!

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

HISTORY

AMERICAN REVOLUTION;
COMFBEHENDINa
ALIi THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS

IN Tfl^ Fp:f:&'^AND>5N*^^E CABINET.
BY'^iUL ALLElJ;')j;SQ.
ta WHICH ARE ADDED, TP^iStQ^dS^CfilTANT RESOLUTIONS

CONTINENTAL CONGRESS,

ASD MANT OF THE MOST IMPOETAifX

LETTERS OF GENERAL WASHINGTON.

IW TWO TOIVMES — TOL. I,

BALTIMORE: PRINTED FOR FRANKLIN BETTS.
Wm, Wooddy, Jr. printer.
182g.

Whatever relates to the birth of a great,
free, powerful, and independent nation, must, neces
sarily, form an important era in the history of the
World that we inhabit. Abortive attempts by nations to
relie? ve themselves from the chains of oppression, . '¦e
always denominated treason against the rulers of the
day, and the records of criminal jurisprudence con
stitute, perhaps, their only memorial : so true is the
remark of Dr. Priestly, that every unsuccessful revolt
is called a rebellion, and every successful struggle a
Revolution. "Wallace died upon the scaffold, while
Washington was triumphant.
Those who performed a conspicuous part in the
early stages of our Revolution, not being recognized
by their enemies as the agents of an independent pow
er, were stigmatized as rebels, denounced as traitors,
and interdicted from the common rights of humanity
exercised by all belligerent nations, and "which may
now be said, even in times of hostility, to constitute a
part of national law. The word rebel was, during om'

IV PREFACE.
revolutionary struggle, a sanction to any enormity that
our enemies were capable of inflicting. It is now said,
and there is Indeed a precedent that gives a coloura
ble pretext for such an assertion, that all resistance to
established authority becomes, ipso facto, criminal ;
and while the trae friend of liberty deplores the enor
mities, the pander of arbitrary, power rejoices in the
history, of the French revolution. It furnishes the lat
ter with a pretext to prove his favourite position, that
no nation Is to be entrusted with the government of it
self : it serves to consecrate any tyranny on the part
of the rulers, and any state qf servile acquiescence on
the part of the people. To this example, however,
the former may proudly oppose the history ofthe As2»«i-
rican revolution ; it was a revolution in favour of a free;
government ; it was a revolution in favour of that la,v,
that had been handed down to us as an invaluable le
gacy by our ancestors ; it was a revolution that pre
served to the Colonies, under another name, the rights
secured by Magna Charta. Astonishing as the fact may
appear j it is nevertheless true, that solittle did the Ame
ricans contend for, beyond what was secured to them in
the grant oftheir royal charter, that some ofthem have
preserved those very charters to the present day, not
withstanding they have renouaccd the authority of the
Monarch by whom they were granted. Others have
in the constitutions that have been subsequently fram
ed under the name ofthe people, recognized and adopt
ed all those rights guaranteed by the royal charters ;
and even at the pi;esent day, the constftution of the

PREFACE. V
United States, and the constitutions of the scA'eral
States, have only given to those cha.rtered rights a new
name. The People now speak in their collective inajes-
ty, where a Monarch, in his individual tlaiajfesty, former
ly sspoke ; and the lips of both Utter precisely the same
sentiments — so fiilse was the opinion prevalent iii the
day of our revolution, that our ancestors vvere rfebels.
In the prosecution of the present work, it is deem
ed proper to state, that the facts have been drawn
from what is htinestly believed to be the most unques
tionable sources : from a painful and accurate examina
tion and comparison of the various histories of that
important event ; from the correspondence of those who
were tke immediate parties in a struggle so glbrious
i-o our country ; from official documents, from the ar
chives of our Coutineutal Congress, and those of the
different Legislatures ; aticl frdin the orderly books,
that may properly be denoiuiuated the journals of the
army. Much, perhaps, remains to be known, that
may yet be preserved to posterity, if the [irivate cor
respondence of those who Were the iifamediate actors
in this important drama, has yet survived the dilapi
dations of time and of accident ; but much is irrevoca
bly covered by the ashes of the grave.
It may be proper here to mention, that the author,
in recording the events of our Revolution, is largely in
debted to the voluntary services of two of his literary
, friends, without whose kind assistance it is probable
that he should have never been able to have complied
with his obligations to the publick : an assistance, so

VI PREFACE.
important that he is confident the reader will have
abundant cause for congratulation. This will account
for the difference of style that Avill be observed in the
course ofthe present work-.. He regrets that he is not
allowed to mention the names of his associates. If this
history should answer the expectations of its patrons,
he hopes that it will be remembered to whom honour
is due. Our Country has now acquired a rank, and a name,
and a character, amongst the powers of the earth : she
has extended her dominion from the Maine to the
Gulph of Mexico ; from the Atlantick to the Pacifick
Ocean. She has, in the language of Milton, risen
like a strong man from sleep ; and has shaken- her in
vincible locks. Every American must ferver>tly off*>
up aprayerto the throne of Divine Grace, that she may
grow in dignity, in honour, and in virtue, ds she has
grown in power — Or, to pursue the prophecy of the
Bard, that " she may kindle her undazzled eyes at
the full mid-day beam, and unscale her long abused
sight at the fountain itself of Heavenly influence."
P. A.

TAEliE 0¥ COXTEKTS,

OF VOLUME ONE.

PAGE
Chap. i. — Introductory remarks. 1
Chap. ii. — Further Preliminary Observations. 24
Chap. hi. — Resignation of Mr. Pitt.„Appointment of Lord
Bute...Peace of Fontainbleau...Mr. Grenville made Prime
Minister...His proposition to tax. the Colonies...Resolutions
imposing Stamp Duties...and the consequences thereof. 53
Chap. iv. — Meeting of the first Continental Congress at New
Yorlci.Tljey publish a manifesto, and petition the King and
Parliament...! st of November, 1765, observed throughout
the Colonies, as a day of mourning...Publick funeral of Lib
erty in New Hampshire...non-importation agreement„.the
people refuse to use Stamps...e£fects of the popular ferment
upon the Parliament...debates upon its repeal...effects of the
noijL-importation upon the Merchants of London...their peti
tion to the King and Parliament...RepeaI of the Stamp Act...
universal joy of the Americans in consequence. 77
Chap. v. — Repeal ofthe Stamp Act produces but a short calm...
transactions in England...Mr. Pitt taken into the Ministry...

VIII CONTENTS. PAGE
the strange mixture in his administration...Mr. Townsend
made Chancellor ofthe Exchequer...Mr. Pitt accepts the title
and dignities of Earl of Chatham...Mr. Grenville's Prohibito
ry Act against New York...its effects upon the other Colo-
nies...Arrival of British troops in Boston...consequences
thereof...Mr. Townsend's plan for taxing the CoIonies...Ef-
fects of his measures upon the Americans...Deatli of Mr.
Townsend, and appointment of Lord North...Lord Chatham
resigns, and is succeeded by the Earl of Bristol...Lord Hills
borough made Secretary of State for the Colonies...Resolu-
tions of Boston town 'meetings...CLrcular Letter ofthe Mas
sachusetts Assembly...The Farmer's Letters...Govemour
Bernard dissolves the Legislature...effects of this violence...
Seizure of Mr. Hancock's sloop...riot in consequence there-
of...Board of Trade remove from Boston...Meeting at Faneuil
Hall..,Art'ivaI of a British squadron and tivo regiments at
Boston...The Governour quarters them in Faneuil Hall...Re-
solutions of the merchants...Letter of the Philadelphia mer
chants to their agents in London.„Revival of the Statute .3f -
Heniy VIII...Resolutions of the Virginia House of Buwess-
es...The Governour dissolves them...Other Assemblies slso '
dissolved...Conduct of Governour Bernard...his recall...ai5^
character...Different conduct of Governour Bottetourt„.Lord
Hillsborough's Circular...Sentiments of the Philadelphia
merchants on his conciliatory proposition. 100
Chap. vi. — State of affairs in England...Ineffectual opposition
of the friends of America to the Ministry...Lord North suc
ceeds the Duke of Grafton as First Lord of the Treasury...
His motion for the partial repeal ofthe Port Duties...Debates
thereon...Riot at Boston between the soldiers and ropema-
kers...Several ofthe people killed by the soldiers...Mr. Hutch
inson refuses to remove the troops from Boston...Funeral
pomp at the burial of those killed...Liberty poles erected in
New York...Assembly of Massachusetts convened at Cam-
bridge...Their remonstrances on account of it...TriaI of Cap
tain Preston and his soldiers...Honourable conduct of Mr
Adams and Mr. Quincey...Mr. Hutcliinson made Govern
our a.id Captain General...AtFair ofthe Gaspee at Rhode Is
land-Instructions ofthe town of Petersham to their consti-
tuents...General feeling of the people on the first measures of
Lord North's administration. . „_

I CONTENTS. IX
Chap. vii. — Operations of I773...Vir^nia ResoIves..,Proceed-
ings ofthe Massachusetts Assembly...Discovery of a secret
CM'respondence.^.Proceedings thereupon....Speech of Mr.
Wedderburn...The King refuses to remove Governour Hutch-
inson...East India Company send over their Tea...The Ame
ricans refuse to have it landed-Burning ofthe Tea at Bos
ton. 158
Chap. viii^-Events of 1774..Parliamentary proceedings..Bos-
ton Port BilI...Subversion ofthe Charter...Recall of Govern
our Hutchinson...General Gage succeeds him...Proceedings of
Virginia on the Boston Port Bill...Govemour Dunmore dis-
sblves the House of Burgesses...Proceedings ofthe other Co-
lonies~.Massachusett8 General Court meet at Salem...lst of
June observed as a day of fasting and prayer...Secret pro
ceedings of the General Court at Salem...Their resolve to
call a General Congress...Adoption of that measure by the
other Colonies, and appointment of Deputies. 172
Chap. ix. — ^Events of 1774 continued...Conduct of General
''»ije...Meeting of the people of Suffolk...Goveniour's Ca
dets disband themselves...Meeting of the Congress...Sundry
\ resolutions thereoL.Their letter to General Gage..,Declai-a-
tion of Rights.,.Article8 of Association...Addresses to the
King and Peoplc.General Gage calls a meeting of the Ge
neral Court....Countermands the order...The members as
semble to form a Provincial Congress.,.Their proceedings...
Conduct ofthe other Colonies. 20^
Chap. x.»— Events of 1775...Proceedings of the British Parlia-
ment...Speech of Lord Chatham.,..Lord North's Fishery
Bill...lus conciliatory propositions.,.QxtTa.ordmarj confes
sions of some Noble Lords...People of New Hampshire seize
the powder at the Fort...Movement of Colonel Le6lie.MQuar-
rel in New York.«Affair of Lexington and Concord™ Jlxploit
of the Reverend Mr. Payson...Seizure of the powder in Vii--
ginia...Conduct of Patrick Henry,..hoTd North's conciliato
ry proposals received...Affair of Ticonderoga..,Conduct of
General Gage to the people of Boston..,Massachusett9 Con
gress meet...appoint Generals-Adams and Hancock declar
ed outlaw8...Continental Congress meet..,their proceedings.™
Hancock appointed President,..Washington appointed Com
mander in Chief,..Battle of Breed's Hill.,<its consequeo'^es. 227
VOL. g

X CONTENTS.
Chap, xi — Events of 1775 continued™.Proceedings of Con
gress-declaration, showing the cause of taking up arms...Pe-
tition to the King_.the answer of Lord Dartmouth„.Proceed-
ings of the Congress...Dr. Franklin made Post Master Gene-
ral...Colonial convention...Lord Dunmore's conduct...Design
of Connolly frustrated...Lord Dunmore, on board the Fowey,
requires the attendance of the Virginia Burgesses...they re
fuse to attend_.They appoint Patrick Henry Commander in
Chief of the Colonial forcc.Dunmore declares freedom to the
Slaves...Battle of the Great Bridge...Rivington's Press de
stroyed in New York...Destruction of several towns in New
EngIand...Expedition to Canada...Siege of Quebec.C olonel
Allen made prisoner...Death of Montgomery...parallel drawn
between Montgomery and Wolfe...Arnold wounded.„his gal
lant conduct and laborious march—Licentious conduct of tlie
British in Boston. 268
Chap, xii.— Events of 1776..,Reasons for the invasion of Cana-
da...Distresses of Arnold...Dunmore burns the town of Nor-
folk...Proceedings of the British Parliament..Duke of Graf
ton resigns...Mr. Penn examined before the House-Several
conciliatory propositions rejected...Lord North's Prohibitory
Bill...Motion of Mr. Fox...Mr. Hartley's motions...His Majes
ty's Hessian treaties...Americans alter their flag...Iieights of
Dorchester taken possession of by the Americans...General
Howe abandons Boston.-.Washington enters it in triumph-
Arnold retires from before Quebec...GeneraI Frazer is re
pulsed from Three Rivers...Affair at the Cedars., j^-nold re
treats from Montreal..Retreat of General Sullivan from Cana-
da...Lee arrives at New York...Pursues Clinton...Affair of
Moore's Creek Bridge...Attack on Sullivan's Island...Brave
defence of Fort Moultrie...Operations of Commodore Hop-
kins...Commissioners sent to Canada...Lee gives notice in
Congress of his intended motion for independence-.Pro-
ceedmgs of the Colonies thereon.-.Secret proceedings on
Lee's motion...Independence declared. ';
'^"^fV^'^'i'^^S"^ *''" Doclaration...Vigorous preparations
ofthe Bntish Mmistry...Letters of Washington...Resolutions
of Congress...Miscellaneous Summary...Inquiry into the cap
ture ofthe Cedars,..Commencementof the system of retalia-
tion...Reflections on its policy-Letters...Orders...MisceIlane-
ous Reflections.„Admiral and General Howe arrive as Com-

308

CONTENTS. xr
missioners...Etiquette observed in their intercourse with
Washington...Crown Point abandoned....State of prepara-
•^ions...British vessels pass up the North River..Remarks. SI.**
Chap. xiv. — ^Events of 1776 coatinued...Necessities of the A-
merican army ...Backwardness of their supplies...State of pre-
paration...Orders, letters, remarks...Attempt to entice the fo
reigners from the British service...Enterprise against the ene
my's vessels in the North River...Battle on Long Island ; re
treat ofthe Americans...Reflections. 41.S
Chap. xv. — Effect of the Defeat on Long Island...State of the
Army ...Negociations with Lord Howe...Preparations of the
enemy for cutting off the communication between the main
army and the Eastern States...ShamefuI flight at Kipp's Bay...
Evacuation of New York...Reflections...Anangement of Con
gress for a rigorous prosecution of the war...Spirited conduct
of the troops who had lately fled at the approach of an ene-
my...Retreattothe White P!ains...Loss of Fort Washington..,
Jlvacuation of Fort Lee...Melancholy prospect of the Ame-
ricaDS...Reflections. 473
Chap, xti.— Interesting remarks on the state of the army ...De
feat- of Arnold on the Lakes...State of preparations at Ti-
coinderoga,..Advantages gained by the British in the cam-
paign...Heroick determination of Washington-.His retreat
through the Jerseys...Desperate situation of American af-
fairs...Capture of General Lee...Issue of the campaign...
Measures of Congress...Brilliant affair at Trenton ; at Prince-
ion...Their effects on the publick mind...Skirmishing...Treat-
ment of Prisoners. 537

HISTORY

OF THE

CHAPTER I.
INTROnUCTORY REMARKS.
THE discovery of the new uborld, as the American
C»Tvtineut has been emphatically called, may very
properly be said to have produced an instant revolu
tion, in the condition of all Europe, and an important
change in the affairs ofthe rest of the world. To
Spain, France, and Great Britain, more particularly,
the extension of oommerclal connexion, to which this
event gave rise, led to consequences, which, but for
the subseqtient independence ofthe Colonies, would,
in a little time, have utterly subverted the liberties
and happiness of those three kingdoms. Nor will
this opinion appear extraordinary to those, who are
accustomed to look beyond the occurrences of the day,
into the slow but certain operation of remote causes.
An intercourse with new governments, and new peo
ple, must necessarily introduce new ideas, new hab
its of thinking and of -acting ; and a correspondent
change will be produced in manners, customs and
VOL. I. 1

AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

laws. New desires will be excited, and new pas
sions called Into existence. Avarice will seize upon
new sources of accumulation : envy will seek to des
troy the happiness beyond its own reach ; and fraud
and oppression, must follow in their train. It is not
our design, however, to write a history ofthe discov
ery of America ; and we shall, therefore, confine our
views to one of the many important events, to which
that discovery led — leaving it to the philosopher, and
general historian, to settle the question, whether the
sum of human happiness has been augmented or di
minished, by the adventurous spirit of Columbus.
It has been well said, by one of the fathers of our
Independence, that the revolution was finished, be
fore the war commenced ; and the reader will find
more than one occasion, in the folio wing pages, io
observe the truth ofthis remark. Biit before we er
ter upon the immediate execution of our task^ — a re
cord of the events of our Revolution, In Its broad and
common acceptation — we must beg permission to de
tain the reader with a few general observations, such
as the occasion seems to demand. It is a delicate,
and perhaps a presumptuous task, to attempt to fix
the causes, which have produced the revolutions of
kingdoms and empires. The various and conflicting
motives, which may be supposed to influence the his
torian, should be carefully examined and ascertain
ed, before confidence Is given to the truth of his nar
ration, or reliance placed on the soundness of his
judgment. If, like Bishop Burnett, he is the recor
der of events, in which he was, himself, a conspicu
ous actor, he may naturally be supposed to sit down
to the task, with a mind under the influence of the
selfish and stormy passions of a party. He may be

AMEKICAN REVOLUTION. 3
honest and upright in his own character, and his ge
neral conduct may have evinced a sound and sober
judgment; but it is not In the nature of man to be cool
and dispassionate in speaking of the merits of his own
cause, or altogether honest and impartial in judging
the motives of his opponents, and contemporary ac
tors in the same scenes. Under every form of gov
ernment, the people are more or less divided into
friends and foes of the supreme power ; and during
the existence of that power, it would be vain to look
for a correct and faithful history of passmg events.
The writer, under such circumstances, must, more or
less, be wrought upon by the turbulence of party feel
ings — ^he must be more or less sprinkled by the foam
of the political effervescence.
The difficulty a,ttending all attempts to give a cor
rect narration of the events of one's own time, has been
so forcibly felt, and so universally acknowledged,
that the saying is now become proverbial, that a ge
neration inust have passed aAvay before its history
can be written with fidelity. But it may be ques
tioned, whether even the succeeding generation can
be a,ltogether free from the objections which have
been pointed out. Those who have looked deeply
into human nature — who have seen how often the pre
judices of the parent are transmitted to the child, how
prone we are to tread in the .footsteps of our fathers,
to inherit opinions as we do property — must acknow
ledge, that the violent and agitating passions of the
human heart do not always sleep in the grave, and
that the same objections which rendered the father un
fit to become the impartial historian ofhis own actions,
may be urged, with equal justice, against the son.

1 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

In republlcks,, notwithstanding the unbounded free
dom allowed to research, investigation and inquiry,
the difficulty of arriving at the truth, in regard to great
political commotions, exists perhaps in the same de
gree as ill more arbitrary governments. We are ever
prone to abuse the freedom which we enjoy. We are
too ready to ascribe motives for actions, which perhap^-^^
never existed — we, unconsciously, act under the warp
of Party, and give currency to falsehood, while we
fondly flatter ourselves, that truth is the only object
of our devotion. In popular governments every man
is an actor ; every man has a personal interest in po
litical measures — and the views and opinions of eve
ry man, therefore, must be more or less governed by
the degree of that interest. — He has full opportunities
of seeing and of learning the truth ; but oui- confidence
in his veracity must depend upon our kno\viedg« of
the share he bore in the scenes which he unuert^kpa
to describe. Before we can regard the opinions of any
man, we must be certain that his mind was in a pro
per state for accurate perception and cool delibera
tion ; for as Lord Kames has judiciously observed, pas
sion hath such influence over us as to give a false light
to all its objects. And in republlcks there is a wider
scope for the operation of passion in all its varieties,
than in more arbitrary governments. In the latter, the
popular machinery, if the expression can be allowed,
is moved by one man. The mass of people, having no
agency in publick affairs, have no inducements to make
themselves acquainted with, iior can they be presum
ed to know any thing of, the motives or secret springs
which actuate their rulers, in publick measures. 
The historian, therefore, who belongs to such govern
ments, must be supposed to be taken into the confi-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 5
tlence of the Court, before we can accredit his intel
ligence ; and being taken into their confidence, he must
be bold in honesty, indeed, if he dare say any thing
that may deprive him of its attendant advantages.
But these are not the only difficulties which attend
the task of the historian, nor the only objections which
may be urged against the manner in which that task
is generally executed. We believe it may be safety
asserted, that those who undertake to account for the
revolutions of States and Empires, generally regard
the subject in too contracted a point of view. Satisfied
with the ostensible causes, or those which are usually
put forward by the more immediate actors in this im
portant business, they are too liable to overlook those
predisposing causes, which so variously and so pow
erfully contribute to bring about an event so important
as a political revolution. So powerful, indeed, is the
operation of these remote and hidden causes, that it
may be doubted whether any political occurrence, of ,
whatever magnitude, could singly lead to the subver
sion of existing authorities. The popular mind can
only be irritated and inflamed by repeated acts of vio
lence against their rights and privileges. A long ca
talogue of injuries unattoned, or of complaints unre
dressed, is handed down from generation to genera
tion — ^the memory of every outrage is preserved and
recorded, from father to son, until at last some spark
lights by chance upon the collected mass of combusti
bles, and the revolutionary explosion follows. If we
look attentively through the various acts ofthe British
Ministry with regard to this country, from its first set
tlement, down to the period, Avhen entreaty and remon
strance gave place to debate and altercation, and these
last to an appeal to arms, we should discover that our

D AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Declaration of Independence, contains but a small ca
talogue of their atrocious tyrannies. The various,
oppressive and vexatious acts of the Governours, ap
pointed by the crown of great Britain, to rule over the
Colonies— their arbitrary exactions — their contempt
of popular remonstrance — all conspired to produce
something like an abhorrence of the mother country,
in the minds of our sturdy fathers. This was succeed
ed by a regular and systematick opposition to the of
fensive measures of the Ministry, and complaint fol
lowed complaint from the Governours. These officers,
appointed by the King, sensible ofthe precarious ten
ure by which their authority was held, were more anx
ious to conciliate the royal favour, than the confidence
ofthe people. They laboured hard, therefors, toprove
themselves worthy of the trustreposed in them by the
King, and sought to carry, with a high hand, all mea
sures in which the royal prerogative was concv^rnetl.
Satisfied with the single approbation of their royal
master, and eager at all times and at all hazards, to
obtain it, they raised the cry of disloyalty and disaf
fection, against the Avell grounded remonstrances of
the peoj)le.
The Ministry, on the other hand, engaged in the same
labour of propping up the royal prerogative, against
the turbulence of contending factions at home, were
always ready to lend a willing ear to the representa
tions of their favourites and coadjutors abroad. Fa
miliarized to the din of popular tumults and remon
strances, and jealous of all encroachments upon that
power, by virtue of which they held their own authori
ty ; instead of listening to these remonstrances, they
considered them as so many proofs of the fidelity of
their Governours. If the Ministry was changed, their

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 7
Governours were likewise discarded, and their place
supplied by new creatures of the new Ministers ; but
these changes of the instruments of power, produced
no change in the grievances under which the people
suffered — ^the new Governours soon rendered them
selves quite as obnoxious as their predecessors. If an
American, whose character and conduct were held In
coMempt and abhorrence by his countrymen, repair
ed to England, he seldom failed to return, loaded with
marks of the royal favour, and bearing some high
commission to lord it over his native land.
These and a thousand other acts of a wicked arid
corrupt Ministry, which it would be impossible to e-
numerate, are some of the predisposing causes, to
which we have already alluded. The English Min
istry, at all times more anxious to retain their places,
than to do justice, were insensible to the reiterated and
respectful complaints ofthe Colonies. Every petition
was regarded as a new symptom of disloyalty. The
Colonies, it was said, enjoyed too much liberty ; for
they had the liberty of complaining ; and It was much
easier for the Ministers to declare their complaints un
founded, seditious and disloyal, than to remove their
causes. To do the latter would have required some
sacrifice of themselves. Indeed, it may be affirmed
with confidence, that the broad and expansive princi
ples of legislation, as applied to this controversy be
tween the mother country and the Colonies, hardly en
tered into the consideration of his Britannick Majes
ty's Ministers. They thought of England, and of
.England only. If a remonstrance was made — if a law
was proposed to be enacted — ^if any temporary mea
sure of alleviation was deemed necessary for the Colo
nies — the question with the Ministry was^ of what ad-

8 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
A^antage will such a concession be to England f In
stead of viewing the prosperity ofthe Colonies upon a
large and liberal scale ; instead of conceiving that the
English character, English manners, laws, liberty and
religion, acquired additional renown and strength by
being expanded over a Avhole continent — the English
Ministry were governed by a narrow^ selfish, local, and
jealous policy. It did not enter into thetquestion with
them, to what a glorious extent, these principles pure
ly and exclusively English might be promulgated —
how many human beings might be rendered happy by
living under the protection of English law, and in the
enjoyment of all the privileges of an English freeman
— these were considerations too liberal for their con
tracted policy — they only inquired whether all this
would add to their own power, or keep them a mo
ment longer in place. It may be easy to see the result
of such a policy, without entering into a mim.'^e and
tedious detail. The interests ofa little Island, or rath
er of a few ambitious inhabitants of that Island, were
put in opposition to the interests of a Continent ; and
every concession was made subordinate to that one
point. The natural enterprise of our countrymen, their ad
venturous spirit in commercial pursuits — ^were made
to bend to these views of the English Ministry ; and
the prosperity of England, was taken as the standard
of their action. The Governours who adhered tothe
authors of this policy, were of course continued in of
fice, in despite of the remonstrances of the people. 
They were encouraged to persevere, and not to forfeit
the favour of his majesty, by yielding to symptoms of
disaffection.

AMEKICAN REVOLUTION. 9
When wc take into consideration, the action and
counteraction of these two principles — ^the disposi
tion of the colonies to embrace every practicable ad
vantage which was presented to promote their prospe
rity ; and the disposition of the Ministry on the other
hand to counteract every effort of this sort,, so far as it
was supposed to interfere with their narrow ideas of
Insular policy — we may, without much effort, discov
er, even at an early period. Indications of that open
, rujiture which at last burst forth. These are some of
the many trijles, Avhicli are usually passed over in si
lence by historians, but which lead to great and import
ant national events. So early as the days of Eliza-
' beth, an English author, whoAvas a sound politician,
because he was no Minister, saw the effects ofthis con
tracted policy, and ventured to predict the future inde
pendence of the English colonies. Indeed Avhen we
consider the natural course of population, aud the dis
position, which Avas early manifested in the people of
England, for emigration, whether from religious, po
litical, or mere personal motives, we shall be no longer
' surprised at the prediction. It is natural to presume,
that men who voluntarily relinquish the country of
their ancestors, to seek an asylum and renting place in
a land of strangers, are not actuated by motives of af
fection for the country which they leaver^men do not
willingly abandon a country in which they have lived
•contentedly and happily. Those who emigrated, then,
may be fairly suspected of unfavorable feelings to
wards their native country, and whether justly or un
justly excited, the effect would be the same — they
would seek to instil their prejudices into the mihds of
those among whom they intended to dwell — and these,
already irritated and vexed by the petty acts of tyran-
VOL. I. 2

10 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ny to which they were continually exposed from the
agents of the English government, were readily per
suaded to credit their narrations, and thus give addi
tional strength to their own causes of enmity.
It is likewise worthy of remark, that a voyage to
England, from the American Colonies, was not then
regarded, as it now is, a mere tour of pleasure, to be
made with every change of season — but as something
of which the traveller might boast to his descendants.
To have seen his most gracious Majesty; to have
heard the noble lords in Parliament ; or to have visit
ed the Tower, was then a matter of so much import
ance, that it was deemed worthy to be commemorat
ed in our family journals, as a grand epoch in the life
of the Colonist. The first settlers of the couutry, en
gaged as they were in reducing a wilderness to culti
vation and civilization, and in resisting the hostile in
cursions of their savage neighbours, knew but little of
England, except what they were made to lean? inthe
severe discipline of gubernatorial tyranny. Tii-ov saw
her only in the exaggerated tales of discontented emi
grants, and felt her influence only In the oppressions
of his Majesty's arrogant representatives. The popu
lar and royal branches of the Colonial governments,
were at eternal variance ; and each had their separate
agents, spies, and informers, near the court of St.
James. Thus, England was as ignorant of the true
state of her American Colonies, as the Colonies them- *
selves were of the machinery of her government. The
English Parliament was, as it were, disciplined to the
belief, that the American Colonies comprehended tue
most factious and discontented spirits, under the do
minion oftheir royal master ; and the Colonies, on the
other hand, seemed to think that Parliament had little

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. H '
else to do, than to listen to the representations oftheir
Governours, careless and indifferent to every remon
strance of the people. The ignorance of the English
Ministry with regard to the political interests and geo
graphical situation of this country, may be abundant
ly seen in many of the royal charters — ^the alteration
or abrogation of which, at their own pleasure, pro
duced disquietudes, traces of which may be found e-
¦ ven at the present day. The same tracts of land were
often granted to several individuals — rivers, moun
tains, and other prominent land-marks, were some
times named in the charter, which were no where to
be found except in the charter itself ; and contending
parties, deriving their titles from equal authority, the
same royal grant, either spent their lives in litigation,
or succeeded against each other only by superiority of
artifice and cunning. It is not our business to inquire
into the validity of any of these royal grants, or we
might here take occasion to smile at the ridiculous ar
rogance, and ostentatious liberality, with which a
crowned head could give away, what belonged to him
by no right, divine or human— -this is the province of
the general .historian ; and to him we leave the task of
defending the right, by which the peaceable and un
offending natives ofthis western Continent, were driv
en from the soil which God had given them, by the^a*
of an earthly sovereign.
Bred up, as our ancestors were, to a free interchange '
of opinion on these apparently trifling subjects of dis
content, they acquired a habit of minute . investiga
tion, which 'ultimately led them to an equality with
the greatest statesmen of Europe. Every subject of
real or imaginary grievance, was examined to the bot
tom — ^the constitutional right of Parliament to im-

12 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
pose certain obnoxious aud oppressive measures, Avas
brought into qiiestion, and the negative stoutly main
tained — and having once ventured to dispute the omni
potence of Parliament, they were uot long in denying
altogether their rightto interfere in the local concerns
of this Country. It was allowed to possess a general,
supervisory jurisdiction, by some writers ; but it was
held, that for all local, interior, subordinate purpos
es, our own Legislatures were alone competent to le
gislate. It was maintained, that Representatives,
chosen from the body of the people, acting under the
eye of their constituents, responsible to them for their
conduct, and participating in all their interests, were
incomparably better judges, both of the evil and of
the remedy, than a Legislature at the distance of three
thousand miles, who had no common feeling or s'jai-
pathy with the people, over whom they c'.ai-iied a
right to legislate. Inquiries were made as to the ex
tent ofthis Parliamentary claim— Writers who touch
ed on these delicate and dangerous subjects, acquired
a sort of popularity, which Avas probably the motive
that induced them to employ their pens upon such
topics. They were in the outset, perhaps, hardly
serious themselves, when they pressed home upon
their readers, points of such momentous concerns. As
they, however, became, from the boldness of their
speculations, popular favourites, they dared to en
large the questions and to take stronger positions. In
the mean time it must not be supposed, that the crea
tures of the English Ministry were idle. They look
ed with jealousy and alarm at the introduction of such
new doctrines — they introduced persecutions and in
dictments ; but this only augmented the evil for which
they attempted to furnish a remedy. The case was

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 18
to he^submitted to the decision of a Jury of our own
coimtrymen, who Inherited all the political prejudi
ces ofthe writer, and Avho would rejoice in an oppor
tunity to sanction by their verdict the legdity of sucli
speculations. From this moment, the writer became
a ijian of political Importance — he Avas then represent-
ejil as the champipn of our Colonial rights, a man whose
abilities and Integrity had alarmed the sycophants of
the Court, and whom they endeavoured to ofler up as
a victim to Ministerial injustice. These ideas and
opinions were every day gaining ground, and they
harmonized so well with all the prejudices of our
countrymen against Parliament, that it is not a mat
ter of astonlshiient that they should find supporters
aufl defenders.
While mattery were taking a course so dangerous at
home, Parliament were urging unusual and unprece
dented claims — They asserted rights of sovereignty
still more large and undefined, more alarming and re
volting to the jealous mind of the Colonies. These
pretensions were again canvassed and discussed ; they
were compared with those rights which were reserv
ed to the Colonies and sanctioned by the royal char
ter, and were often found utterly at variance. Here
was new cause for disquietude and alarm, and for the
writers on this side of the Atlantick to push their spec
ulations further than they had originally gone. For
tified and encouraged by popular confidence, and brav
ing all the Consequences, they did not hesitate, in some
instances, to call in question the right of Parliament
to legislate for them In any case whatever. In Eng
land, the Party in opposition to the Government, were
not backward in ascribing all these trans -Atlantick
commotions to the conduct ofhis Majesty's Ministers.

