appor
tioned in the. districts, according to the amount of revenue col
lected in that district for the preceding year. Taylor's con
stituents did not like his democratic Ideas and urged him to

166 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
support the resolution introduced bj' Mr. Jones of Pittsyl
vania. This was entirety against his principles, so when the
issue was presented he made an able speech against the resolu
tions, saying that they tended to monarchy. He ended by
asking the body to defer the vote on the resolution until he could
resign his seat, in favor of a man, who could vote according to
the wishes of his constituents, inasmuch as his conscience
would not allow him to do so.
This request v/as granted, and in a few days, Monroe read the
follov/ing letter before the con\'ention:
"Sir: Many of my constituents have instructed me to support the
proposed plan of apportioning representation, with regard to
white population, and taxation combined; and I have reason
to believe, that a large majority of the people of my district
concur in the desire expressed in these instructions.
"It is due myself to prevent all misconceptions of iny official
conduct. I was elected to this body, with the full knowledge
of m3' constituents that I fa\'ored reforms in the existing con
stitution. I came here untrammelled by instructions and re
strained by no pledges. I am unfortunate indeed, in this, that
my opinions do not harmonize w-ith those of my constituents;
but I have disappointed no expectation; violated no engage
ment; betrayed no trust. .. .
"Ha\'ing always believed, and maintained that the value of
representative government mainly depends on the principle,
that representation is only a means, whereby the deliberate will
of the constituent body is to be expressed and effectuated, no
act of mine shall ever impair the principle. Had my constituents
Instructed me, on some matter of mere expediency, or required
me to perform anything, which was possible, it would have
afforded me pleasure to testify, with how cheerful a submission,
I would give effect to their opinions, rather than my own. But
they ask what is impossible. They require me to violate my
conscience, and the sentiments of filial devotion, which I owe
to my country.

Robert Barraud Taylor. 167
Believing (as I conscientiously do) that the measure I am
instructed to support is hostile to free institutions; destructive
to equality of right among our citizens; and introductive of a
principle, that a minority on account of superior wealth, shall
rule the majority of the qualified voters of the State, I should
be guilty of moral treason against the liberty of my native
land, if I allowed myself to be the instrument by which this
mischief is effected. In this state of mind, by executing the
wishes of my constituents, I should justify myself to their
reproaches, for my baseness; and to the more insufferable re
proaches of my own conscience.
One mode only remains to reconcile my duties to my constitu
ents, to the higher and more sacred duties I owe to myself, and
my country. It is to resign the office, which they conferred
upon me; and thereby to enable my colleagues to select a suc
cessor, who more fortunate than I am, may give effect to their
wishes, w-ithout violating anj' sentiment of private or public
duty. Allow me to ask, that this letter may have a place on your
journal. Forgive the feeling which prompts this request. If
any eye shall hereafter read my humble name, I wish that the
same page, which records my retirement from your service, may
also record the motives (mistaken perhaps, but not unworthy)
which occasioned it.
I leave the convention, sir, with sentiments of profound
respect, and veneration for the virtue and talent which ennoble,
and adorn it. My heart will still attend your councils; and I
shall not cease to supplicate the Almighty, that he may so
inspire and direct them, that Virginia may be regenerated,
united, free and happy."*
I have the honor to be,
Y'our humble servant,
Robert B. Taylor.
* Va. Conslilutional Contention, 1829-30. Journal Acts and Proceedi.igs,
49-50. Brenaman's History of Va. Convention, 47-48.

168 Randolph- Ma con Historical Papers.
James Monroe, Esc-,
President of the Coriveniion.
The letter is doubly Interesting, because it not only shows his
position clearly, but also portrays the nobleness of the man
behind it. There is none of the trickery of tbe politician, or
the double handedness of a schemer. He is conscientously frank
in every word. His action w-as admired by friends and enemies
from all parts of the State. A letter which appeared in the Rich
mond Whig, November 9th, 1829, gives us the opinion of a
citizen of the State. The writer addressing General Taylor
said :
"You have been too much addicted to look into the reason
of things, too apt to examine and regard fundamental prin
ciples, and too deeply im'oued with that patriotic spirit,
which regards with equal eye the w-hole interest of a State,
rather than the incidental and transient interest of a borough
or a county. The time may come, sir, and Heaven speed its
advent, v/hen such politicians may yet be in fashion. If your
constituents expected you to represent a district rather than the
State of Virginia, it was morally right in a representative gov
ernment for you not to misrepresent them. But your refusal
to do violence to your conscience, and to vote for measures,
which must impede the future progress and prosperity of this
Commonw-ealth, which perhaps no future act of your life could
annul is that for which I thank you."
In December, Monroe was forced to resign his place in the
convention on account of sickness. Nothing could show more
the estimation of Taylor outside of his own community than
that he was chosen by the people of London to take Monroe's
place. He declined to accept this honor, however, for fear that
he would be taking undue advantage of his Norfolk friends, and
that his actions in that case would be misinterpreted as prompted
by a spirit of revenge.*
* Va. Hist. Reporter, I.

Robert Barraud Taylor. 169
Under the new constitution, Taylor was appointed, by the
support of the west, to be judge of the Circuit Court, and Su
perior Court of law and chancery, for the first circuit and first
district of Virginia, composed of the counties of Princess Anne,
Nansemond, Southampton, Greenesvilie, Surry, Isle of Wight,
Norfolk and Norfolk Borough. He resigned his commission as
Major General to accept the appointment April 25th, 1831, but
the bench was destined soon to be deprived of his valuable
services and on April 13, 1834, he died of pneumonia at his
home on Catharine Street.*
Thus ended a singular life, one which had had difficulties,
seemingly put in the way by fate, to retard his course. Being
a consistent Federalist he was always in the minority; but look
ing back over his life, we think with few exceptions, always in
the right. Like many other Virginians of the minority party,
he was not appreciated by his own fellow-citizens, until after his
death. Although the unknown author of his day may have
felt the m-eaning of his words when he wrote thus: "Taylor was
a man eminently qualified for the highest stations in life — yet
so urbane, so unostentatious, so accessible to all, that he was
beloved, admired, respected, in every circle of society, in which
his public or private duties called him to act." !
* Calendar of Va. State Papers, X. Southern Literary Messenger, XVIL,
3023. t Obituary in American Beacon, April 13, 1834.

THE JOHN P. BRANCH
HISTORICAL PAPERS
OF
RANDOLPH -MACON COLLEGE

Published AnnuaUy by the Department of History

Vol. III. JUNE, 1911 No.

CONTENTS

Preface 171
William Branch Giles — Geo. M. Betty 173
Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 1 99
Letter of Dr. John Brockenbrough to Andrew
Stevenson, 1834 253
Letter of C. W. Gooch to Martin Van Buren, 1835 255
An Address to the Democrats of Virginia, 1840 263
An Editorial from the Richmond Enquirer, 1842 271

Price, 50c
Address CHARLES H. AMBLER, Editor, Ashland, Va.

RICHMOND, VA.
RICHMOND TRESS, IXC.
1911

THE JOHN F*. BRANCH
HISTORICAL I>AF»ERS

or

Randolph-Macox College.

JUNE, 1911.

^ufna

THE originals of the Ritchie Letters published in this
number of the Branch Historical Papers are, for the
most part, the property of Mr. Ritchie's descendants
and are not available to students. I hope that the light which
they throw upon the inner workings of politics in Virginia during
the period when Mr. Ritchie was active there, and that the serv
ice they may be to those doing research in that period will war
rant their publication. Many other Ritchie letters may be
found in the Jackson, Van Buren, and Ste\-enson Manuscripts
in the Congressional Library. The other letters, addresses,
and editorials published in this number of the Branch Historical
Papers are either the work of Mr. Ritchie or bear directly upon
his interests and activities.
Number 4, volume III, of the Branch Historical Papers will
be published in June, 1912, and will complete that volume. It

172 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
will contain unpublished letters of Thomas Ritchie and of other
prom.inent Virginians who were his contemporaries. It will also
contain two or three short biographies which are nov/ in process
of writing. The Branch Historical Papers can be furnished to
subscribers or to others at the rate of fifty cents per number,
or two dollars per volume.
Charles Henry Ambler.

WILLIAM BRANCH GILES.*
BY GEORGE M. BETTY. A. B.
No period of American history assumes greater importance
and is of more interest than that which embraces the estab
lishment and eariy advances of the Federal government.
Protected by and living under the authority of a strong
national government,, the present day student of the history
of our nation is naturally attracted to a study of its birth
and youth. During this formative period arose great issues,
issues over which great men fought in the legislative, judicial,
and executive councils of our nation. During the same period
those principles were evolved which in their final results
struck at the solidity of the Union itself. With these results
before us should not we of the present decade be able to
turn the pages of history backward and to form a just and
imbiased estimate of the lives of those men who figured in
the history of this early period, whether they were members
of the school which favored a strong national government,
or of the school which was at all times opposed to the
centralizing tendencies of the Federalists.
William B. Giles coidd not have lived in an age more suited
to his abilities. He lived in a period in which great thinkers
proposed great changes and in which equally as great men
fought these changes. As a young man he witnessed the
passing of the weak and ineffectual government under the
Articles of the Confederation and the establishment of a
stronger one. By the time of his death the old ship of state
had passed through many crises and was drifting to the great
climax when by war and bloodshed the Union would be pre
served. Early changes were not accomplished without great
struggles. To strengthen, extend, and perpetuate the powers
of the newly formed government was a life work of a famous
?Awarded the Bennett History Medal for 1910.

174 Ra7idolph-Macon Historical Papers
school of thinkers; while there were others who kept ever
before them the preservation of the rights of states. Giles,
a young man, had stood for the ratification of the constitution
but at the same time had believed that a government under
it would not be a surrender of the sovereignty of his native
state. In his national career he constantly adliered to this
belief and throughout his entire life was a consistent advo
cate of states' rights. Jealous of the rights of the people he
cast his lot with those who believed that under the policies
of the Federalists the government would gradually drift to
absolutism. His ability and natural qualities for leadership
soon advanced him to a position of prominence.
Old records show that the ancestors of William B. Giles
• were early settled in Virginia. In Henrico county, Christopher
Branch appears as a patentee of lands in 1624; six years later
in the same county, appears George Giles. William B. Giles,
the youngest son of William Giles, was born in Amelia county
on August 12, 1762. His father was a plain but respectable
farmer of Amelia. His only brother, John Giles, was killed
in the Revolutionary War. A sister, Elizabeth Giles, married,
in lYT-S, John Booker, a justice of the peace of Amelia county.'
William Giles was anxious that his son should have the
best opportunities In the way of an education and at an early
age placed him under the care of Dr. Samuel Stanhope Smith,
the first president of Hampden-Sidney College. In 1779, when
Dr. Smith left Hampden-Sidney to become the professor of
Moral Philosophy at Princeton University Giles along with
other young men accompanied him. In 1781, he received his
M. A. degree from Princeton. His education was completed
at William and Mary College where he studied law under the
great Virginia lawyer, Chancellor George Wythe.^ Giles al
ways held Dr. Smith and Chancellor Wythe in high esteem
and affection often referring to the former as "his bene
factor." -iR. H. Brock, Virginia Historical Magazine, -Vol. Ij-VII, p., 323.
2For facts in education, see Virginia Historical Magasine, LiNIl, p.
323, Richmond Enquirer, December 16, 1830.

William Branch Giles — Geo. M. Betty 175
Upon leaving William and Mary where he had exceptional
advantages in preparing for the law, Giles began the practice of
his profession in the courts of Petersburg and the surround
ing counties. In one of his first cases he is said to have been
pitted against Patrick Henry. It is known, however, that as
a young man he became acquainted with a no less distin
guished Virginian, George Mason. Sitting with a company
at a hotel in Richmond, Giles found the ratification of the
constitution to be the all absorbing topic. Boldly advanc
ing arguments for ratification, he so attracted the attention
of Mason that an acquaintance, possibly a friendship, sprang
up between them. IMeeting a friend later in the day Mason
remarked, "there was a stripling of a lawyer at the hotel
this morning who has as much sense as half of us although
he is on the wrong side."^
In 1790 a vacancy occurred in the Virginia Congressional
delegation by the death of Theodorick Bland, the representa
tive of the Second District, the home of William B. Giles. A
special election having been ordered he entered the race as a
Federalist, a term which at that time meant only one who
had favored the ratification of the constitution. Opposed to
him was a Col. Edmonds, a veteran of the ReA'-olution who had
the additional advantage in such a campaign, remarks a
writer in the Enquirer,* of a wounded limb. Giles was vic
torious.. A -writer in the Enquirer tells an interesting story in con
nection with this contest which reveals a true element of
Giles' character. On election day a voter approached him
and a friend, a Dr. Sims, and informed Giles that he had not
taken an election day drink with him. "My friend," re
sponded Giles, "I have too much respect for you to seek your
vote by offering you a drink, but if you -will add your shilling
to mine and Dr. Sim's we will all drink on an equal basis. "^
Early in December, 1790, the First Congress of the United

^Richmond Enquirer, December 16, ISaO.
*nid.. December 18, 1830.
oma^, December 16, 1S30.

176 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
States assembled for a brief and final session. On December 7,
1790, the newly elected representative from Virginia appeared
for thc first time presented his credentials and took his seat.*
At this Congress arose the pet policies of the Federalists. Tak
ing the initiative, their leaders had boldly advanced plans to
strengthen the recently created government. On the defen
sive were the Republicans charging that the tendency of their
opponents was to "feel power and forget right." The doors
of both parties w-ere open to Giles. A decision was neces
sary. Should he, a young man beginning a political career,
join the ranks of the Federalists under the leadership of
such men as Hamilton and Adams standing for centralization
of power and a loose construction of the constitution, or
should he cast his lot with the Republican party, the party
which would defend the rights of states, which would stand
for strict interpretation, which would be the party of a mili
tant democracy.
Sectional interests drew Giles into the ranks of the opposi
tion. Coming from a rural and agricultural section of Vir
ginia, Hamilton's plans of building up the manufacturing and
commercial North did not appeal to him. The interests of his
constituents were agricultural. On the whole the interests of
his state were agricultural. Giles had little in common with
those who -wished to build up manufactures, to found great
governmental institutions, such as a national bank, and it
was perfectly natural that he joined the Republicans.
Having embraced their faith, Giles soon became an out
spoken advocate of the Republican cause. In performing his
duties as a member of the Committee on Militia, he made his
first stand for the rights of states. To the bill establishing a
uniform militia Mr. Huntington of Connecticut had proposed
an amendment which provided that the states should furnish
the militia with arnis.'^ In objecting to this amendment, Giles
clearly showed that he believed the states could rightfully re
fuse to obey the proposed amendment. He boldly declared
fAnnals of Gojngress, I Cong. 3 sess., II., 1833.
ribid., II., 1854.

Willium Branch Giles — Geo. M. Betty 177
that such actions would be an improper interference with the
rights of the state governments. He went further and warned
Congress not to put the sovereignty of the general govern
ment to the test for "they (the states) may or may not comply
with the law, if they should not it will prove nugatory and
will render the authority of the United States contemptible.""
The chief questions which came before the First Congress,
however, aud questions which occupied most of its time were
the plans of Alexander Hamilton for establishing the national
credit. For this purpose he recommended internal revenue
taxes, the chartering of a national bank, and the construc
tion and operation of a mint. Hamilton argued that such mea
sures would bring the moneyed classes to the support of the
government. This was the very thing that the Republicans,
including Giles, wished to avoid and against these policies
was inaugurated a determined fight. The revenue bill was
opposed by Giles. In opposing this feature of the report he
pled for the rights of the people declaring that taxes should
be levied on a plan consistent with liberty. Continuing, he
noted, with pleasui;e, "the universal disposition of the mem
bers of the House to manifest the most scrupulous attention,
in all their deliberations, to the liberties of the people."*
On February 1, 1791, the House began the consideration
of a more important and comprehensive phase of Hamilton's
report. The bill to incorporate the subscribers of the United
States Bank having passed the Senate reached its third read
ing in the lower bouse, thereby precipitating the most spirited
debate of the session. The Federalists in their advocacy of
the bank found no more stubborn and persistent opponent
than the recent Republican recruit, William B. Giles. Reply
ing to Sedg^viek and others, he spoke at length in opposing
a charter. The beginning of this speech shows the sectionalism
which had crept into the deliberations of the first Congress of
the nation. Giles observed with regret a radical difference of
opinion between gentlemen from tlie eastern and southern
sAnnals of Congress, I Cong. 3 sess., II., 1854.
i>Ibid., II., 1899.

1 78 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
states on great governmental questions and was forced to
conclude that "the operations of that cause alone might cast
ominous conjecture on the promised success of the much valued
government."'" Proceeding he attacked the constitutionality
as well as the expediency of the proposed enterprise. Declar
ing the bank unconstitutional, he admonished Congress not
to stretch the constitution to carry any measure which might
be judged useful. "This utility," declared he, "will be the
ground of constitutionality. Hence any measure may be
judged constitutional which Congress may judge to be use
ful." Giles implored the House not to do away with "the
great distinguishing characteristic of America as compared
with tbe despotic governments of Europe which consists in
having the boundaries of governmental authority clearly
marked and ascertained.'"' He ridiculed the idea that the
constitutionality of the measure had grown out of its exped
iency, declaring that this was but candidly unveiling the
subject of that "sophistical mask" which had been ingenious- .
ly thrown over it. He did not see where his opponents had
shown that the bank was expedient in that it was the "child
of necessity." "All arguments adduced in favor of the mea
sure," said he, "from AVhatever source they arise, if pursued,
will be found to rush into the great one of expediency, to
bear down all constitutional provisions and to end themselves
in an area of despotism."'^
In concluding his speech, Giles brought the question of
states' rights into the debate by declaring that the estab
lishment of a national bank would be an unwarranted inter
ference with the powers of the state governments. Expressing
a doubt as to whether the general government could conquer
opposition froni the state governments he urged the House
not to overstep the bounds of the constitution and to cause a
contest for governmental rights. He ably argued the point
that the bank would not permanently strengthen the gov-
'.nAnnals of Gmigress, I Cong. 3 sess., II., 1989.
3i/fti(J.., II., 1993.
i2/6id., II., 1994.

William Branch Giles — Geo. M. Betty 179
ernment. The closing sentences of his speech is a good sum
mary of the attitude and feelings of the Republicans. "This
government is in its childhood;" said he, "it is therefore un
fitted for such bold and manly enterprises and policy would
dictate that it should wait at least until it may have become
more matured or invigorated. Two modes of administering
the government present themselves; the one with mildness
and moderation, by keeping within the known bounds of the
constitution, the other by the creation and operation of fiscal
mechanism; the first avIU insure us the affection of the peo
ple, the only natural and substantial basis of Republican
governments ; the other will raise and exist in oppression and
injustice, will increase the previously existing jealousies of
the people and must be ultimately discarded or bring about a
radical change in the nature of the go-vernment."^'
On February the ninth, the much discussed bill was passed
by a vote of 39 to 20.'*
On March 3, 1791, the first Congress adjourned. The brief
service of Giles revealed to his colleagues what manner of
man he was. It was not customary at that time for new mem
bers to be silent and the youthful legislator had not failed to
make himself heard. His services convinced the Republicans
that he would become a fearless and uncompromising defender
of their cause; to the Federalists he emerged from this Con
gress an unyielding and persistent opponent to their paternal
plans of government. No doubt the Republican leaders of the
time saw that in Giles thej- had a debater of no mediocre ability
and a possible leader in the years to come.
In the second Congress the Republicans remained in the
minority. The first important issue upon which the lines of
battle were drawn was the apportionment bill. Wishing to
make the House a body which would at all times represent
the people, the Republicans desired the largest representa
tions possible under the constitution. Accordingly they fought
for one representative to every thirty thousand people. In
^3 Annals of Congress. I Cong. 3 sess., II., 1996.
iilUd., II., 2012.

1 80 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
this fight Giles appeared an ardent defender of the rights of
the people, an avowed opponent to monarchy and the influ
ence of the moneyed classes. Declaring that the people e.x-
pected the proposed basis of representation he asserted that
the sense of the people was the best guide. Warning the
House that, "an inequality of circumstances produces revolu
tions in government from democracy to aristocracy and mon
archy," he argued for a large house which would counter
balance any imperial tendencies of the President and Senate."
Ill regard to the influence of the wealthy classes, Giles alleged
that the United States Bank would be the most powerful agent
in corrupting tht; House. ¦'" He announced the action about to
be taken a very important one, far reaching in its effect, end
ing an impassioned speech with the words: "the government
of America is now in a state of puberty. She is to assume a
fixed character and in some degree it rests upon the vote now
to be given whether she will preserve the simplicity, chastity,
and purity of her native representation and Republicanism or,
so early in youth prostitute herself to the venal and borrowed
artifices of a stale and pampered monarchy." He hoped "a
universal representation supported by the enlightened spirit
of the people would form an effectual resistance to the pres
sure of the vices of the administration and might establish
the government upon a broad permanent and Republican
basis."" At the conclusion of Giles' speech an amendment providing
for a representative for every thirty- three thousand inhabi
tants was carried. John Martin, Nathaniel Macon, and Giles
all voted against this amendment."*
Before the adjournment of the second Congress the activi
ties of the Republicans again turned to the Treasury depart
ment. Prom the master mind of Alexander Hamilton had
emanated the financial plans of the Pederabsts. With Wil
liam B. Giles as their leader the entire strength of the opposi-
¦i^' Annals of Congress, 2 Cong. 1 sess., 178.
3 6/6t(i., 179.
-nlhid., 548.
JSJSid., 548.

William Branch Giles — Geo. M. Betty 181
tion was now directed against the able secretary. On January
23, 1793, Giles introduced a number of resolutions pertaining
to certain specified transactions of the Treasury.'" These
resolutions called on the President to cause to be laid before
the House copies of the authorities under which loans had
been negotiated and that he give to the House the names of the
persons to whom payments on the French debt had been niadi'.
They called on the Secretary of the Treasury to lay before
the House an account exhibiting half monthly the balance
between the United States and the Bank of the United States :
to lay before the House an account of all moneys which had
come into the sinking fund and lastly, that he be instructed to
report to the House the balance of all unapplied revenues at
the end of the fiscal year ending 1792.-" In proposing these
resolutions Giles stated that they had grown out of the embar
rassment with which he had met in attempting to comprehend
the report of the Secretary of the Treasury. Taking up tbe
resolutions separately he explained where their neeessitj' bad
arisen, and ended his speech by sajdng that he considered
it high time for these reports to be presented to the House
since they had been legislating for some years without com
petent official knowledge of the state of the Treasury's reve
nues.^' Although Hamilton met these resolutions in a fair aud direct
manner, and prepared extensive reports for examination by
the House, the Republicans in the face of a Federalist major
ity renewed the attack. Again William B". Giles was their
.spokesman when on the twenty-seventh he introduced another
set of resolutions personally condemning the Secretary.-- The
first of these resolutions declared that the government could
not be carried on unless the law making special appropriations
of money be observed. The second announced that the viola
tion of such a law was a violation of the constitution. The

i^Annals of Gosngress, 2 Cong. 2 sess., 823.
20Z6id., 835.
2iZ6i(i., 840.
i-^lbid., 899.

182 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
third accused Hamilton of having violated such a law in
that he had used a part of the principal borrowed in Holland
to pay the interest on the principal and that he had drawn
some of the principal into the United States without instruc
tions from the President. That Hamilton had outstripped his
authority in making loans was the fourth charge. The fifth
charged negligence on the part of the Secretary in not giring
Congress information in regard to money drawn from Europe.
That he had borrowed more than was allowable was the sixth.
The seventh asserted that Hamilton had not consulted the true
interests of the country in borroAving four hundred thousand
dollars from the Bank of the United States when as large a
sum w^as on deposit at the bank. The ei,ghth accused Mm of
indecorum towards the Elouse, and the last proposed that a
copy of the resolutions be sent to the President.-'
When the resolutions, with the exception of the first, second
and ninth were referred to a committee of the Whole House
the Federalists bitterly attacked them. So ably did they de
fend Hamilton that the Republicans soon realized that they
had overstepped the mark and saw ahead defeat of the resolu
tions. At this time Giles seemed to relent in his opposition to
the Federalist leader. On Friday, March the first, he declared
that he was aware that he was in a particularly delicate posi
tion in which nothing short of the public good could have
induced him to place himself and that he wished to hear the
gentlemen on both sides and to see justice done, "justice dis
persed with moderation and mercy."^' To a majority of the
House justice demanded tbe defeat of the resolutions. The
third resolution v/as defeated by a vote of 41 to 12, and the
others met the same fate by votes in which the yeas never
received more than fifteen and the nays, less than thirty-
three.''' Critics of the i>resent day have been severe in condemning

"'Annals of Congress. 2 Cong. 2 sess., 900.
^ilUd., 923.
¦-'"lUd., 955-963.

William Branch Giles — Geo. M. Betty 183
Giles for the authorship of these resolutions. To their mind
his act was presumptions and designed to gain notoriety.
Before condemning him too severely and charging him v/ith
making an uncalled for attack on the ablest member of the
Washington administration it should be remembered that
Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, the two greatest men
in the Republican party, heartily agreed with Giles. In a let
ter to Edmund Pendleton, Madison refers to the resolutions
introduced by Giles, and expresses the opinion that there
existed "a very blamable irregularity and secrecy" in certain
transactions of the treasury.-" In the House he supported Giles
and voted for all the resolutions. In his "Anas" Jefferson
declares himself in favor of the resolutions and does not attri
bute their defeat to worthy motives on the part of tbe members
voting against them. Jefferson divides the House into six
classes which he-holds responsible for the defeat of the reso
lutions: 1. Bank directors; 2. Holders of bank stock; 3. Stock
jobbers; 4. Blind devotees; 5. Ignorant persons who did not
comprehend them; 6. Lazy and good humored persons who
comprehended and acknowledged them, yet were too lazy
to examine or unwilling to pronounce censure." Considering
the positions of Madison and Jefferson but not admitting that
either was right, why should Giles be given all the credit for
the violence against Hamilton; should the mere fact that he
introduced the resolutions make him the sole offender?
In the third Congress, the attention of- the Republicans
turned to foreign affairs. In this Congress their greatest fight
was not against an internal policy of the government but for
a more vigorous policy in regard to foreign trade. A com
mon belief existed that England in her contest with Prance
had violated the trade rights of neutrals and the Republicans
proceeded to make the most of that fact. In the House James
Madison introduced some resolutions advocating equal trade
privileges and at the same time justifying retaliation on the

i^Writings of James Madison, I., 575.
"Writings of Jefferson (ed. Ford) 1., 222.

184 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
part of the United States in the event of a violation of our
trade rights.-^
Giles was an active supporter of these resolutions. Through
out the fight he attacked the attitude of England towards oar
trade and commerce and defended the course of Prance to
wards our government. He did not wish to see the old adage,
"no friendship in trade," applied to France while he was not
ojiposed to a feeling of resistance against England. Admitting
that the proposed methods of retaliation would be detrimental
to the mercantile class who up to that time had supported the
government, Giles expressed the hope that the passing of the
Madison resolutions would not mar the feelings of that class
for the government. He believed that some of his ovfJi
constituents would be affected by the bill but had sufficient
confidence in their virtue and patriotism to think that they
would endure a "temporary inconvenience with a view to the
permanent good.""'*
In connection with Giles attitude concerning British Trade
we obtain his opinion of the respective merits of the American
and French republics. Generally speaking, he considered both
to be exponents of the principle of true Republicanism. As
serting that no essential difference existed in the fundamental
and modifying principles of the French and American repub
lics, the foundations of both being "the consent of the people"
and tbe pursuit of both an "equillzation of rights," he con
sidered France and America natural friends. "It is to the
interest of France, " said he, "that the United States should
continue a Republican form of government. It is to the inter
est, it is perhaps the salvation of the United States that
France should establish and preserve a Republican form of
government." In closing his speech he gave vent to a fervid
flight of oratory in which he indulged the hope, "that the per
manency of the Revolution of 'Prance was as much greater
than the permanency of the ancient despotism of France as the
¦-i»Annals of Congress, 3 Cong. 1 sess., 155.
29/6td!., 274-290.

William Branch Giles — Geo. M. Betty 1 85
great fabric of nature to the petty plastic productions of
art."^^" In the effort to establish American trade and commerc'=' on
a firmer basis a bill tending to the construction of a ULival
armament was presented. The Republicans opposed this move.
Giles discussed the biU from two points of view — ^first, as a
means of protecting our commerce against the Algerine de
predations and, secondly, as a foundation for a permanent
naval establishment. In the first case he opposed the bill
since he considered it to be a declaration of war against Al
giers which he did not coTusider necessary at tliat time. fVom
the second standpoint he considered that such a course would
be a deviation from the policy of paying the national debt
since the navy would be one of the most expensive features of
the government.""
One of the opponents of the resolutions of Madison. Jona
than Dayton, proposed another method of retaliation against
England, namely, the sequestration of British debts. To Giles
favoring the proposition, the subject resolved itself into the
<luestions — first, the right of our nation to sequester the
property of the subjects of another nation; secondly the ex
pediency of exercising the right at that time. He took the
ground that America, had a right to adopt such a policy, argu
ing that since Great Britian had committed acts towards the
United States furnishing just cause for war, that the United
States might adopt any course which might be justifiable in
war. To his mind "the law of God, the law of morality, the
law of reason, and the law of nature" would all pronounce
that the British government which had done the "vvrong should
afford the recompense.^- As to the second question Giles
argued that America had endured enough at the hands of
Great Britian and that the expedient time for remonstrance
had come. Taking Ireland as an example he pointed out that
submission would only lead to imposition and insult.'*
30 Annals of Congress, 3 Cong. 1 sess., 277-290.
Siliid., 486-492.
32l6id., 545.
33/btd., 551.

186 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
The discussions and agitations over commerce led to the
sending of an envoy extraordinary to England to negotiate a
treaty ; thus the result of these negotiations, the Jay treaty,
was the most important matter which come before the fourth
Congress. The House delayed an appropriation for carrying
the treaty into effect. Edward Livingston introduced a resolu
tion calling upon the President to lay before the House his in
structions to Jay and other relative documents. The debate
on this resolution hinged on a constitutional point, the power
of the House to make such a demand. Giles took no uncertain
stand as to the power of the House in treaty making. Along
vrith others he thought that to give efScacy to any treaty the
co-operation of the lower body was necessary. He shrewdly
appealed to his fellow members by asking Avhether they like
automatons should blindly make appropriations without duly
considering the objects for which they were made.'* Such a
negative action did not appeal to the representatives and the
Livingston resolutions were easily carried.'"
The House now went into a discussion of the merits of the
document. The Republicans led by James Madison opposed
the motion of Mr. Hillhouse to appropriate money to carry the
treaty into effect; to their minds the provisions of the treaty
did not justify such an appropriation. At every tarn Madison
was supported by Giles, Nicholas, and Page. These Republican
leaders convincingly argued that by the treaty the United
States would give much and receive little.
In this debate the Southern representatives made po,ssIbly
their greatest attack on the effect of the treaty on the slavery
interests. The treaty allowed Great Britain the principal and
the interest of the British debts while the United States re
ceived no compensation for the loss of slaves. Madison and
Giles defended the cause of the slave holders, the former de
claring that he could not understand "the very extraordinary
abandonment of the compensation due for negroes,'"' Giles
3*^«.naZ.s of Congress, i Cong. 1 sess., I., 500-514.
^^lUd., 759.
3«76i<jr., 777.

William Branch Giles — Geo. M. Betty 187
took the same stand basing his argument on the treaty of
1783 which he declared had intended the restoration of negroes
taken during the war. Mr. SAvift argued that this clause re
ferred only to negroes Avho Avonld be taken in the future. Giles
unquestionably ansAvered this by pointing out that the time
the treaty Avas made the British Avere in New York and the
negroes in the South and that the commissioners did not ex
pect the British to march South on a slave hunting expedition
immediately upon the ratification of the treaty." This slavery
feature of the debate is interesting and significant in that New
England was arrayed against the South; three Virginia mem
bers, Giles, Nicholas and Madison debated for the slavery in
terests, Avhile the rights of the slave owners Avere opposed
mainly by tAVo members from Connecticut, Swift and Hill-
house." With the inauguration of John Adams and a neAV adminis
tration, the relative positions of the Federalists and the Repub
licans were unchanged. Federalism remained in power while
the Republicans continued their aggressive attacks on the pol
icies of their opponents. In the preceding administration the
feelings of Washington had not been spared; now their fire
was aimed at his successor, the resolute and uncompromising
Adams. The attention of the new Congress turned to France- With
the ueAvs of the brilliant successes of Napolean, came the in
formation that France in her fight to crush England, the mis
tress of the seas, was beginning to consider the United States
X British ally. The French regarded the Jay Treaty as a vio
lation of the treaty between their government and ours and
initiated a policy of retaliation against our trade. President
Adams in a spirited address to Congress resented their action.
After discussing various phases of the breach he declared that
"such attempts aught to be repelled with a decision which
will conv^ince Prance and the world that Ave are not a degraded
people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of
37Annals of Congress, 4 Cong. 1 sess., 1., 1026.
i^Annual Report American. Historical Association 1901, Vol. 1, 394.

188 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign
influence, and regardless of national honor, character and
interest." The Federalists hailed such a speech Avith delight,
oue of them declaring it to be a second Declaration of Inde
pendence, Avhile the Republicans simply smiled at such a
sentiment coming from one who had sAvalloAved the Jay Treaty
Avithont a murmur.
In the debates Avhich foUoAved the. Federalists took occasion
to give their ideas as to the virtue of the French republic,
comparing it in several instances to the Bourbon despotism
and urging a determined resistance to the Directory. The
Republicans led by Gallatin, Nicholas, and Giles sought to pal
liate the conduct of Prance. When Nicholas offered some
amendments to tone doAvn the language against the Directory
he Avas vigorously upheld by Gallatin and Giles'*
In 1798, James Madison and William B. Giles resigned their
seats in Congress that they might repair to their native state
and take action against the alien and sedition laAvs, the two
recent products of Federalist legislation. Prom the vieAV point
of the Republicans, their opponents had committed unpardon
able sins by the passage of these Ieavs. In the Virginia legis
lature a protest against the "deliberate, palpable, and dan
gerous exercise of powers not granted" Avas led by John
Taylor, Wilson Cary Nicholas, James Madison, and William
B. Giles.
In 1801, the voters of the second Virginia District returned
William B. Giles to the House of Representatives. During
his absence pronounced changes had been Avrought in the per
sonnel of the executive and legislative departments of the
government. In 1798, the year of his departure, the cold and
masterful Adams Avas the chief executive ; in 1801 he returned
to find the Republican champion, the idealist, Thomas Jeffer
son at the helm. For the first time Giles entered Congress, not
the member of an ineffective minority but of a safe majority,
a majority Avhich was prepared and anxious to turn the tables
of legislation.

^^Annals of Congress, 5 Cong. 1 Sess., I., 138.

William Branch Giles — Geo. M. Betty 189
In their opposition to the Federalists and their triumphal
accession to power the Republicans had had no more zealous
and consistent supporter than William B. Giles. At every in
stance he had fought for the principles upon Avhich the Repub
licans carried the day. President Jefferson, however, did not
reward him by a position in the Cabinet but left him in the
legislative department knoAving that the policies of the ad
ministration Avould not suffer at his hands.
Against the Judiciary Act of 1801, designed to entrench
Federalism in the third branch of the government the Repub
licans made their first move. Under this act new judgeships
had been erected and filled with Federalists during the clos
ing hours of the old administration. In addition to their anti
pathy towards their opponents, on account of this the Repub
licans Avere fearful less the establishment of neAV courts might
jeopardize the rights of the state courts.
Consequently, when the bill to repeal the Judiciary Act of
1801, came before the Committee of the Whole House, the chief
debate of the session ensued. In this debate, Giles and Bayard
had been accepted as the respective champions of the Repub
licans and Federalists. Conscious of a safe majority at bis
back and of approaching Auctory, the former on February 10,
1802, entered the debate and in a speech teeming Avith invec
tive and sarcasm presented the Republican side. He stated
that what he considered the principles upon Avhich Federalism
and Republicanism had been founded in the Avords, "a great
portion of the human mind has been at all times du*ected to
Avards monarchy as the best form of government, to enforce
obedience and insure the general happiness; whereas, another
portion of the human mind has given a preference to the Re
publican form as best educated to produce the same end."
Proceeding he declared that the Federalists had come to the
conclusion that patronage was necessary in order for the ex
ecutive to be the equal of the tAVo other departments while the
other party had contended "that the doctrine of patronage
was repugnant to the opinions and feelings of the people."
Here he charged that the Federalists, having caused the peo-

190 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
pie to turn against them by a misuse of patronage, had sought
to intrench themselves in another department. "It is natural,"
said be, "that they (the Federalists) should look out for some
department of the government, in which they could intrench
themselves in the event of an unsuccessful issue iu the elec
tions and continue to support their favorite principles of ir
responsibility Avhieh they can never consent to abandon. The
Judiciary department of course presented itself as best fitted
for their object, not only because it Avas already filled with
men Avho have manifested the most Indecorous zeal in favor
of their principles but because they held the offices by inde
finite tenures aud of course are further removed from any re
sponsibility to the people than either of the other depart
ments.'" Finally, Giles advanced an argument against the
new courts because of their "tendency to produce a general
demolition of the state courts." Charging that the Federal
judges had claimed jurisdiction over the state he argued that
the constitution did not merit such aggression on the part ot
the Federal government.
After an able and comprehensive reply by James H. Bayard,
as typical a representative of Federalism as Giles was of
Republicanism, the Ilouse no doubt realized that they had list
ened to the greatest debate of the session. The honors were
divided betAveen the two exponents of their respective creed*
but the laurels of victory went to Giles Avhen on March the
third the old Judiciary Act was repealed.
Certainly no speech by Giles is more characteristic of his
style of debate than his attack on the Judicial system of the
Federalists. In this speech, his analytical style is easily dis
cerned. In his thrusts, the keenness and force of his sarcasm
is displayed. In his attack on the Adams administration he
unerringly hit their Aveak places, asserting at one point that
"the depredations committed upon commerce and the excite
ment produced, thereby, had enabled the administration to
indulge themselves in a more decisiA'e course and they at once
-oAwnaJs of Congress, 7 Cong. 1 sess., 579-602.

William Branch Giles— Geo. M. Betty 191
pushed forAvard the people to the X, Y, Z, of their political
alphabet before they had Avell learned and understood tbe A,
B, C, of tbe principles of the administration." This sally was
fully appreciated by both his Federalists and Republican hear
ers. With telling effect, he ridiculed the Federalists for their
sudden change from loose constructionists to strict and literal
interpreters of the constitution. With exulting sarcasm, he
declared that Avliile in former sessions certain gentlemen had
led him to think that they considered the "General Welfare"
clause to be the only reliable part of the constitution the same
gentlemen had suddenly begun to "tear down all construction
to the letter of the instrument. ' '
During the session of the seventh Congress Giles' health
forced him to resign. Consequently, he was absent during the
first session of the eight Congress, thereby, missing the most
important debate of the Jeft'ersou administration, the debate
over the Louisiana Purchase. Virginia had too much need for
the ability and confidence in the character of Giles to permit
hira to remain in priA-ate life and in 1804 he was elected by the
General Assembly to succeed the BEon. Abraham B. Venable in
the United States Senate.*^ Accepting the position Giles' cre
dentials were read at the second session of the eighth Congress
and his familiar face Avas again seen in the national halls of
the legislature.*"
In the Federal Senate Giles' first important service was
in connection with the Chase impeachment. He was one of the
Republican leaders in sympathy Avith the impeachment pro
ceedings against Justice Chase. John Quincy Adams says that
Giles acted as the representatiAe of John Randolph in framing
the rules of the Senate.*' On December 20, 1804, he made a
speech on the proper proceedure in case of impeachment in
which he maintained that the constitution, putting no limit
on impeachment, only said that the Senate might justly re
move a Judge for any cause they might see fit. As precedent
iiRicJimond Enquirer, December 16, 1830.
iiAinnals of Congress, 8 Cong. 2 sess., I., 23.
*3Diary of J. Q. Adams (March 19, 30, 1800,) I., 318.

192 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
he cited the case of Pickering. To Giles the Senate did not
appear a "court" in impeachment proceedings and he finally
induced the Senate to strike out the Avord "court".**
On March 1, 1805 the impeachment proceedings came to
a ballot of "guilty" or "not guilty" on the various charges.
These ballots certainly shoAV that Giles was not prejudiced
against Chase and that he voted conscientiously. To the sur
prise of all Giles voted "not guilty" on tbe 1st, 3rd, 5th, 6th
and 7th articles.*^
With the conclusion of the second term of Thomas Jefferson
the executive mantle fell on the shoulders of James Madison.
Up to this time with a few exceptions Giles had faithfully and
consistently supported his party. At the very outset, he began
to break with the Madison administration. Despite the fact
that his abilities did not fit him for a Cabinet position, Giles,
excepting recognition, failed to rightly judge his own case and
became a member of the Senatorial Cabal opposed to James
Madison.*^ Upon the bill to recharter the United States Bank coming
before the Senate, Giles Avaa for the second time opposed to
the Bank. In this connection he spoke against the right of a
state to instruct United States Senators. In reply to Mr. Leib
who had stated that he felt "absolutely bound" by the in
struction of his state and that he considered himself a repre
sentative of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, Giles declared
that he did not consider himself the representative of the
Virginia Legislature although he had unbounded confidence in
its Avisdom and patriotism. In these Avords he took a broader
view, "I consider myself the representative of the people of
the United States delegated to that character by the Legisla
ture of Virginia." He then advanced arguments to prove that
the Legislatures had no constitutional rights to instruct United
States Senators.*'
nDiary J. Q. Adams (December 24, 1804,) I., 324-325.
i^Annals of Congress, 8 Cong. 2 sess., I., 668-669.
¦isAdams United States, Vol. IV., p. 430.
i-< Annans of Congress, 11 Cong-, 3 Sess., 175-208, "^

William Branch Giles — Geo. M. Betty 193
With the gathering of Avar clouds over the nations in 1812
Giles did not oppose the war although he did oppose some of
the war bills introduced in Congress,*"
Upon the retirement of Giles from Congress in 1816 his
Bervices in the national Legislature Avere at an end. In look
ing back over the years spent, first, as a representative and
then as a Senator we hav-e unlimited facts and material for
the forming of a true estimate of his Avorth. From the time
of his entrance in 1790, unknoAvn and with no record behind
him to the time of his retirement, he never failed to take an
actJA'e part in all matters coming before Congress. Under the
administration of Jefferson he was A'irtually the Prime Min
ister of his party. As a member of the War Committee and the
Committee on Foreign Relations his record shows that he paid
the most scrupulous attention to all matters coining before
these committees. It is true that under Madison's administra
tion he became an insurgent, and while today Ave attribute in
dependence and strength of character to insurgents, many
historians speak of the action of Giles as mean and contempti
ble. To Giles Ave must certainly accord ability and intellect. In
debate he Avas poAverful and at times irresistible. No one mak
ing the slightest study of his life could impose such an uncalled
for criticism as does Paul Leicester Ford In the "Nation" ol
August 17, 1895, Avhen he doubts the competence of Giles to
Avritc the resolutions Avhich he introduced into the House
against Alexander Hamilton.*'
The debates in Avhich he participated show beyond dispute
his ability as a student of government and parliamentary
procedure. Upon the occasion of the Giles-Bayard debate,
Giles Avas acknowledged as the floor leader of his party, and
it is hardly probable that the Republicans having just come
into power Avould have put forAvard a man, incompetent of
writing a few resolutions of censure, as their champion to
represent them against the greatest debator of the Federalist
isAnnals of Congre.'is, 12 Cong., Supplemental Journal, p. 1693.
iBTfie Nation, Vol. LXI, p. 164.