14 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
This Party were, perhaps, themselves not conscious
of the extent of the mischief that they were doing.
They probably thought, that it would be in the pow
er of Parliament, at any time, to impose a check upon
such licentious doctrines, before they extended them
selves beyond mere speculation, and that, in the mean
time, they might appropriate to themselves all the
benefits resulting from such ministerial embarrass
ments. They would therefore appear on the floor of
Parliament, as the defenders and apologists of the
Colonies. The Colonies on their part, when they.
found that they were sanctioned by such high au
thority, were little disposed passively to surrender
any of their controverted claims ; but on the contra
ry urged them with still more boldness and persever
ance. These Parliamentary champions shortly became
.the idols ofthe Colonies — they were selected to pre
sent remonstrances and addresses, and were toat Ic-d on
this side ofthe Atlantick, as the defender.-, of Anierican
liberty. Thus from the operation of causes partly natural
and partly artificial, permanent impressions of hosti
lity to England, were made upon the minds ofthe Co
lonists. In our plain, simple, republican habits, eve
ry thing appertaining to royalty and aristocracy, to the
pomp and splendour of a Court, was regarded with a
jealous and a suspicious eye; fortunes were here made
by self-denial, and the slow and tedious process of la
borious industry. Children were brought up heirs to
little more than the industry of their parents  they
were always accustomed to habits of parsimony and
self-denial, while their rulers across the Atlantick Were
born to power and eminence. All the splendour by
Avhlch these rulers were invested, all the rank, titles

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 15
arms, escutcheons, and paraphernalia of nobility,
were held by the Colonists as so many demands up
on their pockets, as something for Avhlcli the nation was
compelled to pay, without receiving any other equiva
lent than the pleasure of gazing at such gaudy spec
tacles. Our ancestors had nothing Avithin their view,
with which they could compare such splendour and
magnificence. Every well cultivated field, or sump
tuous edifice that arrested their attention — all the pre
eminence afforded by opulence, reminded them only
of individual industry. Many could remember the
time, when the ancestor of the man, who now enjoy
ed such proud domains, was compelled, like them
selves, to comply with the injunction to the father of
the human race, to earn his bread by the sweat of his
brow. This did not excite that feverish jealousy to
long hereditary opulence : it was only a stimulus tp
indu.stry — an incitement to persevere in painful, but
honest labour. The steps by which opulence enjoy
ed its present comfort and ease, were still visible, and
the road to such envied preeminence was as plainly
marked out to the eyes of the spectator. If this spec
tacle is compared with a different state and organ
ization of society across the Atlantick; If we will
only for a moment enter into the feelings of men, hon
est but simple, in all their habits and manners, such
hostility may be accounted for, without resorting to
the common depravity of human nature. It is not,
strictly speaking, the hostility of the poor against the
rich — ^that is to say, it is not that hostility that would
demolish and appropriate to one's self the property of
others, if the laws of the land did not interpose theii,* ,
influence. It is that hostility, which results from be
holding a man in possession of a magnificent mansion.

16 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
when it does not appear that he has any legal right or
title to such magnlflcence. He seems, at one and at
the same instant of time, to have started into existence
and into opulence. Comparing these ideas with those
entertained by our ancestors, with the slow and penu
rious process by which their little property was acquir
ed, and delivered down to their descendants, with their
habits of abstinence, of retrenchment, and of self-de
nial, we shall cease to Avonder at the repugnance which
they felt to all the stars, garters, and titles of nobility.
This birth to honour, to fortune, to celebrity, and to e-
molument, was, in their simple and unsophisticated
vieAV, an anomalous thing — something that Avas not the
natural and legitimate product of civil life — ^biit a sort
of political fungus, an excrescence that miarred: all its
beauty. It was at variance with all their precuuceiv-
ed opinions on the subject of acquiring property-^ii
was associated with the idea of taxes, and of all the
arbitrary exactions ofthe Ministry — it ser\'ed to shoAv,
in a mortifying point of view, their own state of indi
gence and dependency. They had heard, that prodi
gality and idleness would bring a man to poverty aud
Avant ; this was a fact as religiously believed, taught
and Inculcated into the minds of children as fully, as
if It had been one of the articles of the decalogue. Eng
land, on the bther hand, presented a spectacle the re
verse of all these Ideas. Her Legislators Avere born
to opulence, and to command — ^they had an-ived at a ,
stage of preeminence, by being merely ushered into
the Avorld, to which the honest ploughman ofthis coun
try never could, even in the dreams of his fancy, dare
to aspire. The European philanthropist, accustomed
as he Is, irom his cradle to his coffin, to the sight of such
gaudy objects — who thinks that these gradations in so-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 17
Ciety are natural and inevitable, that they tend to the
conservation of the state, though he may be disposed
to censure such opinions as illiberal, will be alike dis
posed to pardon such honest prejudices. Nor do we
think, that we can be justly accused of reflning too
much, if in conjunction with all these ideas, we men
tion the local situation of the two countries, as one
great cause of their political separation. Our complaints
and remonstrances, whether well or ill founded, could
not from the situation of the two countries be favour
ed with a prompt hearing .and decision. They were to
be transmitted to the distance of ihree thousand miles,
in the first instance, and then to endure the tedious pro
cess of delay and procrastination. This delay, of itself^
amongst such a diversity of conflicting interests, was
prone to engender disquietude and jealousy. The evil
was felt, or Imagined to be felt, in all its violence, while
the remedy was tardy, uncertain and precarious. When
the long anticipated moment of redress eventually ar
rived, it was out of season — ^the evil had been endur
ed so long, that the Colonies were ina measure recon
ciled to its existence — it had been felt and, endured so
long, that it seemed almost to have lost at last its char
acter of a grievance. To these may be added many
other subordinate causes of vexation; the difficulty in
the transmission of proper papers and documents — of
the production of suitable proofs before a tribunal dis
posed to be captious in a rigid adherence to legal
forms — ^the inevitable expense attendant on such in
vestigations — the thousand opportunities afforded for
a delay, if not for a complete denial ofjustice — ^the se
curity from detection which a real criminal would en
joy when furnished with all these weapons of de
fence— the hopelessness of such a contest to the par-
VOL. I. 3

18 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ty who had been aggrieved or oppressed — the palpa
ble motives which would actuate the Ministry of the
day to lend their aid and countwiance to all such im
pediments ; all these (and many more might be enume
rated,) are abundantly sufficient to show, how slow,
how precarious, how irritating, must have been a re
monstrance to Parliament for redress — that the reme
dy when granted finally came too lat& — perhaps at a
season when the evil was no longer felt or acknowledg
ed as such ; that it afforded to guilt nearly all the pro
tection and purity of innocence — that the culprit on this
side of the Atlantick, by having friends at Court on
the dther, was able either to elude all inquiry or to
paralyze the arm of justice — So cold, so comfortless, so
ungracious, was the prospect afforded of a Parliamenta
ry redress of our grievances either national, or indi vidu
al. The English Ministry were sensible of all the ad
vantages which they enjoyed from this delay or procrasi-
tination ofjustice — it discouraged the appeal to a tribu-
nal whose movements were so dubious and so preca
rious — it taught the Colonies a lesson of obedience ;
that it was better to submit, than to complain of a
grievance, and they were ever anxious to make an ap
peal to his Majesty in Council, to Parliament, or to
the courts of law, the dernier resort. But, besides
these incidental causes of complaint, we are disposed
to consider even the peculiar situation of these con
tending parties, as decisive evidence that they could
not cordially concur In any given point. What was fit,
and expedient, and proper for the welfare of England,
did in a great measure change its character when ap
plied to the Colonies. When our countrymen began
to turn their eyes towards the ocean, or in other words
when they prepared to forsake the plough and to lean

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 19
upon the anchor, they felt more severely than tbey
had before done, the narrow and coUflned vievVs of the
English Parliament. It was the object of the Minis
try to monopolize the commerce of the Colonies. Our
trade was subjected to oppressive and to various re
strictions — our natural enterprise vvas restrairied to
narrow and to vexatious limits^ which we felt as a
grievance, while we despaired of obtaining a remedy-^
we saw unexplored avenues to vvealth and aggrandize
ment open before us, which we were prevented from.
entering by the magick of a Parliamentary Act. These
statutes seemed to have marked out lines upon the
ocean for our guidance, which if deviatedfrom, amount
ed to a forfeiture of the vessel and of the cargo. It
was plain to be discovered, that while our ships were
sailing by these enchanted limits, England was enjoy
ing the advantages of the enterprise^ We were told,
that whatever benefit might be the reward, it was
criminal to trespass on these imaginary lines ; that if
we should become opulent by a safer> a shorter, and
a surer route, than that which the statutes of Pariia
ment prescribed, we should incur the vengeance of
English law. Legislative provisions, when so point
edly set in opposition to personal interest) may indeed
be obeyed ; but they will be obeyed from motives of
fear only, and not from reverence and affection. They
irresistibly impel the mind to the consideration of oth^
er questions^ — such, for instance) as these: how long
is this state of vassalage to be borne? — when will the
statutes of Parliament allow us the free exetcise of
our own faculties ?¦— how long will it be regarded as
criminal for us to use the common beunties of nature ? —
must we always act in this secondary and subordin
ate isphere— always exert all our native energies fer

sp AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
the aggrandizement of others ? — or will the tirae ar
rive, when we shall be masters of our own? — Nor do
we think it too much to say that such political separa
tions are, considering the natural course of human
events, inevitable. Peculiar events may prolong the
period of separation — a large, liberal, and enlighten
ed policy may avert it for a season ; but it would con
tradict not only all the analogies afforded by history,
but the experience of our own times, to assert that
such separation will never be brought about. With such
lights of past and of present times before our eyes,
does it seem an incredible event that the English Co
lonies in India will one day become independent
States? Had it been told to an Englishman residing
in India, forty years ago, that the English Colonies In
North America would have renounced their fsllegiance
to the mother country — that they would ha\ < ass^i-t-
ed their independence by force of arms — Ikai after a
long and difficult struggle, the Monarch nrf England
would recognize them as free, sovereign, and inde
pendent States, with what stubborn incredulity would
he have listened to such a prophecy!' He would have
immediately entered into many plausible calculations
ofthe relative power of the two countries, oftheir means
of annoyance, and of their means of defence— of the
helpless and imbecile state of the thirteen Colonies,
each acting independently, and with all their sectional
jealousies to overcome— he would have reminded us of
the maritime ascendancy of England, of her invinci
ble fleets and armies, of her immense resources, and of
the comparative poverty ofthe Colonies. With such
fearful odds, he would have triumphantly demanded
whether the project was even possible ? All these specu'
lations would undoubtedly not be destitute of weight- '

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 31
they would show the perilous and precarious charac
ter of such a contest, and what great sacrifices must
unavoidably be made by the Colonies, in the strug
gle. To all this, however, one fact must be offered,
incredible as such an event would then have appeared,
it has now happened. This prophecy has become now
matter of history. Aud will it be said, that the Eng
lish Colonies in India are not as capable now of re
nouncing their allegiance, as the American Colonies
were when they successfully established .such a prece-
' dent ? Admitting for the sake of argument, (we are not
at all disposed to controvert the fact,) that the English
settlements in India entertain no intention, at present,
to follow our example, what is the inference ? Is the
inference to be that the world is, to Its consummation,
to remain the same that it now is^that the term Revo
lution is a word to grow out of use, and only to be
found in the pages of a dictionary — that the same dis
position that now pisrvades the English Colonies in In
dia, is alAVays to remain? — Is it too much to say, that
individual ambition, glory, personal aggrandizement,
fame, will find at some future day a residence in In
dia ? that Englishmen, who at home court the favour
of the people, set themselves in battle array against
the crown, and put at defiance all the penalties ofjus
tice, will when they land in India, and possess a larg
er range for the exercise of all these qualities, become
mild and peaceable citizens, who look with abhorrence
on Revolutions, and undergo a sudden transformation
of character by a change of climate ? Is it not obvious,
that the longer this event is delayed, the more do these
India Colonies increase in opulence, in population, in
power, and the more competent will they be to resist
with success when the day of trial comes. The very

AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

procrastination of the event, ensures its ultimate suc^
cess. We are by no means insensible of what is risk
ed by such declarations; they maybe supposed to
result from a wish to behold the world once more in a
state of combustion; but to those A^ho will think so
meanly, we have nothing to say in reply, and certain
ly no apologies to make. We profess to feel no hos
tility towards England— on the contrary, we can re
joice, with sincerity, in every thing that tends to the
happiness and glory of the land of our fathei-s. And
it is to her glory, that we acknowledge ourselves to be
governed even at the present hour, by English laws.
Our language, our manners, our principles and our
literature, are almost exclusively English. The in
stitutions of Alfred, which their illustrious founder de^
signed only for the happiness of his little native Is
land, are now rapidly spreading their benign influ
ence over two Continents. India and America have
alike their trials by jury, their habeas corpus, their
Bill of Rights, aud all the free principles of the En
glish constitution, without its corruptions. The Bra
mins already begin to view the objects of their idola
try — their miserable gods — ^their sanctifled groves —
their immolation of human victims— their personal
austerities — with an eye of doubt. Their old, heredit
ary prejudices and superstitions, are already yielding
to the new and benignant doctrine, that there is an in
visible Deity who delights in the happiness of man.
And to whom are they indebted for this ray of the light
of truth? To England— to the inhabitants of that is
land AA'here, only a few ceutiiries ago> Julius Csesar
found none but savages— where parents, kindred and
friends were daily sacriflced to appease the wrath of
imaginary gods.— These are facts that redound to the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. S3
glory of England ; and while we make it our boast,
that we are descended from that nation, we rejoice at
the same time that they have taught us to be free and in
dependent like themselves. What we have become, the
English Colonies of India will in time also become,
and by the natural operation of those prihciples which
they are learning from Englishmen themselves.

24 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
CHAPTER II.
FURTHER PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.
The natural seat of freedom, says an elegant his
torian, is among high mountains and pathless deserts,
such as abound in the wilds of America. It is cer
tainly true, however, that the first emigrants to this
country, brought with them that spirit of liberty, which
has since been so highly cherished by their descen
dants. They left England at a period when those
principles, which finally ended in the overthrow and
execution of Charles the First, were every where pre
valent. They brought with them an unconquerable
aversion to the arbitrary assumptions of royal prero
gative, under the increasing weight of which they had
groaned, during the reign ofthe first James, and to a-
vold which, was the primary cause oftheir emigration,
— and they continued to meet, with determined resis
tance, every effort which his successours made to ex
tend the chain. Thus it may be said, that the English
Colonies in America, were originally settled upon the
principles of independence, and that we owe more to
the peculiar circumstances, under which that took
place, than to the peculiar situation of our country. 
The Revolution in England which placed Oliver Crom
well at the head of the government, while it in some
measure drew closer the bonds which connected the
Colonies with the Mother Country, served at the same
time to confirm the former in their high notions of pri
vilege, aud to render them still more jealous of every
encroachment. The sons of the first settiers, inheriting
the spirit of their fathers, and still more independent

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. g5
in their feelings, from their personal ignorance ofthe
splendours or oppressions of royalty, — and knowing
the Mother- Country only as a place from which their
fathers had fled — successively and gradually lost the
little allegiance which springs from natural affection,
until at length they began to regatd every legislative
act of their distant rulers, with respect to themselves,
as an usurpation of authority, which of right belonged
only to their own representatives.
Every thing, indeed, tended to engender and to nur*
ture -a spirit of liberty and independence, in the Colo
nies of the new World. In the flrst place, that most
powerful of all the engines of despotism— the union
of ireligioUfe with civil governnient — was unknown to
them. Each man worshipped God, according to the
dictates of his own reason and conscience ; and by far
the greater part ofthem belonged to that sect of Chris
tians, whose very tenets taught them to acknowledge
no authority, but that which had been established by
their own consent and sanction. They were literally
Dissenters, from all set forms and modes of wor
ship ; and, acting with independence In this most im
portant of all human concerns, it is not wonderful thaf
they felt independent, in every other affair of life. —
In the second place, the first emigrants had, for a long
period, little or no commercial intercourse vvith the
Mother Country. They found, that by industry they
were enabled to provide every thing essential to life,
among themselves ; and that tie of friendship, which
exists between countries mutually dependent upon
each other for the commodities of trade, was here
wanting. Again, as it was only from the middle
class of society,— or rather from that class, in which
rank and honours were not hereditary, — that the first
VOL. I. 4

a6 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
emigration took place, superiority of industry, talents
or virtue, constituted the only distinction among them.
There were no titied orders pf men to claim priority
of place, from hereditary right. Each man was at
once the proprietor and the cultivator of his own lit
tie domain— he felt at once the pride of the freehold
er, and the humility of the tenant— the one taught him
to look upon himself as equal to the highest ; and the
other, to regard himself as not superiour to the low
est of his fellow-citizens. Thus was a feeling of e-
quality engendered among themselves ; and knowing
none superiour to themselves, they were easily brought
to feel the same equality, with regard to those who
pretended to be their natural rulers and superiours.
Each succeediug generation felt all these sentiments
v;t^ith accumulated force, so that it may be very truly
said, that the independence of the Colonies was for
mally established, before a blow was struck ; and that
nothing was gained by the War of the Revolution,
but the recognition of that independence by the other
nations of the earth.
We have said that England used every means iu
her power, by the appointment of arbitrary and des-
potick Governours and agents, to break down this spirit
of independence in the Colonists, and reduce them to
a state of uncomplaining submission and suffering. —
Butthe English Ministry were wise enough to foresee
the danger of these attempts, so long as France com
manded so powerful a Colonial force on the same Con
tinent. They were afraid of pushing their provoca
tions too far, until it should be no longer in the power
of the Americans to seek the protection or to call in
the aid of their Canadian neighbours. Under this
view, they were not long In making a pretext for quar
relling with their ancieuteuemy, the French, and en-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. ©7
gaging the respective Colonies themselves in the con
test. The enterprising and military spirit ofthe Eng
lish Colonies, which had been evinced so early as
1745 by the capture of Louisburgh — an enterprise
which had been projected and completed by the Go
vernour andlegislatureof Massachusetts, without the
sanction of the Mother Country, or the cooperation of
her sister colonies — while it gave to the Ministers high
ideas ofthe value oftheir Colonies, served, at the same
tiiiie, to inflame their desire of reducing them to resist
less obedience, and of extending the limits of their
American possessions. That the. Americans might be
more heartily engaged in this.ivar of conquest, an as
sociation was formed in London, embracing a number
of the Colonists, particularly ofthe planters of Virgi
nia, under the title of the Ohio Company. To this
Company a grant was made, in the year 1750, of six
hundred thousand acres of land, on the rivers Ohio
and Mississippi. Whether the Britisii or the French
King had the best right to this land, or whether either
had a right at all, were questions of no importance in
the vievf of Ministers. All agreed, that the poor na-
•tives^those who were born upon the soil, whose in
heritance was derived from the common Creator of it
and them— rhad enjoyed the unmolested possession
long enough. To say nothing then of the rights of
either of the contending powers, it is certain that, at
this time, France was in the actual possession of all the
country north and south ofthis grant ; and this inter
position of an enemy in her road of communication
from one extremity of her American territory to the
other, was naturally looked upon as a hostile encroach-
mept. The French Governour at first contented him
self with remonstrating against this intrusion, as it was

38 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
called ; but finding the British persist in their design
of forming a trading settiement, he at length gave or
ders for the erection of fortifications on the Ohio, and
authorized the seizure of every British subject who
should be found trading on that river. As the great
er part of these traders belonged tothe Colony of Vir-
ginia, it was to her they looked for protection against
these outrages, and looked not in vain. At this early
period,. 1753, Washington, though then but a mere
stripling, was found ready to offer his services in be
half of his countrymen. They were accepted by Din
widdle, then Governour of Virginia, and Washington
was despatched to the,French commandant,-— with in
structions to remonstrate against the violence of his
proceedings, and to make such observations of the
state of the country and disposition of its natives, as
might in any manner tend to promote the British inte
rests. And let it not be said, that this was an easy
task which the young patriot had undertaken to per
form. The distance was more than four hundred
miles, and a greater part of the route lay through a
wilderness uninhabited, or inhabited only by hostile
savages. Much ofthe road, even at the present day,
is impassable for horses ; and it may be easily conr
ceived that at that time, it required more than common
zeal and courage to encounter the difficulties and dan
gers of travelling so far on foot. Washington, how
ever, was ready not only to brave the dangers of the
road, but the severities of the season ; for it was on
the 15th of November, that he commenced his journey,
accompanied only by a single companion. The
French commander then held his head quarters at a
fort on the river Le Boeuf, a branch ofthe Alleghany,
fome distance.above its confluence with the Mononga-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 29
hela. This spot attracted the military eye of our
young ambassadour ; and its being afterAvards select
ed as the site of Fort Duquesne, proved the correct
ness of his views. He fbund Monsieur de St. Pierre
not at all inclined to listen to the remonstrances of
Governour Dinwiddle — he persisted in denying the
right of the British King to any part of the territory
on the Ohio, and declared he should continue to seize
every trader who claimed his privilege under the
grant of that monarch.
Though Washington had not gained the object of
his embassy, the information which he'had acquired of
the country, the address with Avliich he conciliated the
Indians, and the steady perseverance which had been
manifested in the whole execution of his task, gained
him the approbation and thanks of his countrymen.
His advice with regard to the erection of a fortifica
tion at the confluence of the Monongahela and Alle
ghany rivers, was adopted, and measures Avere forth-
Avith taken to carry it into effect. But while the Vir
ginians were engaged in this work, a small party of
the French surprised and drove them off; and the
French commander, seeing at once the advantages to
be gained by holding this spot, set to work and soon
completed a regular fortification. These proceed
ings, so soon follovving the answer ofthe French com
mander to Governour Dinwiddle's letter. Induced the
Legislature of Virginia to raise a small force for the
protection of their frontier, and to maintain the right
of his Britannick Maj esty to the lands granted to the O -
hio Company. The command ofthis force, consisting
of only three hundred men, was given to Colonel Fry,
Avho died soon after then* first sliirmish at the Great
Meadows, aud Washington, his lieuteueut colonel,

30 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
succeeded to the command. Thus far the Colony of
Virginia stood single In her resistance to the claims
and encroachments ofthe French ; and what she had
done, had been upon the sole authority ofthe Provin
cial Assembly, without the orders or instructions of
the Mother Country. But the Parliament of Great Bri
tain no sooner heard of these transactions, than they
determined to make a vigorous stand in support of
the Ohio Company ; and for this purpose sent instruc
tions to all the Colonies to oppose the French by force
of arms, in all encroachments upon what they persisted
in calling British territory. In pursuance of thes e
instructions. New York and South Carolina each sent
a small body of men to join Colonel Washington at the
. Great Meadows. Finding himself now at the head
of about four hundred men, Washington determined
upon attempting to drive the French from their en
trenchments at Fort Duquesne. With this view he
hastily constructed a small Fort at the Great Mea
dows, appropriately called Fort Necessity, in which
he left a small guard for the protection of his muni
tions, and marched with the main body towards the
fork of the Monongahela. But he was deterred from
pursuing his purpose, by receiving information from
some of the friendly Indians on the road, that Fort
Duquesne had recently received strong reinforce
ments, and that the French were then marching in
a considerable body to attack the English settlements.
In this dilemma. Washing-ton consulted his officers,
who unaniraously advised a retreat to the Great Mea
dows. They had scarcely effected this, when Mon
sieur de Villier the French commandant, marched
upon them with a force of nearly three times their
number, and attacked their littie Fort. Weak and

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 31
untenable as it was, Washington maintained his post
against the continued shock of the assailants, from an
early hour in the raorning until night, twice refusing
to listen to the terms of capitulation offered by the
French commander, and consenting to yield only on
condition of being permitted to march out of the gar
rison with thehonours of war, to retain his arms, and to
return unmolested to Virginia. Upon his return home.
Washington received a vote of thanks from the legis
lature for his brave conduct ; but seeing no steps adopt
ed to renew the contest, he resigned his command, and
the regiment was reduced to independent companies.
The British Ministry having once seen what it was
in the power of their Colonies to perform, and never
losing sight of their first grand object to drive their
French neighbours from the Continent, now proposed
an union of the Colonies, under pretence of rendering
them better able to repress French encroachments, but
in reality with far different intentions. With this view,
it was proposed, that the Governours and leading
members pf the Provincial Assemblies should hold a
general meeting, which yvas accordingly convened at
Albany, ou the Hudson, in the year 1754. The re
sult of their deliberations, however, was not alto
gether such as had been hoped for by the Ministry.
The members were unanimously of opinion, that it
might be in their power to defend themselves from the
French, vvithout any assistance frora Great Britain ;
but the plan which they proposed for this purpose was
net at all relished by his Majesty's Government. It
was their opinion, that "a grand council should be form
ed of members to be chosen by the Provincial Assem-
hlies, which council, together with a Governour to be
appoiutedby the Crown, should be authurised to make

33 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
general laAVS, and also to raise money from all the Cp
lonies for their common defence." The Ministry, in
stead of accepting this rational scheme of union, trans
mitted to Governour Shirley of Massachusetts, a pro
position diametrically opposite in its nature and tend
ency, and cunningly intended to secure to the British
ParZiajne?'^ the right of raising money from the Colo-
niesby taxation- This Ministerial plan was, « that
the Governours of all the Colonies, attended by one or
two members of their respective councils, should from
time to time concert measures for the whole of the Co
loriies, erect posts, and raise troops, with a power to
draAV upon the British treasury, in the first instance ;
but to be ultimately reimbursed by a tax to be laid on
ihe Colonies by an act of Parliament." The council,
.ns Avell as the Governours, it will be remembered,
Avere for the most pai i, appointed by the Crown, so that
here would have been a. Congress nominally Provin
cial, and dependent for their existence and support
upon the will of the British Ministry. It hardly re
quired the sagacity of the patriot Franklm, to fore
see the consequences to which such a system would
lead. He was nevertheless consulted by Governour
Shirley, and requested to give his opinion, which he
did in writing, and at considerable length. He stated,
in substance, that it would give great and just dissatis
faction to the people of the-Colonies, to be taxed by a
body in which they were not represented — ^That the
Colonies were better judges of the force necessary for
their defence, and of their means of raising money
for that defence, than a British Parliament could be,
at tiie distance of several thousand siiles from the the
atre pf action — That the natives of the Colonies were
more competent to manage their own concerns, than

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 33
any Governours who could be sent from England,
Avhose only interest in the country seemed to be the ad
vancement of their own fortunes, which they did not
even spend among us — That to compel the Colonies to
pay money for their own protection, without their con
sent, would imply a suspicion oftheir loyalty, and de
grade them to the servile state of a conquered country.
That if the right of Parliament to tax the Colonies
were once admitted, they would continue to exercise it,
for other purposes than Colonial protection ; whereas
if the Colonies were left to their own discretion, they
would not only impose a tax upon themselves when
necessary, but throw it off when that necessity no long
er existed — That if Parliament assumed this right of
taxation, the Provincial Assemblies might be set aside
as useless — ^That the Colonies were, iu fact, already
indirectly taxed by the Mother Country, inasmuch as
they were obliged to pay the heavy duties charged
upon British manufactures, some of which manufac
tures could be supplied among themselves, and others
might be purchased at a cheaper market — and, lastiy,
that the Colonies had, at the expense of their lives and
foi-tunes, extended the dominion and increased the
commerce of the Mother Country, and were therefore
entitled to a full representation in the body which as-
" sumed the right of imposing taxes upon them.
Such were the principal objections urged by Dr.
Franklin, against the plan which had been submitted
to his consideration. He saw with prophetlck eye, that
the pretence of taxing the Colonies for their internal
defence was a deceptive lure, and that the Parliament
of Britain would not willingly lay aside the power, if
once surrendered to their hands. The Ministry thus
finding their scheme unsuccessful, abandoned it for
Vol. I. 5

34 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
the present, and turned their attention once more to
French encroachments. Here their opinions coincided
with the opinipns of their Colonists. It was agreed
on all hands, that the French should be driven from
their settlements on the Ohio, and it was further de
termined by the Ministry, that they should also be dri
ven from their peaceable possessions in Canada. In
telligence of the capitulation of the English garrison
under Colonel Washington, at the great Meadows,
had reached England in the fall of 1754, but not a hint
was given by the King of his designs, until the month
of March 1755, when sir Thomas Robinson, then Se
cretary of State, appeared before the Parliament with
a message from his Majesty of the following import:
that his Majesty having, at the commencement of th^
session, declared it to be the principal object of his so
licitude to preserve the publick tranquillity, and to pro-
' tect those possessions which constitute a primary
source pf the publick prosperity, now found it neces
sary to acquaint the House of Commons, that the pre
sent state of affairs made it requisite to augment his
forces by sea and land, and to take such other mea
sures as might best tend to preserve the peace of Eu
rope, and to secure the just rights of his crown in
America. This message produced all the effect which
his Majesty could desire. One million was granted
foi" the accomphshmeut of his purposes, and Admiral
Bosca,wen was sent with a powerful armament to the
banks of Newfoundland, for the avpwed purpose of
intercep,tmg the French fleet which was then preparing
in the ports of Brest and Rochefort, and destined for
the gulf of St. Lawrence. About the same time Ge
neral Braddock was dispatched from Cork, with two
regiments of Regular troops, and ordered to take tiie

' AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 35
command of the Provincial troops raised in Vitginia,
which increased his army to about two thousand meri.
The French fleet, with the exception of two ships,
©scaped the vigilance of Admiral Bdscawen, and ar
rived safe in the gulf; but a large number of mer
chant ships, with eight thousand sailors, fell into the
hands of the English in the course of the year, which
gave a severe check to the -naval operations of France.
All this had been done without any open declaration
of war ; and the French Ambassadour in London, thA
Due de Mirepoix, exclaimed against it as inconsist
ent with the law of nations, threatening at the same
time a heavy retaliation on the pari of his royal mas
ter. But the English governmeut insisted that the
French were the first aggressors, and that a formal
declaration of war was not necessary te authprise them
to repel force by force ; as soon therefore as this in
telligence ari"ived at Paris, the Ministers were re
called both from London aud Hanover, Which last
was at that time the residence of George II. and a
war commenced which ended with the final' overthrow
of the French power on the American Coritinent.
Genera] Braddock had arrived in Vitgiaia some
time in May 1755. His character for bravery arid
military discipline stood deservedly high, but he was
in every other respect utterly unqualified for the duty
upon which he had been sent. He was obstinate arid?
positive in his di^osition, arid austere and haughty
in his deportment, particularly to those whom he con
sidered his inferiours — and he considered aW, as hi^ in-
feriours, among whom he was now placed. He was
wholly unacquainted with the country. Which Was to
be the scene of his operations, and so gi-eat was his
contempt for the Cplonial railitia, which constituted

36 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
the greater pari of his army, that he disdained to con
sult any of their officers, all of whom were willing and
competent to give him- much useful advice and infor
mation, respecting the mode of conducting Avarfare in
American woods and morasses. He accepted the of
fered services of Colonel Washington, as an Ald-de-
Camp, but refused to listen to his advice on any sub
ject relating to preparations for the campaign. Thus
did this fearless but obstinate General seem bent upon
his own destruction. Disregarding the earnest soli
citations of Washington to employ a part of the Pro
vincial troops as an advanced guard, or to send out
some reconnoitering party to watch the movements of
the Indians, he boldly pushed on at the head of two
thousand two hundred men, to within ten miles of
Fort Duquesne. Here, about noon on the 9th of July,
in a pathless swamp, surrounded by thickets of brakes
and briars, he was suddenly attacked in front and
flank by a shower of bullets, coming from an invisi
ble enemy, and accompanied by the tremendous and
appaling sound of the savage Avar-whoop. His van
guard, composed of Regulars who had never before
heard such a sound, immediately fell back dismayed
and confused, and though the ProAincials had been
accustomed to this Indian mode of assault and there
fore felt no terrour, yet the confusion soon became
general throughout the army. Even now it would
have been in the power of Braddock to have saved
himself and his army, if he had condescended to lis
ten to the advice of his American Aid de Camp ; but
he persisted in trusting to that intrepid valour and dis
cipline, which had so often distinguished him in the
batties of Europe. Instead of making some effort to
. discover and break up the ambuscade, from Avhich he