194 Ra7idolpJi- Macon Historical Papers
part5^ Upon the occasion of his retirement in 1816, John
Randolph paid Giles a gloAving tribute when he said "there
never was so great a void occasioned in any assemblage as
that caused by the retirement of William B. Giles from the
United States Senate."^"
Giles noAV returned to "WigAvam," his home in Amelia
county, no doubt, believing that the quiet countrj' life would
speedily restore him to health. In 1795, he had married Miss
Martha Peyton Tabb, the daughter of John and Francis Pey
ton Tabb. Miss Tabb Avas a Avoman of means and this mar
riage enabled him to live surrounded by comfort. In the
'"Gazeteer of Virginia" for the year 1835 we have a descrip
tion of the "Wigwam, the home of the late distinguished Wil
liam B. Giles, about 62 miles S. W. of Richmond and 156 miles
from Washington; 3 miles from the Appomatox. The build
ings are of wood but prettily and neatly built and con
venient; the situation is in itself pleasant and retiring but
does not command a vieAV of much of the surrounding coun
try." Upon the death of his first wife Giles married Miss
Francis Anne Gwynn of Price William county. By this sec
ond Avife he had three children, Thomas T. Giles a member
of the Richmond Bar and for a number of years the chairman
of the Executive Committee of the Virginia Historical Society
and two daughters, one of Avhoni married A. D. ToAvnes and
the other Gustavus IMyers."
At Wigwam Giles remained, as did Cato of old, pur.sulng
the pleasures of farm life until a crisis again call him into
public service. With the agitation for a convention to revise the
tim.e honored constitution of 1776, Giles considered thatr the
crisis had come. V/ith increasing years he had begun to live in
tbe past and to tliink of Virginia's past history as being the
best for Av-hieh she could hope. The old constitution, penned
by the masterful band of George Mason, he considered sacred
and he looked upon a revision as a sacrilege. Accordingly he
entered the Virginia Legislature in 1826 that he might oppose

^^Richm-ond Enquirer, December 16, 1S30.
5iJ&7.d., December 18, 1835.

William Branch Giles — Geo. M. Betty 195
the bill for calling a constitutional convention. Despite the
fact that the biU had passed its third reading at the time of
his entrance it was finally defeated by half a dozen votes,
but the next year the bill passed in spite of his opposltion.'-
Before the meeting of thc Constitutional Convention greater
honors Avere in store for Giles. In 1827, he Avas elected Gov
ernor of Virginia to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation
of Governor Tyler, his term to begin ilareh 4, 1827. At this
stage a dispute arose in the Legislature as to Avhether Giles
should serve three years from the time of his inaugiiration or
three years from the inauguration of Tyler. The Legislature
finally decided that he should serve until March 4, 1830.'*
The most important event in the administration of Giles
Avas the meeting of the famous Constitutional Convention of
1829-30. Again the people of the First Senatorial District
sought the services of Giles and sent him to the Convention
as one of their four rcpresentatlA-es. This district consisted
of counties avcU acquainted Avith the political career of Giles,
being composed of the counties of Amelia, Cumberland, Ches
terfield, NottOAvay and the tOAvn of Petersburg."*
To this Convention Avere sent not only "the aged patri
archs" but the "younger promise" of the State. Thus the
name of -James Madison, James Monroe, John Marshall, John
Randolph, B. W. Leigh, Littleton W. Tazewell and AVilliam B.
Giles Avere to be found on its roll. No greater number of dis
tinguished Virginians AA-ere ever present in any one body than
in the Constitutional Convention of 1829-30. Among its
members were men who had stood at the zenith of political
glory in times past and men Avho Avere to stand out among
other men in the future history of the State. Virginia's past
and future Avere linked at the meeting of this Convention.
Other states looked on Avith interest Avhile they observed the
assembled Avisdom of their oldest sister engaged in rectifying
the errors and imperfections of the work of the fathers. To
s'iRichmond Enquirer, December 18, 1830.
5i3Amertca» Beacon (Norfolk, Va.), December 21, 1829.
iilbid.

196 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
the people of Virginia thc work of the Convention assumed a
sacred aspect when they remembered that the last services
of JMadison, Monroe, Marshall and Giles Avere about to be per.
formed, before they Avould descend to their "homes of dust."
On account of the feeble state of his health Giles did not
take as active a part in the proceedings of the Convention as
he would have done under other circumstances. Consistent
Avith his position that there Avas no need of a Constitutional
Convention, he opposed reform at every hand. To his mind
tbe old constitution could not be improved. In the Conven
tion he declared that Virginia had something which was
known as the "Virginia Character" and, that he didn't
wish to see that ipiiet which had been the peculiar blessing of
Virginia destroyed.'^ He opposed tbe abolishment of the Execu
tive Council and the County Courts Avhich he declared to be
institutions tested by 54 years of experience.*®
Tho great fight of the Convention and a fight In AvhIch was
.manifested a distinct spirit of sectionalism was the contest
betweon western and eastern Virginia over representa
tion and suffrage. The old system of representation was that
each county should send two delegates to the Legislature;
under the old constitution suffrage was extended only to
free-holders. These conditions oppressed the Avest, Avhere
counties were large and populous. In this contest, Giles stood
by tbe east but not to the extent that he would not yield for
the sake of harmony aud concord. As Governor of the State
and Avith years of experience behind him he thrcAV the weight
of his influence on tbe side of harmony. "Should avc fail in
the object for which Ave are called together," said he, "avc
would lose the confidence of our constituents and whatever
fame and political standing we have acquired and Avould dis
appoint the expectation of our fellow citizens of the Avorld.
Let us banish all prejudices, passions and prepossessions of
sectionalism. "°' One of the last official acts of Governor Giles
^'^Proceedings and Debates of Constitutional Convention, p. 510.
^^Ilid., p. 489-510.
sTlbid., p. 236.

William Bra7ich Giles— Geo. M. Betty 197
Avas the issuing of a proclamation in January 21, 1830, pro
claiming the neAV constitution and directing that it be pub
lished in various newspapers.'^'
The term of his services as Governor having expired, Giles
returned to his home that he might spend the remaining days
of his fast ebbing life in peace and seclusion. Worn out by a
protracted public career and in an impaired state of health
he Avas sloAvly approaching the end. Still the people who had
sought so often his services regarded even "the remnant of
his obviously precarious life" as valuable and elected him to
the Legislature in 1831 that the organization of the new state
government might receive the benefit of his long experience.
But hands, not human, interfered to prevent this last service
to his state and on the evening of December 4, 1830 Giles
died "cheered by an approving conscience and confiding in
the justice of his countrymen and in the mercies of God." A
few days previous to this time, feeling the approach of the
cold hand of death he had written a last letter to his con
stituents thanking them for their "oft repeated confidence"
and bidding them an "eternal fareAvelL'"'
The ncAvs of Giles' death having passed over the state many
were the tributes of love and honor paid him. As discerns a
Avriter in the Enquirer rarely Avas the old proverb from the
Latin, "Exalted merit, envy oft pursues.
We hate it living but we mourn it dead,"
better exemplified than in thc tributes paid to William B.
Giles. Within a fcAV days "the voice of the slanderer was
hushed, the whisper of obloquy no longer heard and a feeling
of deep and universal sorrow pervaded the state."" Tributes
and memoirs framed in words of love and reverence were
published in the Enquirer. One writer honors him with the
Avords: "fcAV men have ever loved their country better and
ssRichmond Enquirer, .lanuary 30, 1830.
5»J6id., December IS, 1830.
eolbid., December 18, 1830.

198 Ra7id.olph-Maton Historical Papers
rendered it more, efficient service than William B. Giles. In
his domestic life Mr. Giles was aff!ectionate and humane, a
good master, a kind parent and the most devoted husband I
ever kneAV;" another in the words: "in the circle of the
family he Avas affectionate and indulgent, in friendship firm
and sincere." All Avho beheld him in public Avere struck Avith
admiration at his Avonderful abilities — but only those Avho'
followed him into the privacy of domestic retirement could
know how completely his bland and engaging manners con
trolled every heart.""'
But kind and loving words uttered after death do not make
a great man. When we consider the fact that actions on the
part of the people among whom Giles lived and moved pre
ceded these AVords we more fully appreciate the tributes. Wil
liam B. Giles never lost the confidence, esteem and love of his
constituents. To him they iuA'-ariably intrusted their political
affairs. To them he Avas a workman Avell equipped to do their
bidding. This love and confidence not only existed in the
hearts of his immediate constituents but in the hearts of the
people of Virginia. For many years he Avas a national repre
sentative of the State of 'Virginia and for three years her
Governor. For the positions which he held, for his able ad
ministration of these positions, and for the trust and confi
dence under which he held them, we must number William
B. Giles as one of the great Americans and Virginians of his
time.

'T Richmond Enquirer, December 18, 1830.
Z6Jd., December 16, 1830.

UNPUBLISHED LETTERS OF THOMAS
RITCHIE.
Thomas Ritchie to A. Ritciiie. August 31, 1813.
My dear Brother,
It gave me great pleasure to-day to learn that Mr.
Morse had left you in such good health after your late Cam
paign to Norfolk, I had frequently Intended to have addressed
you at H. Quarters, and indeed the pen was more than once in
my hands for that purpose ; but I found on cudgelling my brain
for something to say that I had so little interesting to say
which the papers had not said before me, that I was induced
to give over the attempt. You have noAV, however, returned
from the theater of your labour, if not. of danger, croAvned AvIth
the thanks & the approbation of your country, and there is
no one who is not satisfied that you would have encountered
the enemy with the same alacrity as you have displayed in meet
ing the drudgery and privations of a military life. You avIU
find from the papers of to-day that the Executlv-e are organ
izing a fresh detachment for the protection of Norfolk, and
that Frank Preston & Eichard E. Parker are the colonels des
tined to take post at that important position. You best know
the degree of preparation they have made to repell any future
attempts on that Post.
I hear now and then from my brother John. lie was about
a week ago, at Ft. Washington, the command of AvhIch exclu
sively deA'olA-ed on him.
Every exertion seems to be making to bring the Northern
Campaign to an auspicious Issue. Pride alone would induce
the Secretary at War to do something, after he had proceeded
so far as to suspend his functions at the Seat of Government
to transfer all his attention to the Seat of War. A little swap
of good news is at this moment of gloom and anxiety very
exhilarating; and the last night's Mail Avhich brought us the

200 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
Intelligence of oar Indians slaying & taking prisoners 8T In
dians of the Enemy's Camp, and of Com. Chauncey re-appear
ing upon the Lake AvIth a new Sch'r of 24 guns gave a thrill
of pleasure to my nerves from AvhIch I have not yet recovered.
I have great & sanguine hopes of the issue of the approaching
Contest. j\Ian to man, and gun to gun, and I think we can
beat them. The generous principles Avhich animate the breasts
of free men contending for their country, her rights & her inde
pendence, appear to me to be too powerful for the mercenary
principles of hired slaves. If our oavu ofScers are united, and
are taught to acquire as much prudence and military skill as
they possess of gallantry & Enterprise, the Issue would be cer
tain. A feAV weeks will however decide the contest, and leave us
full of spirits in the possession of Montreal, or languishing in
disappointment on the confines of the IJ. States. Every friend
of his country can hav^e but one Avish on this momentous ques
tion. If I were In your place I Avould make tactics my study k
my pride. You have seen a good deal of service at Norfolk ; .
you occupy already an important station in the Malitia, and
may aspire to a mone difficult & responsible Post. Few things
are certainly Avorthy of more regret in our republican institu
tions than the number of military ofScers Avho are wholly un
worthy of the Commissions with which they have been hon
ored. If we AvIsh to preserve the reputation of our Malitia, by
improving them into good Soldiers nothing is so essential as
to be commanded by good ofiicers.
Business is extremely dull in this City. Few things seem to
interest our monied men except the buying & selling of toAvn
lots. Property has attained a value Avhich the oldest of our
Inhabitants confess they never Avould have dreamt of its at
taining. $4000 for a half acre unimproved Lot on the Hill is
nothing. Many lots you know have been taken up for AvhIch no
Tickets have been found. This circumstance and the great rise
of the Value of Property, have suggested an idea to me which
I have for a long time determined to lay before you. Our re-

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 201
.spccted father Avas in the habit of visiting Williamsburg, Avhich
that day Avas the great fair for men of business. I am told that
Lots In this City used to be sold there for little or nothing, and
I know one of the prettiest Lots on the Hill which was sold
in the Old Raleigh for a Bowl of Punch. Now is it not prob
able that my father took some of these original Tickets or
bought some of the Lots? If he did, is it not probable thai;
these Tickets or some evidences of them are even now to be
found in his papers ? Will you attend to this ? — ^it may be im
portant for us. In the first place, Avhere are those papers? I
know there were several interesting papers in the Book-case
(my brother William's) which stood in the upper room In the
S. Tying of the House. Where are those papers now? Again
where are the papers Avhich formerly Avere deposited in Flour
Barrels & Old Trunks in the room next to the nursery ? And
where are all the papers which were once sent to Mr. Robt.
Brook (-  ) to settle at Fredericksburg?
I wish you would write me as soon as convenient on this
subject, and put me on the track of those papers. I will take
aU the trouble of getting them together & examining them, if
there be any reason to believe they Avill reward the search.
My wife does not enjoy very good health. She is happy how
ever in haA'ing three healthy children. She wishes to be particu
larly remembered to my Sister & her children. And believe me,
my dear Brother, to be most affectionately yours,
Thomas Eitchik.
Thomas Ritcuie to James Madison.
Kichmond, Sepr. 8, 1821.
Daer Sir,
I know not whether I can take the liberty of Avriting
you on the subject of this letter; but I have had so many
proofs of your goodness towards me, that I am tempted to ad
dress you. Whatever be your reply, I pledge myself not to
abuse your confidence. If you AvIsh me not to speak of it, I
pledge myself not to do so.
I have long understood-— and within the last 12 months from

202 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
a mutual friend — that you have a design to giv-e to the worid
a Sketch of the Proceeding of the Federal Convention. I know
not Avhether you have abandoned tliis design, or Avhether and
when you mean to execute it. But the appearance of the Albany-
Yolume has brought it to my Recollection, and suggests the
idea, that perhaps it may hasten the publication of your Book.
Should this be the case, should vou have made no other ar-
rangements for the printing of the Volume, avIII you excuse
me for asking whether it is not possible for me to obtain the
printing of it ? I will spare no pains to bring it out in a man
ner Avorthy of its great importance. I have communicated the
contents of this letter to no one. I ought to add on my own
account, that my own convenience would prefer the commence
ment of the Book not before the next spring
With the (  ) & sentiment of respect, I am Sir,
Tour friend & obt. servant. Tiis. Kitchie.
Thomas Ritchie to Aechibald Ritchie.
January 11, 1825.
^ly Dear Brother,
What is to become of Arehy ? Will you train him up forth-
vrith to farming, or let him take a session at W^m. & Mary?
The fate of that college Is particularly uncertain. The friends
of the T.^nlverslty and the friends of Wm'sburg Avrite against
its removal upon the most contradictory grounds. The former
say it will flourish so m.uch at Richmond, they say as to injure
tbe University. The latter again contend, that it will scarcely
flourish more here than at Wm'sburg and therefore iuhij remove
it? 1 did not suppose it possible that such an opposition could
be got up against it : but they leave no stone unturned that is
calculated to defeat the measure. I am disposed to think that
it may fail, but a few days will decide It. Until then I can say
no more about Archy^s destination towards it. I hope he con
tinues to read at home good books. Your indisposition, I am
afraid detained him at home during the fall. I have directed
Bell to Avrlte him, and perhaps that will break the ice between

U7ipublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 203
them, and will induce him to let us hear something official
about your family; for Ave can scarcely depend upon common
reports. The Assembly have little to do, and therefore talk of a short
session. The Committee of Schools & Colleges are engaged ac
tively in taking testimony about the state of the College, the
conduct of President Smith, & & and it may yet be several
days before that question avIU be brought into the House. It
may occupy them the better part of three days- The Conven
tion is another question which may take up five or six days.
That comes on Saturday next. Then there is the Jam^ River
improvement, perhaps the University appropriation, and the
finance bills. Upon the whole if they press their business with
spirit, I think they may be up early in February.
The papers tell me Avhat is going on at Washington, except
the under comment of which we know as little as you do. I
fear Crawford's cause is almost hopeless. I had a letter from a
Western Senator a few days ago, AA-ho tells me that 0. has
many friends in the Western Delegation, but that they cannot
think of going for him, apparently against the sense of their
OAvn people, unless they see N. York leading the Avay: that
state and his other Atlantic states avIH give him one-third of the
Union, and thus excuse themselves to their people for voting
for Mm, but even in the event of N. Y's going for him, there is
some, much doubt, of the Western Delegates imitating the ex
ample. He adds that 8 western states may otherwise be set
doAvn for Jackson, Cook of Illinois being for Adams. I have
lost much of my interest in the election since C's chance has
decreased. What a desperate chance would our Reps, have to take be
tween Jackson & Adams. The friends of the two last are very
sanguine : But for my part I think there is no certainy about
the matter. The members seldom write here. They are cau
tious shy as a parcel of mice. Their present situation is cer
tainly one of great delicacy & responslbility-
I have not been able to light upon any information about
Webb's suit gt. Mr. Rufiin. Two days after you left us, I got

2\}-'i Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
tbe Clerk to hunt throngh (as far as he could) the records of tho
Hustings Office, and the Superior Court. If you would furnish
rae AvIth additional memoranda, I avouH resume the search and
prosecute it Avith spirit.
Can you shed any light upon this transaction. Some days
since a stranger met me in the street, and asked me if I was
related to Wm. Ritchie of Middlesex or Essex. Upon satisfying
him upon that point, I asked his reason for the Enquiry, and
he then told me that he had a lists of lands in Ohio, belonging
to persons in Va, and that in this list was the name of W.
Ritchie. He said he Avas going out to Ohio in a few days, would
make all due Enquiries about the land & and Avoul.d Avrite me
accordingly. But if I wish to get infonnation mysef on the
matter I must write to Anderson's office, I think he said at
Chillicothe. Have you any knoAvledge on this subject ?
My paper fails me. I am Avith love to my Sister & family,
affectionately your Brother,
Thomas Ritchie.

Thomas Ritchie to Col. A. Ritchie. (No date)
My Dear Brother,
Mr. Noel v/IU be good enough to bring you this hasty
epistle. My engagements have been such that I have not had
time to see your Delegates till to-day: tho' they haA-e promised
me on their return, to come and see me. I think they are both
very respectable and prepossessing men.
The Legislature has been in a sort of hurly-burly, since they
met. There are many new members ; many young ones ; many
Avhom- I never saw and Avho never saAV rae: several from fhe
West have come not very well Inclined to take my part, because
they were for Tucker and I Avas for Giles. They were for
Roads and Canals at all events, and I only Avhen the Constitu
tion should be amended to authorize them; aud Avhat with

U7ipublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 205

some

these causes, and what with the offence I had given to sc
about the Yorktoivn bill and to others by the Wm. & raary Col
lege bill & &; and what with the votes Avhich my opponent got
by his personal friends & legislative acquaintances and some
Avho felt for his poverty, and the Adams & Clay men, and what
with the 10 or 12 (  ) votes he got, he received the vote
you have seen. Not contented with that some of his friends
are trying to strike at me in other ways. A young member
from Harrison (son of John G. Jackson) who nominated
Tucker first and J- II. Pleasants ne.xt, has proposed a Resolu
tion to let out the Public Printing to the lowest job. Meantime
they are circulating every description of lie against me; that
it is the most lucrative office in the CommonAvealth, when the
net profits do not exceed $1200, of which I only receive one
third (the rest is divided among printers whom I have inter
ested in the work, to have it well and properly done, and as
well or as properly, it has never yet been done). They say
that it is a (  ) when I read all the proof-sheets, and tuni
out at almost all hours, day & night, to see their work; when I
read over yesterday, most carefully, equal to 50 pages in
octavo of the public Avork. They say that I employ a printer to
do the work at most Inadequate wages, and skim fhe cream
myself; when it is a fact that Shepherd, the best printer infi
nitely in the Commonwealth, and equal to any In the Union,
receives a salary of $850, besides being as much interested in
the profits as I am, that is just one third. When I proposed 3
years ago to resign, Shepherd would not let me. He Avas pleased
to say such had been my liberality, he could not consent to lose
me. But they will not lie me down. I have weathered too
many a storm to care for this, li they put out the Avork to the
lowest bid, be it so. They have the right to do it; and they
may at their oAvn risk try a project, which did the work at
Washington so badly & so sloAvly that Congress had to abandon
the system, & employ a Public Printer. Let the thing go as it
Avill, I shall not bow my spirit before the proudest of them.
I am as honest as any of my opponents, and as independent
and as unbending. They calumniate me too as a Dictator, as

206 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
possessing too undue an Influence in the CommouAvealth (this
is what that foolish felloAV the Editor of the Whig charged
upon me last Tuesday), but I laugh the imputation to scorn.
It Is a poor compliment to the citizens of Virginia to raise my
influence at their expense. It Is false as it is mallg-nant. It is
a leaf torn from the Richmond letters, aud I will not stoop to
answer it. I have stood by Virginia like an affectionate son
& an honest man. I stand by her at this moment when I am
humbly attempting to defend the Constitution against the her
esies of J. Q. A. I am Avith Jefferson and Madison and Giles
and Tazewell & Randolph &; John Roane and all the old School
Republicans. I avIU not coAver to this pressing storm, take mj
Avord for it- Never did I bear so lofty a spirit about me.
But enough of this and of myself. Albert Ruffin lias not
determined yet Avhat to do. I haA'-e urged him in the stronges.t
manner to mov-e to Richmond, He avIU not yet say. Ho and
Wm. Roane have not yet settled about Spiinggarden.
We have a lettfrjr from Bell to-night saying she has written
you. I hope she avIU be with you.
I have sent you % doz. poor oranges and 4 good potatoes.
They are of the .PcnnsA'IvanIa sort I Avrote you about. Do
boil only two, and in steam. And put the other 2 in the ground
directly; well dug up Avell manured & coA-ered with a little
straw. I AvIsh you to try the experiment of planting potatoes
before the Spring. Pray give them a fair chance. I Arill send
A-ou some more by another oppy. for spri-ng planting. They
are the best American potatoes I oA^er tasted, boiled In steam
and afterAvards squeezed- They are the Mercer potato from
Westchester. Tell my sister I trust Bell avIII please her, and to consider
her with all the kiudness Avhicli she has ahvays shown to me.
I think too that Juliet & jane Avill like her.
I suppose your wheat is miserable as It is In every place
from which I have heard. I go for a small crop, of course,
and haA-e sown mostly the flint wheat of N. Y; most of it $2
a bushel. You see what a dasJiing fanner I am, and scarcely
e-xpect from present appearances to reap my seed-Avheat.

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 207
The happiness cf the season be with you and yours, and the
bounties of Providence all the year round.
I'our most affectionate Brother,
Thomas Ritchie.
Thursday EA-enIng
P. S. I send a-ou to-days Enquirer,
Thoaias Ritchie to Col. A. RtTcuiii,
Essex. Thursday, June 8th, 1830.
My Dear Brother, I was much disappointed in receiveng your dis
patches instead of seeing you in person. We had been expect
ing you for ten days past and though we had received no mes
sage from you, announcing my sister's coming with yon, yet
Ave Avarmly indulged such a hope. I am sorry that you did not
come and still more for the reason of your detention, but we
look foTAA'ard v. Ith certainty to your promised visit in July. Be
so good as to drop me a line as soon as you have ascertained
the period of your visit.
I was unable to obtain the A. (  ) Certificate, until after
3 o'clock yesterday, for I was so much engaged that I could
not go upon the Street, and this forenoon I have settled the
Acct, at the Auditor's office. The Treasurer has given me a
check for $263.80, which I have placed agreeable to your In
structions to your credit upon Acct. I shall not be able to send
Davy off until betAveen 2 & 3 o'clock this evening, and he avIU
reach Eliza's tonight and you tomorrow pretty early.
I have sent you the Iavo last Enquirers, in which you avIII
find all the floating ncAvs of the day. I have this day had a
long Conversation with Stevenson, and a pretty long one AvIth
McDuffie. I Infer from the remarks and tone of the latter that
the storm in S. Carolina is bloAving over, that the proceedings
of Congress for the last fe.Av days pre\'Ious to adjournment Avill
have the effect of tranquillzing her excited politicians and of

208 Randolph- Maco7i Historical Papers
putting (  ) the measure of nullification. I told him
very plainly that, In my opinion ^''IrginIa would not co-operate
in such a measure. He said that the most the politicians of
S. C. had thought of doing Avas to declare the Tariff null &
void by a Convention, and then leaving it to her Juries to
refuso giving judgments on the Revenue Bonds. He seemed
to think that eA-en this course Avould now be abandoned, though
he said he had no Idea that Congress, organized as it no-w
was, would modify the Tariff so as to make It acceptable
or tolerable to his state. I .suggested to him that the mea
sure might be got rid of by breaking In pieces the Com
binations Avhich had carried it through, but this Avas to be
done by degrees and required time — that next winter we
might reduce the duty on sugar and thus lessen, the attach
ment of Louisiana to the Tariff— -that in reducing the duty
on iron & avooI Ave might strike N. Jei-sey & N York from
the Tariff states, and thus Ave might get back to the old
times. He, hoAA-ever, contended that a reduction on sugar
-would be lost by a majority of 30 A'otes, and that the various
interests Avhich were Involved Avould stick together, and de
feat any gradual or detached attack. I confess upon the whole
his tone is much softened doAvn, and that I have almost lost
all fear of a storm- from the South.
Our friends are, of course, in high spirits for Gen. Jack
son's Message on the Maysville BIU. It does not exactly
come up to our Virginia Doctrines, but It does a great deal,
by arresting (  ) & competing local appropriations,
for the benefit of this and that sectional Improvement, Avhich
wore wastiug the public funds and bribing the members of
Congress out of their Constitutional principles. When I heard
of the Avay in which the Old Hero Avas beset, by members from
the West telling him if he rejected the Maysville Bill, he
and they were gone there, that It would Scatter dissatis
faction through most of their districts — Avhcn I recollect how
many interests he was going against in taking his ground, I
aiii more & more impressed Arith the great moral courage he
has exhibited. I understand Eaton & Ingham were for his

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 209
signing the bill. Van Buren & Branch against It. On Sunday
morning, after sitting up all night the President Avas very
much (  ) in their forcing the Light House & Harbor
bill upon him, filled AA'ith God knows how many little op-
proprlatlons for roads and canals & &. in order to force them
all doAvn his throat, or by his rejecting them, rousing up so
many various interests against him. He exclaimed Avitb some
warmth "Let them come on — all — I am ready, for them." That
bill you laioAv he kept by him on .Monday morning & refused to
pass upon. Webster Avas very anxious to continue Congress
together In order to force him to act, and thus get material
against him for the Summer Campaign. The obligations we
owe Old Hickory for stepping in at this crisis & saving the
Constitution almost at its last gasp, are great indeed.
Upon the other great question, (the West India Trade) I
cannot give you satisfactory Information. Most of the mem
bers of Congress I have seen and hear from do not seem to
augur much for McLane's negotiation. At least so I under
stand them to say from the papers that Avere confidentially
laid before them. On the other hand a private letter or two
has been received, perhaps by the President, which holds out
more encouraging prospects. I knoAV the President told Gov
ernor Duval near 3 weeks ago, that he Avas very anxious for
the arrival of the Packet, as he Avas in hopes she Avould bring
a treaty, and Avould require the action of Congi'ess. But two
or three Packets have come, and no treaty, but the negotia
tion is still going on. I do not despair myself of a Treaty,
upon the information I haA-e had, though of course, I can make
up no posItlA'e opinion. This is a matter deeply interesting
to you farmers, at this time too, would have much effect on
the coming harvest. I wish to God that I could have the pleas
ure of announcing the opening of the W. India ports. No
neAA's can be more agreeable to the public.
Give my Avarmst love to my sister & the girls Avith their
families, and believe me must affectionately your brother
Thos. Ritchie.

210 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
Thomas Ritchie to A-echibald Ritchie.
Richmond, Dee. 28, 1830.
My Dear Brother,
The Legislature has not yet got into the thick of their
Bu.riness. The Judiciary system not (  ). Indeed I be
lieve they are getting clear of this smaller business, to pre
pare for their heavy Avork. I have heard no opinion expressed
of the course that things will take. There begins to be some
anxiety shoAvn about the (  ) Daniel, Wilson & Pen
dleton, of the old ones the most spoken of Mr. .Roane is a
candidate and will get a respectable, if not successful vote.
P. P. Barbour, St. George Tucker & R. Stanard, spoken of for
the Court of Appeals. Stanard has resigned or will soon resign
his office of Attorney of the U. S. Indeed I had application
from R. G. Scott for a letter to Washington, rceommendlng
him to fill the vacancy, but I declined, as I have uniformly
done every other, I can't say how many, as I have determined
to ask nothing from this Administration for myself or any of
of my friends. It was Arith the greatest pain I could not give
your protage a letter.
I trust you will be a candidate at the next spring election.
We Arill try to make the session agreeable to you, if It is the
will of the good people of Essex to send you here. I have
no doubt they will do so.
I have little news from Washington. Clay's friends avIII
try to bother Old Hickory by sending him a Mass of Bills
about Internal Improvements. I understand little is to be
done till the middle of Jany. on account of Peck's Impeach
ment, and some of them think if they don't do a great deal
this session, it will not be much regretted.
Witlt all our most affectionate recollections to my Sister k
the girls & their families, I, am, my Dr, Brother.
Ever Yours,
Thos. Ritchie.

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 211
Thomas RiTcnrE to William C. Rives,
Lindsay's Store, Albemarle.
My Dear Sir, Dec. 6, 1832.
Whilst I was sitting yesterday in the midst of the Col
lege of Electors, yours by Dr. Rodgers Avas sent in to me. I
concur Arith you fuUy in your Views of giving Richmond the
go-by for the present, and, indeed, was not so very easy, after
addressing you my hasty letter to Washington, in consequence
of some remarks dropped by your friends, imtil I had sent
you a Message throngh ( — ) Green, who promised to write
you from Fredericksburg on that very subject. You have
done right in going Home, as I am now Avell convinced.
For the two vacancies you, Barbour, & J. Randolph, are the
most prominent. Y''ou, I decidedly think the strongest man,
and I think the c-hadow of a doubt does not exist that you
may prepare yourself for a Seat in the Senate. The only ques
tion is how they vrill run the Candidates, whether you and
Barbour or E. for the first Vacancy. Perhaps after all, Ran
dolph may not be run at all, in which case I am strongly dis
posed to think that you & B. AriU be the two, but in what
order I can not g'dess. I need not say I count with my best
wishes and with almost certainty on your success.
The President's Message has given the highest satisfaction,
and the Treasury Report will clinch it. His tone about S. C.
is precisely what it should be.
Do favor me at your earliest convenience with the extracts
of letters from Lafayette. Tell me how I am to use them.
Wm. wrote me that not haAnng received my last Draft before
he left Paris (indeed it did not reach him before he got to
Geneva,) he had been indebted to your kindness, as on a thou
sand other occasions, for an advance of money to spend him
on his tour. As it is highly probable he had no oppt. of re
turning it, before you left France, avIII you do me the favor
to let me know the amount, that I may replace it Arith my
warmest thanks ?
In great haste, I am, my Dr. Sir,
Most truly yours,
Thos. Ritchih.

212 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
Thomas Ritchie to Aechibald Ritchie.
Tuesday morning.
My Dear Brother,
Dr. Brockonbrough furnishes me the first favorable op
portunity I have met since Archy's sale to remit the pro
ceeds- You AvIU be mortified that they are no more and so am I.
I put him Into the hands of Gamble to sell, Avho has done
his best, but unfortunately a fcAv days before you sent him
over, two vessels had sailed for N. Orleans freighted Avith
negroes, and that mode of disposing of them was of course lost.
On Wednesday after Mr. Noel's departure. Gamble put him
up, but Archy had lost one of the joints of the fore finger of
his right hand, Avhich the negro buyer said disfigured him
for the picking out of cotton, and he Avould bid no more than
$300- On the folloAving Saturday G, tried another sale, and
the most he could get was $350, Avhich by expenses as per
bin, is reduced to $331.75. Dr. B. will be so kind as to take
charge of it for you.
I have scarcely time to add that Archibald is a fine boy and
behaves as yet to my entire satisfaction, 1 am now just about
to have a little time to look into his books AvIth him, and try
him & spur him up. He sends you a letter which I fear is
like one of my last year's neAvspapers, so old that it contains
no neivs, for the Dr. has been so long moving that A's letter
has got somewhat stale by the delay.
Isabell & all my children are Avell. I am delighted to hear
that you are riding about.
With the Avarmest lov^e to all,
Yrs. ever Tiis. Ritchie.
Thomas Ritchie to Wili.i.«i C. Rives.
Lindsays Store, Albemarle.
My Dear Sir,
I reed, yours this morning & have now in Exchange to
congratulate you on your election to the S. of U. S. in place

Unpuldished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 213
of TazAvell. The vote is highly honorable to you. In thi H.
of D. 122 for you, 3 for J. Randoli)h, 2 for P. P. Barbour,
and one for Floyd. In the Senate, 31 for you. In all 153 for
you and 6 against you. I'ou Avere nominated by Gilmer and
Yancey & a good deal of contending took place about your
Tariff Faith. Many of the friends of the Admn. Avere anxious
to put Randolph in TazeAvell's place (for 2 years) and you in
Tyler's (for 6), but they found you Avould beat Randolph,
that he could not be elected — and would only be abused, and
they were unArilling to divide the party by any quarrelling-
& — Who is to be run against Tyler, I know not— but possi
bly Barbour-
I am sory that you will be again torn so soon from your
Home — ^but you will have to do a great duty — & I will not dis
guise from you that 7tnich is expected from you. Stanard
(who sits by me) bids me tell you that you must go to the Senate,
throwing away the scabbard, neither asking nor giving quarter.
You Avill see the Debate &, in the Enq. of tomorroAV morning
Yours Truly, T. RiTGUIlJ
Monday— Dec. 10, (1832?)
Thomas RitCHiE to Aechibald Ritchie.
Nov. 23, 1833.
My Dear Brother,
I was in hope that when I next wrote you, I would be
able to inform you that William had returned to ray oavu
roof. We arc now in daily expectation of seeing him, as he
arrived at Pha. in the Susquehannah Packet yesterday week,
and he writes me that he would complete his business in that
iplace by today, when he should set out for Baltimore. I un
derstand from Mrs. Edward Mayo, Avho saw him last Sunday
that he is more robust, very ruddy, and that he has more
confidence though he has not yet forgotten how to blush. If
I find him possessed of brass enough for the bar, it Is my

214 Randolph-AIacon Historical Papers
intentloii to place him immediately in some laAv office, for
prosecuting his studies.
We have Billy Harrison Avith us at present, and Mary
Green Is at home near us. My dear Wife is very well, being
much improved in her health & looks by her visit to the Springs.
I am preparing for my Winter's campaign, and a hard one
and perhaps a hot one I may expect it to be. However, I will
make up my mind to take things as quietly as possible.
So much for all of us, and noAV do let me ask you, how you
are ? Dr. Austin Brockenbrough relieved my mind very much
about your health, but still I can not help feeling some solici
tude about you, and I trust you will Avrlte me a line telling me
hoAv you find yourself, and how my dear Sister Is. You knoAV
that you have pro-mlsed me a letter, and I need not assure
you hoAV very acceptable all your letters were that you ad
dressed me last summer. I shall be delighted to hear that you
are better fronl the attack you have had since you returned
home.. We cannot get every thing smooth in the political world. We
have had some excitement among us about Lt. Randolph &
J. H. Pleasants, and I can not help Avishing that these good
folks at Washington would let us alone, and not be the means
of bringing such men into consequent sympathy. Judge Brock
enbrough has very properly discharged Pleasants, and that
elam.our is therefore at an end. And I presume that Robt. B.
Randolph will apply to the Federal Court for an injunction
and AAill get his (  -) reduced. We learn that his jalb
room has been much frequented by his sympathizing friends,
and among them the eccentric Chief Magistrate of the Com
monwealth. We shall have much excitement during the session of Con
gress. You will see that Duane is about to take the field against
tha Administration in reply to the Globe. And on the Avhole,
the Bank question, in its different phases, will be the leading
topic of the session. I hope we shall be able to strangle the
Monster, and that all the tricks & diversions of its friends
and abettors will be unable to save it.

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 215
We are still annoyed by the rimning away of the Slaves in
our city. I hear last night two valuable ones decamped, per
haps more. I have not yet lost any, but expect every day some
such mishap. After a time most of us will be compelled to
employ in our families in town free people of color. We must
tighten our laws this next session and subject the masters of
(  ) to a stronger police.
I think Richmond is improring. Real property is certainly
upon the rise, and more houses are building than I hav-e ever
knoAvn. In case we should succeed in the James & KanaAvha Im
provement, there Avould be a much greater impulse given to
every thing about us.
Present all my loA.-e to Sister & the family, and belieA'e me
my dear Brother, Yours truly & affectionately,
Thomas Ritchie.
Thomas Ritchie to William C. Rives.
Richmod, Jany. 6, 1834.
My Dear Sir,
This is the first letter I have Avritten to any of my
friends at Washington for nearly four Weeks. Times are out
of joint in politics, and I do not like to bore my friends w-ith
lamentations and complaints. I spent my Xmas with aE my
Family (ten children) at Brandon, and immediately on my
return, I Avas met Arith the distressing account of my Brother's
death. Excuse me therefore for not having answered sooner
your acceptable letter.
William has been so occupied Arith his arrival that he has
scarcely found time to do himself any sort of justice in writing
you. He begs me, however, to say that in the course of a few
days he will do himself that pleasure. He has just commenced
the study of the law, and he vrill scarcely have it in his power
to visit Washington this winter. Our friends Green & Peyton
talk of taking a flying trip there in a few days.
I can hardly give you a just account of our political move-

216 Ra7idolph-Macon Historical Papers
ments. The removal of the Deposites & the questions groAring
out of It are now all the order of the day. I am sorry totell
you that much dissatisfaction exists, much alarm is raised,
and the Enemies of the Administration have again an oppt. of
croAvIng over Its friends. These Coups d' Hiat have done m
much mischief. The (  ) directed against J. H. Pleas
ants, and the arrest of R. B. Randolph were unfortunate
movements, and now this Diplomatic question Is cooling the
fTicnd.s & spiriting the enemies of the President. Ambitious
men & factious parties are seizing upon It to spread disaffec
tion. I was affrald of the results as I Avrote you In the summer,
and my VIoaa's were also laid frankly before the President.
I have no doubt he acted from the best motives, but T thought
he ought to have waited, at least until the Committee of Con
gress could hav-e investigated & reported on the misconduct
of the Bank. Things Avould have gone on much smoother in
that way. And now there Is no predicting Avhen the Crisis
vrill pass over and boAv it aa'III terminate. We must keep our
eyes fixed on one point at all events — ^the dissolution of the
Bank. No antipathy of our Enemies must dh^ert our atten
tion from It.
As to the Force Bill about which you ask my opinion, I do
not hesitate to say, that as the government has proved itself
equal to the emergency for which it was proposed we Arish no
longer to keep a law upon the Statute Book which is only cal
culated to fester the feelings & excite the discord of the Sonth,
and that, therefore, if for no other reason, we vote to rescind
it. It is obvious that the two fragments of the opposition in the
Legislature are approaching each other & forming a Combi
nation against the Administration. We see the effect in the
election of Governor Avhich takes place tomorrow. It Is pro
bable that the. Nullifiera will run TazeAvell, the Clay men Mr.
Watts of Botetourt, & the Administration men will run Danlpl.
Daniel avIH probably beat either of them on the first Ball(.>t, but
the danger is lest en the second the friends of Watts & Tazewell

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 217
nuiy go together. If Watts be tlitown out, mo.^t of the Clay
men will vote for TazeAvell, all avIU not, and the result may
depend upon the ratio in Avhich their votes may be divided.
I trust In Heaven that Daniel may succeed, but I confess my
fears are greater than my hopes.
I think it probable that the threatened debate in the H. of
D. may be suspended. The Stockholders of the Bank of Vir
ginia have this day resolved to cancel the Arrangement Avith
the Secy, of the Treasury, and the Legislature may noAv deem
it unnecessary to agitate the Subject.
Things do not go on as smoothly as Ave Avish them, but we
must have patience, and still adhere to our principles. We
have rumors enough afloat to divide us, but I make It a rule
now-a-days not to believe the hundredth part of Avhat I hear.
Among the other (  -) of the day I have been told of a
miserable story afloat that you have expressed a strong desire
to bring the Lynchiurg Vii'ginia- to this city, because I can
not be prevailed on to toe the mark. I state this thing to you,
because I always make it a rule to deal in the most vigerous
manner with those Avho are my friends, & to whom I am a
friend. Do me the faA-or to write me soon how matters are going on
at Washington, and with the kindest Remembrances of all my
Family, I am, Dr, Sir, Yours most truly;
Thomas Ritchie.
Thomas Ritchie to Willi .v^i C. Rives.
White Sulphur Springs, Greenbrier Co. Virginia.
Richmond, Aug. 23, 1834.
!My Dear Sir,
I have reed, (yesterday morning) two letters, stating
that Gholson addressed the people of Lunenburg, and affirmed
that you were an Abolitionist ; and that I had the evidence in
my possession, in the .shape of a letter from Paris, which you

218 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
addressed me. — This blow is followed by the Slip from the
'"Whig", which appeared yesterday. I state this to you that
you may be apprised of A-vhat Is going on and that you may in
form me of your Avishes, If you think necessary, upon this
subject. Your letter from Paris embraced a variety of sub
jects, and among them the subject of Slavery, I recollect. I
showed it to your friend John Rutherford, and my brother Col.
Ritchie ; both of AA'-hom were then members of the Legislature.
How any thing, about this letter could hav-e transpired I am
utterly at a loss to divine. I don't recollect any other person
I shoAved your letter to. But you must write me as soon as It
is convenient, upon the subject.
Our friends in the Lower Country are full of spirit; more
so, I suspect, than they are higher up. In some of the coun
ties they will cany Instructions. This morning, for instance,
I hear from Southampton. They are already signed there
in one day by 200 persons; and no doubt is entertained of
their Success.' — Our friends must come doAvn in a liberal &.=¦
well as firm spirit. You will be the first choice of most of
them, I have no doubt; but If on comparing noses together,
they find you cannot beat Leigh, but that some other can, you
AvIII submit I have no doubt with a good grace. HoAveA-er, suf
ficient to the day be the decision.
We are getting into hot times here, J. H. Pleasants has
made an assault upon Daniel, in consequence of Avrlting "Staf
ford" in last Tuesday's Enquirer, and being well prepared,
get the advantege and hurt him a good deal. The Grand Jury
have presented Pleasants for an assault & battery. God knows
what we are coming to.
W. H. Roane & his sister, Mrs. Ruffin will set out next
week on their Avay to the Mountains, and perhaps Avill see you
at the Springs. They talk of calling In upon you.
William is at the law. I am sorry he is fallen upon such
evil times In politics. Here we are in a decided minority. Let

Unp7tblished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 219
our friends neA'-er despair of the Republic.
Write me soon, & belieA'e me,
Most truly yours,
Thomas Ritchie.