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 37
was suffering so much, he du-ected his whole exertion
to rally his troops and reform them in regular order
of battle. His concealed enemy were all the while
pouring in fresh havock and slaughter among his men,
his officers Avere falling all around him, for the Indi
ans and French seemed to aim their pieces particu
larly at those on horseback, his aids had all been kill
ed except Washington, and he himself had three
horses shot under him. But what could courage or
discipline effect in such a situation? Braddock, who
had rode undismayed amidst continued showers of
bullets, from point to point for three hours, at length
received a mortal wound — upon his fall the regular
troops fled with precipitation and disorder; but Wash
ington whose life had been almost miraculously pre
served — ^having lost two horses under him and receiv
ed four bullets through his coat — formed the Provin
cials, which had been so much despised, in the rear,
and covered their retreat. All the artillery, ammu
nition and baggage, together AAith the private letters
and instructions of the General, fell into the hands of
the enemy. Colonel Washington recrossed the Monon
gahela with the remnant of his Virginians, and re
turned home to receive further thanks and honours
from his countrymen. Thus ended the flrst regular
attempt to drive the French from their possessions on
the Ohio ; and thus was it clearly evinced, that cou
rage and discipline are not the only requisites to form
the character of a great General.
On the death of General Braddock, which happen
ed a few days after the disastrous battle of the 9th,
Colonel Dunbar, upon Whom the command of the Re
gulars devolved, withdrew with them to Philadel
phia; thus leaving the Avhole frontier pf Virginia, to

38 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
an immense extent, open to the inroads arid depreda
tions of the French and Indians. Intelligence of this
reached Virginia, while the Legislature of that Pro
vince were in session, and measures Avere immediately
adopted to defend their exposed settlements. Six
teen companies were ordered to be raised, and placed
under the command of Washington, in whose military
skill and courage, notwithstanding his several unsuc
cessful campaigns, the most implicit confidence was
placed by his countrymen. In addition to this imme
diate command, he was styled in his commission, com
mander in chief of all the forces to be raised in Vu--
ginia. For three years after the defeat of General
Braddock, nothing of importance was effected by the
Britisii. War had been formally declared in the
spring of 1756, and a few troops and ships had been
sent out ; but General Shirley, who succeeded Brad
dock in the chief command, confined his operations to
the north. The French and Indians continued to har
rass the provinces of Pennsylvania, Maryland and
Virginia, the people of whom suffered every species
of distress, being driven many hundred miles from
their habitations and settlements, into the more set
tled parts of the Colonies. Wasliington, with his
Virginians, did all that his means would enable him to
do, for the protection of these unhappy people, but his
regiments were never full, and the mode of warfare
pursued by the enemy was such that he could never
Mug them to battie. General Shirley, in the mean
time, amused himself with forming plans for the re
duction of the fortresses on the northern lakes. The
expedition against Crown Point, on lake Champlain,
was entrusted to General, afterwards Sir William
Johnson, a native of Ireland, who had long resided

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 39
in America, and whose disposition and deporiment
had acquired for him universal esteem. The troops,
hoAvever, which were destined for this service, did
not assemble at the place of rendezvous until late in
the summer, and were almost immediately afterwards
attacked hi their camp by the Baron Dieskau; who,
though his army was finally repulsed and himself
made prisoner, so crippled the force of General John
son, that the expedition was abandoned, and the Gen
eral deemed it prudent to retreat to Albany. The en
terprise against Niagara, which was considered as the
most important position occupied by the French, be
ing so situated as to comraand the communication be
tween lakes Erie and Ontario, was undertaken by
General Shirley in person; but after getting to Oswe
go, a small fort belonging to the English on the south
eastern shore of Ontario, and waiting there for sup
plies, until the season was too far advanced to cross
the lake, he also abandoned his designs and return
ed to the head-quarters at Albany.
In June 1756, the Earl of Loudon, now appoint
ed Commander in Chief of the British forces iu Ame
rica, arrived at Albany ; but affairs went on with no
greater spirit or activity, than they had done before
his arrival. While they were consuming the time in
tedious debates, against what poiut to direct the first
efforts of the army, the French, under Montcalm,
had attacked and made themselves masters of Oswe-
gor— an event so totally unexpected, that it discon
certed all their deliberations, and finally determined
the Commander in Chief, to lay aside all offensive
operations and go into winter quarters. No better
success attended the schemes of his lordship, during
the succeeding year. Instead of marching to the in-

40 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
vasion of Canada, or atteriipting the reduction of any
of the important fortresses on the lakes, his lordship
set out Avith his whole force for Halifax, Avhere in
conjunction with Admiral Holbourne who had just
arrived Avlth a large squadron and a powerful rein
forcement of troops, it was determined to employ their
united forces against the garrison of Louisbourg, in
the island of Cape Breton. Nothing could have hap
pened more congenial to the wishes of the Marquis
de Montcalm, than this determination on the part
of the British Commanders — for it enabled him to
march, without ppposition, against the important post
of Fort William Henry, on the southern shore of lake
George, the only fortification which the British now
held in the whole country of the lakes. The posses
sion of this fort, Avhich the Marquis gained after a
most vigorous siege of six days,, together with all its
artillery and stores, gave to the French the entire com
mand of that extensive chain of lakes which connects
the waters of the Mississippi and the St. Lawrence,
and made them masters of the whole line of commu
nication betAveen the northern and southern parts of
the Continent. The Earl of Loudon and Admiral
Holbourne, in the mean time, having received intel
ligence that Louisbourg was garrisoned by six thou
sand regular iroops, besides Provincials, and that se
venteen line of battle ships were moored iu the harbour
for its protection, thought proper to defer its intended'
expedition to a more convenient opportunity. Wash
ington, during all this time, was struggling, Avith a
handful of Provincials and raw militia, to avert the
distress occasioned by the predatory warfare of the
Indians and French from Fort Duquesne. He had
repeatedly, but in vain, urged the necessity of reducing

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 41
that fortress a,s the only means of preventing the evils
to which the neighbouring irihabitants were exposed ;
but neither the government of his own Colony, nor the
successive Commandei's in Chief of the British forces,
would listen to his propositions tp that effect. In one
ofhis letters to the Governour of Virginia, he observes,
'' The supplicating iears of the women, and moving
petitions ofthe meu, melt rae with such deadly sorrow,
that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I
could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butcher
ing enemy, prpvided that would contribute to the peo
ple's ease." Thus the third year ofthe war was closed,
without a solitary advantage to the cause of Great Bri-
^ tain, if we except the gallant and spirited enterprise
of Colonel Monctori — who, with a body of Provin
cials, raised under the authority of the Assembly of
Massaehusetts, drove the French from their posses
sions in Npva Scotia.
In the year of 1758, things every where wore a dif
ferent aspect. Mr. Pitt, after many dismissals and re
appointments, had been at length firmly established
as Principal Secretary of State, with unlimited influ
ence over the House of Commons, and the most un
bounded control over his Hanoverian master- The
Earl pf Loudon had returned to Englan£^, to find a
better soil for the growth of laurels, and the chief
command was placed in the more efficient hands of
the enterprising Major General, afterwards Lord,
Amherst— one of the greatest Generals that Eng
land ever boasted. Admiral Boscawen arrived from
England early in the year with powerful reinforce
ments, and no time was lost in concerting measures
for an active and spirited opening of the campaign.
The number of troops, Regulars and Provincials, noAV
Vol. I. 6

43 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
at the disposal of the Comraander in Chief, showed
that Mr. Pitt was determined to retrieve the errours
of hispredecessorus, and make up by one decisive blow,
for the three years which hadbeen lost in consultations
and councils of war. No less than fifty thousand mea
were now asserabled — a force incomparably greater
than any which had ever hefore been seen in the new
world. With twelve thousand of theee men. General
Amherst deterrained to proceed to the attack of Louis
burg, the garrison of which had been considerably re
duced since the abandonment ofthe expedition against
it under the Earl of Loudon. For this purpose, he em
barked on board of the fleet under Admiral Boscawen,
and anchored in sight of the fortress on the 3d of June.
In a few days afterM^ards the place was foi-mally invest
ed, and on the 37th of July the Chevalier Drucourt,
the Governour, was corapelled to accept the terras of
capitulation offered by the besiegers. By. this event,
the whole island of Cape Breton, and several ships of
the line and frigates, carae into the possession of the
English. It was in this siege, that Brigadier Gene
ral Wolfe flrst excited universal attention, by the dis
play of those brilliant talents, and that lofty intre
pidity of conduct, which afterwards so eminently dis
tinguished his short but glorious career.
General Abercrombie, about the same time, under
took at the head of fifteen thousand men, to march
against the Foris Pf Ticonderoga and William Henry ;
but he met with so warm a reception in his assault
upon the former, that he was compelled to retreat with
the loss of two thousand men. This so corapletely
dispirited hira, that he would not consent to renew the
atiack ; but, though his force was still rauch superiour
to that of the enemy, drew them pff and returned to

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 43
Ms camp at lake George. Lord Howe was among
the number of those who -fell on this occasion, and to
his grief for the loss of this most amiable and heroick
young nobleman to whom he was most ardently attach
ed, may perhaps be attributed that state of mind in the
General, which induced hira to abandon an enterprise
that must have proved successful in its further prose
cution. Colonel Bradstreet, who had been detached by
General Abercrombie with a Cpnsiderable force against
Frontenac, a fort situated on the northern barik of the
St. Lawrence at the foot of Lake Ontario, was more
successful, having reduced that post without much
loss. The defence of the middle and southern Colonies
had, in the mean time, been confided to Brigadier
General FPrbes, who, to the great joy of Washing
ton, lent a more willing ear than had yet been given,
to the proposition for the immediate reduction of Fort
Duquesne. The General's force, however, was so va
riously dispersed, that six months were consumed in
bringing it together; and though Washington was
constantly urging the necessity of expedition, and
using every remonstrance, which his experience and
knowledge of the country authorised him id make,
against useless delays, it was not until the Sth of No
vember, that the army reached Loyal Hannah, still
ten days march from their place of destination. Here
a council of war was held, on the propriety of pro
ceeding further, so late in the season. Which, like most
councils of war, carae precisely to that determinatioiv
which would have rendered all their exertions fruit
less and perhaps have destroyed the army, if chance
had not stepped in to reverse their decision. The coun
cil had determined that it was "iriadvisable to pro-

44 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ceed any further that campaign" and the only alterna
tive left was either to spend the winter in a dreary
wilderness with an army of eight thousand men, or to
retrace their steps ov^rmountaine and morasses, ren
dered every day more and more difficult and danger
ous by ice and snows. It was fortunately not left for
the council to choose between these two evils— a few
scattering Indians who were made prisoners, gave such
information of the weakened state of the garrison at
Fort Duquesne, that the General was induced to pro
ceed, contrary to the advice of his council, and ou the
35th of November they entered the Fort without op- ^
position — the enemy having previously dismantled
and abandoned it, that all their forces might be concen
trated to oppose the vigorous raeasures of the British
iu the North. The capture of Fort Duquesne, (which
now received the narae of Fort Pitt, in compliment to
the great man at the head of the Ministry in Eng
land,) put an end to the war in the South, aud a for
mal treaty of peace was soon after concluded between
the British and all the Indian nations spread over the
extensive country between the Ohio and the Lakes.
The foUowing speech of an Indian Warrior, at the
meeting of the commissioners for settling the trea,ty of
peace will show in a clear light the different conduct
pursued by tV, English and French, towards these
despised natives^tjf the forest, and the sort of right by
which the former Kid claim to the lands which they
now held by force \.f arms.-" Bretheren— I have
raised my voice, and ali the Indians have heard me
as far as the Twightwees, and have regarded ray voice,
aud are now come to this p\%ce. Bretheren, the cause
why the Indians of Ohio left you is owing to your
selves. The Governour of Virginia settled in our

' AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 45
lands, and disregarded our messages : but, when the
French came to us, they traded with our people, used
them kindly arid gained their affections. Our cousins
on the Minisinks tell us, they were wronged of a great
deal cf land, and pushed back by the English, settling
so fast upon them as not to know whether they have
any lands remaining in surety. You deal hardly with
us ; you claim all-the wild animals pf the forests, and
will not let us corae ou your lands so much as to hunt
after them ; you will not let us peel the bark of a single
tree to cover our cabins - - surely this is hard. Our fathers,
when they sold the land, did not purpose to deprive
themselyes of hunting the wild deer, dr using a branch
of wood. Bretheren, we have already acquaiuted you
with our grievances ; and we have referred our cause
-to the great King. I desire to know if King George
has yet decided thi» matter, and whether justice will
be done to the Minisinks ?" — In reply to this appeal
of simple eloquence, the poor Indians were assured by
the English commissioners that " full justice should
be done to the Minisinks" and that "fresh earth, should
be put to the roots of the tree of peace between the Bri
tish and Indian nations, in order that it might bear up
against every storm, and flourish as long as the sun
shone, and the rivers continued to jlow." Let the his
tory of Indian wrongs tell how worthily this promise
was fulfllled.
The events of 1758 sufficiently showed that nothing
was wanting to the complete success of the English
arms in America, but a vigorous prosecution of the
measures Which had been so ably planned. General
Amherst was determined, not to stop short of gaining
the whole northern Continent. To accoraplish this
daring project, the army were divided into three grand

46 AMERICAN REA^OLUTlON.
corps— With the first, aided by a strong squadron of
ships of war. Brigadier General Wolfe was ordered to
undertake the difficult and hazardous enterprise of
storming Quebec, the capitol of French America— Ge
neral Amherst, himself, with the principal body, pro
posed, after reducing Ticonderoga and Crownpoiut,
to cross Lake Champlain and the Richelieu, and
marching along the eastern bank of the St. Lawrence
to join General Wolfe under the walls of Quebec.
The third corps was entrusted to Brigadier-General
Prideaux, who Avas joined by a considerable body of
Indians under Sir Williara Johnson— this force was
ordered to invest the important post of Niagara, and
after the reduction of that fortress, to embark on Lake
Ontario, proceed doAvn the St. Lawrence, gain pos
session of Montreal, and then join the other two di
visions of the army at Quebec— This was a plan wor
thy ofthe enterprising genius of Lord Amherst; and
though it was hardly possible that it should have suc
ceeded in every particular, yet it led to the final and
full accomplishment of his glorious- design. Ticon
deroga and Crownpoiut fell into his hands without
bloodshed, the enemy having successively abandoned
both, just as he was preparing to invest them, and re
tired to the Isle aux Noix, at the opposite extremity
of Lake Champlain. Niagara also capitulated to Gen
eral Johnson on the 35th of July, General Prideaux
having been unfortunately killed in the trenches by
the bursting of a shell. But notwithstanding these
successes, various circumstances combined to prevent
either of these Generals frora pursuing the original
project. General Amherst was prevented by a suc
cession of storms and tempests, from going to the at
tack of the Isle aux Noix, wliich it was necessary to

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 47
subdue before he could proceed with safety to Quebec,
and other objects of insurmountable difficulty compell
ed General Johnson to remain where he was, and
leave the siege of Montreal unattempted for the pre
sent. Thus was the enterprise, assigned to General
Wolfe, rendered doubly difficult and hazardous, by
the, absence of those aids and reinforcements^ which
his knowledge of the original plan of the Commander
in Chief, led him to expect. But Wolfe was not to be
deterred from attempting the glorious task imposed
upon him — now rendered still more glorious, by the
failure of those who were to share its dangers and its
honours. On his arrival at the island of Orleans,
which forms the N. E. limit of the basin of Quebec,
he saw at once from the situation of the town, and the
strong positipn which the enemy occupied, that all his
hopes of success must rdst upon his being able to bring
them to battle. The city of Quebec is situated at the
confluence of the St. Lawrence and the St. Charles.
On the side next the St. Lawrence, what is called the
Lower town is divided from the Upper, by a steep and
almost perpendicular bank bf jutting and broken rock,
which extends along the.course ofthe river to a consid
erable distance west of the City. On the other side
runs the St. Charles, on the left bank of which the
Marquis de Montcalm was encamped, with ten thou-
, sand men. Besides, the fortiflcations for the protection
pf the city were deeraed almost impregnable. In this
situatipn. General Wolfe, after several vain attempts
to draw the Marquis from his strong position, deter
mined upon attacking him in his entrenchments, and
for this purpose landed his troops near the falls of
Montmorency, under cover of the guns of his ships.
But, whatever might have been the issue of the day,

48 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
the design of the General was entirely defeated by the
impetuosity of his grenadiers, who rushing to the at
tack in defiance of orders, were soon dreadfully cut to
pieces and compelled to retire. Thus disconcerted,
the General reluctantly gave orders to recross the ri
ver and return to the Island of Orleans, which was.
done araidst a galling and destructive fire from the
enemy. It is hardly possible to conceive a situation
more calculated to depress a susceptible mind, than
that of the General at this period. He saw the utter
impossibility of any cooperation on the part of General
Amherst, and knew that whatever might be his diffi
culties, reproach arid censure would follow his want
of success. His letters to England at this critical mo
ment, while they exhibited in gloomy colours the des
pondency of his mind, displayed at the same time the
determined purpose of a soul bent upon noble daring.
To his intimate friends he breathed out the distress of
his feelings more openly, and repeatedly declared that
he would not survive defeat.
Finding from the disastrous issue of his attempt upon
the side of Montmorency, that his plan of attack must
be changed, General Wolfe^ with a temerity that
might almost be deemed desperate, determined to
scale the bank before described, on the side of the St.
Lawrence, and gain possession of the heights above
the town, called the heights of Abraham. With this
view Admiral Saunders moved up with the fleet some
distance above the intended place of landing, in the
day, in order to deceive the enemy, and dropping down
again with the current at night, the landing of the troops
Was happily effected without its being discovered.
This however was but the least difficult part of the
undertaking— the rocks were yet to be climbed ; a

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 49
bank was yetip be ascended, which had been hitherto
deemed iriaccessible. .Dut nothing is impracticable to
detennined spirits. With fatigue and labour almost in
credible, the troops at leugth gained the summit, and
Were immediately formed in order of battle. When
the Marquis of Mofitcalm was told that the English
army were in possession of the heights of Abra!ham,
his astonishment exceeded all power of utterance ; but
that brave and gallarit officer was not long in deter-
riiiriing to seek an engagement. He saw that the fate
of the city depended upOfl the issue of an immediate
battie, and leaving his strong hold of Mentmorency^
he crossed the St Charles, and advanced to the lines
of the English army with the most intrepid valour. A
desperate CPUtest ensued, In which both armies fought
as if determined to yield only with their lives. Early
in the action General Wolfe received a musket ball
through his wrist, brit bindiug it up With his handker
chief, he continued to be seen every Avhere, animating
his nien to deeds of glory. At the next moment a
cannon ball passed under his horse's legs, and he was
throAvn to the grpund — several of the soldiers flew to
raise him, but " away, to your posts" said he, re
fusing their assistance, and remounting, with the rapid
ity of thought. Advancing soon afterwards at the
head of his brave gf^nadiers, another ball, winged
With more deadly aira pierced his breast, and he
was oompelled to retire from the closlrig I'ariks. In
this situation, faint arid dying, .with his head'support-
ed by one of his officers, he continued to be more con
cerned for the issue of the battle than for his own fate,
inquiring at every moment with eager anxiety how his
troops stood the conflict. Generals Moncton and
Townsend lost none of their ai*dour in the absence of
Vol, I. 7

i

50 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
their Commander— the whole army continued to feel
the vigorous impulse which had been given by his pie-
sence and conduct. The Marquis de Montcalm at
leugth receiving a mortal wound, the I rench army
began to give way iu every direction, and the cry of
«they fly-they fly"-reached the ears of'the expir-
iua: y^olfe-" who fly" ? said he, grasping his sword
With the momentary strength of doubtful emotion-
" The French" ! eagerly replied those around him,
while almost at the same moment, the standard of the
eneray was laid at his feet— "Then I die con
tent," said this British Epamlnondas, and sinking
upon the trophy of his army's victory closed his eyes
for ever.
The city of Quebec soon after capitulated, and the
French army retired to Montreal. This and the Isle
aux I^oix were now the only holds of the French in
Canada. The Chevalier de Levis who succeeded
M. de Montcalm in the command of the French
forces, aware of the necessity of attempting to regain,
the capital before the British army should have time
to receive reinforcements or supplies, collected his
scattered troops from every part of Canada, and in
the month of April 17&0, commenced his march for
Quebec. General Murray, who had been appointed
Governour of Quebec, had in the mean time taken an
advantageous position in the vicinity ofthe city, where
he awaited the approach of the Chevalier. The En
glish army, reduced as it had been by the bloody con
flict on the heights of Abraham, was unable to with
stand the superiour numbers of the French, and soon
retired within the walls of the city ; which must again
inevitably have fallen into the hands of its former mas
ters, but for the timely appearance of the English flee|

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 01
in the Gulph of St. Lawrence. Intelligence of this
circumstance induced the French Commander precip
itately tp raise the siege, and retrace his steps to Mon
treal ; leaving all his artillery and stores on the field
of battle.
The Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governour- General of
Canada, now found that his last remaining hope was
in the defence of Montreal, which he had taken every
pains to strengthen, by the erection of new fortifica
tions, and the collection of immense supplies. The
city ofl Montreal is situated on the south side of the
island ofthe same name, formed by the union of Grand
river and the lake St. Lewis with the St. Lawrence.
Its position by nature is such that it may be easily de
fended against any attack, and as easily cut off from
all supplies by an invading army. It is covered in
front by two small Islands, and in the rear by a lofty
mountain which overlooks every part of the island :
upon neither of these spots, however, was any forti
fication erected. General Amherst, whose plans in
every instance seem to have been dictated by the very
spirit of military genius, ordered Colonel Haviland
with a strong force to reduce the Isle aux Noix, and
thence to proceed to Longueil on the south bank of the
St. Lawrence: General Murray was directed at the
same time to raove up with his forces from Quebec, while
General Amherst himself, embarked the main body of
his army on Lake Ontario, and proceeding down the
St. Lawrence came to their cooperation and assistance.
The island of Montreal was thus completely invested,
and the Marquis de Vaudreuil, cut off from all hope
of assistance, deeraed it prudent to offer such terras of
capitulation as were readily accepted by the English
Commander. Thus ended the campaigns of 1760 in

53 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
America; and thus was the project of General Am
herst, which had at first been looked upon as rpman-
tick and visionary, finally achieved.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 53

CHAPTER III.

Besignation of Mr. Pitt~— .Appointment of Lord Bute — Peace of
fontainbleau — Mr. GlrenviUe made Prime Minister — His pro
position to tax the Colonies — Resolutions imposing Stamp Du
ties—and the consequences thereof.
The successes which attended the English arms in
America, more than any thing else, contributed tp tiie
restoration of peace in Europe. George the UJrd. had
succeeded to the throne of Great Britain soon after the
capture of Quebec, and Mr. Pitt, finding his influence
with the new King not sufficiently great tp allpAV him
to guide the measures for which the n^ure pf hj^ situ
ation in the Cabinet made him responsible, vp^igii^fl
the Seals in October 1761. The Earl of Mut-i^, who
had been raised only two days after the pl|i King's
death to the Privy Council, was in the following ypar
made Prime Minister. His first object W3^s the resto
ration of peace, aiitl contrary to the wishes of the na
tion, who seemed desirous of pushing their conquests
still further, a negociation for that purpose Avas open-
^d at Fontairibleau, aud the preliminaries signed in
November 1763. When the King made this known
to the Parliament, at the pperiirig of their session on
ihe 35th of the same mpnth, the clamour against the
Minister was loud and strong-r-Mr. Pitt declared jthe
^enour of the treaty to be derpgatpry to the honotjr
aad interests of the nation. " He was d.etermined (he
sjaid) afflicted as he was with illness, at the ha?;ard of
his lifp, to attend the House that day — to raise up his
voice, his hand, and his arm against the preliminary
articles of a treaty, which obscured all the glories of

§4

AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

the war, surrendered the dearest interests of the na?
tion, and sacrificed the public faith by an abandon
ment of our allies." But the Minister prevailed and
the treaty was soon after formally ratified. By this
treaty. Great Britain gained both provinces of Canada,
the whole of Louisiana east of the Mississippi, the
island of Cape Breton, and all the islands in the Gulph
and river of St. Lawrence, and thus became mistress
of nearly the whole Contment of North America— In
Europe the advantages of the treaty were equally
great, so that it is difficult to conceive the grounds of
Mr. Pitt's objections to a peace which brought with
it such extensive additions to the British Empire.
Scarcely were the ratifications of this treaty exchang
ed when the Earl of Bute, to the astonishment of the
whole nation, resigned his place of Premier, which
was immediately given to Mr. George Grenville, bro
ther to Earl Temple, and of course connected with the
family of Mr. Pitt. It was now generally supposed
that Mr. Pitt would be brought again into the Cabi
net; but after several overtures made to him by the
King hiraself, that honest statesman and patriot dcr
clared that he could not consent to take part In an
Administration which excluded all the great Whig
families of the nation.
Great Britam having now subdued all her enemies,
and extended her Empire beyond her most ambitious
hopes, began to feel the pride of her strength. But a
debt had been contracted, which Weighed heavily
upon the people, and which called loudly upon the
Minister for the exertion of all his financial ingenuity.
And here begins the story of American wrongs. Hi
therto when money was wanted from the Colonies the
Parliament of England had been content to ask for it

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. ' 55
by a formal requisition upon the Colonial Legislatures,
and tliey had supplied it with a willing hand. But
now it was thought that a shorter method of obtairiing
it might be resorted to with better effect; and Mr.
Gleorge Grenville, in 1764, had the hardihood to pro
pose a measure which Sir Robert Walpole had some
years before declared '^too hazardous for him to venture
upon." — This measure of Mr. Grenville had for its
avowed object to raise a revenue in America, the en
tire produce qf which was. to go into the Exchequer
of Great Britain. We have before seen the effect
which was produced in America, and the consequen
ces which were predicted by Dr. Franklin, at the pro
position to tax the Colonies, even when the produce
wa^ to be applied to their own defence and protection.
It may be easily conceived then that the present pro
ject of the Minister excited the strongest feelings of
alarm and inquietude among the Americans.
At an early period in the present year, the Minis
ter had proposed several Resolutions, as a sort of pre
lude to his grand scheme, laying additional duties
'upon imports into the Colonies from foreign Coun
tries. These Resolutions were passed by Parliament
without much debate or notice, aud though they awak
ened some fears among the reflecting politicians of
America, they were quietly acquiesced in, as a com
mercial regulation, which it was acknowledged. Great
Britain had a right to control. About the same tiriie
a pamphlet appeared, avowedly from the pen of Gov
ernour Bernard of Massachusetts, in which the riglit
of Great Britain to tax the Colonies was strongly
maintained. It was evident from the sentiments con
tained in this pamphlet, that Governour Bernard had
been employed as the mere iool of the Minister, and

56 ' AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
that a system of oppression was in preparation, which
portended a speedy and fatal blow to tlie liberties of
the Colonies. It Avas contended, iri this extraordinary
production, that the universal political rule of confin
ing taxation to representation, could only apply to the
inhabitants of Great Britain, and not to the people of
these Colonies— that the Charters themselves could
only be considered as mere temporary instruments,
suited to the state of infant Colonies, but unconstitu
tional, and hostile to the veiy nature of the Enghsh
government, as applied to them in their present in
creased state of importance — ^that if the Charters couhl
be pleaded against the authority of the Parllameuty
they amounted in fact to an alienation ofthe King's do
minions, and a dismemberment of the Empire. The
writer went on to propose, that all the Charters should
be abolished, and that there should be an entire new
division ofthe Colonies — that there should be a nobility
for life In each ncAV division, and one General Govern
ment for the whole under the control of the King.
These and many other propositions equally hostile
to the liberties and Avelfare of the Colonies, clearly
pointed out the hand of the Minister. Indeed his
agency in the business was scarcely left to inference
alone — Emissaries Avere sent from Erigland to several
of the Colmires, to sound the men of influence on the
great changes proposed. That, in the new modelling
of the Charters, it Avas proposed to form Massachu
setts aud New-Hampshire into one Province, was con
fessed by Governour Wentworth himself; and as a
death blow at once to that tiberty of conscience, the
preservation of which had been the flrst object of ourfa^
thers in seeking the ubav world, it Avas proposed to
abolish all Colonial acts which made Ministers of the ,

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 67
Gospel dependent on voluntary contribution, and to
confine all offices of trust, power, or emolument to those
who professed the faith of the Church of England. The
Governour of New Hampshire was especially in
structed to suffer no schoolmaster to exercise his pro
fession, without a license from the Bishop.
Among the resolutions reported by Mr. Grenville
ou the 10th of March 1764, was one imposing certain
Stamp duties in the Colonies, the nature of which it
is hardly necessary to define at the present day. The
Minister himself was so well aware of the great im
portance of this Resolution, that he declared to the
House his desire that it should not be acted upon until
the next session of Parliament. This gave to the Colo
nial agents in London an opportunity of sending a copy
of the Resolution to their respective Colonies, and. of
giving them notice of the law proposed to be fdurided
upon it. WhenitwasreceivedintheHouseof Burgess
es of Virginia, a committee was immediately appointed
to prepare an address to the King, and to the two Hous
es of Parliament, expressing their sense of the conse
quence of such a measure to the Colonies. Their ad
dress to the King was iu the following terms.
"To the King's most excellent Majesty."
^' Most gracious Sovereign,
"We, your Majesty's dutiful and loyal sub
jects, the Council and Burgesses of your ancient Co
lony and dominion of Virginia, now met in General
Assembly, beg leave to assure your Majesty of our
firm and inviolable attachment to your sacred person
and government ; and as your faithful subjects, here,
have at all times been zealous to demonstrate this truth,
by a ready compliance with the royal requisitions dur
ing the late war, by which a heavy and oppressive
> VOL. I. 8

58 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
debt of near half a million hath been incurred," so at
this time they implore permission to approach the
throne with humble confidence, and to entreat that
your Majesty will be graciously pleased to protect
your people of this Colony in the enjoyment of their
ancient and inestimable right of being governed by
such laws, respecting their internal polity and taxa
tion, as are derived from their own consent, with the
approbation of their Sovereign or his substitute : a
right which, as men, and descendants of Britgns, they
have ever quietly possessed, since first, by royal
permi.ssion and encouragement, they left the Mother
Kingdom to extend its commerce and dominion.
" Your Majesty's dutiful subjects of Virginia, most
liumbly and unanimously hope, that this invaluable
birthright, descended to them from their ancestors,, and
in which they have been protected by your royal pre
decessors, will not be suffered to receive an injury, uu-
der the reign of your sacred Majesty, already so il
lustriously distinguished by your gracious attention
to the liberties of the people.
'' That your Majesty may long live to make nations
happy, is the ardent prayer of your faithful subjects,
the Council and Burgesses of Virginia."
The Memorial to the House of Lords was as fol
lows. " To the right honourable the Lords Spiritual
and Temporal, in Parliament assembled : The Me
morial of the Council and Burgesses of Virginia, now
met in General Assembly humbly represents
" That your memorialists hope an application to
your lordships, the fixed and hereditary guardians of
Briti.<sh liberty, will not be" thought improper at this
time, when measures are proposed, subversive as they

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 59
conceive, of that freedom, which all men, especially
those who derive their Constitution frorii Briton, have
a right to enjoy ; and they fiatter themselves that your
lordships will not Ipok upon them as objects so un
worthy your attention, as to regard any impropriety
in the form or manner of their application, for your
lordships' protection, of their just and undoubted
rights as Britons.
" It cannot be presumption in your mepiorialists to
call themselves by this distinguished name, since they
are descended from Britons, who left their native
country to extend its territory and dominion, and Avho,
happily for Britain, and as your memorialists once
thought, for themselves too, effected this purpose. As
our ancestors brought with them every right apd pri
vilege they could with justice claim in their mother
Kingdom, their descendants may conclude, they can
not be d'eprived of those rights without injustice.
" Your memorialists conceive it to be a fundamental
principle of the British constitution, without which
freedom can no where exist, that the people are not
subject to any taxes but such as are laid on them by
their own consent, or by those who are legally ap
pointed to represent them : property must become
too precarious for the genius of a free people, which
can be taken from them at the will of others, who can
not know what taxes such people can bear, or the
easiest mode of raising them ; and who are not under
that restraint, which is the greatest security against a
burthensome taxation, when the representatives them
selves must be affected by every tax imposed on the
people. '^ Your memorialists are therefore led into an hum
ble confidence, that your lordships will not think any