Thomas Ritchie to William C. Rives.
Lindsay's Store, Albemarle, IMay 19, 1835.
My Dear Sir,
I cordially reciprocate Congratulations Avith you. It is
a victory worth winning, the maneuvre to which the Whigs
are resorting to cover this defeat, can scarcely avail them. The
eyes of the People are becoming too wide aAvake not to be able
to see that there is but a shadoAV of distinction betAveen the
Whi^ and the White whigs. I do not verily believe that the
name of Judge W^hlte Arill be much longer competent to con
ceal their purposes or avert the indignation of the country. If
the Baltimore Convention be attended in the force which I an
ticipate, eA-en Judge White Avill be compelled to withdraw his
name or it will lose all its magic.
Of this splendid victory, few I hope Avill enjoy more of the
fruit than yourself. It is the pretty genaral impression that
Mr. Leigh will throw up his office, or rath.'''- will not accept it,
for there is some mystery about the actual state of the case.
And here we are trying by making an issiif Jietween the GoA-er-
nor & the Senator to bring the truth out and hasten the denou
ement. In case he resignes, 3'ou come In & take your place on
the floor of the Senate.
But this may not be all. You know I have carefully for
borne touching upon the Vice Presidency. Not a word lin-^
or syllable has been exchanged between us on the subject. But
I think it high time to tell you (P. P. Barbour being out of
the question who in my opinion has superior claims to any
one in the Union, on account of his longer services,) that my
heart is now set upon yonr elevation from the Floor to the

220 Ra7idolph-Macon Historical Papers
Chair of the Senate. I had hoped that the thing Avas fi.xed;
and had given myself less concern than I ought about it, but
I am informed since Friday night that some of our strongest
friends at Washington think that RIchd. M. Johnson ought
to have the nomination, great as they admit your claims to
be. What is the desire of Mr. V. B. on this subject I am unable
to say; tliough It seems to me that he would prefer yourself.
I Avill not inform you of all that has passed since Saturday
morning. But I have not hesitated, Avith all the respect I feel
for Col. Johnson, to press your name in every Avay that ap
peared proper to me. I have this evening written two letters
to two of the delegates of the Convention, one from Virginia
and the other from the West, and I have also address A myself
to a gentleman at Washington, w-ho can, if he thinks fit, exer
cise a sort of "potential voice" upon the proceedings of an
important part of his Delegation. I am assured by every man
that I have seen that you. are the favorite Candidate of this
state. 1 think from t.AVO of the N. C. Delegation told mc
you will receive their support. Col. Watkins (ever zealous &
efficient) & Col. Morgan, who took the steam Boat on Sunday,
Avill go by Avay of the Potomac & Washington. Peter V. Daniel
has been induced by the emergency of the case to go to Balti
more, and Avill take Washington In his Avay. What the result
may be it is utterly impossible to giiess. I shall be most deeply
disappointed if we do not prevail. I have freely told & Avritten
my friends that with your name associated on the ticket, I
thinlt Virginia & the South will be safe, with Col, Johnson
less than safe.
I beg you for tbe present to say and write as little upon the
question as possible. I have no authority noAv to tell you Avhy.
But be content If you receive the nomination, to accept It in
a Avay which you so well know how to express, and if the Cup
be unfortunately passed to another lip, to bear your disappoint
ment as becomes you.
My family have mostly gone to Brandon, where I shall fol-
loAV them on Sunday, by Avhich time I hope our suspense will

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 221
be terminated. I need in fact some repose, for the last month
was throughout a period of great excitement k great labor,
and I must take a furlough for a Aveek.
I Avrlte In great haste, my dear Sir, and I wish- you raay be
able to read it. With best respects to I\irs. Rives & yonr Brother
believe me. Yours truly & Avarmly
Thos. Ritchie.
Thomas Ritchie to Willia^i C. Ria-es.
Richmond, -lune 5, (1835?).
My dear Sir,
I take this liberty of sending you a newspaper, Avhicli
contains an extract from the London Times — touching you.
The Times article I find has been republished in several of
the American papers — ^Arith more or less of comment — and
it really seems to me that if you can give a "satisfactory ex
planation" as the French say, you had better do so. You may
address it in the form of a letter to me furnished on my appli
cation directly to you, or send me a paragraph In any shape
most agreeable to yourself.
Permit me to ask you, what information, if any you pos
sess respecting the course Avhieh France will take in asking
her "satisfactory explanation." — and Avhat is the course which
we should take on this subject. We have Been beaten at Balti
more — after all that has been done. But we must not divide
our party. I liope you will approve the course the Enq. is
pursuing In this matter. Yon, of course will keep perfectly
cool — ^not suffer your feelings for a single moment to move your
judgment. I haA-e no information to give you about Mr. Leigh's designs.
All is dark — the same sort of reserve and mystification pre
vails as dlstunguished iMr. Clay's course while he Avas decid
ing how his vote should be given for the presidency before the
JJ q£ R.— I do not like it — It does not look well. You Arill

222 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
see that the Enq. has broken ground again upon the subject
after giving Messrs. Leigh & Tazwell sufficient time to delib
erate & to act. Tbe voice of the pcoiile must be performed and
the principle of instruction must be carried out. What will
be the Issue, it is impossible yet to say. But still I cannot
permit myself to think that ]\Ir. L- avIU take his seat.
Mr. Stevenson has this day handed to me Mr. Van Buren's
letter for the Committee of the Baltimore Convention. It Is
written in a fine manly spirit, and will do much good. It
declares In the most positive manner, that he has never sought
the Presidency nor made any arrangements Avith mortal man
for getting it — and he challenges those Avho were once his
friends and are noAv his political opponents to produce a
tittle of evidence to contradict his declaration. He declares
that his opinions are already he presumes sufficiently well
knoAvn by his own acts or letters, or authorized Declarations of
his friends, but still if any dotibt should exist he pledges him
self to ansAver any Enquiry that is made in the proper man
ner. His Eulogitim upon the Union of the States & the means
to preserve it is very handsome.
I have been visiting Brandon lately and may return there
on Sunday for three days more. What watering places do you
& Mrs. Rives visit this Season ?
I should like to meet you someAvhere. Yours Truly
Thos Ritchif
Thom.as Ritchie to William C. Rives.
Senate of U. S. Washington.
Richmond, Saturday, (February 25, 1837?).
My Dear Sir,
I have been to see Col. Watkins this morning, who has
been very sick with the Varioloid. He is better to-day and
takes his u-sual interest in politics. He says you must come

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 223
on to Richmond. He says moreover that you must not quarrel
Avith Col. Benton.
The letter he had written to tbe Washingtonlan was mislaid
by the negligence of his Servant, just before he Avas taken
sick. He has found it, hoAvever, and intends to forward it.
Cannot Poinsett and Butler both be taken into the Cabinet ?
Why not go elseiuhere for an Atty. Genaral. With such a
Cabinet we may Aveather the storm that is brcAring,
I feel every Avay interested in Gen. Jackson's settling hon
orably the affair of Scott before he goes out of power. Do see
Mr. Butler and ask him to have it done. It would redound to
the credit of Gen. Scott not less than to the honor of Gen.
Jackson. I want him to show that in his conduct to Scott he
has been above that petty, private, vindictive feeling with
Avhich he has been falsely charged. Every way there is a pro
priety In the thing, which strikes me forcibly. I have never
asked any favor of Gen. Jackson for eight years, and I am
almost disposed to ask this as the best or only favor — to act
if possible and to act not grudgingly but AAuth the free grace
of a generous soldier. If it can be done do drop me a line.
Yours truly, Thos. Ritchie
Thomas Ritchie to William C. Riates.
Private
Thursday Evening Aug. 10, (1837?)
My Dear Sir,
You Avill of course have seen from the course of the
Globe, if you had not other keys to unlock the Cabinet, that
Mr. Van Buren goes for the coin & the Sub Treasury System.
I have thought much and anxiously about it, and I have deter
mined ao^alnst the opinion of some of my most honorable
friends to go for the State Banks (  ) if Ave can regulate
them into specie payment in good time. My opinions In 34
determined me along with their reasons. But I go first, fore-

224 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
most & last against the U. S. Bank — any thing sooner than
that monstrous alternative! I will lay open both sides, & let
the people judge fairly, asserting my oavu Views, so as to
avoid all split in our party, which Avill let the (  ) Into
tho Avails of the Citadel. God knoAVS Avhat course you mean to
steer. If you arc a wise and prudent man you wIH not brav;-
the Executive power. It Is fearful odds Avhy. But if you
think AvIth me then I pray yon out in my spirit — aboA'e board,
but in a liberal and amiable disposition — not provoking friends,
not wooing our Enemies. . I kncAV that the President L bis
Cabinet were going for this system — this e\-enlng Aveek, and
next morning I said Avhat you saAv.
Write me forthAvIth. Have no (  ) from me I pray
you. I have letters from Blair written in the tone I like— friendly,
plain &¦ aboA'-e board. I have nothing to complain of. I must
do my duty, if I can see the Avay.
You will see what I say of (" ") to-morrow.
Have you the Debates on Gordon's Resolution? the Debates
on the Rem. Bank Deposites in the Senate, and the Enquirer
of Oct. 3, 1834. Read the last- I should like to have the two
first (  -¦ — ^  ) & disappointed. Avith best regards to Mrs.
Rives, Yours truly,
Thom. Ritchie
Thom.vs Ritchie to William C. Rives.
Senate of U. S. Washington.
Wednesday. (September 20th, 1837 ?)
My Dear Sir,
Fearing to miss William by the ordinary address (lest
he might not call at the P. office) I beg the liberty of putting
the enclosed under cover to you. It may be important that he
should get it before he leaves Washington. Will you have it
sent to him forthwith ?

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 225
I will write you tomorrow, when I can ansAver yonr Quorrv.
I should think, if you all keep cool, the present difficulty
may blow off & leave everything smooth. We must not divld',-
and break doAvn the party. I should think that you might i W
agree upon some plan. It seems to me Calhoun is easing off &
CA'en Mr. Benton a little.
What think you of the plan of Special Deposites — See the
Enq. of Friday. Even Dr. Brockenbrough says, if there be
supposed insuperable objections to the S. Treasury System,
the Special Deposlte System vdll work well.
Yours tnily, T RiTCHIF

Thomas Ritchie to William C. Rivt;s.
Richmond, Sep. 21st, 1837.
My Dear Sir,
I am so hurried by my Engagements to-day that I can
give you only a short note.
I have applied to Dr, Brockenbrough for information on the
point you mentioned. He says "The Virginia Banks, I think,
can resume specie payment without danger, by the 20th of
Feb. 1838. The South Westei-n States, I learn can not make
their crops available fully before the 1st of July. Yoii kiiow
tbe Assembly fixed the 1st of March for us, at least gave us
indulgence to that day."
The Banks here are Avilling to go into a Couventlon with
those Institutions who will join them. — and hence the article
which I threAv into last Tuesday's Enquirer. I think the Secry.
of the Treasury might help the cause, as I do not know of any
one Vfho ought to feel greater interest in resumption. Neither
Government nor people can get on smoothly, until that object
is accomplished.I hope our friends vrill be able to agree upon some (  )
by compromising where they can.

2i() Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
Should you return to Castle Hill before December, you must
on your visit to the University call for my son Thomas, who is
now a Student. Yours truly, Thos. Ritchie.

Thomas Ritchie to William C. Rives.
Tuesday Evening, June 5th. (1838 ?)
My Dear Sir,
On sending to the Powhatan House by sunrise this
morning, I find the best of the Birds is floAvn. Mr. LIbby left
us yesterday morning, and Mr. Ruggles and the Ladies this
morning. Little did I imagine when I parted Avith them at
Dr. Watson's door on Saturday night that it was the last I
should see of them. I had arranged with Mr. R. to see him at
11 on Monday to chaperon him to our Canal & Bridge, tAVO of
our greatest Levies, but my engagements pushed upon me so
( — —  ) that I was compelled to devolve the Commission
upon Mr. Bently. The rain too poured do-wn the Avhole after
noon ; and the mail brought me so many indispensable articles
to call my attention — documents from Dr. Brockenbrough
about the Banks, and a letter from Mr. Hopkins which startled
me about the Sub Treasury Bill — that I was occupied the
whole day. So that very much to my regret, I saw no more of
our charming acquaintances. I am sorry also to undestand
that Mr. Ruggles saAV so little of our City In consequence of
the rain. Mr. Libby had taken a 'coup d' Oil of its situation
& Avater power, and expressed himself delighted with its re
sources and prospects. He declared that not even Rochester
itself presented so many advantages for manufactures. Mr.
Ruggles did not see as much of It as he did, though he stayed
a day longer, but his busy mind Avas atent engaged on Monday
in collecting Statistics of our Internal Improvements. I am
sorry for this on every account. He would have appreciated
our great though latent resources, advised as hoAv to dcvclopc

UnptMished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 227
them, and assisted us in interisting the Capitalists of N. Y''ork
to turn their attention towards our City. The Ladies too Avere
cooped up in the Boarding-House aU day, instead of wandering
over our hills & surA-eyIng oitr Landscapes. I should be morti
fied notwithstanding, if they had not left us Arith some favor
able Impressions and if they did not sometimes recollect us.
My Arife had gone to Brandon but the day before, and Mary
Green Arith her. So that I had it not in ray poAver to offer them
even a cup of tea. Present me most kindly to both of them,
Avhen you see them, and tell Mrs. Ruggles not to forget my
Bronssa? Mulberry. If she avIII honor me with one I will
promise my best endeavour to cultivate the plant and introduce
it among my neighbors. I mean to write in the course of the
year to my friend Pendicanis, the Greek, and remind him of
his promise to send me some of his favorite figs and grapes.
Thus America Arill owe to Clessie Green both "the rine and
tlie fig tree" as well as the Mulberry.
I have been startled, my dear Sir, about this Sub Treasury
Bin by the letters of Hopkins and Garland. The information
I have received since our Election had contributed to dispel my
apprehension. Deceived themselv-es, my other correspondents
had deceived me, so that I had disarmed before the war was
over. But Hopkins stunned me yesterday by the fear he ex
pressed and I have again -wielded the sword this morning.
Can it be possible that this biH can now pass ? I am very an
xious to visit Brandon & refresh myself amid the beauties of
the country; but told my vrife that I could not leave Taj post
until the proceedings of Congress would justify my absence.
Will you not give me a furlough ? Are we really in danger from
this bill which I thought had long since descended to the tomb
of the Capulets? Now that the Banks have done so much to
redeem their character, that they have acted so much better
than they did in 15 & 16, that instead of multiplying their is
sues in order to accumulate dividends they have been calling
in their paper, In order to redeem their Engagements, — noAv
that they are about to resume and give us a better Currency,

228 Rafidolph- Macon Historical Papers
are we about to be threatened again with this great Federal
(  ) PoAver? Why not let things quietly alone for the
jiresent, and try the State Bank System in another & a
better form?
Deeply have I regretted, my dear Sir, that you & I could
not agree about the Special Deposlte? It Avould be perfectly
satisfactoiy, I am sure to the great majority of our friends in
Va. What Roane (Avhom I saw too little of), Avhat our friend
P. P. Barbour said about it at Judge Nicholas' is truth. Mr.
Roane was to my right hand and heard what the Judge said.
He remarked in a gay and court;eous spirit that he had en
dorsed no man's (  ) for ten years but would endorse
the Enq. througli and through, upon the Special Deposlte &.
If you go on In the same System as Ave had before the. Sus
pension will Ave not run riot again ? I am perfectly willing to
trust the Banks with the public money, if they w-Ill not specu
late upon it — and take their paper, (I mean of the Deposire
Banks and those whom they avIU trust,) provided they will
settle up witli the gov't on the principle of your (  ) and
answer for the balance either in specie or available funds. Is
it too late to do something of this sort now ? You thought the
system was impracticable, but I consulted Dr, Brockenbrough
& others, and my impressions were exactly the reverse of yours-
But I have bored you long enough. I agree with you entire
ly about Mr. Calhoun. I have no confidence in him, nor Mr.
Clay, as a politician.
So soon as you can give some news about the S. Treasury
Bill write me, if but a line. I find by the Connecticut paper?
of to-day, that her two senators are Instructed to vote against
the bill. Will not this tend to defeat It if it should come back
upon your body AvIth the harmony feature vested in it ? They
surely avIII not fly in the face of their Constituents.
With great regard, yours,
Thos Ritchie

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 229
Thomas RircnrE to Martiit Va2<- Bcee:^-
(strictly confidential) ^
Richmond, July 2, 1838.
My dear Sir,
I am about to write you a very free letter & have no
time to study the graces of composition. I must tell you my
tale right straight on. The mail closes within a short time, and
it was only within a few minutes past, that upon a long con
versation AvIth Dr. Brockenbrough, I have determined to take
this mode of addressing you, instsead of taking the cars in the
morning for Washington. He thought it woidd be best for
me to go on political grounds; but advised me on personal
considerations to decline the visit. He said that I would be
watched, lampooned, & belittleil. But these consideration should
not have prevented me, if I had not supposed that the special
friends of Calhotm in the H. of R. might suspect the object of
my visit, & then set themselves to defeat it.
Sir you ought to know me. From the first moment of my
acquaintance with you, I have been your personal & political
friend. Hoav warmly I have been so, let my actions speak
more than my professions. No man more sincerely rejoiced in
your election — no one could have more highly regretted that
the first measure of your administration should have called
forth my opposition. But I have ever been most anxious to
(  ) and to compromise this A'cxatious question. I have
spared no pains to bring our friends together. Were any one
at Washington, who had the ear of both, Arith an address and
AA'elght of character calculated to enforce his recommendations,
I think the matter would have been settled before this. But
each side complains that the other will not compromise, and
nothing is done.
I AVTote to Mr. Balch last Thursday that if I could do any
good at Washington, I would cheerfully go on. He gave me no
sort of encouragement. I had almost abandoned the whole mat-

iVftw Buren Mss.

230 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
ter in despair, tmtll I received the three letters marked A. B, &
C. I trust them to your most sacred honor.
I beg you to read most c.irefuUy the letters of Messrs. Rives
and Hoiiklns In particular. Call around you, my dear Sir.
your coolest friends, if it be not too late. You know the means
of bringing about such results far better than I can advise.
Cannot Mr. Polnset approach Mr. Lagare, and thus make a
poh^t d'' appui between the two Avings ?
If Congress could be Induced to postpone their adjournment
for a few days, everything might be settled. I beg you in the
most emphatic terms to close up this vexatious question noAV.
Read the letter of my friend Rutherford (the Lieut. Gover
nor, and a Sub-Treasury man,) and of Fontaine or amiable,
pure & sensible Senator.
I pray you not to listen to the infatuated counsels of those
bitter Hotspurs, avIio advise j^ou to appeal to the polls. Before
the fall election the schism In our party may produce the direst
results. We shall all be distracted whether Mr. Wright's bill
passes or is rejected, we shall probably be beaten, and then a
.National Bank may be fastened upon us.
Mr. Calhoun is for agitation, agitation. But you Imow him
sufficiently to know hoAV far he is to be trusted for motives and
for measures. John P. King has drawn this politician to the
life. I am Interrupted. I have no time to pour out the thousand
reflections that turn In my brain. Yonr oavu sagacity renders it,
hoAvever, unnecessary.
I entreat you to act and to save our party, as I took the
liberty of telling you, through my letter of last year to iMrs,
B- in the spirit of a liberal compromise.
Believe me to be, your friend
Thomas Ritchie.
(Please return my letters) Dr. Brockenbrough fully agrees
with me in all my calculations & he is the only person Avbo
knows of this letter.

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 231
Thomas Ritchie to Bexj. F. Butlee?
Thursday, Morning. (No date)
My dear Sir,
I have been prostrated tAvo days on the bed of sickness,
and though I am rapidly recovering, I am compelled to pillow
up my head, for the purpose of addressing you on a subject
Avhich deeply interests me. Perhaps, I am going too far. Per
haps, I may be taking a liberty which our short acquaintance
may not seem to justify. Perhaps, I am too boldly breaking
through that state and dignity, that hedge in men of affairs.
But, when I recollect the simplicity of character Avhich best
adorns a man, — ^when I recall to mind the cordial terms you
used towards me, on the last night I had the pleasure of see
ing you, I feel irresistibly impelled to address you upon a
subject, which interests me as a friend and as a patriot.
Without further circumlocution, then, I call your attention
to the editorial article which appeared in the Globe, containing
some severe criticisms on the conduct of Andrew Stevenson.
It is scarcely necessary to tell you how much pain it has given
many of his and the Presidents friends. May I frankly en
quire of you, Avhether it is to be regarded as a true cxponet of
the President's feelings and sentiments ? I well know the solici
tude which this article will occasion in the breast of Mr. Steven
son, not only on account of the character of these strictures, but
from the source from which they cmeuated, the official organ
of the government. You vrill readily imagine, Sir, how very
unpleasant must be his situation, until he shall be apprized of
the President's feelings on this subject. You can well conceive
too, that if he shall ascertain the article in question to have re
ceived the President's sanction, he might feel himself con
strained to resign his commission and return home. I feel
solicitous that Mr. Stevenson and his friends should be put at
case on this subject, if indeed I am right in the conjecture,
that Mr. Blair, vrithout consulting -vrith his official friends, has
only oiven expression to his OAvn opinions, stimulated as they

232 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
no doubt ha\'e been by the conduct of the agents of the Bank,
as well as the insidious comments of the Press on Mr. Steven
son's London letter.
May I call your attention to the fcAV remarks I made In thc
last Enquirer, on the article in the Globe? They were Avritten,
Sir, I am free to confess to you, under some little embarrass
ment. Willie I thought on one hand, that Mr. S. did not de
serve the severe strictures he had received, even admitting that
he may not have sufficiently weighed the phraseologi of his
letter,— I could not on the other hand, lose sight of the in;-
portance of pressing the harmony of our party, and of main
taining an unbroken front towards our opponents, who are
ready to maive the most of every division in our ranks, and
indeed of every thing Avhich may aA-ail them in the opposition
which they seem determined to wage against the Administra
tion. I feel constrained too, by those personal sentiments 1
entertained towards Mr. Blair, by the recollection of that cor
dial and confiding kindness, which he had so freely poured out
to me, on my late visit to Washington. Of all the articles I had
ever seen in a newspaper, I confess to you, the article in the
Globe bad given me the most poignant concern. I liked Mr.
Blair — sincerely — ardently. You can then very readily con-
c(ive under what feelings I penned my brief comments on
this severe stricture. But, Sir, I think myself bound
to tell you, that the Republicans in this quarter of Vir
ginia Avill not sustain the course Avliich tbe Qlohe has pursued
towards Mr. StcA-enson. His sentiments In regard to the Bank,
the iierseeutlon he has experienced from the opposition, and
his feeling towards Mr. Van Buren, both politically and per-
sonallA', and let me add. Sir, (because it is a fact which fell
Avithin my oavu knowledge), the memorable efforts which he
made to sustain Mr. Van Buren in the days of his trial or
persecution, and AvhIle others Avere shrinking from the storm,
his coming forAA-ard, and being one of the most active and de
termined men to press the rejected rainister for the Presidency,
— these and other circumstances are too well known, to permit

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 233
his friends in Virginia to view with indifference anj- attempt
to strike him down. I will not cavil Avitb you, Sir, about the
amount of Mr. S's indiscretion. I Avill not deny, if you pltasf,
that he might have written rather a more prudent letter; be
cause, Ave noAV see that the one he has writttenis susceptible of
some misconstruction. I AviU not say, whether taking even the
AVorst AieAV of the matter, Mr. S. ought or ought not to have
spoken a syllable about the Bank, and Avhether if asked at all
in the frankest spirit by any gentleman who Avas preparing tf>
withdraw his funds from America, he ought not to have said,
that he did think the Bank Avould not be put doAvn, an opinion
which seems to be countenanced by the Report of the Republican
Commettee of Pennsylvania.
Admit then that the private letter from London is correct;
which I am prepared to deny in all its extent, — admit that ^Mr.
S. has been guilty of some indiscretion, yet does it therefore
follow that he was at once to be put under the ban — ^that there
was no other mode of correcting the error ?
I have no question that his OAvn letter, AvhIch is the only
authentic testimony we have before us, has been misconstrued.
It is perfectly obvious, at least to me, that Mr, S. was not
aware at the time he Avrote it of the construction that Avonld be
placed upon it, both as regards Mr. Rush, for wiiom I knoAV
he entertains the kindest feelings; or the sentiments expressed
in Mr. Van Buren's letter to S. Williams, which no man more
cordially approved. I attribute the Avliole style and phraseol
ogy of the letter, to the indignation he felt at tbe article in
the Commercial Advertiser, and not as the Globe supposes, to
any disposition to repudiate either Mr. Van Buren's or Mr.
Rush's opinions in relation to the Bank.
On this subject you have no doubt formed your own opinion.
And you avIII pardon me, I trust, for the liberty I take in ad
dressing you at all upon the subject. My oavu course on this
occasion proceeds not only from my regard for Mr. Stevenson,
but from the great Interests of my party. My feelings for him
are certainly very warm, both as a public and private man,

234 Ra7idolpli- Macon Historical Papers
and I feel the strongest desire that he should not suffer in the
public estimation. But I am equally solicitous for the union
and harmony of the Republican Press, and for w-hatever course
may be most likely to promote the success and prosperity of
the Administration. I am but poorly read in the signs of the
Heavens, if a lowering storm is not coming on, which may re
quire all our strength and discretion. Our Currency is In a
most distracted condition. The spirit of speculation has in
volved the community in danger and embarrassment. Thou
sands will fall victims to circumstances, of AvhIch they had no
presentiment, and over which tiiey could exercise no control.
The picture of the distress in this City is already most appal
ling. The strongest houses, as they Avere supposed, are bowing
benetith the tempest. The Hermans of N. Orleans, the Josephs
of NeAV Y''ork, the Philips of Philadelphia, and the Warwicks
of London have prostrated several of our Capitalists, and our
new Bank Bills, admirable as they are in many respects, by
abolishing the small notes and requiring 3/5 of their Capital
to be preserved in gold and silver, are yet calculated to add
to the distress of our existing Banlcs. The Treasury Circular
has disturbed the equilibrium of circulation, and by unneces
sarily accumulating the Specie in the Western States, will
prevent us from, eking out the Capital of the ncAv Banks ex
cept by heavy drafts on the old. Instead then of extending ac
commodations, the Banks will be compelled to curtail their
Customers. In such a state of the elements the clamor Is ahvays
directed to the government. The opposition, of course, have
seized upon the Treasury Circular. Some of the friends of
the Administration who believed it to have been a wholesome
measure, originally, have changed their views. They contend
a change of circumstances demands a change of policy, that
as Mr. Burk said "circumstances are infinite- — ^and infinitely
combined, are variable and transcient; that he Avho does not
take them Into consideration, is not erroneous, but stark mad,
he Is metaphysically mad ; that a statesman never losing sight
of his principles. Is to be guided by circumstances, and judging

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 235
contrary to the exigencies of the momentj he may ruin his coun
ty forcA-er." Some of friends also maintain that AvhatcA-er re
spect might at first have been due to the Circular of Gen. Jack
son, yet a decided voice of both houses had condemned its contin
uation, and that it Is the duty of Mr. Van Buren to consider not
so much what had been done by his predecessor, as what would
promote the good of the country.
In a word. Sir, it cannot be concealed that the time is not
far distant, when from the confusion and turbidness of the ele
ments, we Arill require all our sincere friends to support us
against the common enemy. Union and not discord must be
come our watchword. If within three weeks from the com
mencement of the Administration, we have the signs of two
important dissensions in our ranks ; — if in addition to the can-
tre temps of Mr. Forsyth, we are to have such men as Steven
son struck down and sacrificed, men who like him have haz
arded every thing for our cause, Avho have suffered so severely
from our opponents, and whose interests and feelings are so
naturally and deeply enlisted in the success of the present
Republican Administration — ^what I frankly ask you,, are we
next to expect ? The President's path may be streAvn Avith
roses, but it Arill also have thorns enough.
My intercourse Arith Mr. Van Buren has been so cordial
and confining for ten years past, — ^my confidence in his good
sense and magnanimity, so strong, that I am sure he vrill ex
cuse me for asking you unreseiwedly to submit this hasty letter
to his inspection- I beg you to consider it in every other respect,
as sti'ictly confidential. You avIII best judge AA'hat ought to be
done. I do not ask for any thing to appear in the Globe on this
subject. Far from it. I do not even ask the privilege of put
ting a line in the Enquirer. My respect for Mr. Blair forbids
that course. All I Arish is, to put myself at ease, about the mat
ter, and the immediate friends of Mr. Stevenson ; and to put
him also at ease. But I AriE consult your own vrishes rather
than mine. In a Avord then, let me asnre you, that whatever
information you may give me shall be considered strictly con-

236 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
¦jidential, and that no use will be made of your reply, except so
far as may be c.cpresshj cdloujcd by yourself. Fear not. Sir,
that I AvIil trouble \ou In this Avay again. I am too well aware
uf tlie drafts made upon your precious time, as Avell as too
sc nsible of the reserve Avliich it becomes me to observe toAvards
yourself to think of I'epeatlng this transgression, but on the
most urgent occasion.
If I could be vain enough to hope that Mrs. B. retains any
recollection of the eccentric Virginian Avhom she met for the
first time in the cast Room on the 4tb of March, I would add
my best AvIshes for her, as well as those for yourself, from
Y'ours truly, Tho.mas Ritchie.

Thom,a.s Ritchie to J. H. Pleasants.
Richmond, March 31, 1839.
Sir: I seize the first moment I can call my own, to acknow
ledge the receipt of your Communication. T haA'e never felt a
greater disposition to extend any courtesy in ray poAvcr to the
members of the Whig Office. I can say with tlie most perfect
truth, that my intercourse with ]Mr. Gallaher for the last three
months, has been of the most liberal and friendly character. I
baA^e seen less of Mr. IMoseley ; but it has sen'ed to remove any
little prejudice I once entertained toAvards that gentleman, To
Avards yourself, sir, I am free to repeat your own expressions.
My "heart Is absolutely free from a vindictive or a malignant
feeling." You had been .separated from the Whig Office for some
time past, and ev-ery unkind feeling has died aAvay within nie.
During your late transitory return to Richmond, your Editor
ial course toward myself has been sufficiently respectful, and
was well calculated to produce a similar feeling towards your
self. Under these circumstances, I Avould have cheerfully ex
tended to you the courtesy you asked in the opening of your
letter — If you had confined yourself to a bare reply to tbe two
writers, w-ho have addressed you through the Enquirer. I was

Ufipublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 237
sorry to see j'ou, therefore, taking a much wider SAveep — and
launching out Into a bitter attack upon my OAvn political
course for several years past. It brings In also a studied and
someAvhat severe attack iqiou the party with which I have
been long associated, rcAiving (Avliat I respectfully consider)
the exploded assaults of past days, and reAdcAving the trans
actions, that have long since been discussed. I do uot verv- well
see Avhat all this has to do with the "Plain man" or with
"Curtlus"— ^or with the course of the Whigs toAvards Mr. Rives,
who has, indeed, participated In all these measures. I will
frankly tell you, that I feel other objections to publishing the
letters you have and are about to address me. I Inive various
other articles before me, which I have in one Avay or other
pledged myself to publish. The long list of the names of the
Corresponding Committees — the speeches of ilessrs. Botts,
Barton, Southall and Smith, upon the Senatorial Election — a
letter of Mr. Nicholas of Louisiana, which has been for sev
eral days on my table — several communications which have
been for many days on hand — the Proceedings of the. Legisla
ture — ^the summary' of their Acts, which always occupies a
considerable space in my columns towards the close of their
session — the replies Avhich may be expected to the Conserva
tive Address and to Mr. RlA'es's Letter — my oAA-n Editorials —
and the current news of the day, &c, &c., call for all the space I
can adequately spare during the two next weeks. After the
ensuing Aveek, the Enquirer avIII be rozed to its scmi Aveekly
publication— and you are too Avell aware, how many articles
in heat of a contested election are apt to be generated, which
will demand much more space than the Enquirer or the Whig
can allow to them. Hoav very inconA'enient, then, it Avould be
to me to devote at least eight columns to another subject, I
need hardly say. Your present letter vrill make two columns
or more — my own comments two more — and the same for the
additional letter, which you have promised to send me, &c. But
it is not the mere want of room, of which I would have to
complain. We are arriving at the end of a very busy session of

238 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
the Legislature. My time has never been so much occupied —
j\[y constitution has never undergone more wear and tear. I
have been engaged all day, and generally until Iavo or three
o'clock In the night. I have been not only cut off from the usual
recreations of society, but frequently from the pleasures of my
OAvn fireside. Just as this arduous session is about to cease, I
should be compelled to open a new controversy afresh with you.
Publish your attack any where else, and I may answer It or
not, as I please? — I may say as much or as little as may suit
my oAvn conscience or taste.
But come as It Avere under my oavu roof, throAV it Into the
Enquirer, with all the force and ingenuity which your attack
may carry AvIth It, I Avould have no alternative. It would put
me to more trouble than I am willing to undertake. I should
have to look into the dusty records of mauA' years. I should
have to analyse your own course, as well as raj oavu — and
though I am perfectly satisfied Avith what I ha\-e done, yet It
would cost me no little labour perhaps to satisfy others, and
hunt up the means for defending myself. — I have recently had
enough of this species of warfare, with some of my late Con-
serA-atlA-e associates, to- satisfy my oavu ambition.
But, Sir, take another view of this snbject. My friends have
told me repeatedly, that I have already published too many
things against myself as Avell as my party, "from a notion of
impartiality (as one of them calls it) Avhich it Avould be well
enough to practise upon, if it were duly reciprocated. But
when had the Whig imitated this impartiality? Has It pub
lished "the Address", upon AvhIch It makes daily strictures?
Has it published the Report of the minority of jMr. Wise's
Committee? What else has it lately published on the side of
the Administration ? — ^^Vhilst you (says he) has given us Con
servative Addresses, &c., and many other things, that are sup
posed most likely to influence the public mind? It is only
wonderful, how the friends of the Administration can get along
at all, when the Whigs scarcely see any thing but one sade of
tbe question ; and every sophism and misrepresentation, Avhich
is fabricated, is laid before the other side."

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 239
In this comiectlon, permit me to call your attention to some
statistics of the party press in Virginia. In Richmond, we
are outrated, both in the rapidity of circulation, and in
the number of Editors. The Whig appears daily, and except
for little more than three months in tbe AvInter, the Enquirer
appears but twice a Aveek — Here are three blows for one. The
Whig has two, sometimes three Editors to assist it — ^the En
quirer has but one- Hoav would these odds be increased, if
you were to come In, take my oavu batteries and turn them
against me ? How is it elscAvhere ? At most of the strong points
iu the State, the weight of the Whig artillery is decidedly
against the Administration. In Norfolk, the Herald has lately
taken the field, in a strong, though I do not think, a very lib
eral style of attack — ^I speak especially of its Correspondents.
There is no political paper in Norfolk to cope with it. The
Petersburg Intelligencer has more scope than the American
Constellation. On the South side, is the Danrille Reporter,
"solitary and alone." — In Lynchburg, the Virginian, con
ducted vrith much talent, though I think with less force than
it would command, if it Avere directed by higher and more
liberal feelings — is sole master of the field — and its Editor
has also some advantages as a member of the Legislature. In
the South-Avest, at Abingdon, the only press is on the Whig
side. — In the North-west, the weight of the press is also on
the same side. — In the Piedmont country, the Staunton Spec
tator, and Leesburg Genius of Liberty, has a greater range
than the Rockingham Register, and the Shenandoah Sentinel.
The Jefferson county Free Press has no competitor In the
county. At Fredericksburg, our able and accomplished friend.
Blackford, has the whole political field to himself — and along
the borders of the Potomac, what ally could you desire more
adroit vigorous and able than the Knight of Snowden, whose
fine powers and social virtues are so well entitled to command
our ^teem as well as admiration? The weight of the press is
indeed all on your side in Virginia— and can you blame me,
if I should be somewhat chary of any little influence AvhIch the

240 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
Enquirer may be supposed to possess? But now, you would
very adroitly come In, and spike my guns or turn them against
myself! — ^^VIth the most courteous feelings, therefore, I am
constrained to announce in this form my determination not
to publish tbe letter you have addressed me. I appeal to your
own magnlulmity for my justification. — To saA'e the trouble of
returning it to your oavu hands, 1 shall deposit it with Mr.
Gallaher, and it avIII aAvait your orders. If you please, your
own press will give you the opportunity of criticising my
politics, and attacking my course — though I should have been
AviUIng to open my oavu columns to you, if you had been will
ing to confine your reply to the few simple points which had
been made by my two Correspondents. I am. Sir,
Very respectfully.
Your obedient servant,
Thomas Ritchie.
Tii OMAS Ritchie to the Senioe Editor of the Richmond
Whig.
Tuesday Morning, February 18, 1840.
Sir : I might fairly excuse myself for declining the publica
tion of your letter in the columns of the Enquirer, because you
have a long bow of your own, with Avhich you might not only
defend yourself, but shoot your arrows at myself as well as
others. Besides, you must be aware of the relative state of the
political press at this time in Virginia. Tho Whigs outnum
ber their opponents, if not in votes, at least in neAvspapers.
A daily Whig In this city Is assisted by a Aveekly Yeoman ; and
a thrice-weekly Enquirer is the only organ which my OAvn
party possesses. Under the sense of such a dlsjiarity, I might
claim dispensation from the Insertion of your letter— -but as
it is short, and does not travel as far out of the record as your
pen generally wanders, I feel willing to extend to you the
courtesy which you claim. I beg you, at the same time, not
to plead this case hereafter as a precedent.
I had no idea, Sir, that the gentle hint which I gave you,

Unpublished Letters of Thotnas Ritchie 241
would prove so severe a hit. But your letter shows tbe
"wounded pigeon by Its fluttering." It is evident that you feel
the force of the blow, though you attempt to evade its force.
It struck me at the time I made the remark, that if y.. u alloAV
yourself a locus (or tempus) penitentiae,) you might surely
extend the same charity to James McDoAvell, which you claim
for yourself — especially as he has since displayed so noble aud
patriotic a spirit in his Princeton speech.
Whether McDowell's and Gen. Harrison's situations be par
allel, is left for an impartial country to decide. — The former
in 1832, acted under the impulse of the Southampton Insur
rection; actuated, as Judge [May said on Tuesday last in the
H. of D., by the strong force of public sentiment. Gen- Harri
son, exempt from all these immediate impulses; unaffected by
any such current of public sympathy, came forward in 1833, to
make propositions for appropriating the whole surplus of the
Federal Treasury, to the purchase and colonization of the
slaves. He was an effective Abolitionist; and was placing at
their disposal, all the surplus revenue of the U. States. He
had not the slightest scruple about the Constitutional poAver of
Congress-^but advances a doctrine, which startles every friend
of limited construction. He does not insist upon an amendment
of the Constitution, in the usual form, Arith the concurrence of
three-fourths of the States — ^but asks only for "the consent of
the States holding the slaves.— It is true, that in his Vincennes
Speech of 1836, in the midst of the war, -which the Northern
Fanatics were waging against us, the General dealt some hard
bloAVs against the Abolitionists, but he does not retract his
proposition of 1833. He still admits, indeed, that "the con
sent of those who are immediately interested" can give Con
gress the power to act. Mr. McDowell, on the other hand, never
made such extravagant propositions as Gen. H. suggested in
1833. His Letter, read the other day to the H. of D., noAV
expressly declares, that he is "Anti-Abolition". For the life
of me therefore, I can not see the "hyprocrisy" which you
affect to have discovered. But independently of the revela-

242 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
tions, for which avc are indebted to Gen. Harrison's OAvn pen,
there are circumstances which mark him out as the Abolition
Candidate. He owed his nomination at Harrisburg very ma
terially to an Influence of that character. He did not originally
rect.ive a single vote from a Slave State. The movements too
now going forward in N. Y^ork, show the artful effort that is
made to enlist the Abolitionists in his support. The resolu
tions of John A. King in the Legislature of N. York, and
the decided tone of the Whig official journal at Albany, speak
a language AvhIch cannot deceive any Impartial citizen of the
South. What do they show, indeed, but a systematic and art
ful attempt to unite the Abolition Interest Avith the Whig
candidate, and turn the scale in N. York by the A'ote of this
fanatic crew? We have besides new indications from Ohio —
as appears by the foUoAving extract from the Columbus States
man, of tbe 10th inst. Read for yourself. Sir, and judge of
the spirit in which the Abolitionists are moving in that quar
ter. "Hon. Benj. Tappan — Abolition. — Every Democrat in the
State will read with unbounded admiration the speech of our
aged and venerable Senator, Benjamin Tappan, In our columns
to-dav. The Globe trulv savs that 'his views are remarkable
for their originality, and his style for Its condensation, sim
plicity, and clearness.' Our corre.spondents are highly compli
mentary, and from those two, vA'hose judgments are worth much
to the public- The Globe containing tbe speech arrived yester
day, and to-day the enquiry is generally — 'have you read
Judge Tappan's speech?' It has been the occasion of more
good fetillngs and compliments than any speech delivered re
cently, because it is on a subject of more than usual interest
at this time to the people of Ohio and of the Union, and in a
spirit of candor and cogency that carries couAdctlon to every
heart. — Let male and female — old and young, read and pon
der it — they avIII there find the true and sober advice of an
aged patriot and statesman. At this moment, while .Abolition
ism is rearing its haggard head aneAV under the auspices of

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 243
Gen. Harrison — and the base and dastardly coalition is daily
strengthening betAveen the two — ^while Abolition lecturers and
the Whig orators can scarcely be distinguished by the j)i.blic,
and the incendiary labors of the Iavo are. at work in aid of each
other — this speech — this noble stand of a statesman Avhose age
and talents, and long life of public service, gives weight to all he
utters, comes at this time upon the enemy like an avalanche.
burying the puny intrigues of Harrison and incendlarylsm in
one common grave together.
"Mr. Preston, who Avas so highly complimented by the last
State convention held here by the Federal party, we are proud
to see by his generous eulogies of Judge Tappan, has rebuked
most justly and severely the incendiary and abolition spirit of
his party that is noAv better knoAvn as the Abolitian party than
any other ; for It seems to be the only distinctive character they
now bear, as they have repudiated all other constitutional ques
tions as at direct issue.
"As a proof of what is going on in Ohio, we vrill state that
the Abolition papers, the Elyria Atlas — the Ncav Lisbon Au
rora — ^the Xenia Free Press, have all vrithln a few days hoisted
the Harrison flag, but omit the name of any Vice-President.
They dare not put up Tyler, but go the electoral ticket that will
vote for him.
"In addition to this, the Philanthropist of Cincinnati, of
the 4th Inst., has more than three columnsfor the purpose of
making Geri. Harrison Avhat he should be for tbe support of
the Abolitionists, and proving by Harrison's oavu showing that
he was an Abolitionist many years ago and belonged to a so
ciety as early as the 18th year of his age. The object of these
things cannot be mistaken. Let the friends of the Union there
fore be up and doing in time. This question must be met open
ly, firmly and vrithout delay."
I have before me, one of the papers named in this extract.
It is the Xenia Free Press of the 8th. It flies from its mast
head the flag of "Wm. H. Harrison." — It is an Abolition paper ;
and one of the first articles under the Editorial head, is a dis
sertation upon the "Harrison Meetings" in Ohio; among which,

244 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
is the meeting iu Geauga county; on AvhIch it comments in
I be following style :
"When the conflict between Masonry (and Anti-masonry was
at its highest pitch, Geauga county furnished oue of tbe strong
est and bravest regiments in the Anti-masonic army. In the
last battle fought In t.he county, Anti-masonry came off con
queror. — Abolition, too, another political heresy, in the esti
mation of some, is embraced by many of the citizens of Geauga
county. It Avas in that county that the State Ant-Slavery So
ciety held a meeting last fall which was very numerously at
tended. A knowledge of these facts Impressed us with the ap
prehension that a part at least, of the Harrlsburg nomination,
would not be acceptable to the citizens of Geauga county. But
AA-e are agreeably disappointed. We find on looking over the
names of the officers, the committees and the speakers of the
meeting, some of the most prominent names in the Anti-masonic
and Abolition ranks. At the head of the committee to prepare
an address to the people is L. S. Rice, editor of the Palnesville
Telegraph, formerly editor of the Ohio Star, among the first
aud most efficient of our Anti-masonic papers. Among the
speakers on the occasion was B. F. Wade, of Ashtabula county,
a name well knoAvn to Abolitionists."
Gen. Harrison is therefore made by the force of circum
stances, if not by his oavu revelations, the Abolition Candidate.
No Southern man ought to support him, unless his shirts are
cleared of this objection. Will you. Sir, or vrill your Whig
Convention, which is to assemble in this city, on the 24th,
assist us In obtaining from him the only inforaaatlon Avhich
can satisfy tho South? Will you ask from him the pledge,
tliat his Competitor has solemnly given? Will he pledge him
self to veto any bill in favor of the abolition of slavery which
may be presented to him for his signature? — Henceforth, I
say in the most unqualified manner, that the South should sup
port no Presidential candidate, who does not give an unequi
vocal pledge.
I will not complain of the injustice Avhich you have done

UnpublishM Letters of Thomas Ritchie 245
me — ^but certain it is, that I have never gone as far as your
Presidential Candidate ; nor even as far as yourself. I Avent
in 1832 for "doing something," but reprobated the manumis
sion of slaves, without the consent of the OAvner, or paying for
them. — On this subject, I shall be perfectly content for you to
dish up my articles, if you Avould only lend me the File of
the Whig to dish up your ovm. I ask no more, however, than
that you should dish up your praises of ^McDowell's Speech.
You ought to be the liest judge, Sir, of your own duties;
and In a case of fair dealing toAvards another, where you
have transgressed as much as the man whom you abuse, ''ihe
Patient ought to minister unto himself" — but I should think
Avith due respect, if yoa had told your readers, that you once
lavished your praises upon the very speech of McDowell, from
Avhich yon are noAv making such panic quotations, it would
have manifested a stronger disposition to do some justice to
him, if not to his friends, than the course of the Wliig has
displayed. I drop, hoAvever, this unprofitable contest, and re
main. Respectfully,
Y'our obedient servant,
Thomas Ritchie.

Thomas Ritchie to (  —  ?) 
Richmond, August, 30, 1841.
Sir, I pray you to accept my thanks for tbe slip you enclosed
me from the Boston Courier, and the comment you suggested.
I have adopted your suggestions, as my OAvn.
I forward you the original of the Marietta paper from which
I have made an extract in this morning's Enq. — It contains
the whole correspondence between Mr. Ewing & Mr. Baker.
Should Mr. Botts & Co. carry out their threats againsy Mr.
Tyler, I take it for granted, the Democrats of the H. R. will
be found rallying by you & Gilmer, &. in his defense. One of
them (as you vrill see by his quoted statement in to-day's

246 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
paper) has pledged himself to stand by Mr. Tyler. .Indeed I
presume there will be champions enough in the field to beat
bLLck the invaders. But you avIII find such, facts as are stated
in the Marietta paper of very important bearing in defining
.Mr. T's position & making his defence.
In connection, I beg leave to call your attention to the sin
gularly clear & able exposition I have copied from the Albany
Argus. I guess, that It bears the superscription of Mr. S.
Wright. I have not seen anything more satisfactory.
The article from the "Pennsylvanian" gives a fiscal project,
Avhich, it Is said, Mr. Tyler means to recommend at the ensu
ing session I take it for granted, it is the same scheme, which
ray correspondent from Washington (In a letter received this
morning) attributes to you & Gilmer & Mallory & Hunter,
viz. "The mints to be authorized to receive deposites, & to grant
certificates. Surplus amounts over 3/4 of Collector's bonds, to
be deposited In mints, or in 2 or 3 Agencies at other conven
ient points, the revenue to be collected in coin, certificates of
deposlte, Gov't dues, or notes of specie-paying Banks: — -the
Banks to be settled with weekly, and nothing but specie paid
out by the Government."
My correspondent writes me that this project avIU probably
be substituted at the present session. It would at least have
the advantage of showing that Mr. Tyler's friends are able
and AvIUIng to suggest some substitute for the Administration
of the finances, and to call the public attention to its considera
tion, and prepare the country for some action at the ensuing
session. I win dismiss all apprehension about Mr. Tyler's course
on any Bank bill, which may now be submitted by the Clay
Clique. I hope that he will prove himself Avorthy of the proud
State to AvhIch Ave belong. But If he does now knuckle to as
pirants & hotspurs, who are attempting to "head" him and to
"fasten" him by their Insidious deA'ices, then Indeed, is his
glory ecll])sed, tho reputation he has just Avon by his firmness
will be gone, and his political days Avill be numbered. As for

UnptMished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 247
the Democratic Party of this "unterrified Commonwealth",
they will blanch not and quail not. They wiU contend with
new & indomitable spirit under the banner which Mallor\- has
displayed. They will still "glory (with you) in the name of
Abstractionists, and confident of the issue, vrill appeal only to
the old Republicans to Rally."
I am advised by a correspondent that "Distrust" has been
pouring Its leprous distilment "AvIth no sparing hand" ; and
that rumor tells of one of the Senators of Virginia availing
himself of opportunities to infuse jealousy into the President's
ear, and urging on him the policy of compromising Avith the
Whigs. My correspondent adds that "Measures hav-e been taken
to disabuse the President's mind, and it is eridently proper
to assure him of what is the fact, that in sustaining with good
faith his old Republican principles, he may rely Avith perfect
confidence upon the defence and support of the Republican
Party." These assurances came Arith the greater force, be
cause they are disclosed to me, (w-Ithout the slightest expecta
tion that any echo from them should go back to Washington,)
by a man of the sternest stuff & of the staunchest principles,
in all the Virginia delegation.
I address you, Sir, this letter of "shreds and patches" in
great haste and without any preparation. May I conclude AvIth
asking you, in case I should be mistaken in Mr. Tyler's posi
tion, and he means to strike his colors to the Whigs, to drop
me one line to warn me of my mistake. This week is big with
weal or woe to my country. If I count too confidently on ilr.
Tyler's pertinacity, let me frankly know at once, and prepare
me for the worst. If there be a man in Congress Avho knoAvs
his thoughts, I am sure it must.be you. But do not think I
am "eavesdropping" or "dogging" you. If you are not at lib-
ert.y to tell me honorably what you know, I ask no reply.
Eespy. yours,
Thomas Ritchie.

248 Ra7idolph- Macon Historical Papers
Thomas Ritchie to Chakles CA.MnnELi,,
Richmond, April 6, 1842.
j\ly Dear Sir,
I take tho liberty of opening a correspondence with
you in these eventful times. "Centinel must answer to Centi-
nel," until the contest Is over. I wish for some information.
Can you give it to me? I have Avrlttcn to my friend Martin
to know how things are going iu Dinwiddle — for, we are told,
the Whigs are making a desperate push for that county. Can
you tell rae ho-w tbe land lies in Southampton — and ditto in
Nottoway. I have good accounts from the former — not so good
from the latter, that Is to say the Whigs are croAving about
NottOAvay. Please Avrite me how matters are going on in them
& other counties, from which you may have heard. Perhaps
]\lr. Garland can inform you about Dinwiddle — and Mr.
French about Southampton.
The Whigs are rallying upon the Distribution Fund, which is
but another name for an increased Tariff — and I am told they
liave come out In Petersburg for a Protective Tariff. I am
happy to see you hunting them upon that issue, with so much
spirit & success. I shall consult your columns upon that sub
ject with great interest, and uoav and then copy from you, when
I can find room, but we are really so much crowded that I
Avant space almost as much as I Avant money. We have much
to do before the 4th Thursday — -many humbngs to dissipate,
many insidious appeals to overthrOAV. I am giring up a large
portion of my paper to Distribution— that being the foundation
hope of the Whigs.
The Central Committee will make a final Address to the
People about Friday the 15th, which will give us time to reach
all the State.
So far as I am advised the prospects are cheering. I have
the strongest hope of our carry Albemarle, Hanover & Fairfax
¦ — the Senator in the Louisa District — besides saving Buck
ingham, Caroline, & the Senator In MattheAvs. I have no ac-

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 249
counts to rely on from Stafford or Essex. If Bird shall be
elected from K. & Queen, he is, as you will see from tomor
rows Enquirer, safe for us, against the Whigs. At all events
Ave must forbear, and not assist the policy of our xldvesarles.
HaA-e you any account from Norfolk County ?
I cannot doubt from what I hear, that our family quarrels
in the Botatort District avIU be made up. In a word, there
is nothing to damp, but e\ery thing to animate us. And there
is that in the late policy of the Whigs, their (  ) persever
ance in Distribution, their groAring attachment to the oppres
sive Tariff, &, &. Avhich is calculated to bind the masses to
our party and its principles.
I should not be surprised next to see them boldly coming out
for a general Assumption of the State Debts. This is the next
step in their vrild career. They wUl say "You (the people)
have accepted your share of the proceeds of the Public Lands —
but as it is now coming in too slowly by dribblets, and as we
do not want to force the lands into market, when they do not
sell well, we Arill create 100 millions of 3 per cent stock, and
distribute it among you, to do with as you please — ^this stock
to be based upon the public lands." Indeed, Sir, to tell you
the truth, I should be surprised at no act of infatuation, Avhich
some of the Federal Whigs may fall into. They seem either
not to understand our Institutions, or to disregard them.
I am sOrry to bore you with so hurried a Hyerogl.-^'phlcal
( — ¦-  ) as this (  -) and am
Respy. yours Tho.aias Ritchie.
Thomas Ritchie to Silas Weight.
Richmond, March 20, 1844.
My dear Sir,
At the hazard of being considered the greatest bore of
Christendom I send you the follovring extract of a letter I
received from Washington last night.
March 17 — "The Texas question is destined to succeed. I
think the treaty when made vrillcertainly be ratified. (  -)

250 Ra7idolph- Macon Historical Papers
ToraorroAV evening a decisive article will appear in the Globe.
Gen. Jackson is most heartily Avith us, and will go ihe whole.
He- Is the originator of this moveraent and vrill see it througli.
Unless forced to do so we must not make this a party question.
Unless there is great imprudence or folly, Van Buren Avill
be reelected, but If he goes against Texas (AvhIch I deem Im
possible) all Is gone."
I would send you the original, but it is marked "confiden
tial!" The Avriten is a member of Congress and a friend of
^Ir. Van Buren. Be so good as to consider its contents as con
fidential, vrith the reservation only, that if you think it best,
you may communicate them to Mr. V. B. I leave that disposi
tion of them to your OAvn discretion.
I do not vrish you to ansAver this letter. — I earnestly beg
you not. If you do I avIU not write you again. Y'^ou have
trouble enough to encounter.
Judge Daniel has favored me with a perusal of your cor
respondence about the Judgeship. I cannot forebear offering
you my heartfelt tribute of thanks for your conduct. Y'our ex
ample is so rare in this office-hunting and greedy age, that it
is honourable to you as It is extraordinary.
With best regards. Yours truly,
Thomas Ritchie.
Thomas Ritchie to Maetijt Vak Bueeit.
Richmond, May 5, 1844.
My dear Sir,
I have refrained from Avriting you a single letter, dur
ing the present campaign, and I deeply regret that the first
one I should have to write would be one, w-hich gives me as
much pain to write, as any which ever came from my pen,
I need not tell you Mr. Van Buren the feelings which I enter
tain toward you. Trusted at all times vrith a kindness, a lib
erality, and a distinction beyond my merits, I have conceived
a sentiment toward you, which partook not more of confidence
in you as a politician, than of attachment to you as a man.

Unpublished Letters of Thomas Ritchie 251

o>

t

I have recelA-ed from yuu a hundred evidences of good feelinj^
which have left a reciprocal Impression upon my heart. But
I Avill not dwell upon particulars, nor aa-IU I deal in any pro
fusion. Y'ou must knOAv me well enough to believe that unneces
sary. The last ten days have produced a. condition of political af
fairs, which I did not believe to be possible. I am compelled
to come to the conclusion that we cannot carry Virginia for
you. We have lost I now belieA'e the joint A'ote in the Legis
lature! We have ten majority in the Senate, it is true — but
in the H. of Delegates, Avhere we had a majority of 16 at the
last session, the Whigs have now a majority of 12. But I dc
not attach so much importance to this Revolution as some of
my friends. I have recovered from the tempoary panic which
is so natural vrith such circumstances. I assure you I do not
¦write you under the influence of any feelingj which might
cloud my judgment. But I write you under the effect of what
I have heard from my friends and what they Avrite me abou-,
our prospects in November next.- — Judge for yourself, Sir. —
H I did not know that you were a man of honor, I would not
put he enclosed letters in your hands. Read them, my dear Sir,
but don't preserve their names, take no copies of them, but
return me the originals. I Arill have no half confidence with
you. Some of them are my best friends. I trust them in your
hands,, for I know you vrill not abuse the confidence I am
now reposing in you. Read them and judge for yourself. I
am most anxious to spare your feelings, if I can, but I owe to
you, as my friend, as the friend of our great Principles, to
let you see what others have trusted to me, that you may de
termine for yourself.
Whom we can get to supply your place, I know not, if you
retire. You vrill see what my correspondents say upon that
point. I can only teU you, that Mr. Calhoun's friends solemnly
disclaim any vrish to run him — that I have solemnly pro
tested and will protest against any such idea, & that I
am actuated by no other motive imder Heaven, than a desire
to possess you of the Views which these letters express. It is

252 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
the same opinion, Avhich is entertained by gentlemen as staunch
republicans as any In the state, Avho are around me, Avho have
been late and are your personal and political friends.
I have made a very fcAV memoranda of some of the letters, to
( x[)luin the location aud character of the writers. Those marked
A. came to me this morning.
It would be most desirable to stop as soon as possible the
jarrings which are going on at Washington. If they go on a
few days longer they Avill break up our party, and insure be
yond the probability of a doubt the triumphant election of the
most profligate politician perhaps in our country. Is It not
surprising as Avell as distressing to see our worthy and distin
guished friends at Washington wrangling Avith each other, at
a time like this, Avben Ave have been beaten In Virginia, and
Avhen the insulting spectacle of so many thousands at Balti
more has just passed before us. They met together to band
together Avith bands of iron, this strong party in favor of this
strong and reckless man, and then our oAvn friends at Washing
ton Avrangling with each other, and weakening our strength and
depressing our hopes at a time like this ?
God forbid ! my dear Sir, that I should pretend to dictate
to your superior judgment, or even to advise you.
I can truly say that I had set my heart upon nothing more
sincerely than to see you re-elected, and through you our
Avronged party too righted, and if you should become the
nominee of our party, I will do all I can for you and against
H. Clay
I see some scrlbler has Avritten from Washington to the
N. Y. Herald, declaring my opinion that you must be dropped.
It was, I iiresume from a very hasty letter written by me to
Gen. Chapman, who asked about the state of our elections- My
friend Chapman 1 suppose, spoke of the letter Avhich "I have
saw", but AvhIch rumor has idly made more of than it ex
pressed. I ask and desire no ansAver to this hasty letter.
Yours with great respect,
Thomas Ritchie.

LETTER OF JOHN BROCKENBROUGH TO
ANDREW STEVENSON. Richmond, April, 5, 1834.
My dear Sir,
I have not bad the pleasure to hear from you since I
last wrote to you. I have no personal acquaintance with ilr.
Taney nor vrith any members of the finance coiUinltees of the
two houses & therefore take leave, through you, to offer a sug
gestion AA-hich if acted on by Congress aauU be usefull. Specie is
flowing rapidly into the Cotmtry in the form of Mexican dol-
lai's, but they are not hoav a legal tender as "Spanished milled
dollars" are. From the prepossessions abroad the latter bear a
small premium here for exportation, while they are not in
trinsically worth more (if so much) as the Mexican dollars-
Thus while our gold coins and Spanish milled dollars are leav
ing the Country Ave have little else of legal money to circulate
than our oavu half-dollars, which are not sufficient for the de
mands of the country. Why not then make Mexican dollars a
legal tender for a limited period ? I have compared them with
the S. milled dollars and find them rather heavier, & from
the very imperfect assay I have been enabled to make, I think
them at least as pure as to the metal. When the Bank of the
U. States begins (which assuredly will be ere long) to de
mand specie of the State Banks, it avIII refuse to receive the
Mexican Dollars in payment & we shall be in a dilemma, from
¦which Ave might be relieved by a A'ery short act of Congress.
We are recelring specie from N. Orleans and have the offer of
abundance of It from France in the shape of Mexican dollars
& five Franc pieces, either of which is (-  ¦  ) by laAV.
Do then, I pray you, contrive to have this little affair car
ried into operation to protect us from the deadly grasp of the
Bank of the U- States. The mint can ascertain & fix the value
of these foreign coins, & surely the government is bound to

254 Ra7idolph- Macon Historical Papers
facilitate In every Avay It can the metallic medium by making
the circulation of them legal, until the mint can fui-nish an
ample supply of our OAvn coins. Why the relative value of
gold has not been increased I cannot undei-stand. That must
be done before the circulation of small Bank notes can be dis
pensed Avith.
We are in a state of inexpressable anxIetA' about the result
of the elections uoav going on. There avIU be a large majority
of anti-bank men elected, but I fear tbe NuUifiers and Clayltes
combined will also make a majority. It seems impossible to
work up our party to the point of laying aside their little
local concerns & often by that meaiis one of tho enemy Avill
get In. Sometimes, too, there Is more than one candidate on
our side, Avhen the opposition men always combine on one only.
I write in haste & am  — — truly,
JoHjr Beockenbsou&h.
P. S. Can't the Treasury give us a little help at Norfolk?
The U. S. office there is very ill natured tOAvards our ofiice.
Elsewhere we do A'ery well. We had to pay off the crew of the
John .Adams In specie & the U. S. office chuckled very much
at it & seems detrrained to pinch our office as much as possible
by collecting all tlie notes it can get from all quarters.

LETTER OF C. W. GOOCH TO PRESIDENT
VAN BUREN, 1835.
(Confidential)
My dear Sir,
I belieA'e that the great Majority of the people of this
State are firmly attached to the person and policy of the Presi
dent. But the Aristocracy, both of Birth and of ^Money hate
him and yourself AvIth a rancour, of which you can form no
idea. They even extend this feeling to your friends. They
have made violent efforts and are preparing to make still
stronger attempts to put us all dovA'n. No art, no intrigue,
no deception, no slander vv-IU be unemployed. Such efforts
have already produced surprising charges. The election of Mr.
Tazewell, a.NullIfier, and all his life, a fishy politician; the
doings of our legislature ; the efforts to ferment the public mind
and procure the committal of prominent men, in different parts
of the State, will give you some idea of what may be looked
for. With these appearances I am greatly dissatisfied — and
I must confess, that I attribute no small share of the blame to
our friend Ritchie. The President has nobly done every thing
in his power to sustain the principles of the Jeffersonian
School; risking his glory and his laurels in the good cause.
Yet, the Enquirer has thrown cold water on every prominent
and efficient measure of the Administration; Its demits, dif
ficulties and conscientious objections' have proven more in
jurious than all the abuse and slang-whanging of all the opposi
tion presses put together. I see Mr. R. but seldom — ^when I do,
my remonstrances have a temporary effect. But you know that
he has no knoAvledge of men and has been crowded AvIth busi
ness and family arrangements. I quit the paper as soon as
Gen. Jackson's first election was known; because I was worn
doAvn with mental and bodily exertion, and had no hope of
getting credit for mv labors, or of getting along harmoniously.
When ^Ir. R. found that I was positlA'ely determined to leave

256 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
the paper, he proposed, in AvritIng, to surrender the absolute
Control and management of the Editorial department to me.
NoAv as events have turned up, I am sorry that I quit. I Avas
prompted to it, as Avell by the independence of my pecuniary eir-
eumstances, as by that of my mind and sentiments. Still I erred !
The Republican ])arty has been doubled into fragments, and
tbe free principles I so much admire, are becoming a Sacrifice
to the Cabals of tAA-o Catalines, Iavo Antipodes-— Clay and Cal
houn. And, for myself, In addition to the proscription & perse
cution which have hunted me, and villlfied me in the obsurlty
of retirement — I had the misfortune to think that there was
some priticiple in the Old- World — that after the late French
Revolution, a general war must take place— and, under this
conviction, I was induced to embark AvIth a mercantile gentle
man in a flour Speculation, by AvhIch I have lost a considerable
sum, and brought on my head a debt, for which I must sell
property. I dislike the loss, it is true. Perhaps it may benefit
me by compelling the sale of one of my five little farms, and
putting me to industry again. But, if I had been otherwise
employed, I should have "Kept to my last". I am now dis
posed to retrieve this loss by hard work, and steady persever-
ence. I fear, my dear Sir, that this letter of "Egoism" wIU be
tedious,, if not disgnsting to you. But, it is proper that you
should see the udrole ground of my action. The life I lead is
too lazy; though I spend more of my time in writing than in
any other way. I find myself wedded to polltlks more than to
my farms, two of AvhIch I have not seen for seven years, tho'
within one day's travel.
I have been to Mr. Ritchie and his family— a friend— &
brother — -a child — a Father— -a. Benefactor. He knows It — he
feels it ! On several occasions I have had the bread of his five
children In my hands! During the Session of our Convention,
tbe whole of Eastern Virginia (including some of his nearest
relations,) wei'e exasperated at his course. They were deter
mined to destroy him & his press — ^Deputies from many coun
ties came to Richmond ; the Members of the Convention and of

Letter of C. W. Gooch to Pres. Van Buren 257
the Legislature and others had Meetings or Caucuses — they
understood one another — and appointed a large Committee of
Ma-nagernent to get up a press they could support. That Com
mittee had several meetings to select an Editor. My name was
promptly brought forward; but two personal friends told the
Meeting that they would vouch for my declining any offer they
could make; that I stood peculiarly related to the Enquirer;
the Editor of that paper was my friend, and owed me $10,000.
{which he has since paid) for my interest In the paper — that
independent as I Avas, and this debt over Mr. R.'s head & niy
intlmacy & good feeling with him & his family, it was impos
sible for me to think of the proposition ; and, the more especial
ly, since I had quitted the paper but a short time Ik. could take
it back & control it, if I thought proper. They then looked out
for another; but they could not agree upon any man; and
insisted that my friends should make the proposition, and as
sure me that within ten days, $10,000 should be paid to me
in money, the price for 2000 subscriptions; that they would
contribute originai matter and make such exertions as should
insure unprecedent success to the paper. These propositions
were accordingly submitted to me. I could give but one answer.
No. But seeing the course things must take in the Convention,
and that the excitement about the white-iasis would soon sub
side, I gladly seized the opportunity of preventing the enlist
ment & pledged devotion of more than half the State, in a
crusade against the Enquirer, and the more especially Avhen
I saw that Calhounism was the next great object of the leaders
in this business. Under tJisse circumstances, I asked 8 or 10
days to think of the matter & make my decision ; going, at
once to Mr. Ritchie & telling him to quiet his alarms, re
peating all the circumstances (but names) and informing him
what was my predetermined decision, & my motives for delay.
Mr. R. was truly alarmed, but my frank declarations trans
formed him into a moving shadoAv over the room. His tears
vritnessed the sincerity of his declaration when he said if I
would not embark in such a scheme, he defied any other man.
It was a critical time in the fortunes of his paper. The eighth

258 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
or ninth day after, when Gordon's compromise had been adopted
in tbe Convention, and the minds of men had been freed of
an excitement of which I partook like others, since my property
was likely to be taxed by men Avho bad no property, etc —
Avhen I saAv the calm so rapidly succeeding the tempest, I made
my decision in form, and communicated with the Committee.
I protested against throwing the Enquirer Overboard, be
cause Mr. Ritchie was in favor of the white basis ; that it was a
paper more devoted to federal politics than any thing else;
that upon almost every other point tliad far he had gone with
lower Virginia — that the Convention would soon adjoin with
a Constitution which the people AA'ould ratify, & we should be
throAvn bacl< upon federal polltlks In all our political move
ments — ^and that in these respects I was not aAvare of any
difference In mine and Mr- R.'s opinions. I explained the
personal relationship and connection between us, & the im
propriety at that time of my setting up a neAv paper. But, that
Avhenever Mr. Ritchie did not support the Administration of
Gen. Jackson as he ought; Avhenever he showed a leaning to
either Clay or Calhoun, or to their opposite policies, then I
Avould embark under such flattering offers, and apply myself
again to Avhat I knew to be the most slavish, the most disagree
able nay, revolting employment. The Managers In this Matter,
including my personal friends, were then Covertly and are
now ardent Calhoun Men & NuUifiers. To such men my an
swer was decisive. In the meantime, the friends of the Admin
istration had, become satisfied with the Compromise in the Con
vention, & their ardour for a neAV paper had cooled down. As
yon may suppose, the subject was dropped for a time. I had
anticipated this result. The little Calhoun party, however, be
ing thus foiled railed after a while upon their own supposed
strength, and set up the Jeffersonian Republican; which found
a circulation only on the south side of James River & in some
of the Calhoun States. It proved a losing business, tho' It
struggled on until this winter when the Coalition between Clay
& Calhoun caused its amalgamation vrith the Whig. The hos
tility to tbe Enquirer has been kept up, and has Increased so

Letter of C. W. Gooch to Pres. Van Buren 259
much that ilr. R. Avas near being ousted as public printer.
His enemies are confident of success at the next Session, & I
fear will succeed. Many of the cordial friends of the Adminis
tration voted against bim on account of the milk & water course
he pursues. He was, in fact only saved by the Clay men and
old federalists who are afraid of Nullification.
I fear that I have tired you by this long letter about myself-
•I have Avritten with absolute unreserve & Avith tlie utmost con-
fi'dence that you will understand and appreciate my motlA-es;
and that after reading this letter Ijurn it. I do think that
something is necessarv' to be done to save Virginia from falling
into the pit, cunningly prepared for her by a body of double
faced politicians. You know the intercourse which all public
officers are obliged to have with the people, and the facilities
they enjoy to impart their own political sentiments. With but
one or two exceptions all the federal and state officers among
ns are in deadly hostility to the President & yourself — tho'
your principles accord vrith those they profess to maintain.
This is an uphill sort of business I assure you ; and, the more
especially, as we have no press that takes what. In my opinion,
is the proper course. Under these circumstances what is to be
done? I am willing to put my shoulder to the wheel in some
way or other. But how? Essays in the press do good, and I
shall not abandon their employment. To establish a new paper
under the Union flag, exceeds my means; brings us in con
flict with the Enquirer, Avhich not baring committed itself,
may be lost ; and its acknoAvledged character and influence ; its
circulation of about 4000 sheets throughout the whole Union,
and its ample resources, would make the loss most sensibly
felt. Perhaps, no talent or industry could repair it, so far as
Virginia is concerned. My embarrassments prevent me from
purchasing back an interest in that paper, and thereby, secur
ing to myself its control. If there were a vacancy in the office
of Collector or Post-Master in Richmond, I should present my
name to the President to fill it, under an expectation that its
income would support my family; and that my constant pres
ence in Richmond, and association with Mr. E. would, Arith

260 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
some eftort, answer the same purpose. Tho' not included in
Mr. R.'s protestations against taking office, I have not asked
patronage from the Government; for until now, my circum
stances Avould have justified my waiving its voluntary tender,
in favor of thoae, capable & deserving. The hypothesis here
suggested Avould be subject to the objection that Richmond is
decidedly in the opposition. My policies upon cA'ery other sub
ject except the late State Convention, haA-e been opposed to
those of Its most influential citizens, and to a majority of the
Avhole- Nor do I knoAV by Avhich party, the Clayites or the Cal-
hounites, I am most cordially hated. The many close & severe
examinations AvhIch I have made thro' the press, of the pre
tentions and. conduct of these desperate men, will never be
forgiven. Their malignity has, hitherto, but given new vigor to
my pen. Nor, in any event, should I regard it other than as a
complimentory testimonial in my favor. The reason why a
majority of the people In Rlclimond are so prejudiced Is, that
all the influence of office, & nearly all the prominent talent of
the place have been zealously employed to produce this result.
Mr. Daniel, is perhaps the only prominent man who speaks his
mind freely or takes any pains to put things in their proper
light; and he Is too much employed to mix enough with the
people. In our legislature, tbe weight of talent is against us ; and as
to management our friends have none of it. Witness the pro
ceedings on several subjects. The least tact, the least con
cert, llie expression of an independent opinion from the press,
editorially, would have saved us the mortification of having
ilr. TazeAvell saddled upon us for three years. He has been a
federalist in truth all his life — is a NuUifier — and indulges
himself In giving expression to the most violent feelings of
hostility to the Administration. He has a reputation for talent
& purity AvhIch I really do not think he possesses so pre-emi
nently over other men; all of which will be exerted in doing
Mischief. That be will be successful to much extent, you can
but anticipate.
Now, my good Sir, how are all these consequences to be
avoided. Are Ave to make no exertions to ward them off? I

Letter of C. W. Gooch to Pres. Van Buren 261
am sure that the luke-Avarm & the equivocating are against us.
Look at our friend Archer! In the Baltimore Convention I
saw which road he Avas destined to take, if the President re
fused to send him to England, on Avhich he set his heart: and
my opinion was confirmed Avben I got to Washington and saw
his fiiAvning, his choaking anxiety, & that Stevenson was his
competitor. The latter gentleman, entre nous, does not possess
in my opinion, either more sincerity or constancy than any-
other man in the A\-orld. He Avas near bolting because he
was not put into the first Cabinet; but when that exploded &
a new one Avas cast, he Avas outrageous at his exclusion, and
talked to me hours about Virginia principles & the necessity
for a representative of them in the Cabinet. I put down most
of it to his vanity, by which he may be led anywhere, notwith
standing his mother wit, & IntuItlA'e shrewdness. He has, by
his Mustering manners; his apparent frankness & independ
ence, and misrture Arith mankind as a deputy County Court
Clerk, lawyer, ^lember of Assembly & of Congress & speaker
of both, acquired great knowledge of' mankind, as Avell as of
the facilities of getting over difficulties, and glossing over what
he is not prepared to discuss or explain. He has some influence
in this State; but ranch less than is supposed. After all, he
has many good qualities— and if you do not mortify his vanity,
is a useful man in whatever cause he embarks. Great efforts
were made to turn him out of Congress, and it required equal
efforts to prevent it, and show our strength in this District.
If Mr. S- goes to Loudon, we must send" W. H. Roane, whom
we can elect by hard work against Richmond, New .Kent, & Ch.
City (I mean by we, Henrico & Hanover) He rather a non
descript, tho' a good Democrat, and not the first choice of
many who will vote for him & like him very well.
I have concluded to send this letter sealed to our friend Mr.
Cambreling, thro* whom it vrill reach your hands; (and to
whom, if there be any proprietory in doing so you, may show
it before you bum it.) Some friendly as well as political cor
respondence has taken place between Mr. C. & myself — any
thing you may think proper to say, in reply, for obvious rea
sons had better come under his envelope, or from his pen.

262 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
It is necessary to begin to look ahead, if we have confidence
in our ability to dispense with the Golden Collar of the Bank
of thc [j. S- Perhaps, there may be no impropriety in your
writing yourself, when I assure you that the same destination
Arill be given to your letter that is asked for this — accident
may throw a frank communication like mine into hostile hands,
when tliere is nothing in It I Avould not avow, if proper to do
so. Still I Avould not have 7ny opinions of our friends Archer
and StCA-enson, unnecessarily made known, either to them
selves or the public — nor would I AvIsh all thc facts stated
to you in relation to Mr. Ritchie or even myself, made known,
or hazarded to be seen. Not, that any are untrue or unjust —
but because it might be fuel for the smallest spark of fire.
My correspondence my every movement Is watched. With my
friend Jno Campbell, as you know there has always existed,
for 20 years, a familiar intercourse. We have roomed & slept
together — and have been, friends ever since our first meeting.
I could give you his portrattire vrithout a failure. But he is so
timid, and so easily turned about by grandees that I had rather
not commune with him as my heart dictates- I have written
him some letters lately in the kind spirit which I feel for him,
and would noAv send this thro' hira, but for reasons. He is a
gentleman and a man of honor that I shall ahvays love; but
he lives, I fear, Avith Archer yet, from whom we have nothing
to expect but concentrated bitterness and unrelenting opposi
tion — and who gets from Colo. C. in despite of himself every
thing that he knoAA's. I trust there is a change In this respect.
A's opposition to the Administration avIU I hope break the con
nection. If so, well and good — I know It not, & do not run the
risk. I have not seen l[r. Ritchie for more than a month. (*)
it has been 18 days since I was in Richmond, liA'Ing 4 or s (*)
off only — BelieA'e nothing that my enemies say of me, and be
assured of my friendly regards.
C. W. GoocH.
I have no time to revise & correct this hasty & frank letter—^
and trust you vrill find out the omissions of idea or of language.
(?-Words torn out.)

AN ADDRESS TO THE DEMOCRATS OF
VIRGINIA, 1840.
To The People of Vieginia.^
A feAV words, felloAV-citizens, we beg leave to lay before
you on the eve of this important election! The argument is
nearlj' exhausted, and it Is almost time to act. It is scarcely
necessary for us, at this eleventh hour, to enter into the merits
of the controversy before you. The principles of the two parties,
the qualifications of the two candidates, the abominable ex
pedients and humbugs of the Whigs haA-e been spread before
you in every variety of form. The Address of the Richmond
Convention of February, and the Address of the Charlottes
ville Convention of September, have touched all the great Issues
of the subject, and superceded the necessity of any elaborate
appeal, from our Central Committee.
You hav-e now to choose betAveen Martin VanBuren and Wm.
H. Harrison. Can any staunch Republican of the Virginia
State Rights' School hesitate in his choice! Gen. Harrison is
indebted for his nomination, not to the soundness of his politi
cal principles, but to very different considerations. He was
selected on account of som.e military eclat, Avhich Avas supposed
to encircle his name ; and by the A'ery party, who had denounced
the elevation of a Military Chieftain, as worse than "war,
pestilence and famine." He was originally nominated in '36,
by the anti-Masons, whose support he did. not hesitate to seek
by pledges indirectly given against the Masons. He Avas nom
inated at Harrlsburg in December last, by the casting vote
and the decided influence of the Abolitionists. Their motley
ranks have been swelled by every man, who hated the adminis
tration of Martin VanBuren ; who desires a National Bank a
Protective Tariff, a vrild system of International ImproA'ements,
the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands; by the
Federalists, who wishes to enlarge the powers of tbe General
Government, by a latitudinous construction of the Constltu-

lA&dress of the Democratic Central Committee to the Voters of Vir
ginia, written by Thomas Rltclile.

264 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
tion ; by ambitious men, Avho would gratify their political as
pirations by a change of tbe administration; by tbe friends of
embarrassed banks; and by men, who seek to repair their for
tunes, by a neAV extension of a swolen credit system. On no
one great Constitutional question Is General Harrison to be
found Avitb the Virginia SchooL He is a Latltudlnaiian in
tbe construction of the Constitution. He approved of the
Proclaniation, before it was explained by General Jackson;
and adopted Mr. Webster's speech upon it, as the most "satis
factory exposition of the principles of the Govern.ment." He
Avill veto no bill for the establishment of a National Bank—
and be is the candidate of the Bank men. — The Tariff men
looked to him for protection. The friends of Internal Improve
ments looked to him for appropriations. The Clay men turned
to him for a distribution of the proceeds of the public lands-
Tlie advocates of Assumption expect countenance, if not co^
operation. What is still worse, he is the candidate of the Aboli
tionists. His elevation will expand that dark cloud, which now
threatenes the South. Not only has he avowed his anxiety to
appropriate every cent of your surplus revenue to the purchase
and eraancipatlon of the slaves ; but bis Northern Whig friends
are tactitly leagued with the Abolitionists. In Congress they
have voted for tbe right of petition. In their State councils,
they have lent "aid and countenance to the enemy." The dan
ger is growing upon us- Their number is increasing; and their
operations are extending to the World's Convention In London.
Do Ave not see more of their friends return to Congress ? Can
Ave be blind to the succor, Avhich they are giving to General
Harrison in Ohio, and Ncav Y^ork, and all the Northern States?
If elected at all, he will be indebted for his success to i\\o.
.Abolitionists of New York and Ohio; and his elevation will
become fhe signal of more extended operations. Petitions avIU
be poured upon Congress, for the emancipation of the slaA'e-i
in tbe District of Columbia. The torrent of Debate vrill con
tinue to be rolled on — More and more agitation vrill be pro-
dnopd ; until the North and South vrill become more and more
excited ; more and raore alienated from each other— -and the

An Address to the Democrats of Virginia, 1840 265
Union itself will be exposed to the dangt-r of dissolution. Such
are the consequences, which tbrfaten us from the election of
Gen. Harrison. On tbe other hand, !Mr. VanBuren has always
been charaererized as "the Northern man with Southern feel
ings." He is a friend of a strict construction of the Consti
tution. He is opposed to an enlargement of the powers of tbe
General Government; and he is, therefore, necessarily opposed
to an increase of the Executive power. — No man has expressed
a more "decided approbation of the doctrines of Virginia"
than he has — ^no one has expressed a stronger "conviction of
the benefits," (to use his oAvn words,) which have been derived
from their influence; of the extent to which the future opera
tions of our political institutions are dependent upon the con
tinued respect and confldence in them, as well as (his) un
feigned admiration of the unsurpassed disinterestedness and
inflexible fidelity, vrith which these doctrines -haA'e, through
eril and through good report, been sustained by that truly pa
triotic member of the Confederacy." He is solemnly pledged to
veto a National Bank — as well as any bill, which touches the
subject of slavery, let it approach us in any form it may as
sume. He has declared himself in his recent letter to t'ne Whigs
of Duchess county, to be in favor of the course pursued by
Congress, in putting all petitions to sleep, Avhich relate even
to the Di.-trict of Columbia, or tbe Territoiie.^ of the I". S. Len
der his auspices, therefore, we are safe from all debate, all
agitation of the subject, in the National Councils.
Can you then, as friends of the Virginia State Rights
School, hesitate in yonr choice between these iavo candidates?
Can the friends of Southern Institutions be so infatuated as to
prefer Harrison to VanBuren? The election of Harrison im
parts new poAver and confidence to the fell spirits of Abolition
ism — ^whilst it .shakes our "natural allies, the Democracy of
the North." How could you expect them to stand by you, when
vou do not stand by them; nor even by yourselves?
We appeal, therefore, to all your interests and to all your
principles. Y''ou have a safe and able Chief Magistrate in
Martin VanBuren. He is "honest, capable and faithful to

266 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
tbe Constitution." Undei' his auspices, the rights of the. States
and of the People Avould be best secured against the encroach
ments of tbe Frederal Government. No National Bank, no
Protective Tariff, no wild system of International ImproA-e
ments, no distribution of the proceeds of the Public Lands, aud
consequently no necessity to raise higher duties or resort to
loans to supply the deficiency. His influence Avould rebuke the
efforts of Abolitionism, whilst it strengthens our legitimate
friends In the Northern States. He Avould adralnuster the
Government by the force of his own understanding, and the
lights of bis own experience. But very different would be the
issue, under General Harrison's auspices. His OAvn want of
quailfieatlon would subject him to the authority of superior
minds. Daniel Webster and Henry Clay Avould become the
lords of the ascendant. These ultra Federal principles would
control the measures of his Administration. The powers of the
Federal Government would be enlarged, and every new power
would necessarily sAvell the volume of the Executive influence.
An immediate attempt Avould be made to establish a Mammoth
Bank of the United States — affecting the politics and markets
of the whole country — and centralizing in the North the
monied power of the L^nion. The Tariff would be expanded.
But Ave forbear to enlarge further upon these gloomy, yet
rational anticipations. The details are revolting to our feel
ings, and to all our principles. — The most significant fore
runner of all these consequencles is to be found in the late
visit of D. Webster to your metropolis. luA'ited as he was, to
preach politics from the portico of your Capitol, you may see
in his advent the certain sign of the coalition between the
Federalists of Massachusetts and the Whigs of Virginia. It
shadows forth his position in the coming Cabinet; and all the
portentious measures, which his dark genius is destined to
bring upon you; All his votes in opposition to the resolutions
of Mr, Calhoun in '38, distinctly point out to you, the flood
of petitions and the flame of agitations AvIth which your rights
and institutions are incessantly to be assailed.
We address your understandings alone. The friends of Mr.