60 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
reason sufficient to support such a power in the Bri
tish Parliament, where the Colonies cannot be repre
sented : a power never before constitutionally assum
ed, and which if they have a right to exercise on any
occasion, must necessarily establish this melancholy
truth that the inhabitants of the Colonies are the slaves
of Britons from whom they are descended ; and from
whom they might expect every indulgence that the
obligations of interest and affection can entitle them to.
" Your meinorialists have been invested with the
right of taxing their own people from the first estab
lishraent of a regular government in tbe Colony, and
requisitions have been constantly mtide to them by
their sovereigns, on all occasions when the assistance
of the Colony was thought necessary to preserve the=
British interest in America; frora whence they must
conclude, they cannot now be deprived of a right they
have so long enjoyed, and which they have never for
feited, " The expenses incurred during the last war, in com
pliance with the demands on this Colony by our late
and present most gracious Sovereigns, have involved
us in a debt of near half a million, a debt not likely tp
decrease under the continued expense we are at, in
providing for the security of the people against the in
cursions of our savage neighbours ; at a time when the
low state pf our staple commodity, the total want of
specie, and the late restrictions upon the trade of the
Colonies, render the circumstances of the people exr
tremely distressful; and which if taxes are accumu
lated upon them, by the British Parliament, will make
them truly deplorable.
" Your memorialists cannot suggest to themselves
Jiriy reason why they should not still be trusted with

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 61
the property of their people, with whose abilities, and
the least burthensome mode of taxing (with great def
erence to the superiour wisdom of Parliament) they
must be best acquainted.
" Your memorialists hope they shall not be suspect
ed of being actuated on this occasion, by any princi
ples but those of the purest loyalty and affection, as
they always endeavoured by their conduct to demon
strate, that they consider their connexion with Great
Britain, the seat of liberty, as their greatest happi
ness. **The duty they owe to themselves, and their pos
terity, lays your memorialists under the necessity of
endeavouring to establish their Constitution, upon its
proper foundation; and they do most humbly pray
your lordships to take this subjectiiito your consider
ation, with the attention that is due to the well be
ing of the Colonies, on which the prosperity of Great
Britain does, in a great raeasure, depend."
And the remonstrance to the House of Commons
was this!
" To the honourable the Knights, Citizens, and Bur
gesses of Great Britain in Parliament asserabled :
" The remonstrance of the Council and Burgesses
of Virgmia,
" It appearing, by the printed votes of the House
of Comraons of Great Britain in Parliament assem
bled, that in a Committee ofthe whole House, the 17th
day of March last, it was resolved, that towards de
fending, protecting, and securing the British Colonies
and Plantations in America, it maybe proper to charge
certain Stamp duties in the said Colonies and planta
tions ; and it being apprehended that the same sub
ject, which Avas then declined, may be resumed and

63 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
further pursued in a succeeding session, the Council
and Burgesses of Virginia, met in General Assembly,
judge it their indispensable duty, in a respectful man
ner, but with decent firmness, to remonstrate against
such a measure, that at least a cession of those rights,
which in their opinion raust be infringed by that pro
cedure, may not be inferred from their silence, at so
important a crisis. • , '
« They conceive it is essential to British liberty,
that laws, imposing taxes on the people, ought not to
be made without the consent of representatives chosen
hj themselves ; who at the same time that they are ac
quainted with the circumstances of their constituents,
sustain a portion of the burthen laid on them. The
privileges inherent inthe persons who discovered and
settled these regions, could not be renounced or for
feited by their removal hither, not as vagabonds or
fugitives, but licensed and encouraged by their Prince,
and animated with a laudable desire of enlarging the
British dominion, and extending its commerce : on the
contrary, it was secured to them and their descendr
ants, with all other rights and immunities ef British
subjects, by a Royal Charter, which hath been inva
riably recognized and confirmed by his Majesty and
his predecessours, in their commissions to the several
Governours, granting a power, and prescribing a form
of legislation ; according to which, laws for the ad
ministration ofjustice, and for the welfare and gPod gov
ernment of the Colony, have been hitherto enacted by
the Governour, Council, and General Assembly, and
to them, requisitions and applications for supplies
have been directed by the Crown. As an instance of
the opinion which former Sovereigns entertained of
these rights and privileges, we beg leave to refer to

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 63
three acts of the General Assembly, passed in the 33d
year of the reign of King Charles II. one of which is
entitled ' >An act for raising a publick revenue for
the better support of the government of his Majesty's
Colony of Virginia,' imposing several duties fpr that
purpose, which being thought absolutely necessary,
were prepared in England, and sent over by their
then Governour, the Lord Culpeper, to be passed by
the General Assembly, with a full power to give the
royal assent thereto; and which were accprdingly
passed, after several amendments were made to them
here : thus tender was his Majesty of the rights of his
American subjects; and the remonstrants do not dis
cern by what distinction they can be deprived of that
sacred birthright andmost valuable mheritance by their
fellow subjects, nor with what propriety they can be
taxed or affected in their estates, by the Parliament,
wherein they are not, and indeed cannot, constitution
ally be represented.
"And if it were proposed for the Parliament to im
pose taxes on the Colonies at all, which the remon
strants take leave to think would be inconsistent With
the fundamental principles of the Constitution, the ex
ercise of that power, at this time, would be ruinous to
Virginia, who exerted herself in the late war, it is
feared beyond her strength, insomuch that to redeem
the money granted for that exigence, her people are
taxed for several years to come : this, with the larger
expenses incurred for defending the frontiers against
the restless Indians, who have infested her as much
since the peace as before, is so grievous, that an in
crease of the burthen would be intolerable : especial
ly as the people are very greatly distressed already
from the scarcity of circulating cash amongst them.

64 AMERICAN REVOLUTION. '
and from the littie value of their Staple at the British
markets. " And itis presuraed, that adding to that load which
the Colony now labours under, will not be more op
pressive to her people, than destructive of the inter
est of Great Britain : for the Plantation trade, con
fined as it is to the Mother Country, hath been a prin
cipal means of multiplying and enriching her inhabi
tants ; and, if not too much discouraged, may prove
an inexhaustible source of treasure to the nation. For
satisfaction in this point, let the present state of the
British fleets and trade be compared with what they
were before the settlement of the Colonies; and let it
be considered, that whilst property in land may be
acquired on very easy terms, in the vast uncultivated
territory of Morth America, the Colonists will be mostr
ly, if not wholly, employed in agriculture, whereby
the exportation of their commodities to Great Britain,
and the consumption of manufactures supplied from
thence, will be daily increasing. But this most desir
able connexion between Great Britain and her Co
lonies, supported by such a happy intercourse of re
ciprocal beneflts as is continually advancing the pros
perity of both, must be interrupted, if the people of
the latter, reduced to extreme poverty, should be com
pelled to manufacture those articles they have been
hitherto furnished with, from the former.
"From these considerations, it is hoped that the
Honourable House of Commons will not prosecute a
measure which those who may suffer under it, cannot
but look upon as fltter for exiles driven from their na-
tive Country, after ignominiously forfeiting her fa
vours and protection, than for the posterity of Britons,
who have at all times been forward to demonstrate all

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 65
due reverence to the Mother Kingdom ; and are so in
strumental in prompting her glory and felicity ; and
that British patriots will never conserit to the exer
cise of any anticonstitutional power, which, even in
this remote corri'er, may be dangerous in its example
to the interiour parts of the British empire, and will
certainly be detrimental lo its cemmerce."
It was perhaps tbe tone of humility and suppllancA
breathed throughout these papers, that deceived the
Ministry into a belief, that the people of the Colonies
had no design of carrying their opposition further than
remonstrance. But a less obstinate man than Mr.
Grenville might have seen enough, in the flrmness
with which they contended for their constitutional ex
emption from taxation by the Parliament, to have
taught him that they could nPt readily be brought to
submit : and a Minister of more enlarged and liberal
views would have been deterred from prosecuting a
favourite scheme, by contemplating the picture which
is here exhibited of the sufferings which must neces-
sarity follow a further pressure upon resources already
exhausted-^not for themselves, but for the aggran
dizement of the British Empire.
The Legislative Assembly of Massachusetts, thpugh
they made no address te the King or Parliament, pass
ed sundry resolutions strongly expressing their dis
approbation of the proposed measufe,- and explicitly
denying the right of Parliament to impose such a tax
upon the Colonies. Tliey also appointed a Commit-
tiBe to correspond with the LegislatUi*e& of the ether
Gbionies during their recess> and invite them to-a fi-ee.
interchange of sentimettts.
Most pf the 'Colonies adopted some means pf mak
ing known their opposition to the measures^of the Min-
voL. I. g

66 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
, istry. Some of them admitted the right of Pariiament
to impose a tax for Colonial purposes, but all most
pertinaciously denied their right to raise a revenue
from the Colonies to be paid into the British Exche
quer, and placed at the disposal of the British Pariia
ment. They urged, in opposition to the sentiments
ofthe Minister and the arguments found In the pamph
let of Governour Bernard, that the claim of England
Avas contrary to the spirit and letter of the English
Constitution — that as the Colonies were not, and could
riot be, represented In the British Parliament, it was
the very essence of tyranny to attempt to exercise an
authority over them which must inevitably lead to gross
abuse. They urged that they had never refused, dur
ing the long and expensive war in which they bore so
large a part, to contribute to the utmost of their abili
ty, in many instances much more than their regular pro
portion, when it was askedfor by a constitutional requi
sition upon their own Assemblies — that Great Britain
already enjoyed advantages raore than equivalent to
any expense she had been at in rearing and protect
ing her Colonies, in the monopoly of their trade and
the entire control of their commerce.
Some of the Colonies went so far as to offer a spe-
cifick sum in lieu of the proposed tax, provided it might
be received as a voluntary donation, and not as a re
venue which the Parliament had a right to demand.
In answer to the ridiculous argument which had
been used by some of the Minister's friends, that the
Americans were already represented, and that they
were included inthe general system of representation,
in the same manner as a large proportion of the inhab
itants of the British islands, who had no votes in the
election of members qf Parliament ; it was justly con-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. ^
tended, that "the very essence of representation con
sists in this — that the representative is himself plac
ed in a situation analogous to those whom he repre
sents, so that he shall be himself bound by the laAVs
which he is entrusted to enact, and liable to the taxes
which he is authorised to impose. This is precisely
the case, «aid they, with regard to the national repre-
' sentation of Britain. Those who do, and those who
do not elect, together with the elected body themselves,
are, in respect to this grand and indispensable requir
site, upon a perfect equality — that the laws made and
the taxes imposed extend alike to all. But inthe case
of American taxation, these mocTe representatives ac
tually relieve themselves in the very same proportion
that they burden those whom they falsely and ridicu
lously pretended to represent.''
But all this powerful reasoning on the part of the
Colonies, produced no effect in the British Parliament.
They would not even suffer the memorials or remon
strances to be read in the House of Commons. The
Minister however proposed, as a great indulgence,
that the Colonial Agents might be heard at the Bar of
the House by counsel ; but this was indignantly refus
ed by the Agents, who said that their respecti,ve Co
lonies did not mean, to petition but to protest against
the passage ofthe act. Doctor Franklin, the Agent for
the Colony of Massachusetts, waited upon Mr. Gren
ville in person, and endeavoured by the weight of his
influence and the knowledge pf his high standing at
home, to dissuade him from a measure which would
set the whole Contment of America in a ferment. But
Mr. Grenville was too obstinate, too fond of power,
and too vain of the policy of his own scheme, tp list
en to any dissuasipns ; and in March 1765, the Bill for

68 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
laying a stamp duty in America was brougUt irito the
House of Commons.
The influence of the Minister was so great, that ve
iy few dared tp opppse him, or to say any thing against
the passage of the Bill. General Conway was the on
ly man who contended against the right of Parliament
ip enact such a law. Mr. Charles Townsend ended
a long speech on the side of the Minister, in the fol
lowing words : "And now will these Americans, chil
dren planted by ow cq,re, nourished up by our indul
gence, till they are grown to a degree of strength and
opulence, and prqteQted by our arms, will they grudge
to contribute their mite to relieve us from the heavy
weight of that burden which we lie under ?" — Colonel
Barre, one of the most respectable members of the
House of Commons, with strong feelings of indigna
tion visible in his countenance and manner, thus elo
quently replied^ — " Thej planted by your care ! — No,
your oppression planted them in America. They fled
from tyranny to a then uncultivated and inhospitable
country, where they exposed themselves to almost all
the hardsliips tp which human nature is liable ; and
among others to the cruelty of a savage foe the most
subtle, and I will take upon me to say, the most for
midable of any people upon the face of the earth ; and
yet, actuated by principles of ti-ue English liberty,
they met all hardships with pleasure compared with
those they suffered in their own couutry, from the
hands of those that shpuld have beeu their friends— -
They nourished, up hy yonr indulgence !  Tbey grew
up by your neglect of them. As soon as you began tQ
eare about them, that care was exercised in sending
persons to rule them .m one departraent and in anoth
er, who were, perhaps, the depyii^^ qf d^puti^s t«

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 69
some members of this House, sent to spy out their lib
erties, to misrepresent their actions, and to prey up- '
on them  Men whose behaviour on many occasions,
has caused the blood ofthese sons of liberty to recoil
within them. — ^Men who promoted to the highest seats
ofjustice, some, who to my knowledge were glad, by
going to a foreign country, to escape being brought to
the bar of a court ofjustice in their own.-^They pro
tected by your arms ! — They have nobly taken up arms
in your defence, have exerted a valour, amidst their
constant and laborious industry, for the defence of a
country whose frontier was drenched in blood, while
its interiour parts yielded all Its little savings to your
emolument. And believe me, remember I this day
told you so, that same spirit of freedom which actuat
ed that people at flrst will accompany them still : but
prudence forbids me to explain myself further. God
knows, I do not at this time speak from any motives
of party heat ; what I deliver are the genuine senti
ments of my heart. However superiPur to me iu gene
ral knowledge and experience the respectable body of
this House may be, yet 1 claim to know more of Ame
rica than most of you, having seen aud been convers
ant in that country. Thepeople, I believe, are as tru
ly loyal as any subjects the King has, but a people jea
lous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them, if
ever they should be violated : but the subject Is too
delieate-^I will say no more."
Amazement aud hesitation seemed to pervade the
House for a time ; but the impression made by the half
smothered pKopheey of Colonel Barre was too trau-
sient to produce any good effect. The Bill was pass
ed by the Commons, and met with no opposition at all
in the House of Lords. Onthe S3d of the same moutbj,

70 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
it received the royal assent, and became a monument
of Ministerial folly. Soon after the passage of the
Act, Doctor Frauklin, in a letter to Mr. Charles
Thompson, afterwards Secretary to Congress, has
these words : " The sun of liberty is set, you must
light up the candles of industry and economy;" and to
Mr. Ingersoll ou his departure from London he said —
"Go home and tell your peojile to get children as fast
as they can." Neither the Doctor, nor any of the
Agents, as it appeared, entertained any apprehensions
of open resistance in the Colonies to the execution of
the law : for when the Minister, as an especial act of
favour, proposed that they should theraselves name the
officers to be appomted under the new law, they did
not hesitate to mention those among their friends,
whose appointment, they supposed, would be least of
fensive to their respective Colonies. But far differ
ent were the feelings on this side of the Atlantic, as
will presently be seen.
The Act itself was not intended to go into opera
tion until the month of November 1765, so thatthe Co
lonies would have time to express their opinions of it,
without being at once compelled to oppose it by any
open act of rebellion. When the intelligence of its fl-
nal passage reached the Colonies, the fury of the peo
ple exceeded all bounds. In Boston, more particular
ly? they proceeded to every aot of violence that could
show their abhorrence, as well of the law itself as of
those who were instrumental in procuring its enact
ment. The ships in their harbour hung their colours
half-mast, and the bells throughout the town were muf-
fledand tolled. The masters ofthe vessels thatbrought
the Stamps were treated with every mark of indigni
ty, and compelled to deliver the Stamps to the popu-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 71
lace who made a bonfire of them and of the law. Ef
figies of the Minister and some of his most active
friends were made and publickly bu rned. The Justices
of the Peace refused to interpose their authority — the
Starap Officers declared they would never distribute
a single Stamp— and what was of the most alarming
importance to Great Britain, the merchants entered in
to a solemn engagement to import no more goods un
til the act was repealed.
A different course was pursued in Virgmia — this
expression of publick feeling was not left to the popu
lace ; the Legislature itself at once determined to give
it the high sanction of their interference ; and to this
end the following resolutions were introduced by Mr.
Patrick Henry — ^one of the raost illustrious members
of a House, at that 'time conspicuous for the genius,
learning, refinement, and patriotism of those who com
posed it. We are indebted to the eloquent biogra
pher of Mr. Henry, the present Attorney General of
the United States, for the copy of these resolutions as
we shall lay them before our readers ; and the facts
connected with them are too well worthy of historical
record to be omitted.
"After his death (says Mr. Wirt) there was found
among his papers one sealed and thus endorsed : " In
closed are the resolutions of the Virginia Assembly in
1765, concerning the Stamp Act. Let my executors
open this paper." Within was found the following co
py of the resolutions, in Mr. Henry's hand- writing.
" Resolved, That the first adventurers and settlers
of this, his Majesty's Colony and domiuion, brought
with them, and transraitted to their posterity, and all ,
other his Majesty's subjects, since inhabiting in this,
his Majesty's said Colony all the privileges, franchi^

7S AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ses, and immunities, that have been at any time held,
enjoyed, and possessed, by the people of Great Bri
tain. *' Resolved, that by two royal chartei's, granted by
King James the First, the Colonists, aforesaid, are de-
dared entitled to all the privileges, liberties, and im
munities, of denizens and natural born subjects, to all
intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding and
born within the realm of Erigland.
f Resolved, That the taxation of the people by them
selves, or by persons chosen by themselves to repre--
sent them, who can only know what taxes the people
are able to bear, and the easiest raode of raising them,
and are equally affected by such taxes themselves, is
ihe distinguishing characteristic of British freedora^
and without which the ancient constitution cannot sub
sist. " Resolved, That his Majesty's liege people ofthis
most ancient Colony, have uninterruptedly enjoyed the
right of being thus governed by their own Assembly
in the article of their taxes and internal police, and the
sarae hath never been forfeited, or any other way giv
en up, but hath been constantly recognized by tbe
King and people of Great Britain.
" Resolved, therefore. That the General Assembly
of this Colony have the sole right and power to lay
taxes and impositions upon the inhabitants of this Co
lony ; and that every attempt to vest such power in
any person or persons whatsoever, other than the Ge
neral Assembly aforesaid, has a manifest tendency to
destroy British as well as American freedom."
" On the back of the paper containing these resolti-
tions, is the following endorsement, which is also in
the hand-writing of Mr. Henry himself " The with-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 73
in resplutions passed the house of Burgesses in May,
1765. They formed the first, opposition ,to the Stamp
Act, and the scheme of taxing America' by the British
Parliament. All the Colonies, either through fear, or
want of opportunity to. form an opposition, or from in- ,
fluence .of some kind or other had remained silent. I
had been for the first time elected a Bhrgess, a fcAv
days before, was young, .inexperienced, unacquaint
ed with the forms of the house, and the members that
composed it. Finding the men of weight averse to op
position, and the commencement of the tax at hand,
and that no person was likely to step forth, I deter
mined to venture, and alone, unadvised, arid unassist
ed, on a blank leaf of an old law-book wrote the with
in. Upon offering them- to the house, violent debates
ensufti^. Many threats were uttered, and much abuse
cast on me, by the party for s«sbraission. After a long
and warm contest, the resolutions passed by a very
small majority, perhaps of one or two only. The alarm
spread throughout America with astonishing quick
ness, and the Ministerial party were overwhelmed.
The great ^point of resistance to British taxation was
universally^i^stablished in the Colonies. This brought
on the war, which finally separated the two countries,
and gave independence to ours-. Whether this will
prove a blessing or a curse, will depend upon the use
our people make of the blessings which a gracious
God hath bestowed on us. If they are wise, they will
be great aud happy— If they are of a contraiy char
acter, they will be miserable — ^Righteousness alone
can exalt them as a nation.
" Reader ! whoever thou art, remember this, and in
thy sphere, practise- virtue thyself, aud encourage it
in others. — P. Henry."
VOL. I. 10 .

74 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
These resolutions, as Mr. Henry haa said, were
vehemently opposed by some of the most powe^ul
speakersjof the house, and it required all his persua
sive eloquence to gain for them the sanction of a ma
jority. It was in his speech in favour of these reso
lutions that he was interrupted with the cry of " trea,
son," from the Speaker and several members of the
House. A manuscript copy of the Resolutions was
imraediately sent to Philadelphia and thence to New
York ; in both of which places tbey produced suek
alarm among the timid and loyal inhabitants, that
scarcely a word was heard in the streets above a whisr
per. In Rhode Island and; Connecticut, where it had
been previously supposed that the people would tame
ly subrait to the exactions of the law, the intelligence
of what had been done in Virginia, aroused the mosit
violent feelings. Mobs collected in every part and
hurried the effigies of the friends of the Stamp Act. In
Boston the people were excited to still louder expres
sions of discontent — the Resolutiousi there were open
ly published in the NeAvspapers — handbills were pub
lished calling upon the people to resist with their lives
the iraposition of the tax. All these disorders were
attributed by Governour Bernard to the inflammatoiy
resolutions of Mr. Henry.
By degrees the people of all the Colonies began to
entertain but one feeling on the subject, which pervad
ed all classes of society. Town meetings Avere every
where held, and the representatives of the people
were every where instructed to show by some Legis
lative act, their detestation of the usurpation of Parlia7
ment. In the town of Plymouth, in Massachusetis,
the instructions given to their representative deserve
to be recorded. After some expressions of loyalty,

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 75
and attachment to the British coustitution, they say:
"You, sir, represent a people, who are riot only de
scended from the first settlers pf thi.s country, but in
habit Me very spot they first possessed. Here was first
laid the foundation qftheiBritish Plmpire, in this part
of America, which from* a very small Beginning, has
increased and spread in,a manner very surprising, and
almost incredible, especially when we^.cousider that
all this has been effected withoutthe aid or assistance
of any power ou earth ; that we liave defended, pro
tected, and secured ourselves against J;he, invasions
and cruelties of savages, and the subtlety and inhumani
ty of our inveterate and natural enemies, the French ;
and all this without the appropriation of any tax by
Stamps, or Stamp Acts, laid upon our fdlow subjec|;s,
in any part of the Kirig's dominions, for defraying the
expense thereof. This place. Sir, was at first the asy
lum of liberty, and we hope, will ever be preserved
sacred to it,, though it was then no more than a barren
wilderness, iuhabited only by savage men and beasts.
To this place our fathers, (whose memories be rever
ed,) possessed of the principles of liberty in their pu- '
rity, disdained slavery, fled to enjoy those privileges,
which they had an undoubted right to, but were de-
priA'ed, by the hands pf violence and oppression, in
their native country. We, Sir, their posterity, the
freeholders, and other inhabitants ofthis town, legal- -
ly assembled for that purpose ; possessed of the same
sentiments, and retaining the same ardour for liberty,
think it our indispensable duty, on this occasion, tp
express to you these our sentiments of the Stamp Act,
and its fatal consequences to this country, and to en
join upon you, as you regard not only the Avelfare, but
the vety being ofthis people, that you (cpusistent with

76 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
our allegiance to the King, and relation to the govern
ment of Great Britain) disregarding all proposals for
that purposej'exerf' all your power and influence in
opposition to the Stamp Act, at least till we hear the
success of our petitions for relief We likewise, ; to
avoid disgracing the raeraories of our ancestors, as well
as the reproaches of our own consciences, and the cur
ses of posterity, recommend it to you, to obtain if pos
sible, in the, honourp;ble House of Representatives of
this Province, a full and explicit assertion of our rights,
and to have the s^me entered ou their publick re
cords, that all generations yet to come, may be con
vinced, that we have notonly a just sense of our rights
and liberties, but that We .¦reeweT?, with submission to Di
vine Providence, willbe,slaves to any power onearth."
This was the sort. of spirit which now animated the
great body of the American people from Massachu
setts to South Carolina. Nor was it indeed confined
to the Continent, for the people in the West India Is
lands showed a determination equally strong to resist
the Stamp Act. »

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 77

CHAPTER iv!

Meeting of the first^Cgntinmtal Congress at JVew Fork — They
i^ublish a manifesto, and petition theS^ng and Parlianient-^lsf.
of J^Tovember 1765 observed throughout the Colonies as a day of
mourning — Publick funeral of Liberty in J\'ew Hampshire —
non4mportation agreem^Strr-the people refuse tdiise 8tainps—ef-
hfgcts ofthe popular fermen^upon'ihe Parlidment^^debates upon
it's repeal — effects of the non-importation upon the Merchants of
London-i-their petition to the King and Parliament. — Repeal of
the Stamp .dct—univevAaljoyof the .Americans in consequence,
''P
ONi;he: sixth day*of Jritte 4765, a resolution was
moved by Mr. James Otis, in the Assembly of Mas
sachusetts, setlmg fPrth the expediency of calling a
contirienfel Congress, to be composed of deputies from
theLegipaturesof each respective Province, to consult
ou the" pre;sen%circumstances of the Colonies, and to
consider the most proper means of averting the diffi
culties under which they laboured. The Governour
and other friends of the Ministerial party, fijiding that
it would be vain to oppose such a measure in the pre
sent state of popular excitement, made a merit of ne
cessity and appeared to take the lead in it, that they
might on the passage of the resolution, be enabled to
form their coramittee out of the friends of the govern
ment. The resolution passed without much opposi
tion. New York was fixed upon as the place of meet
ing, early in the mouth of October ensuing. The com
mittee ap])ointed, on the part pf Massachusetts were
James Otis jun. Oliver Patridge, and Timothy Rugr
gles — of whora GovernourBeraard,mhis letter to the
Lords of trade, thus expresses his approbation. " Two
pf the three chosen are fast friends to government,

78 AMERICAN REVOt&JTION.
prudent and discreet men, such as I am sure will
never consent to any improper application to the gov
ernment of Great Britain."
These gentlemen lost no .time in preparing a letter
to the Speakers of the several Colonial Assemblies,
enclosing the resolution, and requesting their concur
rence therewith. South Carolina was the first to yield
assent to the proposed Congress. The Governours of
New York, Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia,
prorogued their (respective Legislatures, and thus pre
vented them from acceding to the proposition ; bulin
the first of these Colonies the Committee, who had
been appointed in the preceding year as a Committee
of general correspoudence during the recess of thelue-^
gislature, took upon themselves the responsibility of
attending the meeting, in behalf of their'Goloriy, and
their authority was confirmed by the succeeding As
sembly. ,j
On the second Tuesday of October 1765, the day ap
pointed, twenty eight deputies, viz : from Massaehu-'
setts, Rhode Jsland, Connecticut, New Jersey, Penn
sylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina,
and the Committee as already mentioned of New York,
met at the City of New York and after appointing Mr,
Ruggles of Massachusetts their Chairraan, proceeded
to deliberate on the subject of their grievances. It was
agi-eed to draw up a manifesto of their grievances,
and a declaration of rights, in which they respectful
ly but firmly asserted their exemption from all taxes
not-imposed by their ovvn representatives. They also
determined upon a memorial to the House of Lords,
and a petition to the King and Commons. These pa
pers were signed only by the members from six Colo
nies — those from Connecticut, New York, and South

• AMERICAN REVOLUTION. • 79
Caroliiaa not having been empowered to do so. The
Chahman, Mr.is-Ru^les, one of those upon whose
loyalty the Governour of Massachusetts had so strong
ly calculated, left the meeting without signing; and
Ms colleague, Mr. Otis, was upon the point of doing
the same, but fortunately the influence of Mr. Tho
mas Lynch was successfully exerted to prevent liim.
The Congress having completed the business before
them, diigsolved its meeting (in the 35th of October.
Those Colonies which had not sent Committees, adopt
ed the same sentiments by subsequent resolutions, and
expressed their approbation of the proceedings of the
Congress in the warmest manner. In New Hamp
shire, the resolutions and petitions of the Congress
were unanimously approved of; and the concurrence
of their Legislature was thus made known to their
agents in London : " We in this Province have not
been so boisterous and irregular as some others, not
because we are insensible of pur distresses, but be
cause we thought the present mode most likely to ob
tain relief." ¦ '
The first day of November, " the great, the impor
tant day," when the Stamp Act was to take effect, at
length approached. In Boston its dawn was ushered
in by the tolling of bells as for a funeral. Many of
the shops and stores were shut. Effigies of the men
.who suppprted the Act were paraded about the streets,
and carried tp a gallows erected on Boston Neck
Where after being suspended for some time, they were
cut ^oAvn and torn to pieces, amid the shouts and ac
clamations of thonsands.
At Portsmouth, in NeW Hampshire,* similar pro
ceedings took place. Publick notice was given to the
friends (^liberty to atttnd her funeral— 'Fot this pur-

80 > AMERICAN REVOLUTIOl^f.
pose a coffin had been prepared, upon which was in
scribed iu large letters. Liberty. This was attend
ed to the grave prepared for it, by a numerous con
course of people, and minute guns were flred during
the whole time of the procession. At the place of in
terment an oration was pronounced, in which it was
hinted that the deceased might possibly revive— the
coffin was again taken up, the word revived added
to the former inscription, and the tone of the.b.ells was
instantly changed to a merry peal.
In New York and Philadelphia, the merchants as
sembled and entered into solemn compact not to im
port any goods from the Mother Country during the
existence of the Stamp Act.
In Maryland the effigy of their Stamp master, Mr<
Hood, was carried about from pillory to whippingpost,
and Mr. Hood himself was compelled to seek his safety
by flying to New York.
' Similar transactions took place in every Colony.f
The Stamp papers were every where burned or de
stroyed, so that it became necessary either to put a
stop to all business that required them, or to carry it
on without them, iu open deflance of the law. The
latter was preferred. Ships were entered and cleared
without Stamps»Lawyers, Merchants, Judges, and
Justices, all united In agreeing to transact their af
fairs without Staraps. The printers continued boldly
to print and circulate their newspapers without the re
quired Stamp ; and perhaps it may be said, that to
the interest which they felt in the suppression of the
Stamps, Ave owe many of the friends which now flock
ed from all quarters to the standard of our infant li
berty. For by their means it was, that a regular chain
of intelligence was kept up throughall the Colonies.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 81
A series of essays was published in the New York
papers, sorae of the raanuscripts of which it was sup
posed were sent from Boston, in which it was con
tended thatthe Colonies were no otherwise related to
Great Britain than as having the same King ; and a
system of politicks was fast gaining ground, which but
for the repeal of the Stamp. Act, would have added ten
years to the age of our independent nation.
Associations had been formed in all the Colonies
under the title of Sons of Liberty, composed Pf some
of the most respectable and estimable of their citizens.
That association in New-York held a meeting on the
7th November, at which it was determined that they
would risk their lives and fortunes to prevent the Stamp
Act. Notice of this being sent to the Sons of Liberty
in Connecticut, an union of the two associations was
soon after agreed upon, and a forraal instrument of
writing draAvu aud signed — in which, after denounc
ing the Stamp Act, as a flagrant outrage on the Brit
ish Constitution, they most solemnly pledged them
selves to march with their whole force whenever re
quired at their dwn proper cost and expense, to the
relief of all who should be in danger from the Stamp
Act or its abettors — to be vigilant in watching for the
introduction of Stamped paper, to consider all Avho
are caught In introducing it as betrayers oftheir countiy,
and to bring them if possible to condign punishmeut.
Whatever raay be their rank— to defend the libe-rty qf
the Press in their respective Colonies from all viola
tions or impediments on account of the said Act — to
save all judges, attornies, clerks and others from flues,
penalties, or any molestation whatever, who shall pro
ceed in their respective duties vyithout regard to the
Stamp Act. — And lastly, they pledged themselves to
Vol. I. 11

83 AMERICAN REVOLUTION'.
use their utmost endeavours to bring about a similar
union with all the Colonies on the Continent.
In pursuance of this plan circular letters were ad
dressed to the Sons of Liberty, in Boston, New Hamp^
shire, and as far as South Carolina. The proposal
was received with enthusiasm in most parts of the Co
lonies; and from this association sprung the grand
scheme of a continental alliance. And this alliance
shows In a striking manner, how dependent upon ac
cidental causes are sometimes the origin and establish
ment of Kingdoms, States, and Empires — how a sense
of comraon danger Avill bring about an event, which
all the skill and foresight of the Politician, with all
his learned theory of checks and balances would be un
able to accomplish.
But these associations for the mutual defence and
protection of those, who were determined to oppose
the usurped authority of the British Parliament, were
not the only associations whose consequences were
likely to be severely felt by the British government.
Societies were formed in all the Colonies, including
females, ^as well as males, of the highest rank aud
fashion, who resolved to forego all the luxuries of life
sooner than be indebted for them to the commerce of
England, under the restrictions imposed upon it by
Parliament. These Societies denied themselves the
use of any foreign articles of clothing — carding, spin- -
ning, and weaving, became the daily employment of
ladies of fashion— Sheep were forbidden to be used
as food, lest there should not be found a sufficient
supply of wool; and to be dressed in a suit of home-
spun was to possess the surest means of popular dis
tinction. And so true were these patriotick societies
to their mutual compact, that theBritish merchants and

AMERICAN HEVOLITTION. 83
manufacturers soon began to feel the necessity of unit
ing with the Colonies in petitioning Parliament for a re
peal ofthe obnoxious law. Artificers and manufacturers
in England were left without employment, and thrown
upon the charities of the publick; for even at that
early day this class of people were, in a great mea
sure, dependent on the Colonial consumption for their
support. The warehouses ofthe merchants were, for the
.same reasons, filled with unsaleable goods and the
table of the Minister was spon loaded with petitions
and remonstrances from all the large towns In the
Kingfiom. In |he mean time a serious disagreement had taken
place between the King and his Ministers, some of
whom had proved more refractory on several occasions,
than his Majesty was disposed to submit to, and it was
resolved that they should be discarded. But in order
to form another Administration, it was necessary to
make overtures either to Mr. Pitt or the Duke of
Newcastle, wbo were at the head of the two Opposi
tion parties. With a view to sound Mr. Pitt and his
friends, the duke of Cumberland early in the year
1765, waited upon Lord Temple and his brother-in-
law, by his Majesty's command, and requested to
know upon what conditions, his Lordship, Mr. Pitt,
and their friends, would be wllliug to engage in his
Majesty's service. Mr. Pitt immediately, and with
some warmth, replied that he was ready to go to St.
James's provided he could carry the Constitution along
with him.
This was not the sort of reply, however, which his
Majesty Ipoked for, and the conference ended without
an arrangement — very much to the satisfaction of Mr.
Grenville, who, being now acquainted with the design

84 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
of his Majesty to get rid of him, and trusting to the
difficulty of his forming any other Cabinet, broke out
into open hostility with the Court, and insisted upon
the dismission of all the King's friends.
This conduct on the part of Mr. Grenville, in all
which he was aided and supported by the Duke of
Bedford, determined his Majesty to make a second
effort of reconciliation with Mr. Pitt ; and for this
purpose he and Lord Temple were commanded to wait
upon the King on the 35th of June. This second ef
fort, however, ended with no better success than the
first — Mr. Pitt and his brother still insisting upon a
total change of men and measures, and the King with
equal pertinacity refusing to discharge his friends.
His Majesty was now compelled, as a last resort,
to open a negociation with the duke of Newcastle,
through the mediation of the Duke of Cumberland, in
which his royal highness was successful. By the ar
rangement now made, the old Duke of Newcastle
chose for himself the sinecure of Lord Privy Seal —
The Marquis of Rockingham was placed at the head
of the Treasury, and Mr. Dowdeswell, a man of in
flexible integrity, was made Chancellor of the Exche
quer. Lord Winchester took the place of the Duke
of Bedford as President of the Council, and the Seals
were given to the young Duke of Grafton, aud Gene
ral Conway, who had so nobly espoused the cause of
the Colonies, on the motion to tax them. The other
places remained as they were.
The Parliament was convened on the 14th of Janu
ary 1766, and the speech of his Majesty to the two .
houses clearly evinced the different principles of the
men who now formed his Cabinet, from those of his
former Ministers. He declared in this speech " his

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 85
firm confldence in the wisdom and zeal of Parliament,
which would, he doubted not, guide them to such sound
and prudent resolutions, as might tend at once to pre
serve the constitutional rights of the British Legisla
ture over the Colonies ; and to restore to them that har
mony aud tranquillity which have lately been inter
rupted by disorders of the most dangerous nature.
He said, he had nothing at heart but the assertion of
legal authority, the preservation of the liberties of all
his subjects, the equity aud good order of his govern
ment, and the concord and prosperity of all parts of
his dominions." '
On the motion for an Address to the King, the sen
timents of the House on the measures of the late Ad
ministration, and particularly on the Stamp Act, Avere
given boldly and freely. Mr. Pitt, that unrivalled
Statesman and incorruptible patriot, that friend of
liberty and of equal rights, was the first to offer his
sentiments on the state of affairs. He began by pro
nouncing every measure of the late Ministers wrong,
and honestly professing his want of confidence iu the
present Ministers. He acknowledged them to be men
of fair characters aud of Whig principles, but he was
afraid he could discover some traces of an overruling
influence. "It is a longtime, Mr. Speaker, (saidhe,)
since I have attended iu Parliament : when the reso
lution was taken in this House to tax Araerica, I was
ill in bed. If I could have endured to have been car
ried in my bed, so great was the agitation of my mind
for the consequences, I would have solicited some kind
hand to have laid rae down on this fioor to have borne
my testimony against it. It is my opinion, that this
Kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the Colo
nies. At the same time, I assert the authority of

86 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
this Kingdom to be sovereign and supreme iu every
circumstance of government and legislature whatso
ever. Taxation is no part of the governing or legis
lative power ; the taxes are a voluntary gift and grant
of the Commons alone. The concurrence of the Peers
and of the Crown is necessary only as a form of law.
This House represents the Commons of Great Britain.
When in this House we give and grant, therefore, we
give and grant Avhat is our own, but can we give and
grant the property of the Commons of America? It
is an absurdity in terms. There is an idea in some,
that the Colonies are virtually represented in this
House. 1 would fain know by whom? The idea of
virtual representation is the most contemptible that
ever entered into the head of man : it does not de
serve a serious refutation. The Commons in Ame
rica, represented in their several Assemblies, have
invariably exercised this constitutional right of giving
and granting their own money ; tbey would have been
slaves if they had not enjoyed it. At the same time
this Kingdom has ever professed the power of legis
lative and commercial control. The Colonies ac
knowledge your authority in all things, with the sole
exception that you shall not take their money out of
their pockets without their consent. Here v-^ould I
draw the Hue — quam ultra citraque neqtiit consistere
rectum." A profound silence of some minutes succeeded this
speech of Mr. Pitt. No one appeared inclined to take
the part of the late Ministers, or to rouse the lion
which lay basking in the eye of the great Comraoner
who had just sat doAvn. At length Mr. Grenville him
self, the obstinate author of all the mischief, that
ihen so loudly threatened the peace and prosperity of

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 87
the whole Empire, rose in defence of the measures of
his administration. He said, that the tumults in Arae
rica bordered on open rebellion ; and that if the doc
trine promulgated that day were confirmed, he feared
they would lose this narae to take that of revolution.
He said, that taxation was a branch of the sovereign
power, which had been frequently exercised over those
who were never represented, and Instanced the East
India Company, the Palatinate of Chester, and some
others. He asserted, that no one had questioned the
right, when he proposed to tax Araerica. (In this,
however, Mr. Grenville vvas mistaken, for General
Conway, now Secretary, had expressly denied the
right, ou that occasion.) "Protection and obedience
(said he) are reciprocal ; Great Britain protects Ame
rica, America is therefore bound to yield obedience.
If not, tell me, when were the Americans emancipat
ed? The seditious spirit of the Colonies owes its birth
to the factions in this House. We were told we trod
PU tender ground, we were bid to expect disobedi
ence : what is this but telling America to stand out
against the law? to encourage their obstinacy with
the expectation of support here ? Ungrateful people of
America/ The nation has run itself into an immense
debt to give them protection ; bounties have been ex
tended to them ; in their favour the Act of Navigation,
that palladium of the British commerce, has been re
laxed : and now that they are called upon to contri
bute a small share towards the publick expense, they
renounce your authority, insult your officers, and break
out, I might almost say, into open rebellion."
Thus Aveak and laboured was Mr. Grenville's vin
dication of himself and his measures. His whole
speech was but a repetitipu of what had been urged

88 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
by Mr. Charles Townsend on a former occasion, and
of what had been so ably refuted by Colonel Barre.
The truth is that Mr. Grenville though an honest man,
aud industrious in all that concerned the details of bu
siness, was weak, conceited and prejudiced. Too im
patient of contradiction to look at both sides of a ques
tion, he persisted in errour, until he was too deeply
enveloped in the obscurity of his own reasoning to see
the truth when It was presented to him. He had per
suaded himself that the Pariiaraent had a right to tax
the Colonies, aud he knew that a revenue thus deriv
ed would relieve the people at home from the pressure
of a heavy burden; but he forgot that the people of
the Colonies formed an integral part ofthe nation, and
that in proportion as he made them suffer, he brought
distress upon the whole. His policy was too short
sighted to perceive the cousequences of the reaction-
that must necessarily take place.
Mr. Grenville had scarcely taken his seat, when
Mr. Pitt again rose to reply — but the rules ofthe House
forbidding him to speak twice ou the same motion, he
was called to Order, and Avas reseating himself in obe
dience to the call, his countenance bearing the strong
aud varied emotions of indignation, resentment, and
contempt, when the loud and repeated cry of ' Go on' in
duced him once more to take the floor. He thus address-
sed himself to the Speaker — " Sir, a charge is brought
agairist gentlemen sitting iu this House, for giving birth
to sedition in America. The freedom with which they
have spoken their sentiments against this unhappy Act,
is imputed to them as a crime ; but the imputation shall
not discourage me. It is a liberty Avhich I hope no
gentleman will be afraid to exercise ; it is a liberty by
which the gentleman who calumniates it might have

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 89
profited. He ought to have desisted from his project.
We are told America is obstinate — America is almost
in open rebellion. Sir, I rejoice that America hhs re
sisted ; three millions of people so dead to all the feel
ings of liberty, as voluntarily to subrait to be slaves,
would have been fit instruments to make slaves of all
the rest. I came not here armed at all points with law
cases and Acts of Parliament, with the statute book
doubled down in dog's ears to defend the cause of liber
ty ; [alluding to Mr. Grenville's having read several
statutes in the course of his speech, as precedents for
taxation without representation] but for the defence of
liberty upon a general,, constitutional principle — it is
a ground on which I dare meet any man. I will not de
bate points of law -.—but what after all do the cases of
Chester- and Durham prove, but that under the most
arbitrary reigns, Parliament were ashamed of taxing
a people without their consent, and allowed them re
presentatives ? A higher and better example might have
been taken from Wales ; that principality was never
taxed by Pariiament till it was incorporated with En
gland. We are tpld of many classes of persons in
this Kingdom not represented in Parliament ; but are
they not all virtually represented as Englishmen with
in the realm ? Have they not the option, many ofthem
at least, of becoming themselves electors ? Every in
habitant of this kingdom is necessarily included in the
general system of representation. It is a misfortune
that more are not actually represented. The honoura
ble gentleman boasts pf his bounties to America-^ Are
not these bounties intended finally for the benefit of this
Kingdom ? If they are not, he has misapplied the na
tional treasures. I am no courtier of America — I main
tain that Parliament has a right to bind, to restrain
VOL. I. d'S

go AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
America. Our legislative power over the Colonies
is sovereign and suprerae. The honourable gentle
man tells us, he understands not the difference be
tween internal and external taxation ; but surely there
is a plain distinction, between taxes levied for the pur
pose of raising a revenue, and duties imposed for the
regulation of commerce. ' When,' said the honourable
gentleman, 'were the Colonies emancipated?' At
what time, say I in answer, were they made slaves?
I speak frora accurate knowledge when I say, that the
profits to Great Britain from the trade of the Colonies,
through all its branches, is two millions per annum.
This is the fund which carried you triumphantly
through the war ; this is tbe price America pays you
for her protection f and shall a miserable financier come
with a boast that he can fetch a pepper-corn into the
Exchequer, at the loss of millions to the nation ?/ I
know the valour of your troops — I know the skill of
your officers — I know the force of this country ; but in
such a cause your success would be hazardous. Ame
rica, if she fell, would fall like the strong man : she
would embrace the pillars of the State, and pull down
the Constitution with her. Is this your boasted peace ?
Not to sheathe the sword in the scabbard, but to
sheathe it in the bowels of your countrymen? The
Americans have been AA'ronged — they have been driv
en to madness by injustice. Will, you punish thera
for the madness you have occasioned ? No : let this
country be the first to resume its prudence and tem
per; I will pledge myself for the Colonies, that, on
their part, animosity and resentment will cease. The
system of policy I would earnestly exhort Great Bri
tain to adopt, in relation to America, is happily ex
pressed in the words of a favourite poet :

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 91
" Be to her faults a little blind.
Be to her virtues very kind ;
Let all her ways be unconfin'd.
And clap your padlock on her mind."
Upon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the House
in a few words what is really my opinion. It is. That
the Stamp Act be repealed absolutely, totally,
and IMMEDIATELY."
After the debate pn the motion for an Address was
concluded, Mr. Grenville made an unsuccessful mo
tion that the Stamp Act should be enforced — a majo
rity of 140 rising against him. This division suffici
ently showed the teraper of the House ; and the re
fusal to enforce the law was hailed as a happy indi
cation that |;he Ministry intended its repeal. Nume
rous papers relative to Amerjcan affairs had been, by
his Majesty's orders, laid before Parliament at the
opening of the session, apd the reading of thera now
occupied the whole of their tirae. The petition from
the Congress at New- York was not allowed to be
read, the Parliament having denied their authority to
assemble for the purpose alleged. Various other pe
titions however, as well from the Colonies as from the
manufacturing and trading interests of the Kingdom,
all tending to the same point, received due and pa-
tierit attention. In the course of this inquiry on Ame
rican affairs. Doctor Franklin, whose political integrity
and moral worth were alike duly estimated by the peo
ple of England, was called to the Bar of the House,
and freely questioned upon many important topicks.
The answers which he gave fully comfirmed the new
Ministers in the propriety and expediency of their
intention to move for a repeal of the Stamp Act ; and
a Bill for that purpose was on the 33d of February

93 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
brought iu by General Conway, the same who had so
boldly denied the right of Pariiament to impose it in
the first instance.
The debate on this motion lasted until 3 o'clock in
the morning, and never was there a debate which ex
cited more warmth of interest, or more vehemence of
opposition. The lobbies of the House were crowd
ed with the manufacturers and traders of the King
dom, whose anxious countenances plainly showed that
their fates hung upon the issue. A division at leugth
being called for, 375 rose In support of the motion,
and 167 against it— thus was the misery of the nation
for a while averted, in despite of all the speculators
and augurs of political events, (to use the language
of Mr. Burke) in the teeth of all the old mercenary
Swiss of the state, and in deflance ofthe whole embat
tled legion of veteran pensioners and practised instru
ments of Court.
So ungovernable were the transports of the people,
on hearing this vote of the House, and so flrmly were,
they impressed with the conviction that they owed
their deliverance to Mr. Pitt, that their gratitude knew
no bounds; and when he appeared at the door, (as
the eloquent writer, just quoted, has told us) "they
jumped upon him, like children on a long absent fa
ther. They clung about him as captives about their
redeemer. AU England joined in his applause. Nor
did he seera insensible of the best of all earthly re
wards, the love and adrairation of his fellow-citizens.
Hope elevated, aud joy brightened his crest."
In the House of Peers, the opposition to the Bill,
was raore obstinate than it hadbeen in the other House.
Lord Bute took upon himself to declare that it was
not the wish of his Majesty, that the laAV should be re-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 93
pealed. Some of the noble Dukes, and the whole
Bench of Bishops, were for forcing the Americans to
submit, with fire and sword. The Bill was nobly
supported by Lord Camden, the Marquis of Rocking
ham, and some others. Lord Camden declared, that
the inseparability of taxation and representation was
a position founded on the laws of nature — ^that it was
in fact itself an eternal law of nature — ^that no man
had a right to take another's property from him with
out his consent. <' Whoever attempts to do it (said
the noble lord) attempts an injury; whoever does it
commits a robbery."
Iu consequence of Lord Bute's declaration, his Ma
jesty was waited upon, and requested to impart his
wishes to the noble Lords. His reply showed, that
however he might have seemed to yield to the plans
of his new Ministers, his old favourite had but too
well interpreted his secret feelings, vvhen he averred
that the repeal of the Act was contrary to his Majesty's
wishes. He did not desire, he said, that it should be
enforced, unless it could be done without bloodshed.
Opposition being at length wearied out — the Lords
and the Bishops having both entered their protests 
aud a sort of compromise having been made by a De
claratory Act asserting the power and right of Great
Britain to bind the Colonies in all cases whatever 
the vote was taken on the 18th of March, and the re
peal carried by a majority of 34.-105 having voted
for it, and 71 agamst it. His Majesty appeared in
the House on the following day, and gave his assent.
The great joy which this event occasioned, was
manifested in London by splendid illuminations, and
by decorating all the ships in the Thames with flags.
In America, the intelligence Avas received with accla-

94 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
matious of the most sincere and heartfelt gratitude by
all classes of people. Publick thanksgivings were of
fered up in all the churches. The resolutions which
had been passed on the subject of iraportations, were
rescinded, and their trade with the Mother Country was
immediately renewed, with increased vigour. The
homespun dresses of our fathers and mothers were
given to the poor, and once more they appeared clad
in the produce of foreign looms.
When the Act repealing the Stamp Act was trans
mitted to America, General Conway, the Secretary,
accompanied it with a circular letter to the several Go
vernours, in which he most affectionately endeavoured
to appease the discontents of the people, while he at the
same time firmly insisted upon a proper reverence for
the Government. When the Governour of Virginia
communicated this to the House of Burgesses, they
unanimously voted a statue to the King — The Assem
bly of Massachusetts, with more discrimination, voted
a letter of thanks, where thanks were more due — ^to
the Duke of Grafton and Mr. Pitt.
In addition, however, to the circular letters to the
several Governours, General Conway wrote a separate
arid distinct letter to Governour Bernard of Massa
chusetts — in which he says : "Nothing will tend more
effectually to every conciliating purpose, and there is
nothing therefore I have in command more earnestly to
require of you, than that you should exert yourself in
recommending it strongly to the Assembly, that full
and ample compensation be made to those who, from
the madness of the people, have suffered for their acts
of deference to the British Legislature." This was cer
tainly a strange and extraordinary ground to be taken
by the Minister — his intentions were evidently of the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 95
purest nature — he was desirous of raaintaining the hon
our of the King and the Government ; but it was cer
tainly neither politick nor conciliatory, to make this
demand for reparation, for violences so lately commit
ted agamst the authority of that very governraent, and
of the people who committed them, because they denied
that authority. By repealing the Starap Act, the cause
of these violences were virtually acknowledged to be
just and defensible, and the people agamst whora the
outrages were committed were in like manner acknoW-,
ledged to have deserved them, at least from those by
whom they were coraraitted. If any reparation then
was thought necessary, it should have proceeded from
the governmentin whose favour the outraged individu
als stood forth, and not from the government under
whose sanction the outrage was done — in as much as
that government had been declared to be right, in the
very instrument which called upon it to repair a wrong.
And it was, undoubtedly, the intention ofthe Secreta
ry, that the act of reparation should appear to come as
a voluntary offering from the Legislature of Massa
chusetts, and not as an act of obedience to the authori
ty of the King. His letter to the Governour was evi
dently intended to be private and confidential, and if
the same spirit of cordial reconciliation had actuated
the Governour, that it was manifest animated the Mi
nister, it would have been in his power to have suc
ceeded in persuading the Legislature to adopt his re
commendation. But Governour Bernard was, unfor
tunately, too much a friend to the political pandemo-
niura of Carleton House, to move an inch towards re
ciprocal concession AVith the Colonies, or to obtain that
by persuasion, which he thought it in his power to
force from them by coercion. In his speech there-

S6 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
fore at the opening of the General Court in Massachu
setts in June I766, he assumed a tone of haughtiness
and reproach, very different from the temper of the
letter under the authority of which he acted.
He said thatthe justice and humanity of the requi
sition were so forcible they could not be controvert
ed, and that the authority from which it came ought
to preclude all doubts about complying with it: He
added, "both the business and the time are most cri
tical — let me entreat you to recollect yourselves, and
to consider well what you are about — Shall the pri
vate interests, passions, or resentments of a few men,
deprive the whole people of the great and manifold
advantages which the favour and indulgence oftheir
King and his Parliament are now preparing for them?
Surely, after his Majesty's commands are known, the
very persons who have created the prejudices and pre
possessions I now endeavour to combat, will be the
first to remove them."
This was surely the most improper time which his
Excellency could have fixed upon, and the most ex
ceptionable style which he could have chosen, to en
force the recommendation ofthe Secretary. He.should
have waited until some of the citizens who .had suf
fered by the outrages of the populace — mob, it could
not be called, for the multitude who joined in the vio
lent expressions of their resistance to the laW, em
braced the first men of the town — he should have
waited, we say, until some of these sufferers petition
ed for reparation — or he should have procured them
to petition, by promises of redress. It would then
have been time enough, if he saw a disposition in the
General Court to withhold relief, to have recommend
ed their compliance, as an acceptable act of loyalty tp

AMERICAN REA^OLUTION. 97
his Majesty. It could never have been the intention
of his Majesty to command the General Court to open
the purse of the Colony, so soon after it had been legal
ly put beyond his authority, by a formal repeal of the
previous tax upon it. Nor could Mr. Secretary Conway
have conteraplated such an use as the Governour chose
to make of his separate Despatch.
The General Court as well as the whole people of
the Province, were at this time well disposed to listen
to conciliatory language from the Government or any
of Its agents. But they were too tremblingly alive to
their own rights, and too conscious of their own
strength, to be drilled into a measure which implied
a want of faith in the integrity of their hearts or un
derstandings. They therefore in their reply to tho
Governour's speech, address him In a tone at once
indignant and sarcastick. They tell him that he has
exceeded the authority given to him in the letter, and
plainly hint that he is acting as the tool of some higher
power. ^^ If this recommendation (said they), which
your Excellency terms a requisitiqn, be founded on
so much justice and humanity that It cannot be con
troverted — 'if the authority with which it is introduced
should preclude all disputation about complying with
it ; we should be glad to know what freedom we have
in the case. — With regard to the rest of your Excel
lency's speech, (they continue) we are constrained to
observe, that the general air and style of it savour
much more of an act of free grace and pardon, than
of a parliamentary address to the two Houses of As
sembly ; and we most sincerely wish your Excellency
had been pleased to reserve it, if needful, for a pro
clamation." VOL. I 13

98 , AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
The government of Great Britain could not haver
found an agent less qualified to foster and preserve a
spirit of reconciliation in the Colonies, than his Ex
cellency Governour Bernard. He was haughty, mo-
l-osp aud tyrannical, and seemed to take delight Ie
tliAvartlug every measure of the Assembly, not pro
posed by his immediate friends and sub-agents-
This conduct on the part of the Governour, so far
frora subduing the spirits of Avhat Avas called the Ame
rican party, or the friends of Liberty, irritated them
to more open hostility^ and brouglit continual accessi
ons to their numbers. The toAvn of Boston was at
this time represented by James Otis jun. Thomas
Cushing, Samuel Adams and John Hancock — men
whose subsequent conduct proved, that they were uot
to be driven Into any surrender of privilege. It was
in the power of the Governour to have made them all
fast friends of the King — but, happily for the indepen
dence of our country, he chose by every petty act of
opposition to their patriotick views, to alienate their
respect and affection, and confirm them in the glorious
title of champions of freedom. At the meeting ofthe
Assembly, Mr. Otis Avas cho.sen Speaker, but the Gov
ernour refused to confirm the choice — and thus, in
stead of paving the way, by a mere act of courtesy,
for the gracious reception ofhis speech, aroused that
spirit of animosity which dictated the reply just quot
ed. He in like manner refused to sanction the nomi
nation of the Council, because the CroAvn offioers had
been left out. Hitherto the influence of the Govern
our over the Assembly had been greatly assisted by
the secrecy- -m'lth which the debates of that House
had been carried on. He and his friends might pro
mise or threaten, without fear of resti-aint from inib-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 99
lick indignation. But the friends of liberty were now
so numerous in the House, that their doors were
thrown open and a gallery ordered to be erected for
the accommodation of their fellow-citizens. From this
moment the Court party began tp decline, and the
cause of the people to acquire additional defenders.
In the course of the Session, an Act was passed
granting compensation to the sufferers in the late riots,
the principal of whom was his honour the Lieutenant
Governour. But this act was accompanied by a decla
ration that it was a free gift of the Prevince, and not
an acknowledgment of the Justice of their claim. By
the same act also a full pardon was extended to the
rioters — ^two circumstances which gave a character
to the act by no means acceptable to his Majesty.
In New York likewise there was a similar spirit of
half-way accommodation manifested. The Legisla
ture by a voluntary act, granted compensation to those
who had suffered a loss of property in their adherence
to the Stamp Act. But they refused to carry into ex
ecution the Act of Parliament for quartering his Ma
jesty's troops upon thera.
The people of C!onnecticut too, though (hey heartily
partook of the general rejoicings at the repeal of the
Stamp Act, showed by their election of a. new Gov
ernour that they were not disposed to forgive their
former one for his acquiescence in the requisitions of
that odious Act.

100 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

CHAPTER V.
Jleneal of the Stamp let produces but a short cahnn-transactions in
Engiand^lr. Pitt taken into the Ministry-th^ strange
mixture in his administration-Mr. Townsend made Chancel
lor of the Exchequer-Mr. Pitt accepts the title and dignities
of Earl of Chatham— Mr. Grenville's Prohibitory let against
JYew-York—its effectsuponthe other Colonies— arrival of Bri
tish troops iu Boston-consequences thereof— J^Ir. Townsend's
plan for tax'ma the Colonies.— Effects of his measures upon the
Imericans.—Death of Mr. Townsend, and appointment of Lord
jyorth.—Lord Chatham resigns, and is succeeded by the Earl of
Bristol—Lord Hillsborough made Secretary of State for the
Colonies.— Resolutions of Boston town meetings.— Circular Let
ter of the Massachusetts Issembhj.—The Farmer's Letters.—
Governour Bernard dissolves the Legislature— effects of this
violence.— Seizure of Mr. Hancock's sloop— ^ot in consequence
thereof .—Board of Trade remove from Boston— Meeting at
Faneuil Hall. — Arrival of a British Squadron and two Regi
ments at Boston. — The Governour quarters tliem in FaneuU
Hall. — Resolutions of the merchants.— Letter of the Philadel
phia merchants to their agents in London. — Revival ofthe Sta-
tuteaf Henry VIIL — Resolutions of the Virg'iuia House of Bur
gesses — the Governour dissolves them. — Other Issemblies also
• dissolved.— -Conduct of Governour Bernard — his recall — and
character. — Hiff'erent conduct of Governour Bottetourt — Lord
Hillsborough'' s Circular. — Sentiments of the Philadelphia mer
chants on his conciliatory proposition.
The universal joy which pervaded all ranks of peo
ple in America, as well as In England, on the repeal
of the Stamp Act, was but of short continuance. Iu
the first warmth of their transports, they had seemed
to forget that Great Britain had, in fact, yielded no
thing, or scarcely any thing, in the mere repeal of the
Stamp Act, so long as they continued to maintain the
right of Parliament to tax them. This right they ci-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 101
ther regarded as a question that would never again
corae into discussion, or they considered the conces
sion now made to them as such an acknowledgment
oftheir power and infiuence, that they did not fear any
serious evil from Its exercise.
But they were not long suffered to labour under this
delusion. The measures with regard to the Colonies,
which followed close upon the heels of the Act of Re
peal, showed that the Ministry were determined to
punish them for former disobedience, and coerce them
to future submission. — So that before the close of the
year 1766, the gloom of despondency had again tak
en possession of the faces so lately brightened with
happy anticipations of the time to come. In every Co
lony, something occurred to mark the return of discon
tent. Besides the progress of this feeling already not
ed in Massachusetts, Connecticut and New- York, the
General Asserably of Virgmia Avho had in their Spring
Session voted a statue to the King, and an obelisk to
several of the members of Parliament, in December
of this year, postponed the final consideration of the
resolution until the next session — which amounted in
fact to a strong expression of their altered feelings.
But we must exculpate the Marquis of Rockingham
and his Administration, from any share in the scheme
of oppression which we are now to develope.
Lord Rockingham had discovered, in the course of
the debate in the House of Peers on the repeal of the
Stamp Act, that his Majesty had not given his con
fidence to the Ministry of which he was the head, and
that he was still under the influence of his favourite,
Lord Bute. As a mean of putting a stop to the cor
rupting progress of this influence, he conceived the idea
of uniting Mr. Pitt and the Whig party out of ser-

103 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Aice, with the Whigs who Avere now in the Ministry^
and for this purpose held a conference with Mr. Pitt.
But this extraordinary man, who continued to feel thfe
same scorn ofthe Marquis and his party, which he had
so intemperately expressed, on their flrst coming into
the Ministiy upon terms that he thought derogatory
to the honour ofthe Whigs, received his advances with
great coldness. Indeed he made some remark almost
at the beginning of the conference, Avhich the Marquis
construed to imply the necessity of his own removal
from the Treasury, and the attempt at union of course
failed. Lord Bute, with a view to get rid of Lord Rocking-
liam and his Administration altogether, had made simi
lar advances to Lord Temple ; but with no better suc
cess. That nobleman was too honest to lend himself
to the corruptions of Lord Bute, even though his broth
er formed one of the junto.
The secret advisers of Carlton House had in the
mean time determined upon a change ; and Mr. Pitt
was once more ordered to Avait upon the King. The
meeting took jilace on the 13th of July I766, and his
Majesty opened the negotiation by telling Mr. Pitt
that he should put himself altogether into his hands,
Avithout proposing any terms. — This was precisely the
point to Avhich, six months before, the Americans, if
they could have had their choice, would have desired
affairs to be brought. And the friends of the Colonies
had certainly every thing to hope, from the character
and former conduct of Mr. Pitt.
The first thing which Mr. Pitt did after his audi
ence with the King was to send for his Noble brother-
in-law — to tell him of the plenary powers with which
his Majesty had invested him, and tp request his Lord-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 103
ship to take the head of the Treasury. If he had
stopped here. Lord Temple would perhaps have felt
no scruples in accepting the place offered to him — but
he presented at the same time a list of names for
all the other great departments of the government,
which, besides that it excluded all his Lordship's con
nexions, too plainly indicated that he was not to come
in upon a footing of perfect equality with Mr. Pitt,
or the latter would have consulted him iu those nomi
nations ; and upon no other terms Avould the pride of
his Lordship permit him to come in.
Lord Temple said, that he Avas extremely desirous
of conciliating all parties, but that he could not so far
forget what was due to hlsoAvn honour, as to consent ei
ther to exclude all his friends, or to look upon Mr. Pitt
as absolute master. — Mr. Pitt, liowever, was not to be
shaken from his purpose. No man loved or esteemed
Lord Temple more than he did, but that esteem did
not extend to his Lordship's faraily. He despised Mr.
Grenville, and dreaded the consequence which his in--
fluence might have over his Lordship in the new ar
rangement. — Lord Temple AvithdrcAv therefore, highly
irritated and offended ; and Mr. Pitt Avent ou to com-
pletfe his new scheme of a Ministry without him.
The Duke of Grafton was appointed First Lord
Commissioner pf the Treasury; and the iiight Ho^ '
nourable Charles Townsend was made Chancellor of
the Exchequer. It Avas at the motion of this latter
gentleman, that the Act had passed som_e time before
for quartering his Majesty's troops on the people of
New York. He Avas considered as a man of brilliant
taleuts, but of no solidity— capricious, insincere, and
full of Intrigue. Why Mr. Pitt should have raade
choice of him for so responsible a station, it is diffi
cult to explain.