An Address to the Democrats of Virginia, 1S40 267
VanBuren have scoi-ned all the arts and devices of the opposi
tion. They have spurned every appeal to the senses or the
passions. They have enlisted no splendid pageants or log cabins ;
no such phantoms as have been raised about a standing army,
or the Hoo case, or the census and direct tax. Tbe Whigs as
well as their candidate have shrunk from the exposition of their
creed; whilst the Republicans have boldly proclaimed their
principles in the face of the nation. Judge ye between them!
We would warn you Virginians, against the extravagant
vaunts of the Whigs. If you believe them, the battle has al
ready been fought and won. But believe them not. We have
just carried the Keystone State by a vote of 7,000. James
Buchanan writes on the 19th, that "we have carried the State
by a triumphant majority of the Popular vote." The most
authentic account represents her to be perfectly safe for Mr.
Van Buren on Friday next. As Mr. Buchanan says, "we can
not then be defeated unless New York should abandon her own
able, pure and illustrious Democratic Son." But Avho can
believe her capable of such gi'oss infatuations? Will she be
insensible to every motive which appeals to her pride, her
principles or her patriotism ? — But, in addition to these allies,
we look to S. Carolina, to Tennessee, to Alabama and Missis
sippi, to Arkansas and Missouri, to Illinois, to New Hampshire
and to jMalne, (aye, to Maine, roused up and renovated and
disenthralled from her temporary disaster.) Shall we ever
despair of N. Carolina and Georgia, and- Maryland ? No —
we never yield an inch of Southern ground to the very last
moment. We shall never believe till the last bugle has sounded,
that a single Southern slaveholding State has surrendered her
Institutions to the gripe of the enemy.
Onward, then, feUow-citizens, is the watchword. — The pros
pect is bright before us. Let us unite vrith the Keyscone
State, and the Empire State, in order to save the principles
of the Republican Party, by re-electing Mr. VanBuren. De3pi.se
the idle and habitual deceptions of the Whigs- They are in-
sidiouslv attempting to paralyze your exertions, and to keep
you from the polls. The expedient is only worthy of the tac-

268 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
tics AvhIch has distinguished them during this whole campaign.
Despise their braggadocias as well as their threats. The elecr
tion of Martin ^'auBnren hangs upon the A'ote of Virginia —
Can you refuse to give him that vote ? — But even if all our
sister States were to desert us at this crisis, the necessity for
your oAvn exertion would be the greater; your victory would
be tbe brighter; your future destiny Avould be the more glor
ious. What rational politician can expect any good from the
Federal Dynasty ? Who can expect any useful fruit from such
a tree? "Do men gather grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles?"
It is the Upas tree, which promises us nothing but poison.
Come, then, to the rescue, felloAV-cItizens — and ev-cn if you
Avcre.to stand alone, stand alone in vindicating your principle.s.
To you would have to be committed the consecrated standard
of '99. Virginia, which saved the country' from I'ederal mis
rule in 1800 — 'and Avhieh has since preserved our principles,
Avould again become the flag-ship of the Republican party. Who
Avould aspire to a higher distinction?
But as Ave tell you, felloAV-cItizens, that with the aid of
your vote Mr. VanBuren may be re-elected; that as Peimsyl-
vania is safe, N. York vrill probably be with her ; so it becomes
our duty to Avarn them against the deceptions Avhich may be
practiced upon them. We, therefore, tell Pennsylvania, N.
Y'ork, not to fear Virginia, With your aid, Ave shall carry this
State by a majority of several thousands. According to the
estimate of the Charlottesville Convention in September last,
the Republican ticket would have near 6,000 majority. Not
withstanding the ridiculous calculations of the late Whig Con-
A-entlon, Ave are satisfied that Ave shall triumphantly carry the
State on the 2ud of November. All our accounts fmm the
country are of the most cheering description. Every day is
adding to tbe ranks of the Democracy. The designs of thc
Whigs are becoming better understood. Their expedients more
detested — tbe hopes of the Abolitionists more alarming — Their
union Avith the Noithern Whigs more distinctly unmasked. All
tbe reports of onr Committees In the several counties are cal
culated to encourage us. All onr letters promise ns the most

A71 Address to the De7nocrals of Virginia, 1840 269
auspicious results. Take one evidence only of the deceptions
estimate of the Whig Convention.— They allow us only a ma
jority of 500 in the Southwestern District. We liad on Thurs
day last the auth-oriiy of a gentleman Avho has just traversed
the Avhole of that region, that "All is Avell in Hopkln's District
— we should receive there a majority of from 1800 to 2000,
exceeding our moderate estimate at Charlottesville by G to SOU
votes. But still mo^el The Convention of Delegates which met
at Abingdon on tbe 16th inst. made an estimate for themseh'es,
and it "gives VanBuren upwards of 1800 majority in tbe Dis
trict." To the Polls, then I To the Polls ! FrovAm doAvn these Fed
eral politicians, and these pestilent Fanatics. The eyes of the
whole Union are now fixed upon you. Virginia may be the
battle ground on which the whole campaign Is to be decided.
But triumph we certainly shall, if the Republicans will do
their duty. Go forth, then, and let us- have a fair decision by
the People. — But no decision can be fair, unless the vote be a
full one; and fraud be banished from the polls; Let the ex
ample of Pennsyhanla and Ncav Jersey, during the last year —
let the complaints in Ohio about, the spurious votes, Avhich
have been poured In upon her at the late election — ^let the
developments which are at this moment breaking out in New
York, of near $50,000 being paid for inundating her vrith
1600 A-otes at $30 a head, from Philadelphia, to carry her
election In '38 — let every consideration, which can address
itself to our principles or our prudence, move us to watch every
abuse of the right of suffrage. — ^Be not too sanguine, lest you
become supine — ^but let every man of you go to the polls- Was
there ever a time when Virginia should more anxiously call
upon every Republican to do his duty, and to give one day to
the republic ? We call especially upon all our County Commit
tees to be at their posts. The opposition is well organized. We
must be so likeArise. Distribute your tickets in due season —
remember that the name of James Gibson of Hampshire has
just been substituted for that of HIeronie L. Opie, of the 15th
District on the Electoral Ticket: Remember the 2nd day of

270 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
November Is the day of Election. Remember, too, that every
man's vote In Virginia counts alike, whether he be on the
shores of the Atlantic, or beyond the ilountains. The election
is decided by tbe m-ajority In the whole State, and not in any
one county. Every vote may be important. — We have put the
case fairly before you — and you must noAV decide. In the
namo of Old Virginia, of all her dearest principles; of all the
Institutions of the South, and by your regard to the Union it
self, Ave call upon every man to do his duty. Go forth, and
strike a bloAV for your country. We have done our duty. Fel-
loAv-citizens the decision rests Avith you.
Thomas Ritchie,
Secretary to the Democratic Central Committee.
Richmond, Oct. 24, 1840,

EDITORIAL IN THE RICHMOND ENQUIRER,
FRIDAY, AUGUST 12, 1842.

Written by Thomas Eitchie-

MOEE MlSEEPEESEUTATIONS !
The Creature's at his dirty vjork again — Pope.
It is in vain to tutor the "passion's slave," that rules the
brazen Tripod of the Eichraond Whig. Though his incessant
violent attacks upon the members of the Democratic party,
and ourselves among the rest, have been shown to be as empty
as the air, he still returns to the "dirty work," in hopes that
he may thereby help along his Idol, Henry Clay, whose motley
livery he Avears, and Avhose every word falls like inspiration
upon the greedy ears of this truly independent and dignified
Editor. He has recently, from sheer malice, or, perhaps, from
an lago like desire to produce a breach between our friends,
(instead of manfully attacking and confuting the great doc
trines of the Republican party.) invented a senseless story of
our being hostile to Mr. Calhoun. He impudently asserts, that
he knows how bitterly the Editor of the Enquirer hates Mr.
C. and hoAv falsely he Is dealing Arith his friends. Those who
knoAv us, and haA'e observed the constant misrepresentations of
the Whig, AA'hich we have met and sometimes condescended to
refute as soon as uttered, will scarcely think it necessary for
us to repel this rile charge — but we desire to stand rectus in
curia. We, therefore, shall, in the first place, deny the truth of
his statement in CA-ery particular ; and, as he "knows" the facts
so positively, we call upon him to publish the evidences on
which this knowledge is based — and the channels through which
he obtained the evidence. He has made the charge openly and
without qualification. We deny it most proudly — ^the issue
is before the X'^'^^ic- Tet him produce his proof — or, in de-

272 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
fault, acknoAvledge bis course to have been most unmanly and
unjustifiable. We have no personal connection with the Editor
of tbe Whig- but neither to any of his friends, nor to any of
our OAvn, have avc for a long time breathed a sentiment of the
slightest hostility to John C. Calhoun. 'We appeal to our most'
Intimate friends, whether our feelings are not of a very dif
ferent tone. But avc have no objection to repeat what we have
said of ill". Calhoun at different periods — on tbe first act,
Avhen the curtain rose upon his political life — subsequently in
'23, Avhen he appeared before tho American People as a can
didate for the Presidency — still further on, when Ave enter
tained sti-ong prejudices against Mr. Calhoun and did not do
justice to his motives— and last of all, Avhen j\lr. C. revising
his ancient opinions, and maturing his judgment, has corne
forward one' of the staunchest champions of the Virginia State
Rights school — and devotes his extraordinary talents to the
support of Avhat we have always beSeved to be the cause of
Truth. This hasty epitome of our opinions will shoAV at least,
that hoAvever our sentiments' may have variously changed In
thirty years, our variations have been in keeping with his con
formity or opposition to the great principles which have been
our polar star. We liave no objection to giving this epitome
of our opinions of Mr. Calhoun, In order to show hoAv far we
differed vrith him at one time, and bow our present apprecia
tion of that great statesman is In perfect consistency AvIth onr
course In the memorable periods of the War of 1812, and the
canvass of 1823.
In 1811, Mr. Calhoun made his first appearance (and a
brilliant one it was) on the political stage. He coped with
Mr. John Randolph, with a giant's strength, and ably advocated
the war. His speech contained a triumphant vindication of
tbe policy of his country. We were strong advocates for that
Avar, and in our enthusiasm, we publlsbed the foUoAving
panegyric of Mr. C :
"His speech, like a fine drawing, abounds In those lights
and shades, AvhIch set off each othei- — tbe cause of his coun
try is robed in light, while her opponents are wrapped in

An Editorial from the Richmond Enquirer, 1842 273
darkness. It were a contracted Avish that Mr. Calhoun Avere a
Virginian — though after the quota she has furnished, Avith
opposition talents, such a Avish might be forgiven us. Y'et we
beg leave to participate, as Americans and friends of our
country, in the honors of South Carolina. We hail this young
Carolinian as one of the master spirits, who stamp their name
upon the age In Avhich they live-'' — Enquirer, Dec. 24, 1811
In the lapse of time, and amidst political revolutions, Mr.
C. and ourselves, were separated. In 1823, v,e thought that he
went for too liberal a construction of the Federal Constitution,
in advocating a Bank, High Tariff, and Internal ImproA-e-
ments. Indeed, aa'c understand, Mr. C. does not himself deny
that his then opinions did not tally Avith the true State Rights
principles. We differed with him — and, in a zealous support
of the claims of ^fr. Crawford, dealt some hard bloAvs at Mr.
Calhoun — ^but, at tbe same time, avc never lost sight of our
respect for his genius, and our gratitude for his past services.
We give an extract and call particular attention to the conclud
ing sentence, which hints at the contingency of Mr. C's reach
ing the highest honors in the country :
"We grant him address, genius, enthusiasm, great capacities
In almost any degree which his friends may claim for him.
He is quick, fertile in expedients, seizing all the weak points
of his adversary, at a glance, and turning them adroitly against
him. — ^But these are not all the essential qualifications of a
President of the U. S. Does he, among others, possess that
sound judgment which is so requisite for the administration ?
How does he show it, when he suffers himself to be pushed
on for an office, Avhich is not ripe for him, and he not ripe
for it ? When he mistakes the true theory of our Constitution,
and advocates the assumption of extensive powers by the Fed
eral Government, Avhich were never conferred ? We have glan
ced over only a fcAV pages of the Proceedings of Congress.
The.se and other cases put together shoAv, that his judgment is
not ripened. GIa'c it time to mature. Let Mr. Calhoun delib-
eratelv review and modify some of his principles, and he may
yet fill the first office in the Government."

274 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
The era of Nullification carae upon ns, Avben it was again
our misfortune to differ Avith Mr. Calhoun— -when we thought
he had reasoned Avrong from right premises, (Madison's Re
port.) — And Ave again dealt some hard blows at John C. Cal
houn, but. In tbe course of time, Mr. C. became convinced
that the principles of '98 and '99 were the only safe gnldes
of an Am.erlcan Statesman. He "reviewed" bis old principles
— -magnaniniously took up the flag of States Rights, and, with
truth and reason for his Avcapons, he has carried on a deadly
Avarfare npon the Federal party. We, in conjunction with the
Republican party, have watched with pride his noble bearing.
\Se admire him as a man — Ave honor his genius, and respect
that judg-ment Avbich shed so bright a light over the most in
tricate subjects. We feel grateful for his first and his latter
services, and would now be happy to see our prediction of '23
verified, when the proper time arrives, and to see bim carry
out the great principles of the Republican party. Upon none
other would we support him. But whether that time shall
come at the next election, or Avhen, it Is for this Republican
people to decide.- — On this point, Ave assert, with the utter
most sincerity that we have committed ourselves to no man.
We prefer the success of our principles to tbe personal ag
grandizement of any IndhiduaL We arc not like the sycophant
of the Whig, bound to the ear of any proud superior. We are
not like the R. Whig, willing to admit that we have In our
party but one man worthy to preside over the Republic — ^bitt
one Patriot fit to wield the power of Sparta. We can see iu
the great body of the Democracy many a noble spirit, who
will truly and worthily carry out our doctrines and bring per
manency and prosperity to our institutions. But the selection-
of that man is in the hands of tbe Repuldicans — A'.e shall sup
port him Arith all our zeal, let the nomination come when It
may ; and it must come in due season from the great movement
of the Democracy of the Union; and shall we not raise the
drooping spirit of our opponents by a premature agitation of
this subject, w-hich they noAV sigh to see, from the forlorn hope
of seeing it create dissension in our ranks. We repeat, that so

A71 Editorial from the Richmond E?iquirer, 1S42 ITS
far from hating John C. Calhoun, Ave would have no objection
to see him our champion at some future election-— if he be the
choice of the Republicans. If this be "hating" Mr. Calhoun,
the witling of the Whig may make the most of it !
One word, by way of comparison, between Messrs. Clay and
Calhoun! ]Mr. Clay is a Virginian. He says, that he carried
Avith him to Kentucky the great principles of the ancient Com
monAvealth. He acknowledges his obligations to Robert Brooke,
Esq. the former Governor of Virginia — a staunch States Rights
man, from whose lips too, touched with fire, we young as we
were, were wont to hear those great doctrines eloquently ex
pounded, and we heard them Avith the deepest impression.
Mr. Clay not only carried these doctrines vrith him to Kentucky
— but he saw them powerfully enforced in the resolutions,
draAvn by the pen of Jefferson, and proclaimed by his adopted
State. (We mean, of course, the Kentucky Resolutions) yet
with all these advantages — ^with these great Principles, once
expounded both by his native and his adopted States, in two of
the most memorable papers which the world has ever seen;
from the pens of Iavo of the most illustrious Statesmen, whom
this proud Commonwealth has ever produced — -Mr. Clay has
apostatized from his former faith. He does not hold one fun
damental doctrine in common with Madison's Report. All
his constitutional principles, (save In his anti-Bank speech of
1810.) and most of his practical measures are at war Avith the
creed of Virginia. But Mr, Calhoun has none of these advan
tages. The resolutions of Kentucky and Virginia were a sealed
book to him — yet when his judgment matured — ^he adopted our
strict principles of construction as his own — and he is now sup
porting the great creed, which Mr. Clay has abandoned, and
with an enthusiasm and a power, which command our admira
tion. We are satisfied, that he has the same great object In
A-Iew, as we have, to reform the Government, to restore the Con
stitution, and to give permanent ascendency to the Old Repub
lican doctrines of '98.
We will briefly notice another scintillation of this Editor'.?
invpntlv-e powers He again parades the fabulous Richmond

276 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
.lunto. He is like one of the tribe of ilunchausen or Mendoz
Da .Pintos, who from the habit of retailing their misrepresen
tations, actually believe what they say. We pity his condition
and advise him to drop thc pen, and in the quiet realities of
Nature, to make an effort to i-ecover his .faculties, which have
bticome aAvfuIly distracted by bis editorial practices. He thus
may be enabled to seijarare Avbat Is true -from what is false.
He now charges, that "discord and contention have arisen
among tlie Junto" with regard to the ''new aspirants for the
spoil and glory," Avbich he modestly asserts "tbe Junto have
been wont to disburse." He then otters a mass of nonsense
about the conflicting opinions of the "Junto'' as to Alessrs.
Stcn-enson, Calhoun and Wise, and winds up with an insidious
attack upon a ''distinguished Bank officer," Avho "Is so very
much In earnest in bis devotion to the Ex-Governor (Gilmer)
that, If the Enquirer avIU not publish his eulogies, we may look
out for handbills !" He here makes another impudent charge —
and we again challenge him for his proof. Let him give us
the names of this dreadful "Junto" — their times and places of
meetings. The charges of its author are too redlcttlous to
notice seiiously. Does not this organ of the Whig see, that
his own party are laughing at his absurd and fabulous stories?
Thers Is no such thing as a "Junto." Who are the' heads of this
cabal ? If there be such a monster in this City, the}' are Avork-
ing in the dark, at least from us. We haA'e had no political
meeting AvIth either of them — we have no such communica'
tion with them, direct or indirect — We are not informed of
their schemes. They have given us no suggestions to guide our
footsteps. We take no sort of tone from any of them. Cut off
'from all species of aflll lation with them, and confined to oir
room, and onr papers, and our books, we arc left to our own
imperfect counsels to guide our humble barque in one of the
roughest seas we have ever encountered. When some of these
madcap Whigs are threatening to break up the Constitution
itself — Avhen the Treasury Is empty— -when a violent and hum
bug party has seized the reins of Congress— when their move
ments are big perhaps Avith the fate of the Republic — ^not only

An Editorial from the Riclmiond Enquirer, 1842 277
of our party, but of the Avbole South, we pursue our oavu hon
est course, vrithout a Council to gnide, or a Cabal to control us.
These are facts, and none but a reckless fabtdlst like the Rich
mond Whig Avould pretend to conjure up such "Hydras and
Chimaeras dire." As far as we are advised, the Democrats of
Richmond have bad no "discord and contention." as he charges.
They respect, and, in spite of the insidious designs of the
Whigs, will continue to respect the high bearing of tbe distin
guished gentleman whom he sneers at. Tbe Avhole story Is as
false as It Is unmanly and uuAvarrantable. The "distinguished
bank officer," whom the Whig is in the habit of carping at,
knows what value to put upon the stupid and malignant at
tacks of the Whigs — and is satisfied that nothing that the Whig
can say will affect him in the opinion of even the Whigs of
Richmond. They have too much justice and propriety to be
influenced by the Impotent ravings of such an Editor. His
course Is indeed Avell calculated to benefit the Republicans of
Virginia. His attempts to soav discord in our ranks will tend
to connect our party. His efforts to stain tbe bright banner of
pur distinguished men will serve to confirm them In the good
opinion of the country.
P. S. One AvorJ only as to the fanfaronade which appears in
the last Wednesday's Whig. We pass over the tminanly and
Illiberal hit Avhich he levels at a "Tory's kinsman-" We have
touched that theme too often to require any further notice at
this time. The grave itself cannot protect the ashes of a noble
spirit from the attacks of the hyaena. Had -we in our A-eins "all
the blood of all the HoAvards," besides the blood of as ardent
Patriots as Virginia can boast of, Ave could not be safe from
the malignant Insinuations of an indecent and factious slang-
Avhanger. But the whole article of the Richmond Whig about
the "discretionary power," is a sheer and a shalloAv misrep
resentation. It is in the face of facts directly before hi.s eyes.
Had he have done us the justice to use our oavu words, and let
us speak for ourselves, his feeble ingenuity would have been
stript of Its miserable device. The worid would have seen that
he was nothing but a shallow calumniator. We never have

278 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
called for an issue of twenty millions of Treasury notes, as he
pretends. We never have called upon Congress to grant the
Executive "the discretionary power to impose a debt upon the
people of twenty millions,, or ten millions, or five • millions."
Wo never have "proposed to vest in him authority to contract
a national debt at his discretion. Stare .not, gentle reader —
Start not at these gross misrepresentations of this oracle of the
Clay Clique of this place. We are sorry to say, that it is per
fectly in keeping AvIth the character of the Richmond Whig.
It Is Congress which has already authorized the President to
make a loan, and create a debt to the amount of, not tAventy
millions, but of twelve millions. The Secretary of the Treasury
lias tried to borrow a part of it at home. He has only succeeded
in getting a little more than a million. He has sent an agent
to Europe to make the negotiation. When he avIU succeed, or
whether at all, or whether on any but the most usurious terms,
it passes the wits of any man to tell- T.be London Morning
Chronicle tells us, by the last steamer, that we cannot aeeom-
pllsh a loan abroad. (Since penning this passage, we haA'e seen
the Veto. Message, which says; "No Immediate relief from this
state of things Is anticipated, unless, w-hat would most deeply
be deplored, the Government could be reconciled to the negotia
tion of loans already authorized by law, at a rate of discount
ruinous in itself, and calculated most seriously to affect the
public credit.") What then would be our situation ? I'he Treas
ury penniless before the next session of Congress- — these de
voted Clay partizans giving away even the land fund, with a
frantic devotion to their miserable party — bow could the Gov
ernment escape discredit, perha.ps disgrace? In this state of
things, we have proposed not to make a neAv debt — not to give
the Executive the discretionary power to contract a national
debt — not to add one dollar, much less twenty millions to the
debt AvhIch Congress themselves have already authorized, but
to change the form of the transaction — and If he cannot ob
tain the money by a funded debt abroad, to authorize hira to
issue Treasury notes to the necessary amount, specifying it in
the law, a.s also the fact that it is to take the place of so much

A71 Editorial from the Richmond E7iquirer, 1842 279
of the loan as they have by law authorized him to make. We
give him the authority to issue the loans or not, in case he finds
he cannot borrow the money in Europe, or not enough to carry
on the Government, and Ave specify on the face of the law that
these notes are to take the place of so much of the loan. Such
is our course. Such is the course of one, who is anxious to
keep the Government of the Union in motion, and not like the
Whig, to arrest its moA-ements, and to hasten the disolution of
the Constitution itself, if the President shotdd. In the exercise
of his Constitutional power, veto a bill, which the ^Vhigs have
framed to oppress the South, by intolerable duties, in some
cases of 40 or 50 per cent — a bill too, which strilies at the very
spirit and principle of the Compromise Act of '33. We did
not, as the Whig pretends, go against the basis of that Com
promise. We estimated the home valuation as equivalent to an
advance upon the twenty per cent.- — and In fact Ave propose the
only fair way vrithln the strict terms of the Constitution ("all
duties shall be uniform throughout the United States"), to car
ry out the Compromise act itself. In fact, the Globe tells us,
that our friends are vrilling to relax for the present, and sus
pend, till the necessities of the Government are relieved, the
terms of the Compromise Act itself. The Democrats at Wash
ington are prepared at once to go back to the duties of 1840,
some say of '39 — ^which give up at least six-tenths or even seven-
tenths of the Reduction of duties already consummated — and
more, to throAV into the Treasury some millions more. Will
the Whig Hotspurs at Washington — the Clay Distributionlsts,
be infuriated enough to refuse it ? But here is the article from
the Globe itself :

THE JOHN P. BRANCH
HISTORICAL PAPERS
OF
RANDOLPH -MACON COLLEGE

Published Annually by the Department of History.

Vol. III. JUNE, 1912 No. 4

CONTENTS

Preface _____--- 281
George Wythe — L. S. Herrink - _ - - 283
John Letcher — E. B. PRETrvMAN - - - - 314
Letter Describing Conditions in Richmond in
April, 1861 ------- 350
Three Letters from Thosl4.s Ritchie to Howell
Cobb -------- 354

Price, 50c
Address CHARLES H. AMBLER, Editor, Ashlan-d, \a.

EICHUOND, VA.
RICHMOND PRESS, INC.
1912.

THE JOHN P. BRANCH
HISTORICAL PAPERS
OF
RANDOLPH-MACON COLLEGE
JUNE, 1912.

lufute.

^HE Branch Historical Papers for 1913 will contain
biographies of John Floyd, P. P. Barbour, Edmund
Pendleton, and Bishop Early. I have yet on hand a few
complete sets of The Branch Papers Avhich will be furnished to
those who desire them at the rate of fifty cents per number.
Charles H. Ambler.

GEORGE WYTHE*
By L. S. Hersink, A. B.
The Virginian of a century and a quarter ago was inclined, even
more than his descendant of the present day, to pride himself on
his family history. Judged by this standard, George Wythe
would suffer no disparagement, for at the time of his birth in
1726, the Wythe family was one of the most prominent in Eliza
beth City countj'. i His father, Thomas Wj'the, was third in
descent from the original Thomas Wythe, w-ho had emigrated
from England to Elizabeth City county about the middle of
the seventeenth centurj'. Each succeeding generation had been
prominent in local affairs. 2 George's father was a member of
the House of Burgesses and for many years represented his
county in that capacity. He owned a plantation on Back River
and seems to have been a man of considerable means. Of his
private life very little is knoAvn, but he was famed for his amiable
character, his simplicity and candor of behavior, his parental
tenderness, and his prudence in the management of his fortune. 3
His mother was one of the five daughters of George Keith, a
Scotch Quaker, distinguished as a mathematician and Oriental
scholar, Avho immagrated to Hampton, Virginia, about 1684.
Keith held radical views in regard to religion and slavery.
He was the author of "Exhortation and Caution Against
Buying or Keepings Negroes," seemingly the earliest Quaker
protest against slavery, and of a treatise on mathematical
subjects. 4
•Awarded the Bennett HLstory Medal for 1911.
tJeliereon, Papers I., U., 205. „ en
iWiUiam and Mary Quarterly, Historical Papers, 11., 69.
sSanderson, Biography of the Signers, IV. ,172.173.
4B B Minor, Decisums of Cases tnVirginta by The High Court of Chancery,
86. ' "

284 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
Of Wythe's early life \ery little is knoAvn. He spent most
of his youth at home, and received nothing like a thorough
education, s While at school he learned only to read and write
the English language, and to apply the simple rules of arith
metic. 6 The year spent at William and Mary College may have
supplied some of the defects of his early training, but there is
no record left concerning his career at that institution. 7
Like Washington and many other distinguished men, George
was stilt very young when his father died, leaving his entire
estate to his eldest son. Wythe was then Arithdrawn from school,
and for several years the entire direction of his education fell
on his mother, a Avoman of unusual knoAvledge and strength of
mind. She was Intimately acquainted Avith and spoke the
Latin language fluently, and It was from her that her young son
received instruction in the rudiments of both Latin and Greek, 8
After he had acquired a fairly good education in this way,
Wythe devoted himself to the study of law under his uncle-
in-law, Mr. Drewry, who was a distinguished lawyer of Prince
George county. Very little attention was paid to his legal
education, and his time Avas chiefly taken up v/ith the drudgery
of a laAvyer's office. It Is therefore not surprising that he made
very little progress, but the experience gained in this office
work probably laid the foundations for much of his future
success. After two years spent in this cursory study of the law, Wythe
returned home and devoted himself assiduously to his studies. 9
The defects of his early education were very largely supplied
by his great energy and perseverance. Alone and unaided he
soon acquired a Avell organized and extensive store of knowl
edge. 10 He became well versed in grammar, rhetoric, and
logic and acquired a considerable knowledge of civil law. He

uJeffersoii, Papers I., 14, 205.
^American Law Journal, III., 92.
7H. G. Grigsby, Virginia Convention 1776, 119.
^American Law Journal, III., 92.
9B. B. Minor, Decisions of Cases in Virginia by The High Court of Chaneery,
86. loSanderson, Biography of The Signers, IV., 172.

George V/ythe — L. S. Herrink 285
was also a profound student of mathematics, natural and
moral philosophy. 1 1
When his mother and elder brother died in 1746, Wythe
inherited the entire family fortunes. The sudden inheritance
of so large a fortune, and the removal of all parental restraint
caused a complete change in the course of his life. From this
time on through a period covering the ten best years of his life,
he A\^as dissipated. He did not, however, entirely abandon his
studies, but in the inteiA'als betAveen his dissipations he found
time to cultivate his talents. 12 During this period, he moved
in the fashionable society of eastern Virginia, which Avas un
doubtedly the best in America. Williamsburg was the capital
of the Old Dominion, and the social center of the entire Tide
water section of the State. While the House of Burgesses v/as
in session, it was the great rendezvous for the aristocratic
plantation OA^-ners, and the leading men from all over the State.
Wythe associated freely with these distinguished men, and his
later life was no doubt influenced by the ambitions and a.spira-
tions that he caught from them. 1 3
Only a meager record has been left concerning this period of
Wythe's life, but the facts obtainable indicate that he was not
engaged in any regular occupation. For some time he served
as clerk to both the Committe of Privileges and Elections, and
the Committee of Propositions and Grievances in the House of
Burgesses, and in 1754 he was appointed to fill out the unexpired
term of Armistead Burwell, created by the latter's death, i 4
Wythe was thus acquiring that knowledge of parliamentary
proceedings, for which he was soon to become celebrated. 1 5
He possessed a strong Avill power, and after ten years of dissi
pation he threw- aside his old vices, and changed the AA'hole
course of his life. \\'hether love, the forseen exhaustion of his
ilRichmond Enq'jdrer, June 10, 1806.
12B. B. Minor, Decisions of Cases in Virginia hy The High Court of Chancery,
86. izlbid.14journals of The House of Burgesses, October 28, 1748, February 28, 1752,
May 2, 175.3.
\5lhid, August 22, 1754.

286 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
resources, his OAvn penitent reflections, the influence of inter
ested friends, or several causes combined brought this change
is not definitely knoAvn.ie He turned again to his studies,
and by his unceasing toil soon become the best educated man
in the State. He Avas above all knoAvn for his broad and compre
hensive knoAvledge of tbe classics. 1 7
In those days a Virginian could attain popularity and dis
tinction in only two ways: through the laAv profession, or through
politics. In fact, the two were almost synonymous, for as soon
as a man became distinguished as a lawyer he usually entered
politics. Wythe's ambition along both lines led him to resume
his study of the law under Mr. LbavIs, an eminent practitioner.
After some time spent In Lewis' office he Avas admitted to the
bar of the General Court, then occupied by men of great ability
in their profession. That same perseverance and energy that
had made Wythe the best scholar iri Virginia was now displayed
in his study and practice of the laAV. He made of himself a
profound laAvyer, and became perfectly versed iri the civil and
common law, and in the statutes of Great Britain and Virginia.
Among such distinguished lawyers as Pendleton, Blair, Bland,
and Edmund Randolph, Wythe soon attained an eminent
position, and In a fcAV years became the leading man at the bar
on account of his superior learning, his con-ectness and earnest
ness of elocution, and his clear and logical style of argument.
He not only possessed the ability necessary to make a successful
lawyer, but his upright character, his high sense of honor, and
his fidelity to his clients won for him the universal respect and
esteem of his countrymen, is It has been said that he never
supported an unjust cause, and was so particular in this respect,
that, Avhere there was any doubt as to the truth of his client's
statements, the client must SAvear to their truth before Wythe
would take the case. If deception w-as practiced upon him in any
way, he Avould abandon the case and return the fee. i9
In colonial times every Virginian Avho aspired to attain any
1 eB . B . Minor, Decisions of Cases in Virginia by The High Court of Chancery,
86. 17 Jefferson, Papers, I., 14., 205.
islbid.
isSanderson, Biography of The Signers, IV, 174.

George Wythe — L. S. Herrink 287
distinction among his countrymen looked forA\-ard to a seat in
the House of Burgesses. In the political avo rid this Avas tbe
highest position attainable, and Jefferson, Henrj-, Mason, and
other great \irginians of the colonial period served terms in
this Assembly. In 1758 Wythe was sent to the House from
William and Mary College. He there found himself among
such illustrious colleagues as Pendleton, Blair, Bland, Nicholas,
Peyton Randolph, and Richard Henry Lee. 20
To understand properly the history of this period we must
constantly keep in mind the two geographical dirisions of
Virginia, tbe inhabitants, manners of living, and ideas of govern-
ra.ent in each. The political parties of the time were based on
the differences in the geography of the various parts of the State,
and a line separating the old TidcAvater counties from the ncAV
counties of the Piedmont and the Valley Av-ould also separate
the two political factions one from the other. The eastern
counties had been settled largely by an admixture of the aristo
cratic cavaliers and merchant classes. Among these were to be
found many younger sons of noble English families. The intro
duction of negro slavery and the increased demand for tobacco
caused the plantation system to spread through the entire
TidcAvater section. On these immense plantations, the con
servative aristocrats dAvelt, surrounded by their retinues of ser
vants, spending their time in pleasure, and interesting them
selves m the political questions of the day. They prided them
selves on being lOyal to the recognized authority of the crown
and to the established church. 21
There was a vast difference between these people and the
democratic elements of the Piedmont and the country to the
westward. These were largely frontier communities. They
were peopled by a poorer and more democratic element of
Englishmen, Avith an admbfture of German and Scotch-Irish.
Their ancestors, and they themselves, were called upon to sub
due the forest and its savage inhabitants. These people were
Presbyterians in religion, and were loyal to the conceded
authority of the king; but they were more ready to resist any
20Joumals of The House of Burgesses 1758, p. 8. t „ ,,
ZlHenry l/fe, Correspondence, and Speeches of Patnck Henry, 1., 73-74.

288 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
encroachments on their rights, and to withstand the exercise
of arbitrary powers on the part of tbe croAvn than were the Tide-
Avater aristocrats.
Of the 56 counties on the roll of the House of Burgesses, 36
were located in the old Tidewater section, Avhile the remaining
20 counties comprised the vast Avestern country. Since CA'cry
countj' had an equal representation, the goA'crnment of the
State AVas controlled by a section comprising only a small fraction
of the State's area, and much less than half of its population.
Throughout the period that Wj'the served In the House, there
Avas a constant struggle existing betAveen the two sections.
The Conservative majority fought to maintain their control of
the reins of government, while in opposition to them, the pio
neers from the Avest Avere striving to acquire the power they
believed to be justly due them. 2 2
In 1764, there occurred a discussion in the House of Burgesses
Avhich clearly showed the hostile attitude of the two geographi
cal sections of the State. At this time, many of the plantation
owners Avere deeply involved in debt, among whom was Mr.
Robinson, Treasurer of the CommouAvealth, and speaker of the
House, of Burgesses. He therefore devised Avitli his friends a
bill establishing a public loan office for the benefit of private
debtors. The bill provided that from this office, funds might
be loaned at public account, and on good land security. The
real object of the bill was merely to permit Robinson and his
friends to saddle off their debts on the State. Patrick Henry,
althoug'n a resident of the loAvlands, led the Avesterners in a
bitter attack on the m.easure, Avhich was defeated largely through
his efforts. In this matter Wythe was lined up Avith the con
servative leaders, but there is nothing to shoAV that he Avas
acquainted with the real object of tbe bill. 23
In both debate and in the committee room, Wythe soon be
came one of the leading members of the House. He was ncA'er
distinguished as an orator, but he was Avell known for his skill
and effectiveness in debate. His strength in debate lay iri the
22ilenry, Life, Correspondence and Speeches- of Patricia Henry, I., 74-75.
23lbid,"l., 76.

George Wythe — L. S. Herrink 289
opening arguments of a case, in which for thorough preparation,
clearness, and force no one could excel him. His great rival,
Pendleton, Av-as more ready in opening and closing a discus
sion and, through his keenness of apprehension, he Avas more
prompt to meet all the exigencies of an argument. 2 4 Pendleton
had only a superficial knoAvledge of laAv, and in general education
he was far inferior to Wythe. How-ever, his pleasing manner,
his ability and eloquence as an orator, and his quickness of per
ception made him a much more popular speaker than his great
contemporary. 2 5 Pendleton never attained any distinction as
a commirteeman; whereas Wv-the was ev-en more prominent in
this capacity than In debate during tbe entire eleven j-ears of
his serAice in the House of Burgesses. For this service, his
profound legal knowledge, sound common sense, and impartiality
of judgment, specially fitted him. With these qualifications it
is not surprising that after only a few- years of serrice, he should
be found serving on more committees than any other man vrith
the exception of two or three of the older members. 2 6
During the early sixties one of the gravest questions of the
eighteenth century- began gradually to loom up before the
American colonies. The charters granted to the various colonies
had guaranteed to them the enjoyment of tbe privileges and
rights of Englishmen. For many years England respected these
charters, and left to the colonists the management of their own
affairs. After the French and Indian War England was heavily
burdened with debt, and it seemed only just to the ministrv' that
the colonies should bear a proportionate .share of the debt in
curred during a war undertaken in their behalf. Consequentiy,
England began to tax them, and what was still m.ore obnoxious to
enforce the Navigation LaAVs. George III. carae to the throne
in 1760 -mth the purpose in view of making himself absolute.
The tax on sugar and molasses was renewed, and steps were
taken rigorously to enforce the Navigation Act.
On March 9, 1764, Prime Minister GreeuAalle read before the
House of Commons resolutions declaring that the Stamp Act
24B. B. Minor, Decisions of Cases in Virginia by The High Court of Chancery,
95 25GriKsby Virginia Convention of 1776, 121.
26Jouma!s of The House of Burgesses, 1758-1769.

290 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
would be imposed unless the colonists proposed some other
method of taxation. These declaratory resolutions created the
greatest alarm throughout America. Ev-eryAvhere the proposi
tion of tbe prime minister Avas agitated, and bitterly denounced
in public discussion and by the press. The first public meeting
in Avhich opposition to the proposed tax Avas indicated, was held
in Boston, May 24, 1764. This meeting directed their repre
sentatives to oppose the proposed tax as subversive of their
rights, and directed that an effort be made to enlist the other
colonists in an opposition to it. Almost all the colonists,
through their legislative bodies, issued able and earnest papers
in protestation against the proposed tax. 2 7
Virginia was finally aroused to such a state of excitement that
a committee was appointed In the House of Burgesses to prepare
and report a petition to the king, a memorial to the House of
Lords, and a remonstrance to the House of Commons on the
subject of the proposed Stamp Act. The first tAvo papers Avere
drawn up by Richard Henry Lee, while Wythe, as a member of
the committee, Avas appointed draftsman of the remonstrance
to the House of Commons. The report, as submitted by him
on December 18th, Avent so far beyond the timid hesitations of
his colleagues, who vicAved It as bordering on treason, that it
undei-went modifications tending to soften the harshness of the
complaint before it was finally accepted by the House. 2 8
In reading this remonstrance a,t the present time, we can
hardly understand why it was so bitterly resisted by some mem
bers of the House. From the general tone of this paper, and of
the otlier petitions as aa'cH, it is CA'ident that no opposition beyond
remonstrance was intended. The colonists believed in a dutiful
Avay that the majority of their petitions would be granted.
The exclusive right of the colonies to tax themselves is set
forth, but the language is supplicatory, and the petitions set
forth the miseries of poverty about to be inflicted on them by the
proposed system of taxation. Nevertheless, Parliament per
sisted in its determination to tax the colonies, and this de-
27Henry, Life, Correspondence, and Speeches of Patrick Henry,!., 60-61.
28Jefferson, Papers, I., 14., 205.

George Wythe — L. S. Herrink 291
termination Avas only increased by tbe Virginia Resolutions.
In pursuance of this policy the Stamp Act was passed by both
Houses of Parliament in February, 1765, and Avas to be in opera
tion from the folloAving November. 2 9
America was now aroused to a spirit of resistance. The
great m.ajority of the colonists were thoroughly convinced that
their liberties and rights were being violated and that the
action of England was unjustifiable. With America in this
frame of mind, Wythe was brought more and more into promin
ence on account of his radical vicAvs. He AA-as still loyal to the
mother country-, and had no desire to separate the colonies from
her. Although firm and determined in upholding their rights,
yet he believed that a conciliatory policy should be pursued
toward Great Britain. Patrick Henrj''s AieAvs coincided Arith
those of Wythe, but he was more impatient and showed less
diplomacy in his plans for putting them Into operation. 30
During the month of May, 1765, Henry introduced his famous
resolutions. declaring that the colonists w-ere entitied to all the
privileges, liberties, and immunities of Englishmen, and that the
General Assembly had fhe exclusive right to tax them, a 1 These
resolutions were opposed by Edmund Randolph, Bland, Pendle
ton, Wythe, and all the old leaders of the House. These men
favored the principles as set forth by Henry, but they contended
that the same sentiments had been expressed in a resolution of
the previous session, and an answer to them had not yet been
received. 32 The eloquence of Henry was sufficient to win over
the members from the western counties, and he finally secured
the passage of his resolutions. 3 3 The British ministry very
soon saw the futility of trying to impose the Stamp Act upon
the colonies. Accordingly, in 1766, the measure was repealed.
Parliament did not relinquish its right to Ica^ taxes on the
colonies, for before repealing the Stamp Act a declaratory act
29Sander3on, Biography of The Signers, TV., 175.
SlHenry, Life, Correspondence, and Speeches of Patrick Henry, I., 80.
32jeffers'on, Papers, 1., 14., 205.
sslbid- Journals of The House cf Burgesses, 1761-1765., p. LXV.

292 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
was brought in which asserted the supreme power of Parliament
over the colonies "in all cases Avhatsoever." The cause of the
friction betAveen England and the colonies Avas partially re
moved, and the discontent in America became considerably
less. This condition only existed for a short time, for the min
istry soon passed the Glass, Tea, and Paper Acts, and tbe statute
restricting the powers of the Ncav York Legislature, which
were even more irritating than the Stamp Act.
In Virginia matters were reaching a critical stage. During
the notable session of 1768, Jefferson, who was a member of the
House of Burgesses for the first time, introduced his famous
set of resolutions which set' forth in determined language the
exclusive right of the colonies to tax themselves in all cases
whatsoever. They contained a protest against the Glass,
Stamp, Tea, and other acts of Parliament, and denounced them
as a violation of the chartered rights of Englishmen. They
strongly protested against the removal of cases to England for
trial for offenses committed in the colonies. Governor Dunn-
rriore was knoAvn to be bitterly hostile to any such action, and
for this reason it Avas necessary to hurry the resolutions through
the House of Burgessess in a very unparliamentary manner.
Dunnmore dissolved the House the folloAving day, but the
people shoAved their approval of the action of the Burgesses by
returning every member at the next election. 3 4
While Jefferson's Resolutions were being discussed, Wythe
exerted all of his power and influence to secure their adoption.
Indeed, Jefferson, as a young man, was so much under the
influence of Wythe, that the principles set forth in the resolu
tions Avere probably instilled Into him by his former teacher.
At the very beginning of the controversy with England, Wytiie
took the position that the' only link of political union between
Great Britain and the colonies was the Identity of their executive
and that they stood in the same relation to the mother country
as Hanover, He believed that Virginia had just as much
authority over England, as Parliament, or the crown had over
34Sanderson, Biography of The Signers, IV., 178.

George Wythe— L. S. Herrink 293
the colonies. 3 .5 In these views Wythe was far ahead of his time.
Even as late as 1775, Avhen Jefferson formulated his famous
"Albemarle Resolutions," setting forth the sara.e principles,
he asserted that Wythe was the only man he could find to agree
with him in the matter. 3 6
Wythe was not returned to the House of Burgesses In 1769,
but was appointed clerk, in which capacity- he served until
1775. In the meantime our relations with Great Britain became
more and more strained. From the tira.e of the Boston Tea
Party of 1773 on to the outbreak of hostilities, there gradually
spread through the colonies the feeling that an appeal to arms
was the onlj' means of settling our dispute with England.
In 1775, the various counties of Virginia were asked to send
up to the legislative body sets of resolutions expressing their
sentiments as to the best course to be pursued towards Great
Britain. In response to this appeal Jefferson and Wythe sub
mitted the Albemarle Resolutions, which asserted that Parlia
ment had no authority over the colonies in any case, or on any
subject; that they possessed the power of self-government by
natural right, or by the common rights of mankind. All the
other public men of the time stopped at the half way ground
•with John Dickerson, who admitted that England had a right
to regulate our commerce and to Ica^' duties for that purpose,
but not for revenue. 3 7
England's determination to pursue her policy remained
unshaken in spite of the petitions, remonstrances, and supplica
tions poured in on the crown and Parlianient. A large British
army AAas landed at Boston, and on April 1.9, 1775, a detachment
of this army was defeated by the colonial troops at Lexington.
With the news of Lexington, the whole country im.mediately
flew to arms. The colonial governors Avere driven out, and
companies of soldiers were hastily organized, equipped, and
sent forward to the scene of action. For months previous to the
outbreak of hostilities, Wythe had been traveling throughout
the State of Virginia, and stirring up the jieople to a spirit of

35Jefferson, Papers,^-, 4, 205.
seRowland, Life of George Mason, I., 174.
37lbid.

294 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
resistance. He noAv donned a uniform and presented himself
before the soldiery drawn up for military parade. 3 s It was only
after his friends had persuaded him that he could serve his
country more efficiently in her legislatiA-e halls, that he finally
consented to remain at home. His destinj' Avas to attain dis
tinction as a statesman, legislator, and judge rather than as a
Avarrior. 3 9
The Virginia conv-ention assembled at Richmond, August 11,
1775, and elected Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, Jeffer
son, Benjamin Harrison, Nelson, Bland, and Wythe as delegates
to the Continental Congress for the ensuing year. 40 During
his year of service in this body, Wythe Avas one of the most
prominent members. His comprehensive knoAvledge of govern
mental affairs and his long experience In the Virginia House of
Burgesses, at once gave bim a high position among his colleagues.
He is generally considered, with the possible exception of John
Adams, to have been the best educated man in Congress. On
account of these qualities, he assumed the same leadership as
a committeeman that he had held in the House of Burgesses.
Throughout the entire year, he served on three standing com
mittees: Clothing, Indian Affairs, and the Treasury Committee
on Board. 41 In the number of minor committees served on,
Wj'the was considerably ahead of any of his colleagues. When
ever there Avas a report to be drawn up by a committee, he was
generally chosen to do the AA'ork. This is shoAvn by tbe Journals
of 1776, which indicate that the number of reports written by
Wythe is more than double that of any other member of congress.
He did not confine the field of bis activities to the committee
room, but took a leading part In tbe debates of Congress. From
the; very outset, he advocated a strong confederation. He was
firmly convinced that effectual resistance to the power of Eng
land could never be made by the colonies Avorking Independent
of each other, and that the safety, Avell-being, and independence
of America depended on their uniting to form a strong confedera-

ZsRichmond Enquirer, June 10, 1806.
•6^A7nerican Law Journal, III., 94-95.
io Journals of Congress, September 13; 1775.
4ilbid, VI., 1064.

George Wythe — L. S. Herrink 295
tion. He believed that the established Federal government
should have complete control OA'er import duties and the revenue
derived therefrom. 4-2 While on the floor of Congress, Wj'the
gave utterance to principles that were in time to become the
foundation of m.any American policies. He declared that America
should hav-e a strong na\-\', because no nation near the seacoast
had ever been safe without one; that America should declare
herself a free nation; that Ave should endeavor to win the favor
of France and make commercial treaties with her; and that no
restrictions whatsocA-er should be placed on American trade. 43
These are the principles that animated. Wythe throughout his
term in Congress. He continually urged the formation of a
confederation among the colonies, both in the committee room
and on the floor of Congress. He was also one of the staunch
est supporters of the measures for independence.
On Februarj' 16, 1776, he proposed: "That there be a com
mittee to prepare a draft of firm confederation to be reported as
soon as may be to this Congress to be considered, and digested,
and recommended to the several assemblies and conventions of
these united colonies; to be by them adopted, ratified, and con
firmed." Wythe stood distinctly for a union in which the well-being
of the entire countrv- would be placed above that of the indi
vidual colonies. As long as there was the possibility of a settie-
ment with Great Britain, Wythe was ready to grasp it; but
when all overtures of peace on the part of the colonies had been
rejected, and the only terms offered were obedience to uncon
stitutional authority, he took the position that a declaration of
our independence was absolutely essential to the further success
ful conduct of the Avar. Accordingly, when that great docu
ment was finally drawm up and presented to Congress for accept
ance, Wythe gladly added his name to it. Throughout the re
mainder of the year, he was constantiy urging the vigorous
prosecution of the Avar. He Avas the author of an address to the
Hessian soldier>- urging them to transfer their allegiance from

iZjoumals of Congress, October 12, 1775.
43lbid, October 21, l/7o.

296 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
Great Britain to the Continental Congress, and to make their
homes In i\merlca. 4 4
While the Continental Congress was thus making preparations
for resisting the armies of Great Britain, the Virginia convention
was in session at Richmond, reorganizing the State government,
and drafting a constitution for the commonAvealth. This consti
tution, w-hich Is largely the work of Wythe, George Mason, and
Richard Henry Lee, is a memorable one, because "It is the first
A-vritten constitution. of a free State in the annals of the world. ".is
Thc Virginia convention re-elected Wythe to congress for the
ensuing year, but his loyalty to his native State induced him to
resign from Congress in the early part of 1777, to serve in the
House of Delegates, and to carry out the important work as
signed to him there. 4 6
The State convention, Avitbout being re-elected, had met on
October 7, 1776, and constituted itself the House of Dele
gates. In order to bring the laws of Virginia into accord Avith
the ideas of the revolution and the democratic principies em
bodied in the State constitution, the House of Delegates, on
Novern'oer 5, appointed Jefferson, Pendleton, Wythe, Mason
and Thomas LudvA'ell Lee to revise the entire jurisprudence of
the State of both colonial and British origin. 4 7 Upon the death
of Lee, which occurred a short time afterwards, and the resigna
tion of Mason, the entire AVork fell to the other three members.
The part especially undertaken by Wythe Avas the revision of
all British statutes beginning with the fourth year of the reign
of James I., and ending with the establishment of an independent
State government in 1776, except those for religious freedom,
for regulating descents, and for apportioning crimes and punish
ments. This part of the work and the revision of all British
statutes prior to the fourth year of the reign of James I. fell to
the lot of Jefferson. Pendleton undertook the revision of the
Virginia laws. Each member, however, had a general oversight
of the Avork of the others, and Avas expected to correct it. 4 8
iAJournals of Congress, February 16, 1776.
45Brenaman, History of Virginia Conventions, 33-37.
4,6 Journals of Congress, January 30, 1777.
47Jefferi3on, Papers,. II., 18, 84.
48B,B, Minor, Decisions of Cases in Virginia by The High Court of Chancery, ?&¦

George Wythe — L. S. Herrink 297
After three years of unremitting toil, the committee presented
its report to the consideration of the House of Delegates. The
farsightedness and ability of the members of this committee is
clearly indicated bj' their report, for nearly all of its principles
have been embodied in the present Code of Virginia. 4 9 Perhaps
the most important of the proposed amendments AA-as the
Educational Bill. This measure provided that the common
wealth should endow a sj'stem of primary schools, colleges,
academies, and universities. It provided further that any
young man whose parents Avere unable to afford him an educa
tion would be carried through the entire system, from the prim
ary schools to the university, at the expense of the State. In
this matter the members of the committee Avere so far ahead of
their time that the principles of their report Avere not adopted
until nearly a half century later. 3 0
The report also provided for altering the laws of descent, so
that the land of anj' person dying intestate should be equally
divided among his children, or other representatives. It pro
posed that the citizens of the State should be taxed according
to the value of their property for the general expenses of the
State, county, and parish; for the maintenance of the poor,
building bridges, court houses, and roads ; and for the indemnifi
cation of individuals through whose lands new roads Avere opened.
The committee also produced acts providing for the establish
ment of religious liberty, for the punishment of disturbers of
public worship and Sabbath breakers, for the erection of a public
library, and for setting forth the rules Avhereby an alien might
become a citizen. 3 1
The act for regulating conveyances, by Avhich all estates entail
were to be converted into fee simple holdings, was one of the
most salutary measures adopted. By this bill the obnoxious
contrivance of aristocracy to keep up inequality- and support
fraud and overbearing distinctions of particular families Avas
completelv wiped out. The committee further proposed that
the slaves'of a deceased person be made distributable among the

iSAmerican Law Journal, IIL, 95.
SOMadison's Works, III., ^7S.
SlRichmond Enrjuirer, June 13, 180b.

298 Ra7idolph- Macon Historical Papers
ne.xt of kin as other movables, that slaves committing crimes
punishable In others by labor should be transported to Africa,
that no attainder should cause a corruption of blood or forfeiture
of doAver, and that provision be made for proportioning crimes
and punishments in cases heretofore regarded as capital. The
last proposal furnished the foundations for our present penitenti
ary system. 5 2 Manv' of the most valuable parts of this report
were not adopted until years afterwards, because of the inability
of tbe House to fully appreciate the needs of the time, s 3
While Wythe Avas busily engaged in tbe Avork of revising the
code of Virginia, he Avas elected a member of the House of Dele
gates. He served in this body for scA-eral years, and was speaker
during the session of 1777. 54 At this time the country stretching
from Detroit to the Ohio River Avas controlled by a chain of
British forts, which were very poorly garrisoned. George
Rogers Clark, who represented the county of Kentucky in the
Virginia Legislature, conceived the plan of taking the entire
country for the State of Virginia. To perfect his plans and make
preparations for leading an expedition into the northAvest
country, he set out for Williamsburg in the autumn of 1777.
Jefferson, Wythe, and Mason became very much interested in
the proposed expedition, and succeeded in pushing through the
House of Delegates a bill authorizing the governor to call out
tbe militia against tbe Avestern enemies. 5-5 They also secured
the passage of a bill setting aside a bounty of three hundred acres
of land for each man engaged in the enterprise. Clark's expedi
tion Avas entirely successful, and. tbe Avhole northwestern country
fell into the possession of Virginia, s 6
Anj' sketch of Wythe, however brief, would be incomplete
unless mention were made of his distinguished work in private
life, and of his exemplarary character. While he Avas rendering
his state and country such Illustrious service in the Virginia
Legislature and In the halls of Congress, he was rendering in
an unassuming Avay an equally great serrice as a professor in
saJefferson, Writings, II., 203, (Ford Ed),
53 Sanderson, Biography of The Signers, IV., 180-181.
54.Tefferson, Papers, I., 14., 105.
ssHenry, Life, Correspondence and Speeches of Patrick Henry, I., 581.
5r)Rowland, Life of George Mason, I., 290.

George Wythe — L. S. Herrink 299
William and Mary College. When a young man In his early
thirties, he had been elected to tbe chair of mathematics, and
had for some time occupied the chair of philosophy. He soon
introduced the most approved methods of pedagogy into both
departments, and he became one of tbe most cele'orated te-achers
in the State. While serving in this position, he instructed many
of the greatest men Virginia has CA'er produced, among Avliom
might be mentioned the names of Jefferson, Monroe, and John
Marshall. 5 7 William and Mary Avas at that time the greatest
college south of Mason and Dixon's Line. It was the great
training ground for law-yers and politicians, and Virginians Avho
expected to attain any distinction in their native State were
usually educated there. The only other college attended by a
considerable number of southerners Avas Princeton College, New
Jersey, but its importance to the South could not compare Avith
that of William and Mary.
Wythe's ability as a teacher was attested by Jefferson when he
uttered these words, ''To his enlightened and affectiouate
guidance of my studies at college I am indebted for every
thing." os So highly was his Avork as a teacher esteemed by
Jefferson, that through his efforts a chair of municipal law Avas
established at William and Mary in 1779, expressly for the
occupancy of Wythe. William, and Mary was thus the first
college in America, and the second in the AAorld to have such a
chair, the first having been created only a feAv years previously
for the occupancy of Sir William Blackstone. Wythe continued
to fulfill his duties, as professor for many years, but at the same
time he served his State in tbe various official positions to which
he was elected. 5 9
Prior to the ReA'olution, Wythe had been intimate AAith all
the colonial governors with the exception of Dunnmore, for
whom he alv/ays entertained the heartiest contempt. He and
Governor Fauquier v/ere inseparable friends. After the govern
or's family had returned to England, they became warmer friends
than ever, and frequentiy dined together. In speaking of these

57Grigsby, Virginia Convention 1776, 75.
SSjefferson, Papers, I., 14.
hdEncyclopedia Americana.

300 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
functions Jefferson, who Avas usually present Avith them, after
Avards siiid, "At these dinners I have heard more good sense,
more rational and philosophical conversation than in all my life
besides." 6 0
The Virginia High Court of Chancery was established in
1777. It consisted of three judges chosen by a joint ballot of
both houses of the General Assembly, commissioned by the
governor, and holding office during good behavior. The court
had general jurisdiction in all cases in chancery, both original
and appellate, but no original suit could be Instituted therein
for a less sum than fifty dollars, except against a justice of a
county or other inferior court, or tbe vestry of a parish. The
court held tAvo terms a year in the city of Williamsburg. The
judges were ex-officio judges of the court of appeals, where they
were entitled to precedence. In 1788, the number of judges was
reduced to one and the terms of court Avere increased to four a
j'ear, noAV held at Richmond, to Avhich city the place of sitting'
had been removed in 1780. The jurisdiction of the High Court
of Chancery extended over the entire State until 1801, when the
State was divided Into three districts, Arith a superior court of
chancerj' and a separate chancellor in each. These courts Avere
held at Richmond, Staunton, and Williamsburg, and such re
mained the system until after Wythe's death. For many years
there Avas great variation in the salaries paid, but they were
finally fixed at 300 pounds annually. 6 1
\A'hen the Hig'n Court of Chancery was first organized, Wythe
Avas elected one of the three judges, Avhich position he continued
to hold until the reorganization of the court In 1788. He then
became sole Chancellor of the state, and filled this office with
great ability throughout the remainder of his life. His upright
ness, independence, and Impartiality, combined with his attention
to business and bis industry specially fitted him for a judgeship.
John Randolph, of Roanoke, Avas accustomed to say of him,
"That be lived in the Avorld AAithout being of the Avorld, and that
he Avas a. mere incarnation of justice." Mr. Wythe himself
declared that even compassion ought not to influence a judge,
eoJefferson, Papers, I., 2, 14.
6iB. B. Minor, Decisions of Cases in Virginia by The High Court of. Chan
cery, 88.

George Wythe — L. S. Herrink 301
in whom, acting officially, apathy was less a vice than sympa
thy. 6 2 His career as a judge indicates more clearly than any
other one thing the patriotism and absolute disinterestedness of
the man. For years he filled one of tbe most laborious and at
the same time least lucrative offices in the country, merely
because he felt that in this capacity he could render more efficient
service to his State and country than in any other. \A'hile if
he had so desired,, he could have secured much easier and more
profitable employment elsewhere. 6 3
The absolute disregard for tbe pressure of public opinion and
the impartiality of Wythe are perhaps best indicated In tAvo of
his famous decisions. In the first of these decisions, Wythe
handed doAvn tbe opinion that according to the statute of 1779,
officers and soldiers Avbo had not served through the Revolution
were not entitled to half pay on retirement. 6 4 Such a decision
as this naturally raised a storm of indignation, not only from
the large number of Revolutionary soldiers affected, but also
from the general public as Avell. Wythe's most important
decision and the one requiring the greatest courage to render,
was the one in regard to the British debt cases. After the peace
of 1783 there AA-ere many persons in Virginia who OAved debts in
England. Soon after the treaty of peace the General Assembly
had enacted a laAV Avhereby payments of paper money Into the
loan office of the State In satisfaction of debts due to British
creditors should discharge the debtors. Edmund Pendleton
and Peter Lyons, as administrators for John Robinson, sought
for their intestate's estate the protection bf a payment made
under these laAvs. Pendleton and Lyons had secured a favorable
decision In a loAA-er court, and public opinion was OAerwbelmingly
in their favor. W'ythe, however, ruled that a debt due a British
creditor Avas not discharged by such a payment into the loan
office under the act of 1788. In upholding his decision that the
statute of 1788 was null and void, Wythe stated that the General
Assemblv of Virginia was not empOAvered to release a debtor
62B. B. Minor Decisions of Cases in Eirginia by The High Court of Chancery
91. "
ezRichmond Enquirer, June 13, 1806.
64B B. Minor, Decisions of Cases in Virginia by The High Court of Chancery,
248.

302 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
from a payment due a creditor; and besides, the jurisdiction
assumed by the General Assembly o\-er British subjects could
not possibly e.xist. He further added that if the Assjembly should
pass an act confiscating British property in America, it could
not include money ia the hands of Americans due .English
creditors, for tbe money could not be English property until it
had actually been paid over to subjects of Great Britain. 6 5
Wythe clearly indicated in this decision his profound respect
for the rights of foreign nations. A ncAV era had dawned in
judicial history. The plaintiff Avas a foreign nation, the de
fendant a sovereign State, the judge a creation of the State, and
popular opinion strangely set in favor of the defendant; and yet
the coiu-t decided in faA-or of the plaintiff. Quite a contrast to
the decisions of the British prize courts in the West Indies!
Concerning this matter Wjthe expressed his exact ideas when he
uttered these Avords, "A judge should not be susceptible to
national antipathy any more than of malice tOAvards individuals
whilst exercising his office." 6 6
V'hile the RcA'olution was in progress Wythe's fortunes were
sadly depleted through the mismanagement of his estates, and
the heavy expense to Avhich he Avas put Avhile away from home
performing his official duties. In 1779, a dishonest manager of
bis Haaipton estate carried over to the enemy the larger part of
the slaves Avhich he had inherited from his father. 6 7 Some of
his immediate relativ-es were impoverished to such an extent
during the Revolution,- that Wythe found it necessary to give
them considerable financial aid. He settled one-half of his
Elizabeth county estate on his nephew, and sold tbe other
half, but the money Avas not paid him until years afterwards.
Therefore, to meet his expenses he had to depend almost ex-
clusiA'ely on his salary as Chancellor, which for rnany years was
only 200 pounds. True, he derived some little income from his
professorship at William and Mary College, but when created
sole Chancellor he found it necessary to resign from the chair of
municipal laAV, and reside in Richmond. In spite of his financial
6sB. B. Minor, Decisions of Cases in Virginia by The Higli Court of Cliancery>
221. GBlbid. 67Jefferson, Papers, VI., 1, 63.

George Wytlie — L. S. Herrink 303
embarrassment, Wythe always managed to meet his debts,
maintain his independence, live respectably, and at the same
time do a large amount of charitable Avork.os
When the Federal ConA-ention met in Philadelphia, in 1787,
to amend the Articles of Confederation, \A'ytbe Avas one of the
delegates representing Virginia. Along with James Madison
and other prominent Virginians in the convention, he early took
the position that the Articles of Confederation Avere inadequate,
and that a ncAv constitution Avas necessary in order that the
States might be bound together in a firmer union. NeA'ertheless,
the death of his wife compelled him to leave the convention
before it had long been in session, and it was never possible for
him to return. 6 9
Before its adjournment, the Federal Convention had passed
an ordinance to the effect that the constitution must be ratified
by nine of the thirteen States before becoming effective. Even
before the election of delegates to the Virginia Convention Avbich
met in Richmond on June 2, 1788, to consider the adoption of the
constitution, it was apparent that Virginia would cast the decid
ing vote. The knovv-ledge of this fact caused intense excitement
to prevail throughout the State. The friends of the constitution,
knowing that thev- w-ere in the minority, resorted to a shrewd
scheme in order to carry the convention. The majority of the
great soldiers and statesmen of the State were in favor of ratifi
cation, and they commanded large personal folloArings even
among the enemies of the constitution. By inducing these men
to become candidates a small majority in" favor of ratification
was secured in the convention. This convention, the most
notable Virginia has ever produced, contained all the most
distinguished men of the State, vrith the exception of Jefferson,
R. H. Lee, Washington, and Nelson. 7 o
On June 4, the committee of the Avhole, with Wythe as chair
man, began its discussion of the constitution. 7 1 Madison,
Pendleton, Nicholas, Randolph, and Marshall pictured the
esSanderson, Biography of The Signers, IV., 183-
69Madison's Works, I., 328, 339.
roHenry Life, Correspondence and Speeches qf Patrick Henry, II., 338-350.
7 iDebates of firginia Convention, 1776.

304 Randolpii-Macon Historical Papers
dangers of anarchy and disunion in case of delay, and freely
used tbe name of Washington In urging the immediate adoption
of the constitution. Patrick Henry, ably seconded by Mason,
Harrison, Tj'ler, and others, opposed its adoption on the ground
that it was' converting a loose confederation of States into a great
consolidated national union. He clearly foresaAV that a divided
sovereignty Avas. impossible, and that after the States had once
entered into such a compact they could onlj' withdraw by force
of arms. Wythe, on account of his position as chairman of the
committee of the Avhole, took little part in the debates. Yet he
Av-as a firm supporter of the constitution on the gi'ound that the
Articles of Confederation had proved Inadequate, because the
confederation had neither the energy nor the power necessary
to preserve the nation, and therefore, the happiness of the coun
try depended on its adoption. 72
The convention remained in session three w-eeks, during
Avhich time every provision of the constitution Avas thoroughly
discussed clause by clause. It Avas then evident that the Fed
eralists could not muster a majority for unqualified adoption. 7 3
There Avere a large number of delegates in the convention who
Avere opposed to the constitution as originally draAvn up,, but
who faA'ored its ratification, provided certain amendments
were made beforehand. To secure the support of these members,
W^ythe proposed a resolution of ratification on June 24, which
provided that amendments should be recommended to Congress
on its first session under the constitution. Wythe thus stands
forth as a strong advocate of subsequent amendments as opposed
to previous amendment, supported by Henry and the other
Anti-Federalists. Wythe's resolution met with bitter opposi
tion, but it Avas finally adopted by a vote of 88 to 80. In ac
cordance Avith the provisions of the resolution of ratification,
a committee Avitli Wythe as Its chairman was appointed to draAV
up. the desired amendments and present them to the first session
of Congress. Twenty amendments were subsequently proposed,
some of which were adopted in 1791. 74
72Rich7nond Enquirer, June 13, 1806.
73Henry, lAfe, Correspondence, and Speeches of Patrick Henry, II., 364-365.
74Rowla,Qd, Life of George Mason, II., 269.

George Wythe — L. S. Herrink 305
After Wythe became sole Chancellor in 1788, his heavy official
duties and tbe increasing burdens of age compelled him to take
a less active part in the political affairs of his State. Although
he was no longer a professor at William and Mary College, yet
his love for teaching Avas so great that for many years he main
tained a priA'ate school in Richmond. In conducting this school,
Wythe w-as prompted largely- by charitable motives, for he never
received any compensation AvhatsoeA'er from many of his poorer
pupils. 7 5 While engaged in this work, Wythe became acquainted
with Henry Clay, Avbo vv-as filling a small clerkship in the High
Court of Chancery in 1793. Clay- Avas his secretary for four years
and during that time he acquired a fairly good knowledge of
laAV. 7 6
On account of his modest and retiring disposition, there are
fcAv records left concerning Wythe's private life. In stature he
was of average size, well formed and proportioned. His features
were handsome, manly and engaging, but he lacked that ease of
manner characteristic of a man. of the world like Edmund
Pendleton. 7 7 Wythe was always neat and punctilious in his
dress until he Avas Avell past middle life, but in his old age he
showed the usual tendency to be careless. Wythe Avas married
twice, but very little is knoAvn concerning his married life. His
first wife, the daughter of his law teacher, Mr. LcAvis, died while
the Federal Convention was in session at Philadelphia. He later
married Miss Taliaferro, who belonged to one of the wealthy
and aristocratic families of Williamsburg. Wythe left no de
scendant, as his only child died in infancy'. It may be Inferred
that his domestic relations were happy, since nothing was ever
said to the contrary. rs
Wythe's character was noted for its plainness and republican
simplicity. After his thirtieth year, he was temperate in every
respect, and was distinguished for his extraordinary goodness
and kindness. 79 He took Mr. Mumford as an orphan boy into
his home, educated him, and treated him as a son. He not only
75Richmond Enquirer, June 13, 1806.
76Rogers, Tlie True Henry Chjy, 24.
77Jeff arson, Papers, I., 14, 2Jo.
78Sanderson, Biography of The Signers, IV., 187.
79Richmond Enquirer, June 13, 1806.

306 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
freed the three slaves that remained after the flight of his
Hampton manager, but he also made ample provision for their
support, and gave the boy an excellent education. so After his
removal to Richmond, V7ythe liA'ed in a yelloAv frame house,
with a hip roof, situated on the corner of Fifth and Grace streets.
The lot, which covered half a square, Avas cultivated as a market
garden for several 3'ears after Wythe's death. The dilapidated
and untenanted house Avas used by the boys of the city as a
gymnasium, but Avas afterAvards torn doAvn to give place to
some of the most fashionable residences of to-day. si Wythe
was modest, gentle, and unassuming, and his mild temper was
seldom irritated except by his zeal for his country's good. Like
many other distinguished men Wythe Avas not without his
eccentricities. He sometimes boAved in persons calling on
business, attended to it, and then politelv- bowed them out of
the house Avithout speaking a A\-ord. In his old age, he was in
the habit of going very early, in rather disordered dress, to a
neighboring bakery to buy his own bread, and for days success
ively he A\'0u1d put doAvn his money and take up his bread Avith
out uttering a Avord. Judge Beverly Tucker Avas accustomed
to relate the folloAring anecdote: "Mr. Wythe visited nobody
but his rclatlA'e, Mrs. Taliaferro, Avho lived four miles from
Williamsburg, and being a great walker he ahvays Avent on foot,
sometimes taking young Mumford with him. One day as they
set out together, Mumford said on leaving Williamsburg, A
fine evening sir,' to which, as they entered Mrs. Taliaferro's
home, the old man replied, 'Yes, a very fine evening.' " Judge
Tucker further says that from childhood he Avas taught to
venerate Wythe as the purest of human beings, and that the
boys ahvays beheld the pale and extenuated old man vnth a
feeling akin, to superstitious UAve. s 2
Throughout their entire lives Wj'the and Jefferson remained
the warmests of friends. For years they carried on a most
intimate and confidential correspondence. In these letters we
SQAinerican, Law Journal, III., 76.
81B. B. Minor, Decisions of Cases in Virginia by The High Court of Chancery,
92. 82lbid, 93.

George Wythe — L. S. Herrink 307
find discussions of subjects ranging from Wythe's belief that the
best treatment for rheumatism was, "To Avear sheep's clothing,"
and Jefferson's ideas on the subject of ploughing corn, to their
opinions on philosophical and scientific subjects. 8 3 When Jeffer
son Avas compiling his great parliamentary manual, it was to
Wythe that he turned for material, advice, and assistance. Wythe
was alw-ays an ardent book-lover. He had a large personal
library, and in addition he Avas constantly sending his books to
Jefferson and receiving others in return. While Jefferson Avas
in Europe he secured a large collection of rare old books and sent
them to Wythe, who w-as especially interested in books of that
kind. About 1795 Wythe's right hand became so badly affected
with rheumatic gout that he wa.s unable to use it in writing,
but with his customary perseverance, he set to work and soon
learned to use the pen vrith his left, s 4
Many vAriters have charged Wythe with being a sceptic in
regard to religion, and others have even charged him with
infidelity. W'hen he attended William and Mary College, it
had begun to acquire an unsavory reputation among religious
people, on account of the scepticism of some of its professors.
Under such influences, it is very probable that Wythe did
become somewhat sceptical, and this was no doubt one of the
reasons why he plunged into a life of dissipation immediately
after the inheritance of his brother's estate. His faith w-as soon
firmly reestablished, and after his thirtieth year he acquired a
strong attachment for the Christian religion. In middle life his
faith was again somewhat shaken for a brief period by the
difficulties presented .by sceptical writings, but these diffi
culties passed away years before his death. 8 5 At one time he
told Mr. Duvall, who was his intimate friend, "That he never
put his head on his pillow, but that he said the Lord's prayer,
and that his great desire was to be holy and innocent." In giving
his opinion of Wythe Mr. Duvall said, "I think he loved his God
with all his heart, and with all his soul, and Arith all his mind,
83jefferson, Papers, Series II., Vol. 84., Nos. 21, 22, 24, 19.
aiJbid and Vol. 85, N03. 70, 64.
SSAmerican Law Journal III., 94.

308 ¦ Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
and Avith all his strength. His religion was one of deeds rather
than of AA-ords, for he believed that faith Avitbout good works
was of no avail." s 6 Wythe never united Avith any denomination,
but his Bible Avas his constant companion, and he attended
church regularly. In his opinion morality was the only essential
to a religious life, and forms of baptism and worship affected in
no AA-ay the future salvation of a man. S7
In his political views Wythe Avas a Republican and a strict
constructionist of the Jeffersonian school. He Avas an opponent
of John Adams' administration, of the Alien and Sedition Laws,
and of standing armies. In 1800, and again in 1804, he was
president of the College of Electors of Virginia, and each time
his vote Avas cast for Jefferson. ss In spite of the bitter party
spirit displayed throughout the administrations of Washington,
Adams, and Jefferson, Wythe never yielded to the rancour of
party spirit, nor permitted differences of opinion to interfere in
any A\-ay Avith his private friendships. He counted among his
friends many of his AA'armest political opponents, a 9
When the Jay Treaty of 1795 was made public, it raised a
storm of indignation. In Richmond tbe feeling against the
treaty Avas so intense, that only tAvo people in tbe entire city
openly espoused it. This intensity of feeling at last culminated
in a great public meeting being held to remonstrate against the
treaty. This meeting Issued a unanimous address to the presi
dent, setting forth in determined language Richmond's opposi
tion to the treaty. The fact that Chancellor Wythe presided
over tiie assembly is a circumstance that attracted considerable
attention, inasmuch as he Avas noted for his moderation of
character, and because he was president of the meeting Avhich
addressed the president in support of his proclamation of neu
trality. 90 When Genet arrived in this country in 1793 and tried
to dictate America's foreign policy, Wythe took a vigorous stand
in opposition to his pretensions. In Richmond he was put at
the head of a committee whose object was to give publicity to
seJefferson, Papers, II., 28., 127.
87ColIections of Virginia Historical Society.
SSRichmond Enquirer, June 13, 1806.
SO-lmencara Lata Journal, III., 97.
aoMadison's Works, II., 43.

George Wythe — L. S. Herrink 309
the indiscretions of Genet, and defeat his plans for involving
the United States in European Avars. 91
In the year 1795, the General Assem.bly of Virginia adopted
an act for collecting and publishing all laAvs relative to land,
which had been passed from the first settiement of the colony
to the A-ear 1793. For the execution of this w-ork a committee
composed of Wythe, John Marshall, J. BrOAvn, B. Washington,
and J. Wickham Avas. appointed. Jefferson, Avbo had coUected
nearly all the lav,-s from. 1624 to 1795, sent his collection to
Richmond for the use of Wythe. Some disagreement arose
among the committeemen, and little progress had been made in
the work when the act was repealed by tbe Genera! Assembly in
1797.92 In 1795, Wythe collected and published in a folio volume all
the opinions handed down by the High Court of Chancery up to
that year. In those decisions rendered from 1777 to 1789, in
which he dissented from the other judges, he gave the reasons
for his difference of opinion. He also fully explained his position
in those decisions he had rendered as sole Chancellor, which
had been reversed by the Supreme Court of Appeals. 9 3 This
volume affords the best means that we have of judging Wythe's
ability as a Av-riter and his style of diction. His writings are
strong and vigorous in thought, but his manner of expression
is formal and stilted, and is sometimes dry, laconic, and brief.
He frequently used archaic expressions, at times allowing his
pedantry to crop out, especially in his letters. He was particu
larly fond of quoting the Latin and Greek authors, and of dis
playing his knoAvledge of mathematical and philosophical sub
jects. 94
During the last ten years of his life, Wythe took very littie
active part in the political affairs of his State. He devoted
himself more and more to his private school, while continuing
to perform the duties of the chancellorship with his accustomed
energy and industry-. The chancery business had now become
very heavy for a man of Wythe's advanced age. His regular
9lMadison's Works, I., 595.
92RichmondEn^irer September 2, ISDO.
03B B Minor, Decisions of Cases in Virginia by The High Court of Chancery.
94Jefferson, Papers.

310 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
and temperate manner of bring gave him a strong constitution,
and almost perfect health up to and within a short time of his
death. Even in his old age his thirst for knoAvledge continued
unabated, and In his eightieth year he began to read new Latin
and Greek authors. 9 5
Some years before his death Wythe made his last will and
testament. Along with Jefferson and a majority of the other
leading men of the time, he ahvays favored the emancipation of
the slaves. Not only had he freed his three remaining slaves — a
man, a vv-oman, and a boy — but in his will he bequeathed the
greater part of his property in trust to support them. Richard
Duvall, who was appointed executor, Avas given the house in
Richmond and some small articles. To Thomas Jefferson,
Wythe bequeathed his books and small philosophical apparatus,
his silver cups, and his gold-headed cane. Jefferson's entire
legacy Avas valued at about $2,500. The remainder of his estate
was bequeathed to George W. SAveeney, the grandson of Wythe's
sister. 9 s
During his lifetime the freedman died, and a codicil to the will
increased the legacy to Michael Brown, the freed boy, with a
provision. that in case he should die before the age of twenty-one,
bis property should revert to Sweeney. 97 For several days
before his death the chancellor had been confined to his home
by indisposition. On May 25th, he Avas taken with cholera
morbus, and on the 26th and 27th the rest of tbe family were
seized Avith the same disorder. On June 1st, the mulatto boy
died; then a fcAv da^/s later the negro Avoman also passed away.
In the meantime yellow arsenic had been found in Sweeney's.
room, with strong circumstances pointing towards his guilt. It
is supposed that Sweeney, indignant at the kindness and munifi
cence shoAvn the negro boy, had intended to poison him. 98 On
the same morning that Wythe was stricken with cholera morbus,
Sweeney put the poison in the coffee for breakfast, not expecting
that the Chancellor Avould think of coming from his chamber, or
95jefferson, Papers, II., S4., 7.
9 6lbid, 28., 123, 126.
97B. B. Minor, Deci.sio7ts of Cases in Virginia by The High Court of Chancery,
91. gsJefferson, Papers, II., 28., 121.

George Wythe — L. S. Herrink 311
would be in any danger of partaldng of the coffee. HoAA-ever,
he did appear and drank of the coffee Avith the results already
described. 9 9
On opening the body of tbe boy, physicians said that the
inflammation of tbe stomach and boAvelsAvas similar to that pro
duced by poisoning. This thoroughly convinced Wythe that he
himself, as well as the negro boy, had been poisoned by Sweeney.
Wythe, therefore, added another codicil to his will disinheriting
Sweeney and giving his property as well as that of the negro boy
to be equally divided among the other grandchildren of his
sister, i o o Throughout his illness he displayed unusual patience
and fortitude, and on his deathbed he tried to complete some of
the most important suits pending before the Court of Chancery.
The efforts of the physicians to save his life Avere unavailing, and
on June 8, 1806, he passed quietly aw-ay. On his deathbed he
expressed his faith in God, and prayed for the salvation of his
soul. 101
When the physicians opened his body they found Inflammation
of the stomach and boAA'els and the case w-as in every w-ay
similar to that of the negro boy. Yet, in that daj', medical
science had not advanced sufficiently for the doctors to be abso
lutely certain whether the inflammation was due to arsenic or
to some other cause. Sweeney Avas afterwards tried on the charge
of murder, but the evidence of the prosecution Avas not strong
enough to secure his conviction. 102 At the same time Sweeney
was sentenced to six months' Imprisonment and one hour on the
pillory for forging Wythe's name, but the sentence was neA-er
carried out. He aftenvards escaped from Virginia, and fled to
the West, where he met a miserable death a few years later, 103
During his illness, great solicitude had been expressed for the
chancellor's recovery, and a solemn and almost unparalleled
impression was produced on the public by his death- As soon
as the news became knoAvn, the bells of Richmond were set
99B. B. Minor, Decisions of Cases in Virginia by The High Conrt of Chancery,
91. lOoJefferson, Papers. II., 28., 126.
loilbid, 28., 123.
103R B. Minor, Decisions of Cases in Virginia hy The High Court of Chan-
eery, 91.

312 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
tolling, and the executive council immediately assembled in
order to adopt an order of public procession. Mr. Mumford,
who Avas a member of the council, Avas appointed to pronounce
the funeral oration, and the 10th of June was selected as the day
for the funeral ceremony to take place. On the appointed day,
Mr. Mumford discoursed on the manifold virtues of the de
ceased Chancellor, emphasizing the fact that he had not been the
infidel t'nat some had supposed him to be. After the delivery
of the funeral oration, an immense throng folloAved the rem.alns
to their final resting place at Saint John's church. The imposing
procession was arranged in the foUoAving order: clergymen and
orator of the day, the physicians, the executor and relations of
the deceased, judges, members of the bar, officers of the High
Court of Chancery, the governor, executive council and other
State officials, the maj'or, aldermen and common council of
the city of Richmond, Avith a large crowd of citizens folloAving.
There was perhaps not another man in Virginia, whose body
the same solemn procession Avould have folloAved to its grave.
Thus passed away George Wythe, the honor of his own and the
model of future generations. 1 04
Thomas Jefferson, Avho had hoped to pass a large part of his
old age AvIth Wythe, once wrote a short sketch of him, which is
possibly the best estimate Ave have of his life, work, and charac
ter. In his w-ords, "No man ever left behind him a character
more venerated than George Wythe. His virtue Avas of the
purest kind; his integrity inflexible, and his justice exact; of
Avarm patriotism, and devoted as he Avas to liberty and the natural
and equal rights of men, he might truly be called the Cato of his
country, Avithout the avarice of a Roman; for a more disinter
ested person never lived. Temperance and regularity in all his
habits gave him general good health, and his unaffected m.odesty
and suavity of manners endeared him to everyone. He was of
easy elocution, his language chaste, methodical in the arrange
ment of his matter, learned and logical in the use of it, and of
great urbanity in debate, not quick of apprehension, but Avith a
little time, profound in penetration and sound in conclusion.
In his philosophy he Avas firm, and neither troubling, nor per-
lOiRichmond Enquirer, June 10, 1806.

George Wythe — L. S. Herrink 313
haps trusting any one AAith his religious creed, he left to the
world the conclusion that the religion must be good Avhich could
produce a life of such exemplary virtue." 105
Wytiie's memory, like that of many other distinguished men,
has not been duly honored by succeeding generations; but the
people are aAvakening more and more to his true Avorth. On
June 22, 1893, the Virginia State Bar Association placed in the
chapel of William and Mary College a tablet as a tribute to his
courage as a patriot, his ability as a judge, and his uprightness
and purity as a laAv-yer. 1 0 6 Although his graA'e in the corner of
Saint John's churchyard is still unmarked, yet the indications
are that a fitting monument will soon be erected to his memory.
lOSJefferson, Papers, I., 14., 205.
lo&WiUiam and Mary Quarterly, Historical Papers, 1893, II., 67.

314 Randolph-AIacon Historical Papers

JOHN LETCHER
By E. B. Prettyman, A. B.
Perhaps no strain in t'ne blood of the American nation has
been as little recognized for its part in the formation of the
destinies of the people as has the Scotch-Irish of the Valley of
Virginia. When the eighteenth century was almost one-third
old, a hardy band of homeseekers, originally transported from
their native Scotland into Ireland by James I, driven thence by
religious persecution to emigrate to Pennsylvania, pushed Avest-
ward to the Alleganies and then swept southAvard through that
magnificent valley and there settled. They flourished and grew,
expanding westward, and claiming In time the vast areas to the
banks of the Mississippi River, afterAvards to be the States of
Kentucky and Tennessee. As they grcAV, their influence reacted
on the life of the eastern section of the mother State and served,
more than any other, to give the Old Dominion the qualities that
enabled her to guide and uphold the young republic until it was
firmly established. It broke the backbone of the purely English
aristocracy vrith solid frontier ideas of equality, tore down the
EpIscDpal dominance with Scotch Presbyterianism, establishing
religious tolerance, and mixed with the cavalier society the rugged
qualities of the pioneer. It was this Scotch-Irish blood that
instilled into the veins of Virginia that plain democracy, that
resolute courage, that untamed love of liberty that have since
been her life and her glory. From this stock came such mighty
figures as Montgomery, Boone, Clark, Wayne, Robertson,
Benton, Houston, Andrew Jackson, Calhoun, Stonewall Jack
son ! 1
From this same blood was born the man who was destined to
guide Virginia through the greatest crisis in its history sitting in
iFiske, Old Virginia and Her Neighbors II, 390-400.