104 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
General Conway was continued in his post of Se
cretary for the Northern Department, and Lord Shel
burne succeeded the Duke of Richmond, for the South
ern. Lord Caraden AAas made Chancellor of Great
Britain, and the Eaii of Northlngton, President of
the Council.
Mr. Pitt, Avho had some years before proudly re
fused the offered honours of the Peerage, and boasted
that he was one of the people, noAV accepted the title
and dignities of Earl of Chatham — thus taking leave
of the great theatre of his early glories and deathless
renoAvn as a Statesman, to take a seat among the Peers
of the Realm. The place Avlilch he chose for himself
in the neAv Ministry was that of Lord Privy Seal.
Thus was Lord Rockingham and his friends put out
of service, after having been in only about a year; aud
thus did Mr. Pitt use the unlimited power put into his
hands, iu the formation ofthe new Ministry. The for
mer retired from office with the deserved approbation
of the Avhole Kingdom — the latter came Into It (it may
almost be said) Avith universal reprobation. His accept
ance ofthe Peerage — his ambition to be the sole dictat
or in the neA\ arrangements — his abandonment of Lord
Temple — and the injudicious selection which he had
made for some of the offices, excited a popular clamour '
against him, aud destroyed that confidence which the
people had never ceased to repose In the great Common
er — While addresses, and letters of thanks, Avere ad
dressed to the Marquis of Rockingham from every part
of Great Britain, the Earl of Chatham was charged by
the same people Avith having deserted their cause. This
hoAvever Avas doing injustice to the motives of Lord
Chatham — his policy Avas not changed by his transfer
to the House of Peers ; but he had soon reason to regret

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 105
that selfish ambition, which had impelled him to lean
so exclusively upon his own judgment in the choice pf
his colleagues in the Ministiy. He had lost his popu
larity, and what affected him still more nearly, he
had lost the friendship of Lord Temple, with whom he
had lived for so many years in the closest bonds of
fraternal Intimacy and mutual confidence. He saw
strong parties of opposition daily rising up against him ;
he found that the Ministers, who had come in by his
appointment and whom therefore he had expected to
control at will, acted for themselves and without his
concurrence, and before the meeting of Parliament he
found himself compelled to enter into a sort of coali
tion with men whom he had once openly accused of
every species of corruption, and whom he even now
most heartily despised.
These were circumstances well calculated to make
a deep impression upon such a mmd as that of Lord
Chathara. He was Indeed so sensibly affected by
them, that his health began visibly to decline. About
this period, the situation of his Lordship is thus de
picted by the eccentrick General Lee, in one of his
letters to the King of Poland: — ^'1 am apt to agree
with the 'majority of the better sort, that 'this once
noble mind is quite overthrown.' Can it be reconciled
to reason, that the same man who rendered his name
so illustrious, so tremendous, should split upon rib
bands and titles? By sinking into a peerage, his
popularity would vanish of course. I recollect your
Majesty was of the same way of thinking, that there
was nothing very monstrous in his acceptance of a
peerage, but that it argued a senselessness of ^ory to
tbrfeit the name of Pitt for any title the King cpuld
VOL. I. 14

106 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
bestow. He has flts of crying, starting, aud every ef
fect of hysterics — "
One of the flrst acts of the nev^ Parliament, in the
succeeding year, I767, was founded upon the intelli
gence received from New York, that the Assembly
had refused to take raeasures to carry into effect, the
Act for providing for his Majesty's troops, which had
been quartered upon the people of that province. A
Bill was introduced by Mr Grenville, the old and
steady opposer of American freedom, the object of
which was to restrain the Assembly and Council of
New York frora passing any Act, until they had com
plied with the requisitions of the Act just mentioned.
This Bill received the countenance and support ofthe
Ministers, who regarded it as a measure at once dig
nified and forbearing, and it was finally passed. The
Legislature of New York were frightened into im
mediate compliance ; but it produced a different effect
in the other Colonies. They saw in it a bold and dar
ing attack upon their chartered privileges — if the Par
liament of England felt so little scruple in abolishing
the legislative power of a Colony, they might with
equal mdifference attack some other right guarantied
to them by their Charter, and in the end adopt the ad
vice which had been once given by Governour Ber
nard, and abolish the Charter itself
The uneasiness occasioned by this prohibitory Act
was, indeed, particularly in Massachusetts, Httie less
than that produced by the Stamp Act; and their fears
were still further increased soon afterwards by the ar
rival of a body of British troops in Boston, which
were falsely and hypocritically said to have been dri
ven In by stress of weather. They arrived during the
recess of the Legislature, and the Governour and his

AMERICAN, REVOLUTION. 107
Council undertook to provide for their support out of
the publick treasury. The conduct of the troops them
selves was by no means calculated to appease the peo
ple — on the contraiy it tended to confirm their sus
picions, that the alleged cause oftheir coming into Bos
ton was an insidious fabrication. When the Legisla
ture met they remonstrated, in their usual firmness
aud dignity of manner, against the appropriations of
the publick money by the Governour : and the Gov
ernour, with his usual virulence and meanness, wrote
an exaggerated account of the affair to the Ministers
at home.
These measures were speedily followed by others,
of a character still more odious to the people of the
Colonies. Mr. Charles Townsend had, in the early
part of the session, asserted that he could furnish a
plan for drawing a revenue from the Colonies with
out giving them offence. This extraordinary decla
ration gave so rauch delight to Mr. Grenville, and was
yet regarded by him as so problematical, that he insist
ed upon Mr. Townsend's giving a pledge to that ef
fect, which this young boaster did not hesitate to do.
The venerable General Conway listened to the bar
gain betAveen these two vain and conceited Statesmen,
this par nobile fratrum, in silence and amazement.
Little indeed could that liberal and enlightened Mi
nister credit the possibility of, in any manner, taxing
America, without rousing the indignation of her spi
rited citizens.
Some tirae in June, Mr. Townsend was called upon
to redeera his pledge, and in pursuance thereof he ap
plied for leave to bring in a Bill imposiug duties on
glass, painters' colours, tea, and paper, iraported into
the Colonies. To this another was added, intended to

108 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ensure the execution of the first, authorising his Ma
jesty to appoint a Board of Trade to reside in the Co
lonies, and to give them such orders and instructions
as to the raode of carrying the law Into effect, as he
might think proper frora time to time. Besides these
two Bills, there was still another introduced, to try
the temper of the Colonies ; namely, a Bill to estab
lish a Board of Admiralty, to be independent of all
Colonial regulations, but to be paid from Colonial re
venues,— this Bill also settled salaries upon the Gov
ernours, Judges, and the host of Crown officers that
were to be sent from the Ministerial stews to fatten
upon the oppressions of the Colonists growing out of
these several schemes of finance.
These were the unoffensive schemes which the Chaii-
cellor ofthe Exchequer had pledged himself to produce
for raising a revenue in America. And it seems they
were well received by the Parliament, for they passed
almost without opposition, two members only having
risen to oppose that part of the scheme which con
teraplated the establishment of a civil list independ
ent of the people. These two members were Mr.
Jackson and Mr. Huske : but their voices were too
feeble to still the promptings of Ministerial ambition.
The several Bills received the royal assent on the 3d
of July.
The effect which these transactions produced iu
America may be readily conceived. The people of
New York aud Boston, already irritated to madness
by the overbearing aud insolent conduct of the British
soldiery, now saw all their hopes of accommodation
blasted. The new duties were, in themselves, of tri-
fiing consideration, aud would no doubt have been
cheerfully paid by the Americans, if they had been

AMEKICAN IlEVOLUTION. 109
imposed at a more auspicious time and season. The
Colonies had, indeed, never denied the right of Par
liament to control their commei'cial regulations ; aud
the iraposition of these duties could be regarded in no
other light than as a regulation of commerce. It placed
them therefore In an embarrassing situation. Having
once acknowledged the inherent power of Great Bri
tain to impose port duties, and having heretofore paid
them upon several articles of foreign produce, they
could not consistently deny that the same power still
existed. On the other hand they saw, that the pre
sent object of Great Britain, was widely different
from that which had led to the imposition of the for
mer duties — and that au acquiescence iu the present
insidious scherae of taxation would only lead to fur
ther and still more oppressive measures on the part of
the Ministry. The Board of Trade, established at
Boston, which under other circumstances would have
been regarded as affording facilities to their trade, was
now looked upon only as an engine put into operation
for the purpose of more effectually securing submission
to the new restrictions, and the members of that body
were treated with ins ult and indignities, wherever they
appeared. The Americans looked with astonishment at such
a system of policy proceeding from a Ministry of
which Lord Chatham was the head. They found it
impossible to reconcile the artifice now practised upon
them, with their ideas of his Lordship's character.—
They had heretofore regarded him as a friend in whose
honest and liberal principles they might securely trust
the management of all that concerned the Colonies :
but here was a melancholy evidence before their eyes
©f the insincerity of Ministerial professions. If such

110 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
is the treatment which we are to receive from those
who profess tp be our friends, said they, what misery
and oppression may we not expect, when the power
shall fall into the hands of our open and avowed ene
mies. — But in justice to the character of Lord Chat
ham it must be observed, that he was not in Parlia
ment during any part of the time that these measures of
Mr. Townsend were under discussion. The state
of his health was such as not only to detain him from his
seat in the House, but to render him incapable of at
tending to any ofthe duties ofhis high station. Audit
Avlll be seen hereafter, that though he was at the head
of the Administration, his opinion weighed but little
with the men whom he had raised to power along
with him.
The Right Honourable Mr. Charles Townsend,
from whom all the troubles and commotions, that
were now rapidly spreading througli the Colonies,
originated, did not live to witness their effects. He
died in September 1767, and was succeeded as Chan
cellor of the Exchequer by Frederick Lord North,
a young nobleman who was then but little known in
the political world, but who will be found to make
a conspicuous figure in the sequel of this history.
Very soon afterwards Lord Chatham, disgusted with
the corrupt influenoe which manifested itself in every
act of the Court, and sick of the political world, re
signed the Privy Seal, which was immediately put
into the hands of the Earl of Bristol. It Avas thought
necessary about the same time, to create a new Of
fice — that of Secretary of State for the Colonies —
which was given to Lord Hillsborough, a circum
stance which seemed to show that they were becom-
uig a more iraportant object of consideration than
heretofore in the eyes of the Cabinet.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. Ill
In the mean time the Colonies were adopting all
the peaceable means in their power, to show their sense
of the wrongs heaped uppn them, in the several laws
lately passed, which like the ghosts of Bauquo's pos
terity successively appeared to blast their prospects
of happiness. Petitions, memorials, and remonstran
ces to the King and Parliament, aud letters to the in
dividual friends of America, were addressed from all
the legislatures ; but the most favourable reply which
any of them received was an exhortation to suffer with
patience and in silence. To softer tamely and with
out seeking redress, however, was not the character
of the sturdy sons of freedom who theu peopled the
Colonies. They entered into the same kind of reso
lutions of non-importation whose eff'ects had been so
severely felt by the traders in England, under the
Starap Act. Boston, as before, Avas the first to take
the lead. At a town raeeting held in October it was
voted that measures should be immediately taken to"
promote the establishment of domestick manufactories,
by encouraging the consumption of all articles of Ame
rican manufacture. They also agreed to purchase no
articles of foreign growth or manufacture, but such as
were absolutely indispensable. Mr. Otis endeavour
ed to combat the passage of these resolutions without
effect. They were made known to the neighbouring
towns aud concurred in by large majorities.
New York and Philadelphia soon followed the ex
ample of Boston ; and in a shori time the merchants
themselves entered into associations to import nothing
from Great Britain but articles that necessity requir
ed. Early in the succeeding year 1768 the Legislature
©f Massachusetts resolved upon addressing a circular

113 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
letter to the Legislatures of their sister Colonies. Iu
this they communicate what had been done by them
selves, and ask cooperation, assistance and advice as
to the measures that may be further necessary to pro
cure relief The letter was filled with expressions of
loyalty, and confidence that the King would graciously
listen to the complaints of his subjects. Most of the
' Colonial Assemblies replied to this circular in terms
of approbation, and expressed their readiness to unite
as well ill what had been done, as in whatever might
be further proposed for their commou security and
Avelfare. This spirit of union among the Colonies was greatly
animated and encouraged by a series of Essays in a
Philadelphia paper, under the title of " Letters from a
farmer in Pennsylvania to the inhabitants of the Bri
tish Colonies." In these letters, the rights of the Co
lonies were ably defended and most eloquently main
tained. They were read and republished in every
Colony; and so warm was the admiration which they
excited in Boston, that the people of the town met and
voted a letter of thanks to their patriotick, enlighten
ed and noble spirited author, .John Dickinson, Esr
quire — a name then, and since, dear to every Ameri
can heart.
Governour Bernard lost no time in transmitting to
the neAV Secretary for the Colonies, in his usual style,
of exaggeration, information of the proceedings of the
Massachusetts Legislature. — He gave his Lordship
to understand, that the resolution which gave birth to
the Circular letter had been obtained by unfair means,
and that it was contrary to the real sense of the House
— when in fact it had been carried by a large majo
rity. His Lordship replied immediately to the Gov-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 113
ernour's cpmmunication, and directed him to require
of the Legislature, iri his Majesty's name, forthwith
to rescind that resolution under penalty of being dis
solved. To the other Governours he addressed a note
calling upon them' to prevent their several Assemblies
from taking any notice of the Massachusetts Circular,
and ordering them also, in the event of their Assem
blies proving refractory, to dissolve them. '
Lord Hillsborough knew but Httle of the, people
over whose destinies he was set to preside, when he
supposed that measures of such violence would pro
duce a happy result. If he had recurred to the history
of former years, his Lordship might have seen that
he had to deal with a people proud and independent,
' as the people of his native island, ready to sacrifice
muQh tp persuasive kindness, but inflexible to compul
sion. — When therefore, the letter of Lord Hillsbo
rough was communicated to the Legislature of Massa
chusetts by their haughty and imperious Governour,
they replied with a spirit and flrmness worthy of the
. patriots of New England — that even if they were to
allow themselves to be made responsible for the Acts
' of a former House, it was impossible to rescind a re
solution which his excellency could riot but know
had already been carried into full effect, and now ex
isted as an historical fact. "If, (said they,) as is most
probable, by the word rescinding is intended the pass
ing a vote iu direct and express disapprobation of the
measure taken by the former House as illegal, inflam
matory, and tending to promote unjustiflable combina
tions against his Majesty's peace, crown and dignity,
we must take the liberty to testify aud publickly de
clare that we take it to be the native, inherent, and
indefeasible right of the subject, jpintly and severally^
A^OL. I. 15

114 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
to petition the King for the redress of grievances ; pro
vided always, that the same be done in a decent, du
tiful, loyal and constitutional way, without tumult,
disorder, and confusion — If the votes of the House are
to be controlled by the direction of a Minister, we have
left tis but a vain semblance of liberty." — They con
clude by informing his Excellency that they h^ve
voted not to rescind the resolution ; and to show him
that no unfair means were used, of which they had
been more than once accused; they state that on a
division of the question there were ninety two nays,
and only seventeen yeas. This amounted in fact to
ah unanimous vote of the representatives of the peo
ple, as the seventeen who voted to comply with the
Minister's demand, were the mere creatures of Gov
ernment. The Assembly at the same time, ordered
a letter to be addressed to Lord Hillsborough, in
Avhich they endeavoured to undeceive his Lordship,
with regard to the manner in which the former reso
lution had been obtained.
During the debate on the motion to rescind, Mr.
Otis, who had on many previous occasions, shown
sometliing like a disposition to submit to all the im
positions of the Parliament, aud who had constantly
opposed any thing like resistance to their authority,
openly avowed his change of opinion, and in an elo
quent speech declared that it was the Parliament of
Great Britain and not the Colonial Legislatures that
ought to rescind their Acts.
The Governour was true to his threats, and on the
day after these transactions, he appeared in the House
and declared the Assembly dissolved. The Govern
ours of the other Colonies, that had approved the pro
ceedings of Massachusetts, in like manner dissolved

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 115
their Assemblies on their refusing to comply with the
orders of Lord Hillsborough,
The effect of these violent measures was to draw
closer the bonds of union among the people, and to ren
der their resistance more stubborn and effectual. As
sociations npt to import the articles upon which du
ties had been laid, became general. Committees were
established in all the Colonies to guard against iu-
fringeraents of the rules by which their associations
were bound. The people every where nobly resolv
ed to suffer any privations rather than submit to the
degradation of paying duties upon foreign articles.
Once more the looms were set to work — once more it
became the pride of fashion to appear in domestick
apparel ; and ouce more the delicate question of Co
lonial dependence and connexion, becarae a subject
of iuvestigation in nuraerous political Clubs. '
Thus did the narrow and shortsighted politicians
who composed the British Cabinet, while they fancied
that they were reducing the Colonies to humble sub
mission, excite them to the discussion of questions in
finitely more important, than ten times the amount of
revenue for which they were so pertinaciously contend
ing. It was natural that the Colonies sliould be led
to inquire into the nature and extent oftheir allegiance
to the parent country — that they should be led to look
at the nature and end of all government, and by seeing
its necessary limitation, to see the necessity of limit
ing the Parliamentary authority over the ^Dqlonies —
If our loyalty to the King must be called in question,
(they argued,) whenever we refuse to surrender our
chartered rights at the arbitraiy command of a Minis
terial tyrant — if vve can ne^ither petition for relief, nor
remonstrate against oppression, when our dearest pri-

116 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
vileges are invaded, without incurring the displeasure
of his Majesty, and the odious imputation of disaffec
tion to his governraent — does it not become a duty
which we owe to ourselves and to posterity to resist !
Such were the sentiments that now spread from Bos
ton to the remotest part of the Colonies. While the
irritation ofthe publick mind was at the highest in Bos
ton, fresh fuel was added to the flame by the seizure
of Mr. Hancock's Sloop Liberty, for the Adolation of
the revenue laws. The popularity of the owner, who
was one of the most aptive friends of the people, ad
ded to the abhorrence already felt for the officers of the
Customs, and the whole board of Commissioners, com
bined to give a character of outrage to this seizure in
the minds ofthe people, which led to an alarming ri
ot. It is probable if the Custom House Officers had
shown less suspicion of the people, no riot Avould have
followed the seizure : but under the idea that the sloop
would not be safe at the wharf under the custody of
one of their officers, they had solicited aid from the
ship of war which lay in the harbour, the master of
which very injudiciously ordered the sloop to be cut
from her fastenings and brought under the guns of his
ship. It was to prevent this removal of the sloop that
the raob collected — raany of the Officers were severe
ly wounded in the scuffle, and the mob being baffled
in their attempts to retain the sloop at the Avharf, re
paired to the houses ofthe Collector, Comptroller, and
other officers of the Customs, where they committed
many acts of violence and injury to their property.
This riotous disposition continued for several days,
during which the Commissioners applied to the Go
vernour for assistance, but his Excellency, not being
able to protect them, advised them to remove from Bos-

s AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 117
ton. They did so ; and retired, flrst ou board the Rom-
ney inan of war, and then to Castle William.
. The Legislature which was then in session, appoint
ed a Committee to inquire into the state of the Pro
vince, and among other things into the circumstances
of this riot. After extenuating the conduct of the ri
oters by the enumeration of every subject of provoca
tion, they recomraended a Resolution " that though
the extraordinay circurastances of the seizure may ex
tenuate the criminality, yet being of a very criminal
nature, and of dangerous consequence, the two Houses
declare their utter abhorrence and detestation of them,
and resolve that the Governour be desired to direct the
Attorney-General to prosecute all persons concerned
inthe said riot, and that a proclamation be issued, of
fering a reward for making discovery, so as that the
rioters and abettors may be brought to condign pun
ishment." This resolution seemed to come from the
Legislature as an act of policy, and not as an evidence
of their desire to punish the rioters — for they well
knew that no grand jury could be found to lay bills of
indictment against them. The Whole blame of the
transaction was thrown upon the Commissioners them
selves, who AA^ere formally accused by the Council, in
a letter to Lord Hillsborough, of having seized the
sloop with the express design of raising a disturbance.
They further assured his Lordship, that the Commis
sioners had quitted the town without necessity, and had
thus raised an unfounded imputation against the peace
able and orderly conduct of his Majesty's loyal sub
jects of Boston.
But the Commissioners, his Honour the Lieutenant
Governour, and his Excellency the Governour all told
a different story— They severally wrote to the of-

118 AMERICAN REVOLUTION!,
ficers commanding his Majesty's military and naval
forces, and to the Ministry, representing in aggravat
ed colours the rebellious temper of the people, and
strongly urging the necessity of having regular troops
in Boston to enforce obedience to the laws. The Go
vernour, in particular, dilated largely on the factious
¦character of his people, and declared that the civil au
thority was too weak and incompetent to preserve or
der. In consequence of these representations, as it was
falsely alleged by the Ministiy, Lord Hillsborough
wrote to General Gage, two days hefore the seizure
was made and at least a month before he could have
heard of it, to signify his Majesty's pleasure that at
least one regiment should be sent to Boston to assist
the raagistrates in the preservation of peace, and the
board of Coraraissioners in the execution of the reve
nue laws. Lord Hillsborough, therefore, must have
foreseen the opposition which would be made to the
duties, and the troops were sent not to quell the riots,
but to awe the people into quiet submission — not in
pursuance of the complaints of the Commissioners of
trade, but in obedience to the heated suggestions of
that political flrebrand Governour Bernard.
As soon as the people of Boston received intelli
gence that the Government had it in contemplation to
send an armed force into their town and harbour, a
meeting was held, and a comraittee appointed to wait
upon the Governour, and request him to convoke the
Assembly. But he refused to do so under pretence
that his Majesty's sanction was necessary. This re
ply being communicated to the town meeting, it was
immediately deterrained, that the Select Men should
be instructed to propose to all the towns qf the Pro-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 119
vince, to appoint deputies to meet in general conven
tion at Faneuil Hall, in Boston, on the 33d of Sep
tember. They further voted that those people who
had no a'rms, should be advised forthwith to furnish
themselves, as there was an apprehension in the minds
of many of an approaching war with France.
Nearly all the towns in the Province agreed to the
proposal of Boston, and appomted deputies, who met
at the time and place agreed upon. Their delibera
tions were conducted with the utmost order and de
corum; they passed some resplutions evincing great
moderation, and calling upon the people to suppress
all riotous and disorderly attempts to evade the laws.
They published a manifesto oftheir reasons for assem
bling, and bf the nature of their proceedingsy in which
they disclaimed every thing like legislative authority,
and then peaceably dissolved themselves. Mr. Otis,
and Mr. Samuel Adams, were both of this convention,
and both laboured without effect to introduce some
more spirited Resolves — the convention being com
posed, for the most part, of deputies who had been sent
for the very purpose of curbing the warmth of the Bos-
tonians. It was no doubt in consequence of the advice which
the Bostonians had given to the people of the Pro
vince to provide themselves with arms, under the pre
tence of an expected French war, that the report was
spread oftheir intending to oppose the landing ofthe
troops— and to this report was owing the great parade
wilh which the troops were landed. Several large
ships of war, frigates, and other armed vessels were
stretched across the harbour in order of bombardment,
aud two regljuents, instead of one as at flrst contem
plated, were landed under cover of their guns, with

130 ^ AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
bayonets fixed, drums beating, and every other mark
of an expected battle. No opposition however, was
made to them, contrary no doubt to the hopes and
vyishes of the Governour, the Minister, and all the
enemies of American freedom, who desired nothing
so much as an excuse for firing upon the inhabitants
of Boston, at the present moment, that they might
crush their gi-owing spirit in its birth.
As there were not barracks for the accommodation
of all the troops, the Governour was applied to by the
commanding officer to furnish quarters in the town —
and very imprudently, not to say unjustifiably, this
Magistrate gave thempossession of Faneuil Hall, the
place at which all the toAvn meetings were Avont to be
held, and of the ToAvn-house, in which the General
Court, the Council, and most of the town and Colo
nial officers had their apartments.
The Governour having thus quartered the trpops,
without the concurrence, and indeed against the au
thority, of the Council, next applied to them to fur
nish provisions for the soldiery^ agreeably to the Act
of Parliament for that purpose — but the Council re
solutely refused. This refusal of the Council to sub
mit to the requisitions of the Act of Parliament, was
ascribed by his honour Mr, Hutchinson, to the influ
ence of Mr. James Bowdoin, who of course received
the honourable distinction of being enrolled on the list
of govermental proscriptions.
The uneasiness occasioned by the mere circumstance
of having troops sent to the harbour of Boston, was
nothing compared to that which the people felt, at the
unwarrantable license with which the Governour had
given them possession of their two publick houses.
The lower story of the Town-house had been uSed by

A:MERICAN REVOLUTION. 131
the merchants as an Exchange — from which they were
now excluded — It was with difficulty that the citizens
could even pass along the street in which this house
stood — the main guard of the Regiment Was stationed
witliin a few feet of it, and the street in front was oc
cupied by pieces of artillery pointed at the house.
Quarrels continually ' occurred between the citizens
and the soldiers, which sometimes ended in blood, and
always increased the animosities already existing.
As the most effectual means of obtaining a redress
of the grievances under which they were now labour
ing, themerchants of Boston proposed a general non
importation agreeraent, and wrote to the merchants of
New York and Philadelphia to cooperate with them.
They had experienced the good effects of such au
agreement under the Stamp Act, and they wisely con
cluded that nothing but a blow at the interests of the
English merchants and manufacturers, could Induce
the English Ministry to listen to their complaints.
The~ merchants of New York readily entered into the
agreement; but those of Philadelphia preferred ad
dressing a memorial to their mercantile friends in Lon
don, with a view to obtain their mediation with the
governmeut, from whom they thought it most prudent
to solicit relief before they resorted to the expedient
of joining in a non-importation agreement. The mer
chants of Connecticut and Salem soon united with
those of Boston and New York.
When the respectful memorial of the Philadelphia
merchants reached their friends in London, they hast
ened to lay it before the proper authority, and to join
in the prayer for redress ; but the answer of the Min
istry was, that however inexpedient tiiey might think
the Act imposing the duties complained of, yet such
VOL. I. 16

133 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
had been the unjustiflable conduct of some in America^
that they could not think of a repeal at the present
juncture. The receipt of this answer at once deter
mined the Philadelphians, and they lost no time in
sending notice tothe other merchants oftheir concur
rence in the non-iraportation agreement. Of this they
thought it advisable to give information to their cor
respondents in London, which they did in a letter from
which the following just and sensible remarks are
extracted. '• It would become persons in poAver, say
Miey, to consider Avhether even the unjustifiable be
haviour of those Avho think themselves aggrieved, will
justify a perseverance in a matter confessed to be
Avrong. Certain it is, that the wisdom of government
is better manifested. Its honour, and authority better
maintained and supported, by correcting the errours
it may have committed, than by persisting in them,
and thereby risking the loss of the subjects' affections.
We are apprehensive that persons in power are great
ly abused, and that the people of America have been
grossly raisrepresented, otherwise the steps Avhich they"
have taken to obtain redress, could never be looked
upon as threats. Threats they never intended; but
as all the American Colonies were equally affected,
it was thought that their joint petitions would have
more weight; and for this end the several assemblies
communicated their sentiments to each other. This
step, to the inexpressible surprise of all America, is
represented as "a flagitious attempt, a measure of a
most dangerous and factious tendency, &c. kc." The
dissolution of Assemblies that followed, and the mea
sures pursued to enforce the Acts In America, aAvak
ened the fears, and exasperated the minds of the peo
ple to a very great degree. They therefore determin-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 133
ed not only to defeat thfe intent ofthe Acts, by refrain
ing frora the use of those articles on which duties were
laid, but to put a stop to importations of goods from
Great Britain. This is the only threat we know of
and if this is sufficient to engage the Ministry to op
pose a repeal of the Acts, we apprehend the Ministry
must, by a change of measures, endeavour to regain
the affections of the people, before they can be induc
ed to alter their determinations.
" The Araericans consider themselves as British
subjects, entitled to all the rights and privileges of
freemen. They think there can be no liberty with
out a security of property ; and that there can be no
property, if any can, without their consent, deprive
them of the hard-earned fruits of their labour. They
know that they have no choice in the election of the
members of Parliament ; and frora their situation ne
ver cau have any. Every act of Parliament therefore,
that is made for raising a revenue in America, is in
their opinion, depriving them oftheir property without
their consent, and consequently is an invasion of their
liberty. ^' If then the acts cannot be repealed wliile the Min
istry objects, and if to remove the objections, the Ame
ricans must eive up their sentiments, we most candid
ly confess we have little hopes of a repeal ever taking
place ; much less is it to be expected, that the mer
chants will presurae to petition Pariiaraent on the prin
ciples of inexpediency only, when every Assembly on
the Continent is applying for a repeal on the principle
pf right.
"Happy had it been for both countries if the idea of
taxes in America had never been started ; however, if
the acts complained of are repealed, and no pther of

124 AMERICAir REVOLUTION.
the like nature are attempted hereafter, the present un
happy jealousies will, we believe, quickly subside,
and the people of both countries, in a short time, re
turn to their usual good humour, confidence and affec
tion." It is inconceivable how littie the Ministry seemed
to understand the true interests of the Kingdom in re
gard to the American Colonies. They had certainly
made a sufficient number of experiments to prove to
persons less blind than themselves, that the Colonies
were not to be intimidated into a surrender of any of
their rights or privileges — that they could neither be
inveigled by artifice, nor compelled by threats, to ac
knowledge the light of Parliament to abridge a single
liberty which their Charters were given to secure to
them. And yet they persisted in every measure which
could tend to alienate their affections, destroy their al
legiance, and widen the breach which former attempts
of a similar nature had created, and which a contra
ry policy might have healed. If upon the humble and
respectful petitions of their American subjects, they
relaxed oue chord of the chain with which it was their
object to fetter them, they followed the gracious indul
gence by drawing tighter the others. One act of con
descension never failed to bring with it another of more
daring usurpation. Scheme after scheme for raising a
revenue from the Colonies was successively adopted
and abandoned, and more money was actually spent
in supporting the vast parade of soldiers, tax-gather
ers, judges and attornies, than the revenue would have
araounted to under any of their schemes, even if the
Colonies had quietly acquiesced in them.
At the meeting of Parliament in I769, an Address
which originated in the House of Lords and which

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 135
was concurred in by the Commons, was made to his
Majesty, iu which they expressed their satisfaction
in the measures which had been pursued by his Ma
jesty, and assured him that they would effectually sup
port him in any other mea.sures that might be thought
necessary to maintain his authority in the Colonies —
they concluded with beseeching his Majesty to direct
the Governour of Massachusetts " to take the most ef
fectual methods for procuring the fullest information,
touching all treasons or misprisions of treasons commit
ted within the government, since the SOth day of De
cember 1767 ; and to transmit the same together with
the names of the persons who were most active in the
commission of such offences, to one ofthe Secretaries
of State, in order that his Majesty might issue a spe
cial coramission, for inquiring of, hearing and deter
mining the said offences within the realm of Great
Britain, pursuant to the provisions of the statute ofthe
35th of King Heury the 8th."
Here indeed was a death-blow aimed at the liberty
of the Colonies, treading upon the heels of the Min
ister's promise to repeal the act for laying certain du
ties, provided it was petitioned for on the ground of
expediency. Here was a bold authority to the mise
rable tools of the fiend who presided over Massachu
setts, to rake up the ashes of departed years, and kin
dle into new life the smothered spark of treason. An
attempt was made by a few of the raerabers who had
not lost all sense of justice, to arrest the passage of
this part of the Address, but it was unsuccessful. His
Majesty's ruinous advisers were too numerous.
The Legislature of Massachusetts was not in session
when the news of this Address and its accompani
ments reached America. But the House of Surges-

136 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ses of Virginia which met in a few days afterwards,
Avere not tardy in expressing their sense of it in a
string of resolutions, which set forth, after a declara
tion of their exclusive right to tax their constituents
and to petition the Sovereign either separately or con-
jointiy Avith the other Colonies — " that all trials for
treason, or for any crime whatsoever committed in that
colony, ought to be before his Majesty's Courts with
in the said Colony ; aud that the seizing any person
residing in the said Colony, suspected of any crime
whatsoever committed therein, and sending such per
sons beyond the sea to be tried, was highly derogatory
to the rights of British subjects." — These resolutions
Avere agreed to in a Committee of the whole, report
ed to the House, considered and adopted, with closed
doors, so great was the apprehension that the GoA'ern-
our would hear ofthem and dissolve the House, before
they could be passed through the requisite forms — nor
Avas the apprehension without grounds, for this was
scarcely done when the Governour, who had heard of
them from some busy informer, summoned the House
to appear before hira, and addressed them in these
words : " Mr. Speaker, aud gentlemen of the House
of Representatives, I have heard of your Resolves,
and augur ill of their effects ; you have made it my du
ty to dissolve you, aud you are accordingly dissolv
ed." The Assemblies of North Carolina, and of South
Carolina followed the example of Virginia, and shar
ed the same fate. They were dissolved ; but losing
none of the feelings of patriots by being thus reduced
to the level of private citizens, those gentiemen who
had composed the Assembly, both in Virginia and
North Carolina, held meetings and entered into unani-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 137
mous associations against importing any articles sub
ject to the obnoxious duties. The gentlemen and mer
chants of Maryland entered into a sirailar association —
The people of Georgia, Providence Plantation, and
Rhode Island, successively joined in the agreement.
Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, was now the only
sea-port town, of which the inhabitants had not agreed
to the non-importation association. And so vigilantly
were the merabers of these associations watched by
their several Committees, that it now became impossi
ble to transgress without risking the loss of property,
reputation and perhaps life itself.
The General Court of Massachusetts was at length
convened on the 31st of May, not having been before
called together by the Governour since his memorable
dissolution ofit, for refusing to rescind their resolution
touching the Circular letter. Their first act was to re
monstrate to his Excellency against the propriety of
sitting to deliberate on the affairs of the Colony, sur
rounded as they were by his Majesty's Sea and Laud
forces— and to express their expectations that his Ex
cellency would, as his Majesty's representative, give
orders for the reraoval of the said forces out of the port,
and beyond the gates of the city during their session.
To this his Excellency replied, that he had uo autho
rity over his Majesty's ships or his troops ; and the
House with a proper pride and respect for themselves,
declared, that as the forces of his Majesty were ack
nowledged to be uncontrollable by any authority in
the Province, and their power of course absolute, they
would decline doing any business at the point of the
bayonet. His Excellency then adjourned them to
Cambridge ; and in his accustomed conciliatory tem
per, made his first advances to them there, by requir-

138 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ing them to provide funds for paying the expenses of
quartering his Majesty's troops. As he might have
foreseen, they paid no attention to his message, but
passed a number of resolutions similar to those of Vir
ginia, declaring the sending an armed force into the
Colony to be " highly dangerous to the people, unpre
cedented and unconstitutional." In a fcAV days the Go
vernour's message was repeated, concerning provision
for the troops — The House positively refused to ap
propriate any funds for the purpose, and his Excel
lency prorogued them to the next year ; but not before
he had given them a hint of his recall, nor time enough
to prevent them from petitioning his Majesty, with
the most fervent sincerity, that he might never again
be sent to rule over them.
Before we dismiss Governour Bernard from our
further consideration, and while he Is fresh before us
with the blushing honours of a Baronetcy just bestowed
upon him by his grateful Sovereign, it may serve to
throw some light upon the course of policy pursued by
Great Britain toAvards her American Colonies, to give
a short sketch of his official character. He was a slave
to his King ofthe most laborious and unshaken fidel
ity : but to his injudicious, rash, and intemperate
exercise of the power entrusted to him, more thau to
any other uncombined cause, did the King owe the
loss of his Colonies, and the Colonies their emanci
pation from the most galling despotism. He was
loyal to his Sovereign, not because he thought loyalty
a virtue, but because it raised hira to rank and emolu-
raent,— Thus he hated the Americans, not that they
were vicious, disloyal, or licentious, but that they
were astute enough to discern the true principles of
his conduct. He commenced his government under a

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 139
system of mean and contemptible espionage, and
found himself compelled to maintain it by fraud and
deception. Having in the outset misunderstood and
misrepresented the character of the Americans, it be
came his interest to foment discord and disturbance,
that his sagacity might not be questioned at home.
The humblest petitions of the people, he regarded as
seditious discontent, and their most respectful remon
strances as open rebellion. He knew that the King
had, on more than one occasion since his accession to
the throne, manifested his dislike of the sturdy spirit
of the Americans, and it became his study to foster
and to feed this unnatural prejudice by every species
of misrepresentation, exaggeration, and falsehood.
To flatter the enmity of his master towards the Ame
ricans, which like a faithful servant he had imbibed
in its fullest force, he did not hesitate to recoraraend,
in contempt of royal faith, the alteration, and even
total abolition of the Colonial Charters, as the easiest
and shortest method of reducing the stubborn Colo
nists to unconditional submission. Proud and impe
rious in his deportment; sour, morose and surly
in his temper; haughty and unyielding in his dis
position, he lived eleven years in America, without
having made a friend, and left it without creating a
sigh of regret, even from those who had been his most
intimate associates. The detestation of all good meu
pursued him to England, where he vvas hunted from
society as a " dirty factious scoundrel," and where he
spent the remnant of his days, despised and hated, by
the very men to whom ouly he had proved honest and
faithful. The rigid observance of the non-importation agree
ment, which had now become general throughout the
VOL. I. 17

130 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Colonies, at length began to produce its intended ef
fect in England. The merchants and manufacturers
of Great Britain began once more to feel the pressure
of those difficulties Avhich had shut up their shops,
during the existence of the Stamp Act. To their pe
titions and complaints the Ministers found themselves
compelled to listen Avith more complacency than to the
solicitations of their more distant subjects ; and before
the close of the session of 1769 an attempt was made
in Parliament to procure the repeal of the duties.
Capricious, imbecile, and undecided in all their Co
lonial policy, the Ministiy kneAV not how to act. They
were desirous of relieAdng the embarrassment of the
English merchants, and they had no objection to take
off a part of the burden which pressed so heavily upon
the Colonies. But they were afraid lest In doing this
they might be suspected of having relinquished their
scheme of taxation, or having yielded a right which
they Avere determined at all hazards to maintain. His
Majesty prorogued the Parliament before any decision
was made ; but Lord Hillsborough, a few days after
wards addressed a Circular to the several Colonial
Governours, in which he declared it to be the inten
tion of his Majesty's Ministers, at the next session of
Parliamentj to propose talking off the duties upon glass,
paper, and painters colours, (purposely omitting the
article of tea, with which the Are of the Revolution
was afterwards kindled,) on consideration of such du
ties having been laid contrary to the true principles
of commerce. The Secretary concluded his letter
by assuring the Governours that his Majesty "reUed
upon their prudence aud fidelity, to make such an ex
planation of his Majesty's measures,/ as would tend
to remove prejudices, and to reestablish mutual confi-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 131
deuce and affection between the Mother Country and
the Colonies."
In obedience to these instructions, and in that spirit
of conciliation which had marked every official act of
the excellent man at the head of the Colony of Vir
ginia, Avhen Governour Bottetourt communicated this
letter of the Secretary, to the House of Burgesses, he
thus pledged himself for the performance ofhis Majes
ty's proraises. — " It may possibly be objected, that as
his Majesty's present Administration are not immortal,
their successors may be inclined to attempt to undo
«vhat the present Ministers shall have attempted to
perform, and to that objection I can give but this an
swer, that it is my firm opinion that the plan I have sta
ted to you will certainly take place, that it will never
be departed from ; and so determined am I for ever
to abide by it, that I will be content to be declared in
famous, if I do uot to the last hour of ray life ; at all
times, in all places, and upon all occasions, exert
every power, with which I either am, or ever shall be
legally invested, in order to obtain and mahitain for
the continent of America, that satisfaction which I
have been authorised to promise this day, by the con
fidential servants of our gracious Sovereign, who to
my cer'tain knowledge, rates his honour so high, that
he loould rather part with his Crown, than preserve
it by deceit."
Nothing could be stronger than this assurance — no
words could more clearly evince the devotion of this
amiable Governour to his Sovereign, or at the same time
more forcibly portray his affection for the people over
whom he prissided. The House of Burgesses felt and
acknowledged the sincerity of his pledge, while they
failed to experience the same cpnfidence in his Majes-

133 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ty or his confidential servants. They replied, how
ever, in a manner which could not but be acceptable to
the Governour, and assured him of the joy they felt
at his communication, and their firm reliance on the
truth and justice of their Sovereign.
The Circular letter of the Secretary, though it was
received in all the Colonies, as an advance towards
reconciliation, on the part of the English Cabinet, did
not produce entire satisfaction in any. By making the
proposed repeal a matter of commercial expediency,
it was evident that the great ground of contention and
dispute would be left untouched ; and that it was still
the intention of Parliament to contend for the right of
taxation, at sorae future period. The merchants, there
fore, however they were disposed to participate in the
good humour which seemed to be partially restored
by the promises held out, were still determined to per
severe In the non-importation agreement ; and at a
publick meeting held at Boston they unanimously vot
ed that the proposed repeal would by uo means relieve
their trade from the embarrassments and restrictions
under which it laboured.
The sentiments of the people, generally, at the pre
sent period, cannot be better portrayed than in the
following letter frora the Committee of Philadelphia
merchants, to their correspondents in London. The
Committee was composed of some of the raost respecta
ble men in the Province, and their influence both, at
horae aud in England, was at least equal to that of the
Legislative Assembly. Their letter is dated the 35th
of Noveraber 1769, and runs thus :—" Though we are
not favoured with an answer to our letter of the Sth of
April last, yet as the liberty of America is at stake,

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 133
and the minds of the people here are much agitated,
and as the continuation of the unhappy dispute be
tween the Parliament and the Colonies must not only
affect your aud our interest but the general interest
and happiness of both countries, we think it our duty
to apply to you again, and earnestly request youAvould
use your best endeavours with those in the Adminis
tration, to restore tranquillity, and reestablish the Co
lonies iu the enjoyraent of their ancient rights and pri
vileges. Wc are very sensible that the prosperity of
the Colonies depends upon their union and connexion
with Great Britain. In this seutiment all the Ame
ricans concur, yet they cannot bring themselves to think,
that for this reason they ought to be divested of liber
ty and property. Yet this must be the case, if the Par
iiaraent can raake laws to bind the Colonies in all ca
ses whatever — can levy taxes upon them without their
consent, dispose of the revenues thus raised without
their consent, multiply officers at pleasure, and assign
them fees to be paid without, nay contrary to aud in
direct violation of Acts of Assembly regularly passed
by the Colonies and approved by the crown — can en
large the power of admiralty courts, divert the usual
channels ofjustice, deprive the Colonists of trials by
jury of their own countiymen, in short break down
the barriers which their forefathers have erected
against arbitrary power, and enforce their edicts by
fleets and armies. To such a system of government
the Americans cannot tamely submit ; not from an im
patience of subordination, a spirit of independence,
or want of loyalty to their King ; for in a quiet subrais
sion to just government, in zeal, affection, and attach
ment to their King, the people of the Colonies dare
to vie with any ofthe bestof their fellow- subjects ; but

134 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
from an innate love of liberty and the British coustitu
tion. "In our last we intimated our fears that the Minis
try were greatiy abused, and the people of America
grossly misrepresented, by some who did not wish
well either to Great Britain or the Colonies. The let
ters ofone of our American Governours (Bernard) and
the memorials of a board lately erected among us, not
to mention other documents laid before the publick,
evince that our fears were but too well grounded. From
these it is apparent, that every sly art has been used
to incense the Ministry against the Colonies ; every
argument that malice could Invent has been urged to
induce them to overturn tbe ancient foundation of lib
erty. Nay, to compass their base ends, they have de
clared in express terms, and taken uncommon pains
to make the Ministry believe, that "there has been
a long concerted and extensive plan of resistance to
the authority of Great Britain iu all the Provinces, and
that a seizure made at Boston had hastened the peo
ple there to the commission of actual violence sooner
than Avas intended."
"In justice to the Province where Ave reside, and
indeed to all America, we beg leave to assure you,
that such representations are Avithout any just foun
dation, and that nothing can be a greater deviation
from truth. Though at the same time we confess,
that the ends accomplished by these and such like in
famous slanders and vile arts, have given a general
alarm, and caused a universal uneasiness in the minds
of the Americans. They now see a rod of power
held over their heads ; they begin to feel the severi
ties of a Court, that by its late enlarged jurisdiction
is empowered to break in upon the proceedings of the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 135
common laAV courts ; and they have anxious fears for
the existence of their Assemblies, which they consider
as their last and only bulwark against arbitrary power.
For if, say they, laws can be made, money levied, gov
ernment sujiported, and justice administered without
the intervention of Assemblies, of what use can they
be? They are no essential member of the constitu
tion. And being useless and unessential, is there not
reason to fear they will quickly become disagreeable
and then be wholly laid aside.? And when that hap
pens, what security have we for freedom, or Aviiat re
mains for the Colonists but the most abject slaveiy?
^^ These are not the reasonings of politicians, but
the sentiments and the language of the people in ge
neral. For with great truth we raay say, in no coun
try is the love of liberty raore deeply rooted, or the
knowledge of the rights inherent to freemen more ge
nerally difl'used, and the principles of freedom aud
government better understood than araong the British
American Colonies.
^' For this reason Av^e think ourselves obliged to in
form you, that though the merchants have confined
their agreements to the repeal of the Act laying a
duty on tea, paper, glass, &c. yet nothing less than a
repeal of all the revenue Acts, and putting things on
the same footmg they Avere before the late innova
tions, cau or will satisfy the minds of the people.
The fleets and armies may overaAve our towns ; admi
ralty courts and boards of commissions, with their
swarms of underlings, may by a rigorous execution
of severe unconstitutional Acts, ruin our commerce,
and render America of little use to the people of Bri
tain; but while every farmer Is a freeholder, the spi
rit of liberty will prevail, and every attempt to divest

136 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
them of the privileges of freemen, must be attended
with consequences injurious to the Colonies and the
Mother Country.
"In a raatter of so great importance you will ex
cuse this freedora. We consider the merchants here and
in England, as the links of the chain that binds both
countries together. They are deeply concerned in pre
serving the union and connexion. — Whatever tends to
alienate the affections of the Colonists, or to raake
thera averse to the customs, fashions, and manufac
tures of Britain hurts their interest. While sorae there
fore, from ambitious views and sinister motives, are
labouring to widen the breach, we whose private in
terest is happily connected with the union, or which is
the same, with the peace and prosperity of both coun
tries, may be allowed to plead for an end to these un
happy disputes ; and that by a repeal of the offensive
Acts, the cause of jealousy and uneasiness may be
removed, tranquillity restored, harmony and mutual
affection reestablished, and trade return to its usual
channel."

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 137

CHAPTER VI.
State of affairs in England — Ineffectual opposition of the friends
of America to the Ministry — Lord J^orth succeeds the Duke of
Grafton as first Lord of the Treasury — His motion for the
partial repeal of the Port Duties— Debates thereon— Riot at
> Boston between the Soldiers and Ropemakers — Several of the
people killed by the Soldiers — Mr, Hutchinson refuses to remove
the .troops from Boston — Funeral pomp at the burial of those kill
ed — Liberty Poles erected in JVew Fork — Issembly of Massa
chusetts convened at Cambridge — Their remonstrance on account
of i1^— Trial of Captain Preston and his Soldiers— Honourable
conduct qf Mr. Idams and Mr. Quincy— Mr. Hutchinson made
Governour and Captain General — affair of tlie Gaspee at Rhode
Island — Instructions of the town of Petersham to tiieir constitu
ents—General feeling of the people on the first, measures of
Lord J^orth's Idministration.
We sliall now be obliged for a few moments, to turn
our attention to affairs in England. The Parliament
met on the 9th of January 1770. The Earl of Chat
ham, Avho had been so long detained from publick
duties by ill health. Whose mind had suffered almost as
much as his body, and who had been long looked upon
as dead to the world, uoav made his appearance —
his health unexpectedly restored, and his intellec
tual faculties completely renovated. On the usual
motion for an address to the Throne, this illustrious
Statesman arose, and after declaring that nothing but
the present alarming state of the nation, could have
brought him from his retirement bowing as he was
under the weight of infirmities, he lamented in his
usual euergetick manner, those unhappy measures
which had alienated the Colonies from the Mother
Country, and which had driven them into excesses he
Vox. I. 18

138 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
could not justify. " But said he, such is my partiality
for America, that I am disposed to make allowance
even for these excesses. The discontents of three
millions of people deserve consideration: the founda
tion of those discontents ought to be removed."
His Lordship concluded his speech by moving an
amendment to the Address, pledging the House to
take into their speedy and serious consideration, the
causes of the discontents which now distracted every
part of his Majesty's Empire. But the amendment
was negatived by a large majority.
On the 33d of January another attempt was made
to come at the object of his Lordship, which proved
more successful. The Marquis of Rockingham in
troduced the subject, in the following clear, concise,
spirited and independent manner. He said, <^that
the present unhappy condition of affairs, and the uni-
tersal discontents of the people, did not arise from
any immediate temporary cause, but had grown upoa
the nation by degrees/ro?K the moment ofhis Majesty's
accession to the throne : that a total change had then
taken place in the old system of English Government,
and a new maxim adopted /a#a? to the liberties of the
country, viz. that the royal prerogative alone was
sufficient to support government to whatever hands
the admmistration should be committed. The opera
tion of this principle (said his Lordship) can be traced
through every act of government during the present
reign, in which his Majesty's secret advisers could be
supposed to have any influence. He recommended
therefore strongly to their Lordships to fix an early
day for taking into consideration the state of the coun
try, in all its relations and dependencies, foreign,
provincial and domestick, for we had been injured in

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 139
l^em all. That consideration, he trusted, would
lead their Lordships to advise the Crown, not only
how to correct past errours, but how to establish a sys
tem of government more wise, more permanent, better
suited to the genius of the people, and consistent with
the spirit of the Constitution." The noble Lord was
seconded in this motion by the Duke of Grafton. Lord
Chatham again arose on this occasion, and after de
claring that his grace had anticipated him, he said,
that " his infirmities must fall heavy on him indeed,
if he did not attend his duty in the House that day
— he said that he wished his avowed approbation of
the motion novv made, to be understood as a publick
demonstration of the cordial union that now subsisted
between the noble Marquis and himself. There was
indeed a time, (said he) when those who wished well
to neither, found a sufficient gratification for their ma^
lignlty agamst both. But the noble Lord and his
friends, are now united with me and mine, upon a
principle which, I trust, will be found as permanent
as it is honourable ;—mof to share the emoluments of
the State, but, if possible, to save itffom impending
ruin." Before the day fixed upon for this important enquiry,
the Duke of Grafton, resigned the office of First Lord
Coraraissioner of the Treasury, and was succeeded by
Lord North, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, who
thus became the head of an Administration, which
from that time to the close of the American Revolu
tion directed the destinies of Great Britain, and by
their errours aud follies, reduced her mighty Empire
in the West to the barren possession of the two Ca^
nadas.

140 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
The avowed cause of the Duke of Grafton's unexr
pected resignation was the dismissal of his colleague
Lord Camden, from whom the Great Seal had been
most ungraciously taken, in consequence of his hav
ing voted with Lord Chatham on his amendment to
the Address.
One of the first acts of Lord North's administration
was a raotion for the repeal of the port duties of I767,
with the exception of the duty on tea, which his Lord
ship expressly declared, he desired to keep on as an
assertion of the supremacy of the Parliament. In vain
it was contended that the reservation of this single
article would keep up the contention, which it was
so desirable to allay — that after giving up the prospect
of a revenue from, the Colonies, it was absurd and
impolitick to persevere in the assertion of an abstract
claim of right, which if atterapted in any mode to be
carried into practice, would produce nothing but civil
discord, and interminable opposition — that in short if
nothing more was meant by this omission of the tea
in the repeal, than the mere declaration of Parliamen
tary Supremacy, the law already in existence, under
the title of the Declatory Act, was abundantly suffi:
cient for that purpose, and that the Americans had
hitherto silently acquiesced in that law.
To all these arguments Lord North replied, in the
following strain of supercilious insult — " Has the re
peal of the Stamp Act taught the Americans obedi
ence? Has our lenity inspired them with moderation?
Can it be proper, while they deny one legal power to
tax them, to acquiesce in the argument of illegality?
and, by the repeal of the whole law, to give up that
poAver? No! the properest time to exert our right to
taxation is when the right is refused. To temporize

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 141
is to yield ; and the authority of the Mother country,
if it is now unsupported, will in reality be relinquish
ed for ever. A total repeal (he continued,) cannot be
thought of, till America is prostrati^ at our feet.
¦^Thus did this new Minister, even while he profess
ed to be making a concession to the Colonies, insult
them with a threat of his future vengeance — and thus
did he treat their pretentions to exemption, at the rao
ment that he was offering a measure for the avowed
purpose of regaining their affections.
While these things were passing In England; the
Colonies perhaps would have enjoyed something like a
calm, contenting themselves with the observance oftheir
non-importation agreement, but for the continuance of
his Majesty's armed forces in the harbour aud town
of Boston. It was impossible for the people not to feel
continual irritation at the presence of the soldiery, with
whom they came in contact at every hour of the day,
and at every corner of the streets. A knowledge that
they were placed there for the purpose of keeping the
citizens in awe, served too to render these soldiers,
as well as their officers, overbearing and insolent
upon all occasions. If this cause of offence had been
removed, (as it would have been, spme raonths before,
had any other raan than Bernard been at the head of
the government,) it is more than probable, the people
would soon have forgotten the causes which brought
them there, and like their fellow-citizens of the other
Coloriies, have settled down into a state of calm and
tranquility. But the temper of the patriotick citizens of Boston
was further kept in a state of excitement, by the ma
chinations of their Lieutenant Governour, Mr. Hutch
inson, now acting as the Chief Magistrate, and who
was but little behind his predecessor, in enmity to the

143 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Americans. He attempted to promote an association
with some ofthe richest raerchants, in opposition to the
non-iraportation agreement; and though his scheme
failed of success, the knowledge of it tended to create
, distress and jealousies, and produced assemblies of
the people, that led to serious consequences. At one
of these raeetings it was determined to send back to
England all the goods which had been imported — ^a
decision in which the mob had much more to do thau
the owners of the goods, though it was said to be a
voluntary act. While the merchants of Boston, how
ever, or the people, were thus vigilant and strict in the
observance of their agreement, the merchants of New
port, and of New York had been brought to consent
to import. This produced a clamour at Boston and at
Philadelphia, and recriminations on the part of New
York—the merchants of whom asserted, that, notwith
standing their boast of fidelity to the association, the
Bostonians had never ceased to make large importa
tions. But this, though partially true, could be no ex
cuse for the defection of New York, nor would it have
been offered, but that the government had so contriv
ed as to get a majority of its friends into the New
York association.
Thus were affairs situated when on the 3d of March
a quarrel occurred between a soldier and a man em
ployed at Mr. Gray's rope- walk. The provocation was
given by the citizen, and a scuffle ensued which ended
in the defeat of the soldier, who soon after collected a
number of his comrades, and the affray became gene
ral between them and the rope makers. This was
enough to stir up the whole body of the citizens, who
determined to try their strength in a pitched battie with
the aoldiers. The 5 th of the month was fixed upon

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. ^4-8
for the trial — and between seven and eight o'clock in
the evening a few persons, chiefly boys, collected and
began to ring the bells. This mob \vas gradually en
creased to about one hundred, who after going to se
veral of the barracks and endeavouring in vain to pro
voke the soldiers to battle, at last determined upon at
tacking the guard, stationed at the Custom House.
Thither therefore they repaired, and by pelting the
soldiers with snow-balls, stones and ice, and using at
the same time every provocation by means of insulting
language, seven of the eight who composed the guard,
were induced to fire. By their discharges three of the
assailants were killed and several dangerously wound
ed. — The mob now dispersed, spreading the news in
every direction — the bells were again rung, the alarm
of " fire" Was given — the drums were beat and the- ci
tizens every where called "to arras." — In a short time
several thousands of the citizens were assembled, and
a dreadful scene of blood would have ensued, but for
the promises and assurances of Mr. Hutchinson, that
the affair should be settled to their satisfaction in the
morning. The morning came, and with it a still larg
er collection of the people, with Mr. Samuel Adams
and Mr. Boyal Tyler at their head. They demandedi
in peremptory terms of the Lieutenant Governour, that
the troops should be imraediately removed from the
town. But this worthy successour of Bernard was so
fearful of doing any thing that should offend the Min
istry, that he absolutely refused to give the order for
their removal, though the commanding officer stood by
to assure him of his readiness to obey the order. The
Council was kept in session until night awaiting his
decision — Committees were twice sent from the assem
bled citizens — urging, imploring, threatening, to no

144 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
purpose. In vain he was told by Mr. Tyler, that the
men at present assembled, were not such as had for
merly pulled down his house — that they were the best
people in the town, men who were determined, at all
hazards, to effect the removal ofthe troops. Mr. Hutch
inson Avas immoveable, and but that self was the mov
ing spring of his conduct, he might be applauded for
his firmness. But he would with equal indifference
have seen the streets floAving with the blood of his fel
low citizens, sooner than have stirred a foot beyond
his hopes of promotion. His Majesty might upbraid
him Avith deserting his cause, if he listened to that of
the people.
The consequences of his obstinacy would undoubt
edly soon have becorae terrible, if Mr. Hutchinson had
not at length been frightened into compliance, by be
ing told that he must either consent, or quit the Pro
vince. — The people can surely not be condemned for
precipitation or violence, when it is known that they
waited with patience to receive their redress from the
hands of their flrst Magistrate for nearly twenty four
hours. Indeed it is hardly possible to conceive more
patient forbearance than was shewn on this occasion.
Had they been the turbulent and factious set which it
was the constant practice of their Gpvernours to re
present them to be, the streets would have been
drenched In blood, while his excellency was debating
how best to escape the censure of the Ministers. —
The promise to remove the troops quieted the people
and they returned to their homes.
The raen who had been killed were buried in one
vault, with every raark of funeral pomp and military,
parade. During the procession the shops were shut,
and the bells of Bestou and the adjoining towns of

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 145
Charlestown and Roxbury continued to toll.Thus were
the feelings of the people expressed for the massacre
of their fellow citizens.
In the Province of New-York similar scenes were
transacted. The Liberty poles erected by the citizens
were every where cut down by the soldiers — quarrels
ensued, and the outraged populace lost no opportunity
of insulting and abusing his Majesty's troops. Nume
rous meetings were held, and the Assembly were pe
titioned to grant no more supplies to the troops — they
promised compliance with the wishes of the people,
and deceived them. This produced several publica
tions, in which the Assembly were accused of having
betrayed the inhabitants ofthe city and Colony of New-
York. The Assembly voted these papers seditious
libels and offered rewards for the discovery of the au
thors. The printer was frightened into a disclosure
of the name of Mr. McDougall, who was arrested and
committed to jail. Of this gentleman we shall pre
sently have to speak again.' A meeting, consisting of
1400 inhabitants, was soon after held, at which it was
almost unanimously determined to instruct their repre
sentatives in the Assembly not to pay the supplies de
manded for the troops. The leaders of this raeeting
were brought up before the Asserably ; but being found
to be men of influence and respectability they were
dismissed without punishment.
On the 31st of May of this year, the Assembly of
Massachusetts was convened by Governour Hutchin
son, at Cambridge. The House decided by a large
majority, that they would enter upon no business at
Cambridge, reraonstrated against being convened at
that place, and voted it to be a great " grievance" to sit
VOL. I 19

146 AMERICAN REVOL,UTION.
any where but at Boston. This determined the Go
vernour to prorogue them, to the 31st of July.
Thus were affairs situated in the Colonies, when
intelligence was received of the partial repeal of the
Port duties. The purposed reservation of the Tea,
and the insolent declaration of Lord North, were not
calculated to still the tumult or to silence complaint
Indeed if there had been no such avowal from the Mi
nister the partial repeal of the duties would not have
been (Sufficient to remove the apprehensions of the Co
lonists — at least in the Colonies of Massachusetts and
New York, while they continued to be insulted by the
presence of an armed force. No relaxation therefore was
made in the non importation agreement, as it regard
ed the article upon which the duty was retained, and
scarcely a sensation of pleasure was excited by this
Act, which was considered as so condescending and
conciliatory on the part of the Ministry.
The Massachusetts General Court again assembled
at Cambridge, on the day of prorogation, but persist
ed in their determination to enter upon no business,
and declaring in their message to the -Governour that
the grievances and cruelties which had been brought
upon them by the devices of the Ministers were too
great to be much longer borne by the people. This
message, and broad hint, however, had no other ef
fect upon the Governour, than to induce him to pro
rogue them a second tirae, to the 36th of Septeraber,
to meet at the same place. It is difficult to conceive
what could have been the object which Mr. Hutch
inson hoped to gain, by obstinately continuing his op
position to the wishes of the Assembly to meet at Bos
ton. The troops were now removed, from their quar
ters in town, to the Castle, and there could be no more

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 147
danger pf any hostile proceedings between them and
the members at Boston, than at Cambridge. But the
Governour was probably fearful ofthe influence which
their presence and feelings raight have on the trial of
Captain Preston and his men, which was now near
at hand — if this really was his reason for refusing to
convene them at Boston, his conduct cannot be consi-
derfed as so censurable.
On the third meeting of the Assembly, the mem
bers despairing of being able to accomplish their wish
of reraoving to Boston, and flnding that the publick
exigencies required their attention to business, content
ed themselves with a protest agamst their being com
pelled to meet out of Boston and proceeded to busi
ness as usual. The Governour opened the Session
by informing them that the garrison, in the pay of the
Province, were to be withdrawn from the Castle, by
order of his Majesty and their places supplied with
regular troops; and that he had orders to deliver up
the fort to any officer whom General Gage should di
rect to take the command. To this the Assembly re
plied " If the custody and government of the fortress
are to be lodged with the railitary power, independ
ent of the supreme civil Magistrate within this juris- -
diction, it will be so essential an alteration of the
Constitution that it cannot but justly alarra a free
people.^' The Governour afterwards disingenuously
left them to understand, what was not the fact, that he
still retained his authority over them.
The long talked of trial of Captain Preston and the
guard who fired upon and killed three of the citizens
in March, now came on. It excited, as was natural,
universal interest — the most inflammatory publica
tions had been from time to time issued, setting forth

148 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
the conduct of the accused in the most horrible light
— every means, which vengeance in its utmost inge
nuity could suggest, had beeri used to excite the po
pular fury. Against all this, therefore, the jury had
to arm themselves ; and it is no small praise of them
to say, that their innate integrity was proof against
all the suggestions of passion. They examined the
evidence against the prisoners by the principles of eter
nal justice ; and remembering trie great precept of the
Christian doctrine, they gave themselves a claim, by
their honest and unprejudiced verdicts, to the admi
ration, esteem and gratitude of their country. Cap
tain Preston was honourably acquitted, and two only
of the soldiers were convicted, not of murder, but of
manslaughter. Nor ought we to pass over in silence
the conduct of the Counsel for the prisoners on this
occasion — John Adams and Josiah Quincy. They
had rendered themselves conspicuous in the earliest
stages of the Colonial struggle for freedora, by resist
ing the demands of the British Ministry under all their
disguises. They had become popular; and they were
now to put that popularity to a flery test, by under
taking the defence of men in every sense odious to the
people. But this consideration weighed nothing with
these patriots, compared with their regard for the im
mutable principles of truth and justice — of which they
stood forth the honest and intrepid champions. And
the result was not less honourable to them, than glo
rious to the great cause ofthe Colonies, in which they
had embarked their talents, their zeal, and their influ
ence. It gave a character to the kind of resistance
made by the Colonies, in direct contradiction of the
falsehoods continually poured into the Ministerial ear
— ^that none but a factious mob oppoised the govern-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 149
mental decrees. The issue of this trial offered evi
dence the most plenary and conclusive, that the pat
riotick and conscientious men who ranged themselves
against the usurpations of the Ministiy, were too
noble minded to take advantage of the mad ebulli
tions of a mob — that they were guided by a solemn
sense of duty to themselves, their country and their
posterity, in struggling to raaintain the sanctity of
chartered rights.
The General Court closed its Session in Novem
ber, by prorogation, after having resolved among other
things to promote industry and frugality, and to en
courage the use of domestick manufactures through
out the Province — and having appointed a '^ Corarait
tee of Correspondence" to communicate with the agents
in Great Britain, and with the Committees of the Co
lonies. The first of these resolutions of the Massachusetts
Assembly, namely, to discourage the use of foreign
articles, had been adopted in consequence of a deter
mination of the merchants of Boston, made during
their present session, by which they agreed to alter
their non-iraportation agreeraent, and adopt the plan
which had been for sorae time followed in New York
and in Philadelphia. This plan erabraced the import
ation of all the usual articles of trade, except tea, which
it was unanimously agreed, should not be brought into
the country, unless it could be smuggled.
Early in the following year 1771, Mr. Hutchinson
received from his Majesty the gracious gift of the ho
nours, after which he had been so long panting. He
was appointed " Captain General and Comraander in
Chief over the Province," which glad tidings he com
municated, in due form, to the Assembly, at its meet-