John Letcher — E. B. Prettyman 315
the governor's chair through the hours of the War Between the
States. John Letcher Avas born in Lexington, Rockbridge
county, Virginia, on the 29th of March, 1813. 2 His parents Avere
humble Scotch-Irish people. His father Avas V/illiam Letcher, a
butcher. The family was of that class AvhIch carried the idea of
their democracy into their religion, and made up the bone and
sinew of the Methodist Church. They Avere verj' pious people
and active church Avorkers.
Young Letcher started to Avork as a carpenter at the age of
fifteen years, spending all of his spare time at his books. By
hard labor he gathered together sufficient capital to enable him
to attend Randolph-Macon and Washington Colleges, the
latter being In his home town. When tAventy-three years old
he took up the study of law in the office of the Hon. William
Taylor, of Lexington, one of the ablest laAvyers of the section.
Taylor was the son-in-laAV of Thomas H. Benton, of Missouri, 3
and from this source the young lawyer drcAv much of his political
creed. Three years later he was admitted to the bar, and
entered actlA'e politics.
In 1839 the Loco Foco faction of the Democratic party, in
Rockbridge county, under the leadership of James McDowell,
Avho Avas the brother-in-law of Thomas H. Benton, established
in Lexington a ncAvspaper — ^the Valley Star — to oppose the Whig
organ in that district, The Lexington Gazette. John Letch.er was
put in the editorial chair and at once entered with great zeal into
the actlAdtles of the campaign. 4 The Democratic party through
out the Valley was Avell organized, being known throughout the
State as the "Tenth Legion." It was in its ranks that Letcher
began his career. In this, his first campaign, he supported Van
Buren and his financial poHcies, Benton's policy in regard to
public lands, 5 attacked Wm. C. Rives (formerly Democratic
2The material for Ms early life Avas gathered from accounts in:
Leslies niustrated Newspaper, December 22, 1860;
An address of Mr. Shields, of Lexington on Memorial Day, 1908;
Leader in The Councils of the Confederate States, Baltimore Sun;
Richmond Daily Dispatch, January 27, 1884.
CharloUesville Advance, July 2, 1892.
sLexington Gazette, Ma,y 5, 1840.
4y alley Star, Noyemoer 28, 1839.
Lexington Gazette, October 24, 1839.
sLeanngto/i Gazette, December 24, 1839.

316 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
senator, but now turned Whig) In his campaign for the United
States Senate, and supported McDoAvell for the place. 6
In keeping Avith the administration policies he attacked the
Bank of the United States at Philadelphia without restraint,
leferring to it as "that notorious svrindllng concern," a "that
bankrupt and fraudulently bankrupt concern," and declaring
that the bank Avas "the most rotten concern in America." 7 He
opposed not only the United States Bank but the entire plan of
depositing federal funds in banks. State or national, exclaiming
"Away with the idea that banks are the only safe depositories
for public funds I" 9 and "I stated distinctly that I was opposed
to the w-hole banking system." lo
In a series of able editorials he supported Van Buren's policy
of an independent treasury, vrith sub-treasuries in the States. 1 1
He Avas a "hard money" man, folloAving closely after Benton.
He opposed the distribution of the proceeds of public lands
among the States 12 and upheld Thomas H. Benton in his policy
In this regard. 13 Calhoun, now turned administration Demo
crat, came in for a share of Letcher's commendation. 1 4
At this time in the State canvass, Letcher stood for three poli
cies: first, he held that the governor should have removed the
State funds from the banks, and should have required that all
State taxes be paid in specie; second, the Legislature should
enforce the penalties incurred by banks suspending payment;
third, the James River Canal should not be continued but should
be stopped at Lynchburg. 15
Letcher was blunt of expression and vigorous in statement.
He minced no words and the bitter State and national campaign
became bitterest in his district. Votes there were evenly divided,
Augusta and Rockbridge counties being Whig, but the Eleventh
District, of which they were a part, being Democratic. The
cLenngfon Gazette, December 17, 1839.
llbid., November 30, 1839.
s-IUd., October 24, 1839.
^Ibid., May 25, 1839.
lolbid., February 1839, series signed "xVnother Republican of '98."
iilbid.. May 25, 1839; June 15, 1839; July 9-16, 1840.
islbid., December 17, 1839.
13lb!d., December 24, 1839.
lilbid., November 30, 1839.
islbid., January 28, 1840.

John Letcher^-E. B. Prettyman 317
Richmond Whig remarked of that campaign, "Odious in many
counties for the spirit of unfairness and misrepresentation which
characterized It, there seems to have been infused into the Van
Buren canvass of Rockbridge a vindictive rancor and lerodty
which existed nowhere else." 1 6
In the spring of 1840, Letcher plunged still deeper into the
fray, and w-as nominated with John W. Brockenborough by the
Loco Focos for the House of Delegates. 1 7 The issue was mainly
on the bank question and the policy of specie payments, and the
campaign became still more bitter. The Whigs were finally
victorious and General C. P. Dorman and Dr. A. Leyburn were
elected over Letcher and his running-mate, i s Letcher took the
stump during this canvass, 1 9 and after his defeat, remained in
the field for the national Democratic ticket, traveling all through
Augusta, Rockbridge and Botetourt counties. 20 He was a
forceful speaker, engaging in joint debates as well as in mere
political orations. 21 In the final count, however, of November,
1840, while Virginia returned a majority for Martin Van Buren
and his policies, Rockbridge with a heavry^ vote gave Hairrison a
majority of 104. 22 The district, however, went Democratic, the
same as usual.
In December of the same year Letcher retired from the editor
ship of the Valley Star, and went back to the practice of law,
being succeeded by John W. Brockenbrough. Even his- bitter
enemy. The Lexington Gazette said as he retired, "He has been
sincere and we do not therefore condemn him for his political
faith." Letcher held to his platform during the next years and rose in
the ranks of the politicians of the section. In 1842 he supported
his old leader, McDowell, for governor, against Andrew Steven
son, and favored the renomination of Martin Van Buren for the
presidency in 1844. The efforts of R. M. T. Hunter and others
of Calhoun's friends to gain for the South Carolinian the nomina-
leLexinglon Gazette, May 5, 1840.
nlhid., March 10, 1S40.
islbid., April 28, 1840.
1976id., April 14, 1840. , ,o,„
20lbid , August 18, 1S40; September 1, 1840.
2llbid., September L 1840
22lbid., November 12, 1840.

318 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
tion, and their efforts to make the Democratic party of Virginia
a strictly state- rights and pro-slavery party, 23 were vigorously
opposed by Letcher. In this course he Avas in line with Ritchie,
AA-ho, however, supported Stevenson for the governor.ship.24
Laic that year Letcher wrote Benton, as folloAvs, regarding
conditions in Virginia, 2 s first stating the certainty of McDowell's
election, which Avas conceded by enemies as well as by friends:
"The state of parties in the Legislature Is as favorable to Mr.
Van Buren as his most ardent friends could desire. The majority
is large, fully two to one, in the Assembly, and much larger Avith
the mass of the people. I can Avell imagine your surprise Avhen
I inform you that Ritchie is himself friendly to the election of
Mr. \^an Buren — indeed takes him as his first choice OA'cr all
Avho are spoken of in connection Avith the presidency. He regards
his election as essential to the purity of Republican principles-^
as the only fitting and proper rebuke to the log-cabin and coon-
skin fooleries of 1840. From all the Indications that I have been
able to collect I do not think that Van Buren has much to appre
hend from Calhoun as a rival. Mr. Calhoun's inconsistencies
upon all the prominent questions that have been before the
nation for the past tAventy years have stript him of that confi
dence and regard Avhich the mass of the people once reposed
in him. If he should recelA-e the nomination of our party for the
high office to which he aspires, he will receive a cold and ineffi
cient support."
HoAA'ever, it early became evident to Letcher that the Calhoun-
Ites would force the issue on the annexation of Texas. Van
Buren had been adverse to the plan. The South Avas solidly in
favor of it, and it Avas plain to him that unless some remedial
steps. Avere taken, danger was ahead for Martin Van Buren.
Letcher disclosed, in a letter to Ritchie, the course which Calhoun
would adopt toward Van Buren. Referring to the Calhounites,
he Avrote "Unless I am greatlj- deceived in information lately
obtained, they are preparing to stack the cards on us. You will
recollect a letter on the annexation of Texas, written by Gil-
23Ambler — -Sectionalism in Virginia, 233.
ZiLexirtgton Gazette, January 25, 1844.
ZoVan Buren Mss., December 15, 1842.

John Letcher — E. B. Prettyman 319
mer, 2 6 and Avhich made its appearance last winter. That letter
Avas sent to General Jackson in manuscript, and in reply to the
request Avhich accompanied it, the Old Hero Avrote out his views
at large shoAving particularly the advantages of it (Texas) in a
military point of vieAV to the United States. This letter I under
stand is in tbe posses.^ion of the Calhounites, and is to be used
at the Baltimore convention. Air. Van Buren is to be interro
gated about rhe time of the meeting of that body, and it is ex
pected that he Avill ansAver in opposition to the scheme. Mr.
Calhoun is to approA-e the annexation and his ansAver is to be at
the convention ready for use." 2 7 This letter was sent to Van
Buren by W.m. H. Roane, in October, 1843, together with a
letter asking for Information and suggesting counter-moves —
"neither Ritchie nor I recollect your position in regard to it
(the annexation) — vour own judgment Avill prompt your course
of moveraent — being forew-arned of the game to be played, I
hopev'ou will be able to trump their crowning tricks. * * *
Anything you may- choose to cora.munIcate on this or any other
subject Avill be discreetly used * * * should you be
interrogated at the time and in the manner indicated in L's
(Letcher's) letter v-oiild It not be as well to have a cross-fire upon
the enemy? And leAcl certain interrogations at Air. Calhoun
about some of his bvgone opinions, or his present opinion in
regard to the Rights of AIinorities?"28
Van Buren, boAvev-er, maintained a strict silence on tiiis ques
tion. Warned erven thus far ahead he took no steps to off -set the
scheme. Perhaps it did not then appear as urgent as it later
proved to be. The campaign AAent on, Van Buren gaining in
strength until Calhoun announced the Avithdrawal of his name for
the presidential nomination in an address to his "political
friends and supporters," published on January 31, 1844, the day
before the meeting of the Virginia State Convention at Rich
mond. 29 That conA-ention, therefore, in perfect harmony and

26Gilmer A^as a former Governor, and a State Rights "Whig.
277an Bvren. Mss., September 23, 1843.
28yan Buren Mss., October 17 1843.
29Turner Essays in American History, 190;
LeTinaton GaieUe, February 15, 1844.

320 Ra7idolph-Maco7i Historical Papers
arnid great enthusiasm voted for .Martin Van Buren for the
nomination. -on
Letcher took the stump for the ticket and traveled through his
Congressional District in a vigorous canv-ass.si He was rapidly
assuming a position among the leaders in that part of the State.
He resumed the editorship of the Valley Star during the cam
paign. Events then began to moA'e rapidly. On March 22d, as pre
dicted by Letcher, General Jackson's letter to A. V. Brown, of
Tennessee, AA-arraJy advocating the annexation of Texas on the
grou.oQ of military necessity- Avas publis'ned in the Richmond
E-fiqiiirer. Z2 (By a typographical error, corrected 'dj' Ritchie in
the next issue, the date of this letter was published February 12,
1844, instead of 1843.) The Calhounites had kept the contents
of the letter hid for over a year ! Immediately the Van Burenites
in Virginia sought to find out the position of their candidate in
regard to this now all-important question. W. H. Haramett,
and Jefferson Davis, of AIississip.pi, interrogated him directly.
An ansAver Avas delayed them for over a month. Then Van Buren
in a carefully written letter came out in- opposition to annexa
tion, s 3
Immediately cara.e a split in the party in Virginia. In a
Democratic meeting- called in Frichmond the next day Ritchie
drew up, submitted and carried a set of resolutions urging "the
propriety of relieving their delegates to the Baltimore conven
tion from the instructions which now bind them, leaving them
to the exercise of sound discretion or even to instruct them, if
they deem it expedient to do so, to cast the vote of Virginia in
favor of men know-n and pledged to be in favor of annexation." 34
Ritchie stated tb.at he regretted the action taken by Van Buren,
and that he w-ould stand for right and Democratic principles. 3 5
soTurner, Essays in American History, 191.
ziLexington Gazette, March 7, 1844.
saTurner, Essays in American History, 194, quoting Richmond Enquirer,
March 22, 1844.
33lbid., 195, quoting Richmond Enquirer, April 30, 1844.
Lexington Gazette I May 9, 1S44.
ZiLexinglo?iGa-et.te, May 16, 1844,
ZaRichmond Enquirer, ilay 22, 1844, repriat in Lexington Gazette, May 23,
1844.

John Letcher — E. B. Prettyman 321
Under his guidance the A'ote of Virginia Avas SAvung to Lewis Cass,
of Michigan, in the convention Avhich met in Baltimore in May,
until the ninth ballot Avhen James K. Polk, the first ' ' dark horse"
in American politics, Avas given the nomination. so
As to Avhat was Letcher's stand In this division in the party,
we have no direct information. It Is probable, however, that he
remained true to \'an Buren, and opposed to immediate annexa
tion. .A.S Thomas H. Benton did not falter in his support of Van
Buren during all this uproar, 37 it is to be supposed that M!c-
Dowell, his kinsman and close political friend, folloAved him;
and Letcher, as we hav-e mentioned, Avas one of McDoAvell's
closest political aids all through these years. It is safe therefore
to put Letcher down as a true Van Burenite, and opposed to the
immediate annexation of Texas. After the convention Letcher
actively took the stump in the national campaign for "Polk and
Texas" and helped to carry numbers of the Avestem counties
Democratic. During this campaign Letcher met, fell in lov-e Avith, and mar
ried Miss Susan Holt, of Augusta county, a relative of General
Sam Houston, of Texas. 3 s
After this campaign Letcher took up the practice of law again
and nothing more can be learned of him until 1847, Avhen the
question of negro slavery again became a great issue In the State.
In that year Letcher's name appeared on the famous "Ruffner
pamphlet," published in Lexington in September. Such was the
bearing of this address on his subsequent career that it may not
be out of place to outHne its contents before going further.
Since 1830 the section of Virginia west of the Alleganies and
in. the Valley had been rapidly growing, both in population and
in wealth. As it grcAV, its jealousy of the poAver held by the
. eastern section in the government of the State grcAV propor
tionately, and a struggle began. The east, in protection of its
slave interests, held desperately to its balance of poAver, as the
west was practically non-slave-holding and largely anti-slavery.

36Turner, Essays in American History, 200.
iTTtncrer-^ Thos. H. Benton, 220-227.
asliSi^a^ Dispatch, January 27, 1884.

322 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
Resolutions providing for a reapportionment of State repre
sentation on a Avhite suffrage basis, with a view to giring the
Avest a share in the government in proportion to its population,
were defeated in each Assembly from 1841 by solid eastern
majorities. With each defeat the spirit of the westerners grew
more determined and talk of dismemberment of the State began
to become current. 3 9
In this state of affairs a debate took place in the Franklin
Society of Lexington on the subject: — "Should the people of
western Virginia delay any longer In taking steps to bring about
a division of the State." The debate lasted from January 30,
1847, to April 24, 1847.4 0 The discussion found a hinge on the
slavery question and John Letcher made three speeches urging
action to bring about dismemberment of the State and to remove
negro slavery from the western section. Dr. Henry Ruffner,
president of Washington College, vvas also in the debate on the
same side with Letcher. Aftenvards — in September, 1847 —
Letcher, with a number of other citizens, Avrote to Dr. Ruffner
asking him to publish his "not only able but unanswerable
argument in favor of a removal of the negro population from
Avestern Virginia," adding, "We cannot expect that you will no-w
be able to furnish us with the speech as it was delivered, nor is
it our wish that you confine yourself to the vIcavs then expressed.
Our desire is to have the whole argument in favor of the proposi
tion presented to the public in a perspicuous and condensed
form." 4 1 Dr. Ruffner replied that he would do as requested,
also adding, "As we are nearly all slaveholders and none of us
approve of the principles and measures of the sect of abolition
ists, Ave think that no one can be offended vrith us for offering to
the people an argument whose sole object is to show that the
prosperity of our west Virginia — ^if not of east Virginia also —
Avould be promoted by removing gradually the institution of
slaA-ery, in a manner consistent Arith the rights and interests of
slaveholders." The Pamphlet first stated the attitude universally held in the
39Ambler, Sectionalism in Virginia, 251-265.
ioPoliiical Pamphlets (at Virginia State library, Richmond, Va.)
iiRuffner Pamphlet, (reprinted in 'Wheeling, "W. Va., 1862.)

John Letcher — E. B. Pretty7nan 323
west at that time, that no further steps should be taken in regard
to the injustice of the east in regard to representation in the
State government until the census of 1850 should show the real
status of the tAvo sections; "then you will make a final and de
cisive effort to obtain your just Aveight In the government."
He proposed to strengthen the cause of the west in its effort to
obtain a AvhIte suffrage basis of representation, by joining to that
issue the slavery question. The first effort at gradual emancipa
tion had been made in 1832, and was defeated by the east. Since
then its advocates had kept silent, until the "fanatical violence
of the Northern anti-slavery men" had created "an unfav-orable
change." Ruffner bitterly assailed abolition and abolitionists as foes to
gradual emancipation, referring to them as "smitten with moral
insanity," and characterized by "unprincipled calumnies," a
"tempest of fanaticism," and saying "Now the abolitionists may-
boast, if they will, that they have done more in this time to rivet
the chains of the slave, and to fasten the curse of slavery upon
the country, than all the pro-slavery men in the world have
done, or could do, in half a century." In regard to them he said
"We repudiate all connection vrith themselves, their principles
and their measures (as) aiming to subvert the Federal Cpnstitu-
tion, which guarantees the rights of slave-holders, and to destroy
the Federal Union, which is the glory and the safe-guard of us
all." The ground of gradual emancipation was then taken —
"against the one party we affirm the right of slaveholding under
present conditions; against the other party we affirm the ex
pediency of remoAing slavery from west Virginia, and from every
other State or portion of a State where the number of slaves is
not too large." "We disclaim all intention to interfere Arith
slavery in east Virginia  All that we ask of our
eastern brethren in regard to this matter, is that if west Virginia
shall call for a law to remove slavery from her side of the Blue
Ridge east Virginia shall not refuse her consent." An elaborate
argument showed how it would be feasible to have one-half of
the State slaveholding and the other half free.
Ruffner then proceeded to his real argument, that slavery

324 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
retarded the progress of States, in population, in industries, and
In education. He then outlined a scheme for the rem.oval of
slavery' from west Virginia, embodying a prohibition of further
slave importation, the encouragement of slave exportation, and
the emancipation of all slaves born after a set date at an age not
exceeding tAventy-flve years.
Attached to the request for the publication of this address
were eleven names of prominent citizens of Lexington, including
that of John Letcher. It had been agreed that these men Avould
share the cost of the publication. But, for some reason not
mentioned until 1858, when the Pamphlet began to attract at
tention they refused to do so. 4 2 Letcher claimed later that
many expressions were added to the original debate in the pub
lished one and this change of attitude was unexpected and un
approved by them. 4 3
The Pamphlet when printed did not meet with the enthusiasm
expected. The Valley claimed that such a step was exceedingly
ill-timed on account of the abolition activities of the time; the
Trans-Alleghany more or less approved it, but the east denounced
it as abolitionist. 4 4 This Avas the famous Ruffner incident which
later set Virginia on fire and almost kept John Letcher out of
the governor's chair.
In 1848, Letcher served the State as presidential elector on
the Democratic ticket, 45 which cast the vote of Virginia for
Lewis Cass, of Michigan.
In the meantime, with James McDowell as governor, the cause
of the west Avas everywhere gaining in strength. 4 6 Finally in
1850, a bill was passed by the Legislature, providing for a Con
stitutional Convention, members to be apportioned on the so-
called Mixed Basis, i. e.., one delegate for every 13,151 white
inhabitants, and every $7,000.24 taxes paid into the State
Treasury. This gave the east, with all of her slave property, 76
delegates and the west 59. The Trans-'Alleghany made a rigor-
izRichtnond Enquirer, July 2, 1858; August 6, 1858.
iZlbid., .My 2, 18.58.
44AmbIer, Sectionalism in Virginia, 245.
ioRichmond Daily Dispatch, January 27, 1844.
id ArtAAitv, Sectionalism in Virginia, 257-259.

John Letcher — E. B. Prettyman 325
ous fight against the ratification of the bill, but the Valley went
solidly AAith the east for it. 4 7
During this canvass, Letcher was questioned regarding his
connection AvIth the Ruffner Pamphlet, and he stated that be
had changed his opinion on tiie question of slavery, and declared
that if his fidelity to the institution was doubted by any one it
was that one's duty to oppose his election to any office. 4 s The
main issue in the elections all over the State was the basis of
representation in the Legislature. The east wanted representa
tion to be apportioned according to population plus taxes, thus
giving that section, on account of its slave property, a majority
of poAver. The west insisted upon a purely white population
basis for the apportionment.
The election for delegates was held on x'Vugust 22, 1850.
Letcher ran as a reform Democrat and Avas elected from Augusta
District with four Whigs, D. E. Moore, H. W. Sheffey, A.
Stevenson and David Fultz4 9 — ^Letcher leading the ticket Avith
1,939 votes.50 East of the Blue Ridge, Henry A. Wise, of Acco-
mac, was the only white-basis delegate elected, while west of that
dividing line, not one mixed -basis man was elected. 3 1
The convention met at Richmond in October, 1850. Letchar
took a leading part in the first sessions, consistently voting Arith
the minority. He was appointed on the Committee on Executive
Department and Ministerial Officers. 52 The convention ad
journed on November 4th, 53 to await the result of the census.
It reassembled on January 6, 1851, and the actual work of the
"Reform Convention of 1850-51" was on.- On the 28th of that
month, the Committee on the Executive Department reported,
Letcher and Carllle submitting a minority report embodying the
stand of the west on the questions involved. This report was to
insert in place of the section of the regular report providing for
the election of the governor for a term of four years, to be

47Ambler, Sectionalism in Virginia, 260.
isRichmond Enquirer, July 2 lSo9.
49Journal of Convention of 1850- ol.
SoRichmond Engtiirer, August 24, 1850.
SlAmbler, Sectionalism inVirginm 2&1.
52journal of Convention of I80O-0I.
BsRichmond Enquirer, November 5, 1850.

326 Randotph-Mac07t Historical Papers
ineligible for a .second term, a section providing for a term of two
years, the candidate to be eligible for a second term, and also a
section providing that the treasurer and public auditor be elected
by the people instead of by the Legislature. 5 4 The report was
laid on the table after being ordered printed, and Letcher took
no part in the long debate on the subject.
On February 27th, R. M. T. Hunter submitted a resolution
providing for the appointment of a committee of five to consider
and report "what limitations upon the powers of the several
departments of the government, or guarantees in other form it
may be expedient to Insert In the ncAV or amended Constitution
with special reference to the object of providing ample and
effective protection and security to the slave interests." Letcher.
was appointed on this all-important committee. 5 5
The basis of representation was the next question up, and the
great debate of the convention befgan. The committee appointed
to determine the proper basis disagreed 12 to 12. This was
almost a fight for existence on the part of the west.
On March 14th, in the Committee of the Whole, Letcher
gained the floor for his first great speech. 5 6 His style was clear
but impassioned. He spoke from and of the west and the speech
was a strong expression of the thought and nature of the section.
He began with a peroration on his native section, and continued —
"I come here as one of the native-born sons of chat great west
to demand for my people nothing but what is right^-to demand
at the hands of this convention those rights which avIU secure to
the people of western Virginia that political equality and politi
cal power which is enjoyed by the people of eastern Virginia."
He asserted that if the doctrine of "Interests" (meaning slave
interests) as portrayed by the easterners was what guided the
east, then "it is time for the west to separate" from the east.
He t'nen pointed out the unfairness of the election of delegates
to the convention, the west not getting Its just share of repre
sentatives. Then Letcher made a statement destined to become
famous * * * "The fact is that the gentlemen of the
5iRichmond Enquirer, January 31, 1851.
55lbid, February 28, 1851.
66lbid, Supplement No. 26, 1851.

John Letcher — E. B. Prettyman 327
east hav-e but one idea in their heads, and that is 'ncgro-ology.'
They can never see beyond it; and to their peculiar notions
regarding its perpetuation, everything must conform.' "
The speec'n then became \-erj- bitter and sarcastic in regard to
the boasted superiority of the east. He showed figures to dis
prove arguments of the east in regard to the protection of prop
erty under the AvhIte basis government. The east, in a bitter
and sarcastic outburst, Avas denounced because of its incon
sistency on the subject of slavery, the speaker going back to 1816
in support of his positions. Letcher took up several points
taken by R. G. Scott, of Richmond. Then changing his ground,
Letcher attacked the stand taken by the east against money for
internal improvements in the west, because of tbe debt that would
be thus Incurred; he shoAved that the State Avas already j>8,700,-
000 in' debt for improvements in the east, and attacked the pro
posal of the east to defer payment of this amount for 30 or 50
years, by which time the west would have grown sufficiently to
pay off the debt in taxes.
The passage following this w-as impassioned. Starting vrith
the question "What have we met for?" he answered, "To amend
the Constitution of the State. Why so? Because it Avas objec
tionable to a majority of the people of the State. If a Constitu
tion cannot be made agreeable to all the people, then it must be
made agreeable to a majority of the people and a majority of
their interests. And yet the easterners say that there shall be
no adoption of a Constitution not having in it the mixed basis.
Are they thus to stifle popular want? Not a single man in the
convention can say that he believes the mixed basis is Avanted by
the majority of the people of the State. And yet the poAver is
sought to be retained in the hands of the minority, and a Consti
tution forced upon the majority against their consent. Do the
gentlemen know vrith whom they are dealing? Do they believe
that the western people are slaves — that all sense of their rights
has departed from them and that they have not the power, the
will and the determination to resist a tyrannical spirit like this?
* * * Let me tell the gentlemen that there is danger
ahead, if this course is persevered in * * * If they

328 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers.
want a division of the State, they are taking every effective
means to bring about so sad a result."
The people in the west, he claimed, had all the requirements for
statehood and would follow the example of Maine, If need be.
Passing on, Letcher took up some statements that had been
made to the effect that all, party lines Avere broken in the east
on the question of the mixed basis, and exclaimed "I want to
tell the gentlemen that party lines are also doAvn in the Avest! I
am ready to throw- doAvn the party flag, and trample it in the
dust whenever it shall become necessary for me to degrade the
western people in order to give my party the asce.ndency in
Virginia. If the party can only be sustained at the expense of
equality, you must get other hands to do the work. I Avill not
do it, for one."
The eastern Democrats had framed their apportionment under
the mixed basis so 'that the Democratic party would rei:eive
eight more delegates than really belonged to It. Letcher vicio-asly
ridiculed the idea that the Democratic west could thus be brought
to support the plan * * * "Hoav true Is the lesson
taught by experience, that one act of injustice necessarily
drives its perpetuators to the commission of another!"
Finally on April 30th, a motion to strike out the white basis
of representation was carried by a strictly sectional vote — 65
to 59, Letcher voting "Nay." 5 7 A motion to insert the raixed-
basis plan was rejected — 60 to 61, by the same lines, except that
five eastern delegates switched.
The proposition then before the Committee of t'ne Whole was
John Minor Botts' compromise, w-hich was for a division of the
State into two parts, eastern and western, to have equal numbers
of representatives in the iVssembly, the House to be elected on
the suffrage basis and the Senate on the federal basis. However,
on May 1st, Botts Avas allowed, by a vote of 64 to 57, to with
draw his proposition in order to await the result of a canvass of
his constituents on the subject. Letcher voted "Aye."
All this debate and discussion Avorked the people of the State
up to a high state of excitement. The west Avas bitterly opposed
to anything like compromise, and would approve nothing except
ilEichmond Enquirer, May 2, 1851.

John Letcher — E. B. Prettyman 329
a straight white basis. Meetings were held all over the State
and tiie people sent their delegates binding instructions. On
May 8th, the convention was in an uproar all day and talk of
dismemberment Avas rife. Letcher Avas very attentive all during
this period, never being absent and voting consistently on all
questions. On Saturday, May 10th, both the eastern and the VA-estern
delegates met in caucus, but no agreement could be reached. 5 8
On Monday, Martin, of Henry, moved that a committee of
eight be elected — -four eastern and four Avestern delegates — to
agree on a compromise. This Av-as carried viva voce, and G. W.
Summers, of Kanawha, Wm. Alartln, of Henry, G. A. Wing-
field, of Campbell, Win. Lucas, of Jefferson, L. C. H. Finnej',
of Accomac, A. F. Caperton, of Monroe, Samuel Chilton, of
Fauquier, and John Letcher, of Rockbridge, were elected.
Letcher -was elected on the fourth ballot. On the next day the
committee submitted a report (all agreeing except Finney) pro-
Aiding for a House of Delegates composed of 150 members — 82
from the west and 68 from the east-— to be elected biennially;
and a Senate of 50 members — 30 from the east and 20 from the
west — ^to be elected quadrennially; also providing "the General
Assembly of 1865 shall reapportion representation, and if no
basis shall be agreed upon, a vote of the people on a basis shall
at once be ordered by the governor." s 9 The report was rejected
by a vote of 55 to 54, Letcher voting not to reject.
Henry A. Wise moved to strike out the mixed basis and the
motion was carried — 57 to 56 — (Martin, of Henry, switched)
Letcher voting "aye." It was then moved to strike out all of
Botts' compromise except the first section. This was carried
—60 to 53, Letcher voting "Nay."60 Wise then brought in a
proposition to fill in Botts' compromise vrith the section that the
House be composed of 81 members from the east and 69 from the
west; and the Senate of 19 from the east and 17 from the west;
also directing a reapportionment in 1861 and every ten years
thereafter, on the suffrage basis. On May 16th, this proposition

SSRichmond Enquirer, May 13, 1851.
59lbid., May 16, 1851.
eolbid.. May 16, l»ol-

330 Ra7idolph-Maco7i Historical Papers
was rejected — 58 to 53 — Letcher voting against the rejection, ei
Then Chilton re-proposed the proposition of the committee of
eight, modified to read that if the Legislature In 1865 fail to
agree on a basis for reapportionment the governor should submit
to the people four propositions; suffrage basis, mixed basis,
Avhite-population basis, and taxation basis. A motion to reject
th s Avas lost— 52 ayes to 56 nays, Letcher voting "Nay," and
the proposition, practically the same as submitted by the com
mittee, was inserted by a vote of 55 to 48, b}' the Committee of the
Whole, Letcher voting Avith the majority. The west abandoned
the suffrage basis and rallied to the support of the compromise.
On the 19th of May, the suffrage basis was struclc outby the
convention, 80 to 2; the mixed basis was also struck out, 47 to
37. And on the 21st, the compromise as agreed on in the Com
mittee of the Whole Avas Inserted In the Constitution, with the
change of one member being taken from the west and given the
east in the House, by a vote of 51 to 44, Letcher voting "Aye."
The compromise did not suit either section and all over the
State the people Avere In a turmoil. 6 2 Such Avas the state of
affairs that on July 26th, Randolph moved a reconsideration of
the question, but it was laid on the table by a vote of 67 to 58;
Letcher voted to lay on the table. 6 3 Each faction of the dele
gates was willing to let the compromise go, in order to have the
thing settled in some Avay. On July 31st, the Constitution was
adopted. 6 4 The east had not succeeded in what she had ex
pected, but she had throAvn up, during the last days of the con
vention, abundant protection around her property and had
guarantees against undue taxation of her slaves and any ex
travagant system of Internal improvements. 6 4
John Letcher returned home to find himself popular, with a
reputation as a skillful debater and a man capable of attending
to the interests of his constituency. Accordingly, he was that
fall elected to Congress from the Augusta District. Although
never the originator of great measures, he consistently struggled
~ aiRichmond Enquirer, May 20, 1851.
62md., June 6, 1851.
ezlbid., July 29, 1851.
mlbid., August 1, 1851.

John Letcher — E. B. Prettyman 331
in behalf of the interests of the South. He gained a national
reputation as a ready speaker and rapidly rose to a position among
the Dernocrats leaders on the floor. His particular interest lay
in the financial side of legislation. He possessed a remarkable
memory for figures and as a result of close study ahvays had at
his tongue's end every detail of the governmental financial
policy. He fought all extravagant expenditures of public monej-s
and advocated constantly frugahty and economy in appropria
tion. 65 By his attitude, he gained the nationsd nickname of
"Honest John" Letcher, the "Watch Dog of the Treasury."
He Avas returned to Congress three times, serving through 1858.
He was chairman of the Ways and Means Committee for part
of his term, and thus was able to direct the execution of his
economical policies of expenditure.
During this period of Letcher's stay In Washington in the
national Congress, Wise, the goA'ernor of Virginia, whose election
the west had approved, had fallen into great disfavor in that
section because of his zeal for a strong pro-southern program and
his repudiation of Buchanan's administration. R. M. T. Hunter
had gained first place in the favor of the people there. 6 6 These
two men AA'ere both looked upon as probable candidates for the
presidency and each desired the support of Virginia in the con
test, and hoped to gain this through the campaign for the gov
ernorship. 67 In 1858, iri a meeting of Virgirua's congressmen
opposed to Wise, John Letcher, who was now a member of the
Hunter faction, Avas named as their choice for the gubernatorial
nomination. Letcher had become the idol pf the Tenth Legion
and because of his record had a strong hold on the Democrats
of the Jeffersonian state rights school. The supporters of
Wise favored Judge John W. Brockenbrough, a native of eastern
Virginia, Avho had been judge for years in the western part of the
State. The contest as eariy as June, 1858, began to hinge on the
slavery question, and the charge was brought against Letcher
in that month, for his connection with the Ruffner Pamphlet,

esCongressionnl Record, lSp2-18o8.
66American Histrmcal Revieuj, X\., 4, 7/4.
67Amb]er, Sectionalism m Virginia, 6Z».

332 Ra7idolph-Macon Historical Papers
ot favoring a dismeraberment of the State and of being anti-
slavery. 6 a The charge became the sole issue of the campaign.
Letcher's friends claimed that this matter had been thrashed
out before the people in Letcher's canvasses for the Reform Con
vention and for Congress, and had been explained to the satis
faction of the people. 6 9 The Wise faction kept Insisting upon a
statera.ent from Letcher on the charge, and the controversy
became more and more bitter. 7 o Finally, on July 2d, a letter
from Letcher was published. 7 1 The letter was frank and open.
In it, Letcher stated: "At the time of the publication of that
address, I state frankly, that I did regard slavery as a social
and political evil. I did not regard It then, nor since, as a moral
evil, for I was at that time, have been ever since, and am now
the OAvner of slave property, by purchase and not by Inheritance."
He held in 1847 the same views as many other Virginians, but
since then the subject had been more ably discussed, "Avhich,"
said he, "has resulted in an almost entire revolution of public
sentiment * * * Previous to 1847, I had given very
little consideration to it; subsequently, hoAvever, I did examine
It and became completely satisfied not only that my opinion, as
to the social and political Influence was erroneous, but I ac
knowledged my error — ^referring to the campaign for the Reform
Convention. He referred to his record for substantiation.
By Letcher's friends, the explanation was accepted as suffi
cient. But the opposing faction set to work to make campaign
tlmnder out of it. A letter Avas obtained from Dr. Ruffner,
admitting that the signers of the request for the publication did
not pay as he had expected, but he denied that anything had
been put into the published address that was not In the original,
and he pointed to the Avording of the request In regard to Letcher's
vieAV of the publication. 72
The split in the party then was complete. Letcher was as
sailed not because of his fidelity, but because his election Avould
esRichmond Enquirer, June 25, 1858.
G^Li/nchhurg Republican, reprint iu Richmond Enquirer, June 29, 1858.
7 oRichm-oni Enquirer, June 29, 1858.
7l/Wf2.,July2, 1858.
72Richmond Enquirer, August 6, 1858.

Johyi Letcher — E. B. Prettyman 333
make Virginia's attitude toward slavery appear equivocal, 73
and because of the fact that at a time w-hen Virginia Avas fighting
tooth and nail against the abolitionists, he was advocating
emancipation and proposing a division of the State for the pur
pose. 74 On the other hand, he was defended as a fearless adA'o-
cate of the principles of strict construction and as an able Demo
crat of the most uncompromising character.? 5
In the heat of the cauA'ass, about the last of August, 1858,
there appeared in the neAvspapers a letter from the Hon. Sher-
rard Clemens, a congressman from Wheeling, Virginia, stating
that he had been authorized by Judge Brockenbrough to with
draw his name from the contest for the nomination. 7 6 This
complicated matters. A w-eek later. Judge Brockenbrough, in
a public letter, denied that he had authorized Clemens to vrith-
draAV his name. 77 O. Jennings Wise, son of the governor and
one of the editors of the Richmond Enquirer, then directly
questioned Clemens' Intentions. 7 7 Another week, and the entire
correspondence betvA-een Clemens and Judge Brockenbrough Avas
published and the lie was given Clemens by Wise. A challenge
passed and in a pistol duel Clemens was seriously, wounded. It
was stated In the papers that Clemens Avas a supporter of John
Letcher. 7S The duel is of especial interest because of Clemens'
later actlAitv- in the defection of West Virginia.
In the m.eantime, both sides were claiming unfairness and
trickery on the part of the other. 79 It Avas claimed, also, that as
G. W. Summers, an anti-slavery man, would probably be the
Whig candidate, much campaign material Avould be lost by the
nomination of Letcher by the Democratic party. so Over and
over again the claim AA-as asserted : "This is not the time for Vir-

73CharloUesiiUe, Va., Observer, reprinted in Richmond Enquirer, August 6,
1858 7iRichmond Enr/uirer, August 31, 1858.
75Richmond South, August- 29, 18-d8
76Richrnond ErupMrer, August 31, 1»5».
nIMd., September 1, 18-38
IsRichmond Eruiuirer, .-^ptember 30 18q.S
"QThid Au'Tist 31, September 17, November 12, I808.
' Le^SSn Stor, reprinted in Enquirer, September 21, 1858.
Texiwlon Grj^etle. reprinted in Enquirer, September 21, 1S58.
I/ijnchburg Republican, reprinted in Enquirer, September 21, 1858.
SORichmond Enquirer, August 31, 1858.

334 RajidolpJt-Macon Historical Papers
ginia to tinker AvIth the negro question, and there is no necessity
for mixing it up Avith the election for governor." si Friends of
Letcher, hoAvever, went through the records of almost every
prominent public man of the day — including Governor Wise,
James Lyons and John C. Calhoun — shoAving their utter Incon
sistencies and arguing that this inconsistency of their candidate
on ti-ie subject of slavery Avas not vital, s 2
About the middle of October, the attack shifted to Letcher's
course in the convention of 1850. His votes in regard to the
taxation of slavery were brought out and assailed, s 3 The
phrase, "negro-ology" Avas repeated and echoed through the
State. 8 4 He Avas also attacked bitterly as haAing know-nothing
tendencies. 8 5 All the attacks, however, Avere inadequate to
OA'ercome the solidity of Letcher's record in regard to state
rights, the integrity of his character, and the slogan, "Honest
John." The State Convention met in Petersburg on December 3d.
For days the house Avas in an uproar. Delegates declared that
they w-ould vote for anybody except Letcher. But when the vote
came, Letcher received 51,528 A'otes, a majority of 17,520. The
southwest and trans-Alleghany Avent against him, but a majority
In all the other sections was for him.se Letcher Avrote from
Washington on the 24th of December, accepting the nomination
and stating his platform. He now regarded the Institution of
domestic slavery "existing in Virginia and the other slave-holding
States, morally, economically and politically right." S7
In the meantime. Summers had declined to allow his name to
be used and the Whigs had nominated William L. Goggin, of
Bedford, an easterner and a pro-slavery man. The carapaign
between the Iavo parties followed the same lines as the canvass
for tbe Democratic nomination, with additional rivalry of the
Avest against the east. The Wise Democrats and the Richmond
Sllbid., September 2, 1858.
S2lbid., September 10, 1858; October 4, 18.58.
SZlbid., October 19, 1858.
Silbid., November 23, 1858.
sslbid., November 6, 1858; November 30, 1858.
saRichmond Enquirer, December 7, 1858.
nvlbid., January 4, 1859.

Johti Letcher — E. B. Prettyman 335
Enquirer gave Letcher but little support. All the charges of
free-soilism and anti-slavery used the fall before in the Demo
cratic papers, Av-ere reprinted in the Whig papers, and the cam
paign became one of the bitterest In the history of the State.
Letcher steadily disclaimed all anti-slavery sentiments and both
men ran on a pio-slavery platform. ss
The final vote in Alay shoAved an almost strictly east and Avest
division in the State, Letcher being elected by a majority of a
little over 5,000 votes. It is probable, therefore, that he really
OAved his final election to his prerious anti-slavery utterances, a 9
?.lthough his party and he AA'ere vehement In their protestations
against such.
Letcher took the oath of the office as governor on January 1,
1860.9 0 Virginia Avas standing on the threshold of the most
momentous epoch in her history. The nation was beginning to
shake Avith the mightiness of the question of negro slavery. Vir
ginia herself was broken by political and sectional differences.
The eastern section was conservative and unanimously bound to
the support of the existing institutions. The radical northwest
was controlled by men bitterly opposed to that peculiar institu
tion, slavery, and devoted to the Federal Union. The near
approach of a presidential election whose advent was fraught
with evil prospects was watched vrith anxiety by the southern
leaders. Under the leadership of South Carolina the States of the
section were in an uproar. In Virginia, the Avounds of the guber
natorial campaign were deep and hard to heal ; every outlook in
the Old Dominion was dark. No other governor had ever thus
entered a term as her chief executive. Letcher was a man of
strong convictions, a self-made man, of sturdy stock. He had
stored In his remarkable memory, every detail necessary to the
efficient performance of his duties. 9 1 The right of Virginia to
do w-hatever she might vote to do, was the basis of all his political
creed. Ne.xt to Virginia, he loved the Union, and was determined
to save it if possible. He Avas fearless personally and a tireless
- -- - - . . .,- . - ... 
SSRichmond Enguirar, daily untfl May 27, 1859.
fioAmhler Sectionalism in Virginia, SA-l.
'SS Daily Dispatch, January 3, 1860.
9lllrld., Januarj- 3, 18bU.

336 Ra-?idolph- Macon Historical Papers
Avorker. He went to his office at eight o'clock each morning,
smoked a bit, and then Avorked steadily until three. 92
About a Aveek after his inauguration, he sent his first message
to the Legislature. 9 3 In it he stated the condition of affairs in
the North and the South, and stated as his belief, that the only
means of averting trouble was to call a Convention of the States,
which could either reach some agreement as to slaA'ery or effect
a peaceful separation. He urged the Legislature to take steps to
call such a convention. "This controversy has now reached a
point," said he, "which demands a speedy settlement, if the
Union Is to 'oe saved from dissolution. If the aggressions to
which we have been subjected for so many years, are to be re
peated ; if mutual distrust and suspicion are to continue, and if
the election of a Republican candidate to the presidency in 1860
is to be superadded. It is useless to attempt to conceal the fact
that, in the present temper of the southern people, it cannot and
will not be submitted to." Most earnestly he urged a Conven
tion of the States. He also urged, at the same time, that certain
improvements be made in the State militia laws, in order that
everything might be prepared, "upon the shortest notice, to
protect the honor, defend the rights, and maintain the institu
tions (of the State) against all assaults of her enemies," Clearly
had he sized up the situation and, more clearly than he thought
probable, the future.
The message commanded attention all over the country, for
its tone and its reconimendations.94 The Legislature at once
set to w-ork to arm the State In accordance with Letcher's sug
gestion. 9 5 The South was at this time making preparations for
a Southern Convention to be held at Atlanta In the event of the
election of a "Black Republican" president. 9 5
osQuoted from Richmond Whig by Mr. Shields, of Lexington, in hia Memorial
Day speech, 1908.
SZRichmond Daily Dispatch, January 9, 1860.
9-tNeiv York Tribune, reprinted in the Richmond Daily Dispatch, January 7,
1860. New York Express, reprinted in the Richmond Daily Dispatth, Jan
uary 7, 1850.
Charleston Me:rcury, reprinted in the Richmond Daily Dispatch, Jan
uary 14, 1S80.
OoRichmond Daily Dispatch, for January, 1860.

John Letcher — E. B. Prettyman 337
The National Democratic Convention met at Charleston,
S. C, in April and its meeting Avas tbe scene of the most complete
confusion. 9 e Out of the confusion came two tickets as antagonis
tic to each other as to the one of the party at the North, headed
by Abraham Lincoln. The national election was carried by the
Republicans on a strict sectional vote, and on the 15th of No
vember, Governor Letcher issued a call for the General Assembly
to meet in extra session on January 7, 1861. 9 7
In Virginia, a sentiment v/as groAving in favor of a State Con
stitutional ConA-ention to determine the course to be pursued. 98
When the Legislature met, Letcher sent to it a long and carefully
prepared message. 9 9 He first called its members to stand firm
and to do Avhat they considered their duty. He reviewed the
history of the nation from its origin and added — "Surely no
people have been blessed as we have been, and it is melancholy
to think that all Is now about to be sacrificed upon the altar of
passion. If the judgments of men were consulted. If the admoni
tions of our consciences were respected, the Union would yet be
saved from overthrow." Again he called attention to the plan
of a Convention of the States, as suggested in his inaugural
message, and he urged this most earnestly, in order that if no
agreement could be reached the separation might be peaceful.
He resented some references by South Carohna and Mississippi
of a derogatory character tOAvard Virginia, adding "I vrill resist
the coercion of Virginia Into the adoption of a line of policy
whenever the attempt is made, by northeni or southern States."
He attributed the crisis to the non-slaveholding States; "and
if the Union shall be destroyed, upon them avIU rest the solemn
responsibility." The call for a State Convention in Virginia,
although popular at the time, he unhesitaltingly opposed, seeing
no necessity for the move nor any good to be accomplished by
it. The Conventions in 1829 and in 1850 had successfully handled
all matters before the State. He again urged, as in his first
message, that commissioners be sent to all of the States, except
those of' New England; to the North, to insist upon the uncon-
-^^^T^^;^;;;j^-^pa^cA, April 25-27, 1860; May 3^, 1860.
97lbid., November 16, 1860.
98/bid. December 14 I860.
99lUd., January 8-9, 1861.

338 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
ditional repeal of all laAvs obstructing the execution of the
Fugitive Slave Act; and to the South for the purpose of recon
ciliation. He suggested various means of reaching a satisfactory
agreement, and then passed on to general principles. He said
"I haA'e always reverenced the State rights doctrines of Virginia
inculcated in the resolution of '98 and the report of '99. I be
lieA'e the doctrines therein asserted, and the principles therein
affirmed, to be Avorthy of all acception. I cordially endorse
them, and in so doing, endorse the doctrine of secession. * * *
I refer to it In this connection to declare my unqualified hostility
to the doctrine of coercion by the Federal GoA'^ernment. I will
regard an attempt to send Federal troops across the territory of
\'^irginia, for the purpose of coercing a Southern seceding State
as an act of invasion, Avhich should be met and repelled. The
allegiance of every citizen of Virginia Is due to her; and when her
flag is unfurled, it is his duty to rally to its support and defence.
The citizens of Virginia who will not respond to her call is a
traitor to her rights and to her honor."
He then outlined as his solution of the situation that the New
England States and western New York be sloughed off and the
rest of the States formed into a Confederacy, which he believed
would work peacefully and powerfully. The plan would be but
the consummation of the plan attempted by those States at the
Hartford Convention after the War of 1812-14. He denounced
the NeAV England States most bitterly !
Having thus stated, as chief executive, his views, he left the
rest In the hands of the Legislature, pleading for patriotism and
decisive judgment. He closed — "In conclusion, I have but to
add that the avIH of Virginia will furnish an inflexible rule for
the direction of my OAvn will. My destiny is indissolubly linked
with hers. In the expressive language of Ruth, 'Whither thou
goest, I Avill go ; and where thou lodgest, I will lodge ; thy people
shall be my people and thy God, my God.' "
The rest of the long message was technical, showing accurately
the condition of the State, urging legislation here and there for
its better equipment for a critical struggle. He submitted
minute details and tables of statistics in the various departments,
especially in the line of his greatest interest, finances.

John Letcher — E. B. Prettyman 339
This was the stand of Virginia's governor at the beginning of
the great contest, clearly and unequiA-ocally stated. In spice of
his opposition, hoAA-cA'cr, a bill authorizing the call of a state con
vention passed the Assembly on January 13th. i oo In accordance
vrith his suggestion, another bill Avas passed, unanimously, to
invite all the States to join in a Peace Conference at Washington
on February 4th in an effort to settle the Issue between the
States in the interests of the vA-hole nation. Virginia elected as
her representatlA-es her most distinguished sons, Ex-President
Tyler, \\'m. C. Rives, Judge John W. Brockenbrough, James A.
Seddon and George W. Summers. loi The conference met,
with twenty-one States represented. 102 John Tyler Avas elected
president and for two months Virginia labored In vain to bring
the warring factions to an agreement, but the conference ad
journed on April 29th, having accomplished practically noth
ing. 103 Thus Letcher's plan failed.
In the meantime, a State Convention had been elected in Vir
ginia and met in Richmond on February 13, 1861. 104 Rumb
lings of approaching war were beginning to be heard. Secession
was the slogan all over the South, and the North began to prepare
her arms. 105 News of the firing on Fort Sumter followed, loe
and Virginians began to prepare to enlist in the Southern army
which was to march to meet the invaders. The people began to
get restless over the long and wordy deliberations of their con
vention, loa Action was called for. The whole State was in
great excitement.
Through it all, John Letcher remained unmoved. ^^Tien the
news of the surrender of Fort Sumter reached Richmond, a great
torch-light procession was formed, AA'hich proceeded to serenade
the Executive Mansion. Letcher appeared and addressed them
somewhat as folloAVs:— "I thank you very kindly for this compli
ment. But I must be permitted to say that I see no reason for
this demonsttation. I have done all that my duty requires. I
lOORichmond Enrpdrer, January 14:-15, 1.861.
lOlIbid., January 17, 1861.
I02lbid., February 9. 1»°\- „, . .,, „ „ ,hbi
lOsHnd., February 1&-18. 1861; May 3, 1861.
lOilbid. February U, ISbl •
lOSlbid., January 28, 1861; April 11, 1861.
loelbid., April 13, 1861.

340 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
can only assure you that come what may, I will be true to my
duty to Virginia, with no regard to the consequences that may
affect me personally." The croAvd raised a Southern flag over
the State capitol; Letcher sent a detachment of militia and had
it taken down. 107
But on April 17th, the governor received -Lincoln's call, Issued
April Mth, for three regiments of 780 men each as Virginia's
quota of his call for 70,000 troops, los And on that day John
Letcher, as executive of the Commomv-ealth of Virginia, spoke,
in all the dignity and calmness becoming tbe Old Dominion.
He advocated moderation until It had ceased to be longer a rir-
tue. He had used every means at his command to avert the war
he saw coming. Now- the honor of Virginia Avas at stake and such
policies were forced aside. He answered the letter of Secretary
of War Cameron at once: — "Sir: — I received your telegram of
the 15th, the genuineness of w-hich I doubted. Since that time,
I haA'e received your communication, mailed the same day, in
Avhich I am requested to detach from the militia of the State of
Virginia the quota designated in a table, which you append, to
serve as infantry or riflemen for the period of three months
unless sooner discharged. In reply to this communication I have
only to say that the militia of Virginia will not be furnished to
the powers at Washington for any such use or purpose as they
have in view. Your object is to subjugate the Southern States,
and a requisition made upon me for such an object — an object
in my judgment not within the purvIcAV of the Constitution or
the Act of 1795 — avIU not be cora.pHed AvIth. You have chosen to
inaugurate cIa'II war, and having done so, we will meet it in a
spirit as determined as the administration has exhibited toward
the South."
He. then addressed hlniself to the people of his State. It was a
time of sore distress Avith him, Avho loved the Union, but it was a
time for decisive action, and he wasted no words In the directness
of proclamation. He wrote: — "Whereas, seven of the States
formerly composing part of the United States have, by authority
of their people, solemnly resumed the powers gi-anted by them
\(i7 Richmond Enquirer, April 16, 1861.
imlbid., April 18, 1861.

John Letcher— E. B. Prettyman 341
to the United States, and have framed a Constitution and organ
ized a government for themselves, to which the people of those
States are yielding Avilling obedience and have so notified the
President of the United States by all the formalities incident to
such action, and thereby become to the United States a separate,
independent and foreign power. And AA'hereas, the Constitution
of the United States has invested Congress with the sole power to
declare war, and until such declaration is made, the President
has no authority to call for extraordinary force to wage offensive
war against any foreign power; and whereas, on the 15th instant,
the President of tbe United States in plain violation of the Con
stitution, has issued a proclamation calling for a force of 75,000
men, to cause the laws of the United States to be duly executed
over a people who are no longer a part of the Union, and in said
proclamation threatens to exert this unusual force to compel
obedience to his mandates; and whereas, the General Assembly
of Virginia, by a majority approaching to entire unanimity, has
declared at its last session that the State of Virginia would con
sider such an exertion of force as a virtual declaration of war, to
be resisted by all the power at the command of. Virginia, and sub-
sequentlj-, the Convention now in session, representing the
sovereignty of this State, has reaffirmed in substance the same
policy, by almosr equal unanimity; and whereas, the State of
Virginia deeply sympathizes with the Southern States, In the
wrongs they have suffered, and in the position they have as
sumed; and having made earnest efforts peaceably to compose
the differences which have severed the Union, have failed in that
attempt by this unwarranted act of the President; and it is
believed that the Influences Avhich operate to produce this
proclamation against the seceded States Arill be brought to bear
upon this Commonwealth, if she should exercise her undoubted
right to resume the powers granted by her people; and it is due
to the honor of Virginia, that an Improper exercise of force against
people should be repelled; Therefore, I, John Fletcher, Governor
of the Commonweal til of Virginia, have thought proper to order
all armed volunteer regiments or companies withhi this State to
hold themselves in readiness for immediate orders and upon the
ntion of this proclamation to report to the Adjutant General

342 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
of the State their organization and numbers, and to prepare for
efficient service. — Such companies as are not armed and equipped
will report that fact, that they may be properly supplied."
His words were greeted vrith a shout all over tbe State. As the
Richmond Ejtquirer exclaimed "With calm dignity and determined
purpose the Executive of Virginia has spoken and from the
Atlantic to the Ohio every citizen of the State Is prepared to
sustain him. The blood of the conflict rests upon Abraham
Lincoln and his Cabinet!" On that same day, the Convention
passed the Ordinance of Secession. Letcher at once appointed
an Advisory Council to himself to aid In the direction of affairs.
These men were Judge J.J. Allen, of the Court of Appeals, Col.
F. H. Smith, of the Virginia Military Institute, and Lieut. M. F.
Maury, late of the United States Navy. io9
On April 22d, Col. Robert E. Lee received his commission as
Major General in the Confederate Army and on the same day
Letcher called the troops out in a brief proclamation. Such Avas
the confusion in the State that In a few days he Avas called upon
to issue a proclamation urging the people not in military service
to go back to their usual occupations, so as not to hinder the
industrial workings of the State. 1 1 o 75,000 men had responded
to Letcher's first call for troops, 1 1 1 but on May 3d, because of
the evident congregation of large forces in the North, he called
for still more volunteers. 112
On the 23d the people of the State by an almost unanimous
vote, ratified the Ordinance of Secession, 113 and from then until
the middle of June, when the Constitution of the Confederate
States was declared to be in force In Virginia, 114 John Letcher
was the Chief Executive of a free and independent State, the
Commonwealth of Virginia. In the meantime, on May 27th, the
Federal troops crossed the Potomacii5 and the War Between
the States was on In earnest.

l0.9Richmond Enquirer, April 23, 1861.
iiolbid., April 27, 1861.
lillbid., April 22, 1861.
112/iW'i., May7, 1861.
iizlbid., May 28, 1861.
Ii4/6iti., June 18, 1861.
iialbid.. May 28, 1861.

John Letcher — E. B. Prettyman 343
It is not the purpose of this paper to give the history of the
war, its battles, and its heroes. Our sketch deals with the man
who labored behind the scenes, unnoticed, working da>' and ni^hr
to supplj' tbe armies of the State, to keep in motion the eAcryday
workings of the State machinery, keeping the people united, the
industries in operation and proA'iding for the finances that must
keep the heroes in the field. His hght was SAvalloAved up in the
glory of those who fought, and Avon or lost, the battles. This
work was the lot of John Letcher and he gave himself unreserv
edly to the task.
Early In the war, he called Thomas J. Jackson from his chair
at V. M. I. and gave him a commission as coionel In the army.
On May 30th, President Davis and the entire Confederate
Government moved to Richmond and w-ere welcomed by the
Governor. In a couple of days Letcher called for organized
troops to move to the scene of action to repel the advancing
invaders ; 1 1 6 and In his message he admonished the people to
be calm and ready to defend the honor of Virginia.
In the northwest section of the State there was growing during
this time a decided Union sentiment. The vote in that section
nad been almost unanimous against secession, arid the Union
sentiment continued to develop under the leadership of John
S. CarHle and F. H. Pierpont.ii7 To these people Letcher ad
dressed, on the 14th of June, an appeal, lis pleading Arith them
not to turn traitors to their native State in this time of her trial.
The majority of the people of the State had voted for secession
and it was the duty of the others to obey. He realized that there
were traitors- in their midst and that they had great influence.
Eloquently he addressed them: "Men of the Northwest, I
appeal to you, by all the considerations Avhich have drawn us
together as one people heretofore, to rally to the standard of the
Old Dominion. By all the sacred ties of consanguinity, by the
intermixture of the blood of the East and the West, by common
paternity, by friendship hallowed by a thousand cherished
recollections, by memories of the past, by the rehcs of the great

lieRichmond Enquire; June 4, 1861.
1177&id.,July2 1861
lislbid., July 18. 18^1-

344 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
men of other days, come to Virginia's banner and drive the
invaders from your soil. There may be traitors in the midst of
you, who for selfish ends have turned against their mother and
Avould permit her to be ignominously oppressed and degraded.
But I cannot, will not believe that a majority of you are not true
sons, who will give your blood and your treasure for Virginia's
defense. Let one heart, one mind, one energy, one power, nerve
every patriot arm in a common cause. The heart that will not
beat in unison for Virginia now is a traitor's heart ; the arm that
Avill not strike home in her cause now is palsied by a coward
fear." In July, he left Richmond and went into the northwest to try
to aid by his personal presence the cause of the South, 119 but
returned in a few days unable to accomplish anything. 120 And
the State was later dismembered, that section first being treated
as conquered territory by the United States, 121 and then having
a separate government set up at Wheeling.
On the 15th of July, Letcher called out all the militia east of
the Blue Ridge and north of the James River, 122 but after the
Battle of Manassas — on July 18th — ^he modified that call, 123
In August, looking ahead at the coming winter, Letcher began
to laj' plans for the clothing of Virginia's soldiers and issued an
urgent message to the people on the subject. 124 Results in this
work were rapid, and he labored earnestly to keep up the sup
plies. In January he sent to the General Assembly the most elaborate
mesr^age he had as yet produced. 125 He reviewed in detail Vir
ginia's secession, her delay at first and her irtimediate action
after Lincoln's ca.ll for troops. He then went Into the prorisions
of the Constitution of the United States which had been violated
by tbe action of the Admlnisttation at Washington, including
the suspension of habeas corpus, the declaration of martial law
without constitutional warrant, and the effort to diride a State
lldRichmond Enquirer, July 10, 1861.
I20lbid., July 16, 1861.
izilbid., August 4, 1861.
'-t22lbid., July 15, 1861.
i23/6id., July 20,-1861.
12ilbid., August 23, 1861.
12 5lbid., January 8, 1862.

John Letcher — E. B. Prettyman 345
into two States Avithout the consent of the original State ; and he
declared that \'irginia could never accept anything but the un
qualified recognition of the Confederate States of America.
His recommendations to the Legislature at this time were largely
along general instead of specific lines.
About the middle of February, he declared martial law to be
in effect; requiring all men between 18 and 35 years old to en
Ust. 126 On Alay 6th he called the Legislature into extra session,
as the arms of the State were meeting v/ith som.e reverses, and
to them he addressed a very encouraging message, 127 shoAving
how the war was progressing along the same lines as the American
Revolution, and that therefore there w-as no cause for alarm or
discouragement. He urged, in the most vigorous language, an
aggresslA-e w-ar policv-. He wanted the Southern Army to do the
invading. He took a very practical view of this, shoAring that
Virginia was not able to. sustain both armies; and that an inva
sion of the North w-ould throw much of the burden upon that
section and give Virginia a chance to recover herself. He
recommended law-s for the removal of slaves from invaded terri
tory, so as to retain their labor as w-ell as the property repre
sented therein; also laws providing for the w-orking of lead, salt
petre and sulphur mines, for the manufacture of gunpoAvder.
He urged law-s for regulating the speed of railway trains. In 'order
to lessen the damage done them by a high rate of speed, as Vir
ginia had no means of replacing such m.achinery-; and also urged
more stringent laws in regard to exemption from military service.
He added a detailed report on finances, and closed with a defense
of the Avestem people as crushed but loyal. This message was
pronounced a most vrise and practical Aiew of conditions and the
enactment of its recommendations Avas at one entered upon by
the Legislature.
In June came another most eloquent proclamation calling for
more volunteers. 128 About this time a most serious question
was arising, the lack of a sufficient supply of salt, the mines in
the Kanawha valley being in the hands of the Federals. Letcher

l26Richmond En^iirer, February 14, 1862.
i97rhid May 7, 1862.
LS;; June 28, 1862.

346 Randal pit- Macon Historical Papers
went to the fields of Washington and Amelia counties and care
fully investigated tbe situation and then called an extra session
of the Legislature to regulate the output. 1 3 o He was eminently
successful and no further fear Avas felt in that direction by the
Confederacy. To that Assembly Letcher persistently urged the
adoption of an aggressive war policy, as the only means of reach
ing a successful termination to hostilities. 1 2 9
In January, 1863, Letcher took up with Lincoln the matter of
tbe treatment of Confederate prisoners. Three Confederate
officers had been imprisoned as felons by the United States.
Letcher promptly put into solitary confinement in the State
penitentiary nine "Yankee prisoners," and then wrote Lincoln
a long letter asking that some arrangement be made for the
exchange of prisoners, adding, "If no such agreement be made
and the course hitherto pursued be continued, I shall Avithout
hesitation, so long as the honor of Virginia and the safety and
welfare of her citizens are entrusted to me as her Chief Magis
trate, unflinchingly retaliate to the utmost of my ability and
power for any Improper, unusual or harsh treatment practised
upon officers, soldiers or citizens of Virginia. The sin of its
commencement shall rest upon the government of the United
States. The virtue of its continuance shall be proudly upheld
by the authorities of this Comra^on wealth." 131 To this letter,
he received no repl^'.
On September 7th, the General Assembly again met in extra
session in response to Letcher's call. 132 In his message to them
the first difficulty he presented for their consideration was the
fact that the supply of men for the Army was fast being ex
hausted and more were needed for purposes of local defense.
He asked for the passage of a law organizing all men between
sixteen and. sixty years of age, foreigners residing in the State
included. He recommended the repeal of most of the exemption
clauses of the military law. He called on the people of the State
not to be discouraged, and he urged, in a most able way, the
Legislature not to act In a way to Impair the confidence of the
12% Richmond Enquirer, September 17, 1862.
izolbid., September 6, 1862; September 17, 1862.
izilbid., February 9, 1863.
I32lbid., September 8, 1863.

John Letcher — E. B. Prettyman 347
people In the currency of the Confederate Government. He
closed that message with one of the most eloquent passages he
ever Avrote, a eulogy to his felloAv-townsman, General Stonewall
Jackson. His recommendations in regard to the militia Avere
passed and as promptly put Into execution, and numbers of
troops Avere formed for the defense of the State during the stay
of the Army of Pennsylvania. 133
On December 18th, he addressed his last message to the
Legislature, 134 urging especially more stringent naturalization
laws, to cut off the adA'ent of Yankee representatives being sent
into the State by the Federal government to arouse the sla\-e
population. Bitterly did Letcher denounce such action. He
was able to say to the Assembly that the finances of the State
were in good condition In spite of the terrific strain upon that
department. The last passage of this message Avas eminentiy characteristic
of the man. Jealous as a lover of Virginia's welfare, notiiing
turned his head from the line of her best interests. He wrote: —
"A bill extending certain privileges to the Confederate Govern
ment to the fee simple use of our Iron, lead and coal mines,
passed the House of Delegates at the last session; and I desire,
as one of the last acts of my administration, to place on record
my opinion as to the impolicy of such legislation. Much of our
present trouble at this moment grows out of our cession of terri
tory to the Federal Government, for forts, arsenals, etc. I am
utterly opposed to such entangling alliances in the future, and I
trust that the General Assembly will learn wisdom from the past
and will therefore hold the territory of the State and especially
her mineral resources, under her exclusive controll It is the part
of wisdom to guard against such embarrassments, and so to
legislate as to protect the State in everv' possible contingency.
In times like these we know not what a day may bring forth, and
we should aA'oid everything that may be calculated to embarrass
us in the future. If such legislation be consumraated, I fear the
time will come Avhen Ave shall regret it."

iSZRichmond Enquiry, October 1, 1863.
134lbid., December 21, 1863.

348 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
On December 31, 1863, John Letcher retired from the Execu
tive Mansion and his successor, the Honorable William Smith,
w-as Inaugurated on the next day. 135 Letcher had been put
forward in the spring as a candidate for the Confederate Congress
from his home district, but did not succeed in defeating the
incumbent in the position, 1 36 and therefore, broken In raind
and spirit, he retired into private life to his home in Lexington.
Soon after his arrival there his house and all his belongings
Avere burned by a detachment of Federal troops, and he; his
family and his serv-ants Avere turned out Into the streets. About
a month after the war closed he Avas arrested under orders from
Washington and conveyed to that city, where he was imprisoned
in the old Capitol building for about tAvo months. While there
be was indicted for treason by the grand jury at Norfolk, Vir
ginia (the same jury which returned like Indictments against
Davis, Lee and others), but was later released and returned to
his family. It is thought that he was never pardoned by the
President, and was under orders not to leave the country for the
rest of his life.
He lived in Lexington, crushed by the disgraces heaped upon
his beloved Virginia until 1875. During that time Virginia was
recovering her strength and in that year she called back her loyal.
sons to the Halls of her Legislature to reconstruct her laws and
her institutions. Among those vv-ho returned was John Letcher,
going to the House of Delegates from Rockbridge county. Dur
ing one of the first sessions of the Assembly he was stricken
with paralj'sls. He recovered sufficiently to allow his removal
to his native Lexington. Although Avithout any income of his
own of any account, he refused the offer of the General Assembly
to bear the expenses of his illness, saying even then "The prece
dent is a dangerous one at all tirries, and especially so now, in
the distressed condition of our people, whose lot I claim to be
my lot." He lingered until January 26, 1884, when he passed
away surrounded by his family.
Born of a race of leaders through an humble parentage into
the State of statesman, John Letcher had directed the policy

IZSRi'-liinond Enquirer, January 2, 1864.
IZiilbid., June 29, 1863.

John Letcher — E. B. Prettyman 349
of Virginia through the great crisis of her history. A native of
the west, he Avas strong in mind and body with the strength of
the frontier; self-educated, he was self-reliant in intellect and
judgment; by profession a lawyer, he was ready Arith tongue and
pen; by choice a politician, he kept a record unassailible in in
tegrity, unmarked by a blot or the suspicion of a spot; an Ameri
can, he loved the Federal Union with a great absorbing love; a
Virginian, he devoted to her his life in its entirety, and left her
as he had come, possessing naught save clean hands. He lies
buried In Lexington, with Jackson and Lee.

350 Randolph- Macon Historical Papers
LETTERS. Richmond 28 April 1861
Dear Brother, Yours of 20th to hand in good time considering the de
rangement of the mails.
I am more sad about the state of affairs than I can well ex
press. What is to become of us all & Avhat is to be the end of all
this. From what Ave hear of the North they seem determined
to keep matters to an issue of a bloody nature & the South will
'oe ready to meet them on any field they choose.
I have today been out to see the soldiers that are stationed
near here & when I looked on them (many of whom I know) &
saw the material of which they are made up, it sickened me to
think that in case of a conflict so many valuable lives would be
lost. You who have been accostomed to 3. free state all your life
will find it hard to believe that our army will In large part be
made up of the very best class of society. Our Merchants,
LaAvyers, Planters, Clerks, etc make up the ra7ik and- file. The
enthusiasm here is beyond all bounds. Any and every sacrifice
will be made. Our ladies are doing all they can. they are en
couraging their Husbands Sons & brothers to go the uniforms
are all or nearly all made by them Nearly every church in town
is turned Into a tailor's shop, in which you may hear the cHck of
the shears & the buzz of the Sewing Machine In our church there
are five machines sowing every day.
I omitted to say that several of our clergymen have enlisted
as privates, among them Dr. Hoge, among the most distinguished
of his class here. If Beecher wants to engage In the war & is
Avilling to use carnal weopans he will in Dr, Hoge "find a foeinan
worthy of his steel". If common report however does not belie
Beecher, he would probably rather "steal a nigger" than steal a
foe. South Carolina has about one thousand troops in our city,
& many more on the Avay. of all the resignations from the late
United States army, you of course have seen notice in the News-

Letters 351
papers. Alany of them have received appointments here. Noav,
what IS the use of all this, this part of the country will fight as
long as there is a man left, but as to being governed by the other
part, or again uniting with them neither will ever lie thought of,
& the sooner the North believes this the better it will be for all.
Our State thinks she has done all she could do to preserve the
Union. She has stuck to It as long as she could. Her Convention
when it assembled in February was say four fifths Union, proposi
tion after proposition Avas made, committees went to Washington,
& everything that could be done was done to preserve the Union,
but all to no effect. & Now Avhen secession has been forced upon
us, she is using her utmost poAver to maintain her ncAv position.
Why not part in peace. No good Avill come of a long bloody war.
It vrill after all be settled by arbitration, why not as well do it
at once. Do not count upon any slave state remaining to the
Union, a political necessity links them together & together they
will be in less than ninety days.
In relation to Charley I am sorry you did not decide the
matter. Should the war be prottacted he will run a risk of being
drafted into the Army, & perhaps after a AvhIle, as the contest
waxes warmer it will be disagreeable for him to remain here.
Just now, any northern man who would express any sympathy
with the North would be regarded with distrust and might be
invited to leave, but if he chooses to remain here and keep quiet
he will never be interfered with. I do not mention this to make
you uneasy about Charley, for I believe him very prudent, in
fact I think his sympathies rather incline hirn- to the South. We
shall be sorry to part vrith him but If you decide for him to leave,
I presume there Avill be no difficulty in his getting through to
New York safe.
In my case it is different, twenty three years residence here, a
firm conviction that the position of the South is right, my wife,
children, Interest, all bind me here & here my destiny is to be
identified with the State where the largest & I may now say the
best part of my life has been spent. The war is going to be a
terrible blow on us, financially we are already feeling its blighting
effects on our business. We calculate upon a bright and promis
ing future when we .shall be firmly settled again. * * *

352 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
Jimmy by the Avay Is the greatest secessionist in Va. & is
about as thoroughly posted up In all matters in relation to it as
any one else. He Avould take particular pleasure in giving "Old
Abe" & Genr'l Scott fitts.
As I have little space I Arill fill it up AvIth a relation of a few
incidents which avIII show you the tera.per of the people here. A
j'oung lady, an orphan, who has her own property in hand is at
her own expense equipping an entire company vrith complete
uniforms. From our Brokers establishment all the young men
haA'e gone & the partners three in number are members of a
volunteer Co. From our house tAvo partners all the young men
saA'e one & the Porters have already gone, the remaining porter
knows nothing about the business, except the books which he
attends to. So I might go on & fill up an entire sheet with
similar incidents but the above avIU shoAv you how they feel here.
Does the North suppose she can subjugate such a people &
suppose just for the argument that she could, what would she
profit by It. United they never will be.- Their courses now di
verge why not each go its own way. There is room enough for
all & perhaps they may be better friends under separate govern
ments Yours,
James G. Chenery.

Richmond 18 Oct 1865.
Dear Brother,. I arrived home very safely on Sunday last & found my
family all Avell. They as well as all who saw you here are ex
tremely anxious for you to come & Ave shall look vrith anxiety &
pleasure to the day when you will be here. As I am to see you
so soon I will defer writing about all matters which we can talk
about when you get here. Now about business matters. I
commenced chacing up a scheme & the first thing which I found
Is the City Rail Road. This Rail Road was chartered about 5
years. cince with a charter for 15 years, to run through all our
principal streets. & with the right to extend to the country with
the consent of the County authorities. The road was laid down
and operated for a short time up Main Street & on Broad Street.

Letters 353
When the war came on our authorities took up the track to get
the Iron to complete our Gun Boats & everything the R R CO
had vvas invested In confederate securities & the consequence is
that all they have noAv is the naked charter. Not one cent else.
The traffic on the Road through our principal thoroughfares
vrill pay a fine dlAidend upon the cost, & the chance to Invest in
lots outside the Corporation is unlimited.
The demand for houses here now is great, far beyond the
supply, even if parties Av-anting could pay the price demanded.
This of course is out of the question & cheap houses put up on
property bought outside of the Corporation will be an immense
speculation. I may mention here that all the streets leading to
the country go out upon easy grades & that they can be ex
tended to any desired distance. The Capital required for this
enterprise will be §200,000.
The President of the A. seems to have the Charter at his dis
posal & a good thing can be made of it, I think. Feel of your
friends about this.
Another scheme is this. A friend of mine says a manufactur
ing establishment situated near Charlottsrille, about 100 miles
from Richmond immediately upon the R Road & also water
communication by the Canal to R. The House has been burned
and the machinery all destroyed the walls very thick are still
good & they would require Floor & Roof to complete it. There
are ten acres of land attached to the place, & unfailing Water
power. My friend thinks it can be bought for ($10,000) ten
thousand dollars. With the present profits upon the m.anu-
facture of cotton goods, this looks cheap
This plant has been run as a manufactory for many years &
there vrill be no difficluty in getting the labor to run the Mill, as
soon as it is put in readiness.
For property as well located as this, in such a magnificent
country, right on a Rail Road leacllng in one way to Richmond
in another to Alexandria & Washington & in the other to the
White Sulphur Springs & ultimately to the Ohio River & in an
other to Lynchburg & then on to New Orieans— by lines already
completed, I think this a 20<7i ^M«g.
James G. Chenery.

354 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
Thomas Ritchie to Howell Cobb
Richmond (Va.) Februray 8th, 1844.
Dear Sir,
Your polite, but laconic, note prompts nie to address you.
You cheer me vrith the history you give me, and as your informa
tion preceded our late glorious Convention, I am in hopes, the
skies are brighter, than when you Avrote me. I will thank you
for any information you may be able to impart to me on this
subject. I take a very deep interest in the success of the Repub
lican candidate, and in the defeat of Mr. Clay. I consider his
election is calculated to ring the knell of most of our great
Republican Principles.
A reunion has taken place between the friends of Calhoun and
Van Buren in Virginia. Our late State Convention has hapily
brought it about. Am I too sanguine in hoping that the moral
effects of our example avIU extend to Georgia? I received a
letter from Governor McDonald, the other day, In Avhich he
says, that the Republicans are about to make a great rally in
that State at the Convention they are about to hold In June or
July. Is it not possible to rouse up the Repubhcans of Georgia
immediately, and to unite them together more firmly and
energetically in tiie way we have done? Could not you and your
Colleagues address your friends there and call upon them to put
forth their strength. directly? I hope to see the Press of Georgia
and of N. Carolina, and of Tennessee come out, without delay,
trumpet-tongued. I beg you to communicate as soon as It is convenient what is
going on among our friends.
Mr. Cobb, first in the H. of R. and then in the U. S. Senate,
and the perticular friend of Mr. Crawford was my correspondent
from Washington to the day of his death. Are you related to
that estimable man and esteemed Statesman?
The enclosed memoranda has been put into my hands, and 1
must ask you to assist. me in answering it. My impression is
that I have seen a letter from Mr. Crawford, changing his views
on the Bank of the U. States. Be so good as to drop me a line

Letters 355
upon it, and enclose me a copy of Mr. Crawford's letter, if you
have such a one at your disposition, or w-rite me where I can
obtain the information. Thomas Ritchie to Hoavell Cobb.
Private
Richmond (Va.) Monday evening
(May 6, 1844.)
My Dear Sir,
I am deeply sensible of the kindness you have shown me,
and the confidence you have reposed in me, by your candid and
manly letter. It is worthy of the character which I have heard
ascribed to you by those who personally know you.
For forty years (on Thursday next) have I been the Editor of
a paper^ — ^and never have I seen the Republican Party in so much
danger. We are breaking up Into factions. The Great Dictator
marichig on to power with a strong and invincible party at his
heels; AA'hilst v/e are divided by miserable contests. and con
temptible jealousies.
You ask me to interpose my good offices between the con
tending presses at Washlngtion. I might as well attempt to stop
the Ocean AvIth a bullrush. The Globe now vrill hearken to no
good counsels. An arrogant spirit presides over it, at the very
moment that it should conciliate and bind us together. And
again my able and noble friend Dromgoole, whose only fault in
the world is on some occasions a dogged tenax proposite, is rushing
before the public, instead of treating me like its real friend, and
I trust in God, If not as able, at least as pure and disinterested a
politician as himself, by remonsttating with me privately, as if
he thought I had done vvTong, and seeking by arguments to which
I am never deaf, to bring me right. But, Sir, Dromgoole is
groping In the dark. He does not know the sentiment of Vir
ginia. She vrill demand the annexation of Texas, if it can be
obtained. But he does not know the condition of things in rela
tion to the Presidential Slate. Dromgoole and a hundred Globes
cannot stop the current of public sentiment in the South. I
send you confidentially a letter I received today from a Republi-
He is a law-yer in Petersburg. Don't show it, but return it

356 Randolph-Macon Historical Papers
to me. I reed. 5 others of a similar character yesterday, from
different parts of the state.
I have this moment received the proceedins of the Democrats
of this County (Henrico) assembled at the Court House. The
oldest, staunchest Republicans unanimously voted for relieving
W. H. Roane and his colleagues of the Baltimore Convention,
form their Instructions to vote for V. B. and leaving them to their
sound discretion. 'You know the character of W. H. Roane
(former U. S. Senator and the dcA'oted friend of Mr. V. B.) It
was he, not I, who passed the last resolution, which the Globe and
Dromgoole attack. The meeting of Henrico to-day was about
at one time, I understand, to Instruct the Baltimore delegates to
vote for no man who was not for Texas. As It was they expressed
treir earnest desire for their Baltimore delegates to procure the
nomination of a Democrat friendly to the immediate annexation
of Texas.
I spoke very freely to Mr. Stiles, about what I thought was the
duty of our friends in Congress, for no meraber, unless he be a
delegate to the B. Convention, to have any thing to say of the
Presidential Election and for them only to collect Information
about the candidates and await the public sentiment.
Do write me now and then. Inform me what Is going fonvard.
P. S. Do cultivate the acquaintance of my friend, Gen.
Bayley, the new member.
Thomas Ritchie to Howell Cobb
Richmond, May 23, 1844.
My Dear Sir,
If you. had asked me to square the circle, or solve the
Longitude, I should as soon have undertaken It, as to have
adrised you upon the problem, which you have proposed to me.
If you will give us a strong available candidate, on whom our
party vrill rely, tu eris mihi magnus Apollo.
As one step toward seeing your way out of the fog, I advise
you to make the acquaintance of my friend, W. H. Roane, who
is a delegate from this District. You will find hira a man after
your own heart. TeU him, If you please, that we are only

Letters 357
strengthened in the opinion which he entertained when he left
us, that it is in vain to expect to carry Virginia with our friend
Van Buren.
If AA'e have no Texas candidate but Capt. John Tyler, he will
carry off a few thousand from Mr. V. B., which per se Avould be
sufficient to defeat Mr. B. V. In Virginia.
My eldest son, W. F. Ritchie, carries this hasty letter AvIth
him. He is an Alternate Delegate to the Baltimore Convention.
He has seen all my correspondence and knows the public senti
ment of Virginia as Avell as I do. He vrill go into the Convention
and carrj' out the Avishes of his constituents of the Abingdon
District, and he goes in also as no man's man — not even his
father's — as I have w-ritten Mr. Colquett. I pray you to make
him welcome In Washington.

THE JOHN P. BRANCH ,
HISTORICAL PAPERS
Ifcl^ RANDOLPH-MACON COLLEGE

; if :ij Published Annually by the Department of History

V6l. ni JUNE, 1909 V^^v No.l:

CONTENTS

PREFACE- - - - '' --ylr'--''^ ¦ -:"''- ''^''-y:^^^::'^',
Thomas Roderick Dew — D. Ralph Mro'ifETTE, Jr;" 5 : -.5
WtLUAM Henery Brodnax— H. F. Turner ;;- 14
Nathaniel- Macon Correspondence --;'--;:,-;-- ; ;27.

Price of Volume III, ?2.00

Address, CHAS. H. AMBLER, Editor,
;':- Ashland, Va, ' ;}r :

RICHMOND. VA. ¦¦'.
EICHMOND PRESS, Inc.
1909

'J '-y „ i f

"'"?^<&> *- " -* -^ « '^ i -"^^

THf: JOHN P.-^BRANCli

istorica RSlNDQLfH-MACdK COLLEOE

Published \mrua21y by tlje Department of History

Vol Ilf-^ ^ ^^-^^ , lUNE^lQIQ- ^ Xo- 2

r - t.¦^Cp¦NTE^TS

Ed i.\VR.CFFiv-fiE^S^ i;?^E;cLi^ ^- .'^-^-"^4 * 09.
-^!?^ V124

Ds W''rf RUFFVE2.— -E-'L Fox - ^"^ " :* 'ii ^"^ li^'i
Gejv Post -B tCvi?qs— -W B E'liott ''- VC'tV ^145

'\d'5r^ss,-^jLia M AiiS'' EK,. Editor

*

••J

 r<--'>

X^lTil^A..

THE JOHN P. BRANCH
HISTORICAL PAPERS
Z OP
- RANDOLPH -MACON COLLEGE

Published Annually by the Department of History

^„-L

Vqi. IH

JUNE, 1911

No 3

coxte\ts

s-.^'^

|WlX.LlASirBRAJ.CH.GlLES— GfO M BeTTY
' Un-pubushed Lette;r3 of ThoiiAs RiTCHIt

¦ 1, /

Andkea\

\ LtTTEJR or Dr John, Brockenbrough to Andk
f, .; " 'Stevex^on-, 1834 , ^L^ ' ^^ "^ " .. //"^
^LETTERtoF C W Gooch to Martin, Van- Buren; 1835
AnAdd^ss to thf DEsrocsATs of ViRGnsriA, 184Q

An „Edltoriai- FROir-THir Richaiq-to Enquirer 1842

171
173
199
'253 255
263271

^ iV ' f.

i

¦ a

I- ' •"t'^ " -v ^^ 1 Price, 50c
f/'ADDREWcH*RLESH AMBLER Editor, Ashland, Va

''v''

BICHVO»fD, VA
¦* BirHMONB PRESS, TSC * '¦ ^
H V^ 1911

THE JOHN P. BRANCH -
HISTORICAL^ PAPERS
- ^RANDOLPH -MACON COLLEGE -^

_> Published AnnuaUy by- tne Department of History
3-^ -^ A.

Vol. in " JUNE. 1912

No 4

- - CONTENTS

^^. \
S/-il-

Preface- '-'' - -v- _ .Z _ _ _

281

George Wythe — ^L S Hbrrixk - -

— —

283

John Letcher,— E B Prettyman - -

_ >. _

314

Letter Describing- CoNDiTio>ts_iN Richmond in

" April, 1861 ~ --" _ _ .:f _ ^

_

3S0

ThreE'-'Letters from Thomas Ritchie ao

Howell

>- COBB^ - - — -.- ^'^-
_^
354
. - ^ - ^ -^ . - -^
,- — -^r...^ Price, 50c * '
JiiDDRESs CHARLES H AMBLER, Xditor Ashland Va
-r- .^ -*¦— -  , 
^ PICHMOND VA
i BICHirONn PRESS INC
1912-
-r f
YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

3 9002 01490 1632