150 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ing in May. But that Body soured as they were by
being still compelled to meet at Cambridge, veiy un
civilly refused to pass any congratulatory compliments
on the occasion to his Excellency.
They Avere still further soured a few weeks after
wards by a message from his Excellency, in which he
informed them, that he Avas forbidden by his Majesty's
instructions "to give his assent to any Act subjecting
the commissioners of the Customs, and other officers
of the Crown, to be taxed by the usual assessors, for
the proflts of their commissions — and that they must
therefore so qualify their tax bill." In their reply
to this raessage, the House firmly and indignantly told
his Excellency that " th6y knew of no Commission
ers of his Majesty's Customs, nor of any revenue his
Majesty had a right to establish in North America.
We know and feel (said they,) a tribute levied and
extorted from those, who, if they have property, have
a right to the absolute disposal of it."
Such language but 111 accorded with the Govern
our's high notions of prerogative and ministerial infal
libility. It was not possible that there could be har
mony or cordiality between such a Governour as Mr.
Hutchinson, and such men as then constituted the Le
gislature — ^the session therefore passed, as usual, in
constant sparrings and recriminations, the one side as
unyielding as the other was perverse.
N^ithing worthy of historical notice occurred during
the present year inthe other Colonies. The merchants
by their agreements had given a kind of sanction to
smuggling, and a few cases of violent resistance to the
revenue officers occasionally occurred, in which the
magistrates refused, when called upon, to interpose
their authority.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 151
The year 1773 brought with it many fresh obstacles
to reconciliation, and many new sources of animosity
and discord. Among the most important ofthese were
the burning of his Majesty's revenue Cutter, the Gas
pee, at Rhode Island, and his Majesty's grant of sa
laries tothe Governours and Judges of Massachusetts,
thereby rendering them independent of the people.
With regard to the flrst of these circumstances, the
facts were briefly these. Lieutenant Duddington, who
comraanded the armed schooner Gaspee, had contriv
ed to render himself an object of universal detestation
to the people of Rhode Island, by his extraordinary
zeal and unnecessary severity in the execution of the
revenue laws. On the 9th of June, as the Providence.
packet was sailing into the harbour of Jfewport, un
suspected of any design to evade the revenue, with
which only it was the Lieutenant's business to meddle,
her master was peremptorily ordered to lower his co
lours. He refused, and a shot was fired at hira from
the schooner which immediately made sail in chase.
By some dexterous management on the part of the
master of the packet, he led the schooner on a shoal
where she grounded, and remained fast. At night it
was determined by a number of fishermen and others,
headed by several respectable merchants of Provi
dence, that so good an opportunity of revenge should
not be lost ; and they accordingly manned a number
of whale boats in which they proceeded to the schoon
er, boarded, made themselves masters of her, and then
set her on fir^. When the knowledge of this event
came to the Governour, a reward of five hundred pounds
was offered by Proclamation, for the discoveiy of the
, offenders, and the royal pardon to those who would
confess their -guilt. Commissioners Were appointed

153 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
also to investigate the offence and bring the perpetrat
ors to justice. But the Commissioners, after remaining
sometime in session, reported that they could obtain
no evidence, and thus the affair terminated. It will
serve to show the Inviolable brotherhood which theu
uuited the people in one phalanx against the Govern
ment. In consequence of this event an Act was pass
ed by the British Parliament making it a capital of
fence to destroy his Majesty's ships, ammunition or
stores, and subjecting the offender, whether In Ame
rica or England, to be tried in any county in Great
Britain, at the pleasure of his Majesty. But what
are all the engines of opposition which tyranny can
invent, to a people determined to be free.
The other circumstance to which we have alluded,
was the G overnour's comraunication to the Assembly
at their session in June, that his Majesty had been
pleased to make provision for his support. The As
sembly had been convened as before at Cambridge,
but as a sort of counterpoise tothe information contain
ed in his message, before they could reply to it, he
adjourned them to meet at Boston. They lost no time
here in making known their opinions upon the sub
ject to Ills Excellency. They stated to him in their
raessage, that the King's " making provision for his
Excellency's support independent of the grants and
Acts of the General Assembly, and the Governour's
receiving the same, is an infraction of the righte of
the inhabitants granted by the royal charter."
No usurpation or innovation ofthe British Ministry,
not even the Stamp Act, gave greater discontent or ex
cited more general resentment in Massachusetts, than
the plan for rendering the Governour and the Judges
independent ofthe people, by salaries from the Crown.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 153
It has always been regarded, and raust always be re
garded, as one of the strongest bulwarks of the liber
ty of the people, to have a judiciary independent of
the Executive — It is indeed a principle of the British
Constitution, and the atterapt to subvert it, as it ap
plied to the Colonies, Is only another proof of the fol
ly and infatuation which raarked every act of Lord
North's raost erroneous adrainistration. This it was
that led to the forraation of Committees of Correspond
ence, in all the towns of JVIassachusetts, the important
consequences of which soon began to manifest them
selves, both abroad and at home. They, originated in
the joint counsels of James Warren, of Plymouth,
and Samuel Adams, of Boston. By them a town meet
ing Avas called early in November, by which a cora
mittee was appointed to write to the other toAvns in the
Province and solicit their concurrence in the measure.
Most of the towns soon united in the measures of Bos
ton, and the spirit and object of these Committees may
be readily seen from the following report, made by one
of them, to their constituents of Petersham. We give
this in preference to others, because it will be found
to exhibit that union of religious and political enthu
siasm, which forras at once the strongest bond, and
comraunicates the most powerful energy to action.
" The toAvn having received a circular letter from
the town of Boston, respecting the present grievances
and abominable oppressions under which this country
groans, have therefore taken into their most serious
consideration the present policy of the British govern
ment and administration, with regard to Great Britain,
and these Colonies ; have carefully reviewed the raode
of election, and the quality of the electors of the Cora-
mons of that island; and have also attentively reflect-
VOL. 1. 30

454 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ed upon the enormous and growing influence of the
crown, and that bane of all free states, a standing ar
my in the time of peace ; and in consequence thereof
are fully confirmed in opinion, that the ancient rights
of the nation are capitally invaded, and the greatest
part of the most precious and established liberties of
Englishmen ntterlj destvojed: And whereas the Par
liament of Great Britain, by various statutes and acts,
have unrighteously distressed our trade, denied and
precluded us from setting up and carrying on manu
factures highly beneficial to the inhabitants of these
territories ; restricted and prevented our lawful inter
course and coraraerce Avith other states and kingdoms ;
have also made laAvs and institutions touching the life
and limb, in disherison of the ancient common law of
the land ; and moreover have in these latter times, rob
bed and plundered the honest and laborious inhabit
ants of this extensive Continent of their property, by
mere force aud power; and are now draining thepeo
ple of the fruits of their toil, by thus raising a revenue
frora them, against the natural rights of man, and Id
open violation of the laws of God.
" This toAvn, in union with the worthy inhabitants
of Boston, now think' it their indispensable duty to
consider of the premises and the present aspect of
the times, and to take such steps as upon mature de
liberation are judged right and expedient : and here
upon this town
" Resolved, That with a Governour appointed from
Great .Britain (especially at this day) during pleasure,
with a large stipend, dependent upon the Avill of the
Crown, and controlled by instructions from a British
Minister of State, with a council subject to the nega
tive of such a Governour, and with all pfficers, civil

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 155
and military, subject to his appointment or consent,
with a castle in the hands of a standing army, station
ed in the very bowels of the land ; and that amazing
number of placemen and dependants, with which every
maritime town already swarms, no people can ever be
truly virtuous, free or brave:
" Resolved, That the Parliament of Great Britain,
usurping and exercising a legislative authority over,
and extorting an unrighteous revenue from these Co
lonies, is agamst all divine and human laws. The
late appointraent of salaries to be paid to our supe
rior court judges, whose creation, pay, and commis
sion, depend on mere will and pleasure, completes a
system of bondage equal to any fabricated by the com
bined efforts of the ingenuity, malice, fraud and wick
edness of man :
" Resolved, That it is the opinion of this town, that
a despotick, arbitrary government, is the kingdom of
this world, as set forth in the New Testament, and is
diametrically opposite to the establishment of Christi
anity in a society, and has a direct tendency to sink
a people into a profound state of igriotance, and irre-
ligion ; and that, if we have an eye to our own and
posterity's happiness (uot only in this world, but the
world to come) it is eur duty to opppse such a gov- >
ernment :
*' And further resolved. That the depriving the
Cplonies of their constitutional rights, may be fitly
compared to the dismembering the national body,
which will soon affect the heart; and it would be no
thing unexpected for us to hear, that tlipse very per
sons who have been so active in robbing the colonies of
their constitutional rights, have also delivered up the

156 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
constitution of our Mother Cbuntry into the hands of
our King : ,
, " Therefore resolved. That it is the first and high
est social duty of this people, to consider of, and seek
ways and raeans, for a speedy redress of these raighty
grievances and intolerable wrongs : and that for the
obtaining of this end, this people are warranted, by
the laws of God, and nature, in the use of every rightful
art and energy of policy, stratagem and force.
" And while we are thus under these awful frowns
of divine Providence and involved as these people are
in heavy calamities, which daily increase in number
and severity, it is highly becoming towns and indivi
duals to humble themselves before Almighty God, se
riously to comraune with their own hearts, and seek
carefully with tears, for the causes of the prevailing
distresses of the land; and while it is apparent, that
pristine piety and purity of morals, have given place
to infidelity, dissipation, luxury and gross corruption
of morals, there is a loud call for humility, laraentings
and reformation ; aud it is at this time eminently in
cumbent on one and all, to seek at the throne of the
great God for those special and reraarkable interpo
sitions of divine Providence, grace and mercy, which
have so often saved New England frora both publick
and private distress and raisery; and as there is great
reason to believe, that in past tiraes we have too rauch
depended upon the exertions of worldly wisdom and
political devices, it becomes us in our present melan
choly situation to rely no longer on an arm of flesh,
but on the arm of that all powerful God, who is able
to unite the numerous inhabitants of this extensive ter
ritory, as a band of brothers in one common cause —
who can easily give that true religion, which shall

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 157
make us his people indeed ; that spirit which shall fit
us to endure temporal hardships for the procurement
of future happiness ; that spirit of valour and irresist-
able courage, which shall occasion our aged and our
youth to jeopard their lives with joy, in the high pla
ces of the field, for his name and service sake, for the
preservation also of this . goodly heritage of our fa
thers, for the sake of the living children of our loins,
and the unborn millions of posterity.
" We believe that there are very many, who in these
days have kept their integrity and garments unspot
ted, and hope that God will deliver them and our na
tion for their sake. God will not suffer this land
Where the gospel hath flourished, to become a slave of
the world ; he will stir up witnesses of the truth ; and
in his own time, spirit his people to stand up for his
cause and deliver them. In a similar belief, the great
Algernon Sydney, lived and died, and dying breath
ed a like sentiment and prophecy, touching his own
and the then approaching times, a prophecy, however,
not accomplished until a glorious revolution."
These were the men whom Lord North vainly hop
ed tp coerce.

158 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

CHAPTER vn.
Operation of 177S— Virginia Resolves — Proceedings ofthe Mas
sachusetts Issembly— Discovery of a secret correspondence-
Proceedings thereupon — Speech of Mr. Wedderburn— Tlie
King refuses to remove Governour Hutchinson— East India
Company send over their Tea — >Tlie Imericans refuse to have
it landed — Burning of the Tea at Boston.
We have new arrived at a most interesting period
of our Revolutionary histoiy. The town Committees
which had been established throughout the Provincei
of Massachusetts, by their free inquiries, and spirit?
ed reports and resolutions, had aroused the energies
of the whole Continent ; the greater part of which, from
the absence of similar excitements, had hitherto only
sympathised in the sufferings and oppressions, with
out participating in the tumrilts and disorders, of that
devoted Colony. Now, however, circumstances were
developed, which proved, that though the means here
tofore adopted had borne more particularly upon the
people ofthe Eastern Provinces, the system of theMi-
n'stiy was intended ultimately to oppress the whole —
that forbearance was construed into fear, patience
into submission ; and that nothing short of the most
abject slavery would content the merciless Counsel
lors, whose ruinous and detestable policy it was, to
build up the prerogative of the Crown, by the demo
lition ofthe Constitution. All ranks and conditions of
men now felt the necessity of stemraing the torrent
of Ministerial vengeance; and even at this early
day, 1773, the illustrious Patrick Henry, of Virgi
nia, prophecied the speedy independence pf his coun-

AMERICAN REVOLUTIO^r. 159
try. That eminent orator and Statesman, had been
accustomed to look deeply Into the human character.
He had studied his countrymen closely — he knew
them well — and could predict the extent of their for
bearance. It is a memorable and singular proof of his
political foresight, that he predicted the declaration of
independence, with most of its attendant ckcumstaiices,
three years before the fact occurred.
Almost at the same moraent of the present year,
the two asserablies of Massachusetts and Virginia,
without any previous concert or correspondence' — a
fact Avliich serves to show the unity of sentiraent
which now pervaded the people — passed a number of
resolutions, recommending the appointraent of a stand
ing committee of correspondence and inquiry, whose
purpose will be best explained, in the language of the
resolutions themselves. We copy those of Virginia,
which were introduced into the House of Burgesses,
in committee of the whole, on the 13th of March 1773,
by Mr. Dabney Carr, a young patriot of noble pro
mise, whose fate it was to be snatched from his friends
and fellow labourers in the cause of his country, with
in a few weeks after giving this pledge of his future
usefulness. - " Whereas the minds of his Majesty's faithful sub
jects in this Colony have been much disturbed, by va
rious rumours, and reports of proceedings, tending to
deprive them of their ancient, legal and constitutional
rights :
^' And whereas the affairs of this Colony are fre
quently connected with those of Great Britain, as well
as the neighbouring Colonies, which renders a com
munication of sentiment necessaiy; in order, there
fore, tp remove the uneasiness, and to quiet the minds

160 AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
of the people, as well as for the other good purposes
above mentioned :
"Be it resolved, that a standing comraittee of cor
respondence and inquiry be appointed, to consist of
eleven persons, to wit : the honourable Peyton Ran
dolph esquire, Robert C. JVicholas, Richard Bland,
Richard H. Lee, Benjamin Harrison, Edward Pen
dleton, Patrick Henry, Dudley Digges, Dabney Carr,
Archibald Cary, and Thomas Jefferson, esquires, any
six of whora to be a committee, whose business it shall
be to obtain the most early and authentick intelligence of
all such acts and resolutions of the British Pariiaraent
or procefedings of adminstration as may relate to, or af
fect the Britisii Colonies in America ; and to keep up
and maintain a correspondence and communication
with our sister Colonies, respecting these important
considerations ; and the result of such their proceed
ings, from time to time, to lay before this House.
" Resolved, That it be an instruction to the said
committee that they do, without delay, inform them
selves particularly of the principles and authority, on
which was constituted a court of inquiiy, said to have
ueen lately held in Rhodeisland, with powers to trans
port persons accused of offences coraraitted in Ameri
ca, to places beyond the seas, to be tried.
" Resolved, That the Speaker of this House do
transmit to the Speakers of the different Asserablies
of the British Colonies on the Continent, copies of the
said resolutions, and desire that they Avill lay them be
fore then- respective Assemblies, and request them to
appoint some person or persons of their respective bo
dies, to communicate from time to time, with the said
coraralttee" These resolutions were passed by the House with-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. I6l
out a dissenting voice, and immediately carried into ef
fect. It was at this period of publick excitement, when
every nerve and every pulse were trembling with en
thusiasm, that Governour Hutchinson, the worthy in
strument of Lord North, in his message to the Massa
chusetts Assembly, touched upon the obnoxious sub
ject of Parliamentary supremacy, and the seditious
nature oftheir town raeetings. It was the evident de
sign and object of the Governour to excite the House
to some measure of violence, but they were too cau
tious and guarded in their reply, to furnish any food to
his revengeful appetite, and his Excellency's scheme
was baffled.
The usual annual appropriations for the salaries of
the Judges, formed another subject of dispute with the
Governour — he refused to give his assent to the grants,
on the plea of his Majesty's having been pleased to
order the salaries of the judges — The Assembly per
sisted and appealed to the judges, of whom they de
manded a categorical answer to the question, wheth
er they would, in violation of the constitution and char
ter, consent to be paid by the CroAvn, or like faithful
friends of freedom and the Province, <;ontinue to re
ceive their salaries from the Legislature ? Four of the
judges gave satisfactory answers to this query, but
Peter Oliver, the Chief Justice, preferred the money
of his JMajesty ; and articles of impeachment were
forthwith drawn up against him by the Assembly,
which, however, tlie Governour refused to sanction.
Thus thwarted in their efforts to punish this refracto
ry judge, the House determined, as their only alterna
tive, to render both him and the Governour odious to
the people, and with this view passed the following
VOL: I. 31

163 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
sarcastick resolution : " That the House have done
all that in their, capacity of Representatives can be
done for the reraoval of Peter Oliver ; and it must be
presumed, that the Governour's refusal to take any
raeasure therein, is because he also receives his support
from the Crown."
An evidence of the sort of feeling which had been
excited against his Excellency the Governour, and his
train of Ministerial puppets, was soon given, in a re
solution entered into by a town meeting of Boston, in
structing their Select men to refuse the use of Faneu
il Hall, for the purpose of the annual Election dinner,
which his Excellency and his friends had been accus
tomed to enjoy, in that spacious and venerable temple
of Liberty.
In the mean time the Legislatures of Connecticut,
Rhode Island, JVew- Hampshire, and Maryland, hav
ing received the Virginia Resolves, had entered into-
their object and spirit with cordial concurrence, and
given their assurances of support to the common cause.
During the subsequent session of the Massachusetts
Assembly — which seemed to be the centre of all ope
rations — a combination of singular and extraordinary
circumstances brought to light a discovery that added
ten fold wrath to the fury already raging in that Pro
vince, against his Excellency Mr. Hutchinson. Dr.
Franklin, the' Colonial Agent, had (by some means
which have never been disclosed,) possessed himself
of the confldential correspondence of JIfr. Hutchinson,
Mr. Oliver, and several others ofthe King's most zea
lous partizans with their friends in England. In these
letters, the sentiments of the writers were expressed
without restraint, and were such as might be expected
to flow from men, who in their whole publick conduct

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 163
had evinced nothing but the most implacable resent
ment and prejudices against the people oftheir Colo
ny. By these letters it was seen, that to the sugges
tions of the writers might be attributed sorae of the
most obnorfous measures of the Ministry — particular
ly that of making the Governour and Judges independ
ent of the people. The two gentlemen mentioned, had
not scrupled to pi"opose an alteration of the Charter,
and the institution of an Order of Patricians — they
had further hinted at the ejipediency of " taking off"
some of the " original incendiaries." — These letters
were transmitted by Doctor Franklin, to Mr. Bowdoin,
of Boston, with a request that he would communicate
their contents to a few only ofhis most trusty friends—
and in this lies rauch of the mystery attached to the
manner in which these letters were obtained, and the
use intended to be made of them : for Doctor Frank
lin, (in a subsequent communication to the publick,
which his sense of propriety led him to raake for the
purpose of removing suspicion frora others,) says that
he was prompted by a sense of duty " to transmit them
to his constituents." But neither Mr. Bowdoin, nor
the gentlemen to whom Mr. Bowdoin was requested
to communicate them, were the Doctor's " constitu
ents," in the only sense in which his purity of morals
would allow him to use the term, as he was the " Agent
of the House of Representatives." — .We must trust that
the reader will flnd an excuse for this digression, in
the extraordinary nature of the whole affair.
It was hardly possible for the contents of the let
ters to remain long a secret — they became a subject
of conversation, and Mr. Samuel Adams, who was
too much a friend of the people to screen their ene
mies from detection, at length made a formal commu-

164 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
nication of them to the Assembly. The feelings of
that Body, on the disclosure, were kindled to the ut
most intensity of wrath and indignation. They in
stantly and unanimously resolved "Thatthe tendency
and design of the said letters were to overthraw the
Constitution of this Government, and to introduce ar
bitrary power into the Province." Their next step
was to petition the King "to reraove the Governour
Hutchinson, and the Lieutenant Governour Oliver,
for ever from the government of the Province." This
petition was voted by 83 out of 94 voices, so few friends
had these " incendiaries" in the house of Assembly.
Their petition was immediately transmitted to their
Agent, Doctor Franklin, and delivered by him to Lord
Dartmouth, (who had succeeded the Earl of Hillsbo
rough as Secretary for the Colonies, in the autumn of
1773,) a nobleman of great probity, and of friendly
feelings towards the Americans. But his Lordship
was not permitted to decide upon the Petition — his
Majesty signified his pleasure that it should be laid
before him in Council: and when it came under con
sideration. Doctor Franklin, as the Agent of the Pro
vince, was summoned to support it.
On this occasion, Mr. Wedderburn, (afterwards
Chancellor of Great Britain, with the title of Lord
Loughborough,) appeared before the Council, in be
half of the two Governours. The license which he
was permitted to use in that capacity, led hlin beyond
any thing which was ever, before or since, heard in
the presence of a King and Council, or of any dig
nified Assembly. But his violations of decorum, his
rude, unprovoked, unmerited insults to the venera
ble philosopher and patriot Avho stood before him, his
malicious insinuations, and bitter invectives against

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 165
the whole Continent of Araerica, we must presurae,
were highly acceptable to his Majesty, or the orator
would have been stopped in his insolent career. This
is a part of what he said on that meraorable occasion —
it deserves to stand on record, as an everlasting mo
nument of the temper and taste of the " King's most
excellent Majesty," and the patient forbearance of the
noble Lords Avho surrounded him In Council. -
" Dr. Franklm, (said Mr. Wedderburn,) stands in
the light of the first mover and prime conductor ofthis
whole contrivance against his Majesty's tivo Govern
ours ; and having, by the help of his own special con
fidents and party leaders, first raade the Assembly his
Agent in carrying on his OAvn secret designs, he noAV
appears before your Lordships to give the finishirlg
stroke to the work of his oavu hands. How these let
ters came into possession of any one but the right own
ers, is a mystery for Dr. P'ranklin to explain. Your
Lordships know the train of mischiefs which followed
this concealment. After they had been left for five
months to have their full operation, at length comes out
a letter, which it is impossible to read without horrour,
expressive of the coolest and most deliberate malevo
lence. My Lords, what poetick fiction only had penned
for the breast of a cruel African, Dr. Franklin has
realized and transcribed from his own — His too is the
language of a Zanga^
 Know then Hwas I,
I forged the letter, I disposed the picture :
I hated, I despised, and I destroy.'' 
And he now appears before your Lordships, wrapped
up in impenetrable secrecy, to support a charge against
his Majesty's Governour and Lieutenant Governour,
and expects that your Lordships should advise the

166 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
punishing them on account of certain letters, which he
will not produce, and which he dares not tell how he
obtained. These are the lessons taught in Dr. Frank
lin's school of politicks. With regard to his Constitu
ents, the factious leaders at Boston, who make this
complaint against their Governours, if the relating of
their eAdl doings be criminal, and tending to alienate
his Majesty's affections, must not the doing ot them be
much more so ? Yet now they ask that his Majesty
will gratify and reward them for doing these things,
and that he will punish their Governours for relating
them, because they are so very bad that it cannot but
offend his Majesty to hear of them." — Doctor Frank
lin bore all this with the calmness of philosophick in
difference — but as he was leaving the Chamber, he
whispered in the ear ofthe Attorney General this pro
phetlck threat — "I will make your Master a little
King for this."
It can hardly be necessary to add that those who
could listen to Mr. Wedderburn, were not likely to
listen to the suggestions of justice or sound policy —
it was determined a few days afterwards " that the
petition in question was founded upon /aZse and erro
neous allegations, and that the same is groundless,
vexatious, and scandalous, and calculated only for the
seditious purposes of keeping up a spirit of clamour
and discontent in the Province." His Majesty was
therefore pleased to " order the said petition ofthe As
sembly of Massachusetts to be dismissed." — This was
the p^tical wisdom which guided the helm of the Bri
tish Government at that day, and which distinguished
it for many succeeding years !
We are now to relate an event of much higher im
portance, aud of much more serious aud general con-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 167
sequences — an event, which the wisest and most ex
perienced statesmen of England, had predicted to Lord
North, and which could not but have been foreseen by
that Minister, blind, infatuated, peryerse, and pre
judiced as he was.
It will be recollected by the reader, that when Lord
North, as oue of the first acts of his wretched admin
istration, moved for the repeal of the Port duties, he
omitted to include the duty on Tea, for the avowed
putpose of raaintaining the supremacy of the British
Parliament, and their right to impose a tax upon the
Colonies. The non-importation agreeraent ofthe Ame
ricans, (particularly as it regarded this article,) which
succeeded the Act of Parliament, had been so rigor
ously enforced, that the East India Company began to
suffer serious inconvenience from the accumulation of
their stock ; and with a view to regain the advantages
of the American raarket, they proposed to the Minis
ter, to pay double the amount of the Araerican import
duty, if he would consent to repeal the Act. Wheth
er the dispute Aviththe Colonies would have terminat
ed, if this proposal of the Company had been accept
ed, must perhaps be regarded as very problematical.
It raight doubtless have been so managed, as to leave
an impression on the minds of the Americans, that a
deference to their feelings induced the repeal, and thus
the grounds oftheir resistance might have been reraov
ed, while the revenue of the King suffered no loss — But
it was plain that an augmentation of the revenue was
not the Minister's object, and that he was desirous to
avoid even the semblance of concession to the strong
arguments ofthe Colonies, whose entire subjection to
the authority of Parliament, weighed more with him,
than any advantages which might be gained to the king
dom, in the profits of their unfettered commerce.

168 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Whatever were the reasons of the Minister, the offer
of the East India Company remained unaccepted, un
til the whole progress ofthe negotiation became known
to the Americans, and until a long series of other griev
ances had awakened that daring and independent spi
rit, Avhich Ave have faintly endeavoured to portray.
When the Act at length passed, allowing the Com
pany to export their teas, free of duty, they seemed
determined to make up for previous loss of time, by
emptying the whole contents of their overflowing ware
houses, upon the American shores. Six hundred chests
Avere shipped to Boston, and a like quantity to Ncav-
York, Philadelphia, Charleston, and the other large
cities of the Contineut, which the Company flatter
ed themselves the Americans would receive without
scruple. But the latter were no sooner apprized of
the shipment, than they concerted measures to frus
trate, what they regarded as a mere trick of the Minis
tiy. In these measures Philadelphia took the 16ad —
there, at a general meeting of the citizens, it was re
solved, that this new Ministerial plan of importation
was a violent attack upon the liberties of America —
that it Avas the duty of every American to oppose it;
aud that whoever should directly or indirectly couU'
tenance it, was an enemy to his countiy." — New York
followed the example of Philadelphia, and In both
places the consignees of the Company were made to
proraise that they would not act. When the ships ar
rived, therefore, some time afterwards, at those two
ports, they were ordered immediately back to Eng
land, Avithout being permitted to break their bulk. Iri
many other places, the captains of the ships themselves,
afraid to encounter the resistance ofthe people, return-'
ed of their own accord to England, freighted as they

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 169
had left it. At Charleston, in South Carolina, the
Tea Avas landed, but not permitted to be used or sold.
A scene of much greater violence was exhibited at
Boston. Town raeetings, newspaper essays, hand
bills, and all the usual means had been resorted to for
the purpose of rousing the people who, it was feared
by many, (frora their former large importations in vi
olation ofthe agreement,) would be inclined to receive
the Tea. But before the arrival of the ships, they had
unanimously adopted the Resolves of Philadelphia,
and were ready to go all lengths to prevent the land
ing of the cargoes. They had indeed shoAvri so much
violence, that Mr. Josiah Quincey thought it necessa
ry, at one of their town meetings, to caution them in
strong terms, to lookto iAe issue — ^' It is not (said he)
Mr. Moderator, the spirit that vapours within these
walls that must stand us in stead. The exertions of
this day will call forth events, which will make a ve
ry different spirit necessary for our salvation-;— Who
ever supposes, that shouts and hosannas will terminate
the trials of the day, entertains a childish fancy. We
must be grossly ignorant of the importance and value
ofthe prize for which Ave contend ; we must be equal
ly ignorant of the power of those who have corabined
agamst us ; we must be blind to that malice, invete
racy, and insatiable revenge, which actuate our ene
mies publick and private, abroad and in our bosora,
to hope that we shall end this controversy without the
sharpest-r-the sharpest conflicts — to flatter ourselves
that popular resolves, popular harangues, popular ac-
claraation.s, and popular vapour, Avill vanquish our
foes. Let us consider the issue. Let us look to the
end  Let us weigh and consider, before we advance
VOL. 1. 2,3

170 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
to those measures which must bring on the most trying
and terrible Struggle this countiy ever saw."
They determined, however, not to permit the tea to
be landed, whatever might be the consequences. But
to avoid the necessity of resorting to extremities, the
Captain of the Dartmouth East Indiaraan, just then
arrived, was directed to make a protest, and apply to
the Governour for the necessary papers to enable him
to return without unloading. The Governour most
pointedly refused, and here again evinced his anxiety
to bring upon his fellow-citizens the strong arm of the
Government. By interposing his authority, he might
have prevented the excesses of the Boston populace,
and perhaps have averted for years the bloody conflict
which soon followed. But he was fearful, as he him
self afterAvards-acknowledged to oneS)f his friends,
that by yielding to the ^^ demands of'the people, he
should have rendered himself obnoxious to his Sove
reign" — Thus constantly acting upon the notion, that
the interests ofthe King and the people could not be
one. The moment the people were informed that the Go- ,
vernour would not grant a pass to the ship, an im
mense crowd repaired to the quay, some of whom,
assuming the disguise of Mohawk Indians, very qui
etiy boarded the ship, took out three hundred and
forty two chests of tea, broke them open, and empti
ed their contents into the water. All this was done
without tumult, noise, or molestation, and Avhen their
object was completedthey returned peaceably to their
homes. It was the general opinion among reflecting politi
cians, after tills event, and of all Avho had been care
ful to watch the temper of the British Ministry, that

# AMERICAN REVOLUTION. I7I
an open rupture must speedily follow — ^that measures
of vengeance would be adopted by the advisers of the
King, which would either lead td unconditional sub
jection or to independence. Mr. Samuel AdUms was
among the small number of those who looked forward
with confldence to the latter. His influence among
his countrymen was deservedly great, and his ex
ertions to inspire his own confidence in others were
still greater. Many of those who had been the
foremost, and the most zealous, in espousing the
cause of the people against the usurpations of the
Court and Parliament of Great Britain, were now
gloomy and despondent at the prospect before thera —
they had neither a wish for independence, in its sense
of separation, nor the smallest hope of success in the
struggle, which they knew was prep^aring for them.
They desired .no raore than the peaceful enjoyment
of the liberties allowetl to them by the British Con
stitution and secured to them by their Colonial Char
ters. For this they had been at all times ready'to
speak, to write, and to act ; and for this, they were
now willing to fight up to their knees in blood, if so
doing could restore them to the freedom of their fa
thers. Further than this the great body of the peo
ple had neither expectation nor desire of proceeding.
We shall see by what slow degrees a different feel
ing was made to predominate, aud how from step to
step, the grand destinies of our nation were uitfolded-

173 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

CHAPTER Vin.

1^'

Events of 1 774 — Parliamentary proceedings — Boston Port Bill —
Subversion of the charter — Recall of Governour Hutchinson —
General Gage succeeds him — Proceedings of Virginia on the
Boston Port Bill — Governour Dunmore dissolves the House of
Burgesses — Proceedings of the other Colonies— Massacfiusetts
General Court meet at Salem — 1st. of June observed as a day
of fasting and prayer — Secret proceedings ofthe General Court
at Salemr— Their resolve to call a General Congress— Adoption
of that measure by the other Colonies, and appointment of De
puties. We must now look to the effects produced in Eng
land by the proceedings of the Colonies, and the con
duct of the people of Boston, in regard to the Tea.
All anxiously waited for the meeting of Parliament,
which was convened at Westminster on the 13th of
January. But though the destruction of the Tea, at
Boston, had taken place on the 16th of Noveraber of
the preceding year, and though scarcely a raerchant
iu London was ignorant of the fact, yet it seems the
Ministry had not received such full information, or
had not yet so satisfactorily made up their minds, as
to prompt his Majesty on the subject — and the speech
frora the Throne contained not a w ord of the transac
tion. Nor was a hint given of what the Ministiy in
tended to do, until the 7th of March, when Lord North
presented a Message from his Majesty to both Houses
of Parliament, (accompanied by numerous papers,
chiefly letters from the Governour of Massachusetts)
in which his Majesty was pleased to inform them that
"in consequence ofthe unwarantable practices carri
ed on in North America, and particularly of the vio-

4., AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 173
lent and outrageous proceedings at the town and port
of Boston, with a view of obstructing the commerce of
this Kingdom, and upon grounds and pretences im
mediately subversive of its constitution, it was thpught
fit to lay the whole matter before Pariiaraent — recom
mending it to their serious consideration what further
regulations or permanent provisions raight be neces
sary to be established." The Minister, on present
ing the papers, took occasion to represent the conduct
of the Bostonians In the blackest colours of fancy.
He said, " that the utmost lenity on the part of the Go
vernour, perhaps too much, had been already shown ;
and that this town by its late proceedings, had left
Government perfectly at liberty to adopt any measures
they should think convenient, not only for redressing
the wrong sustained by the East India Company, but
for inflicting such punishment as their factious and
criminalcpuduct merited; and that the aid of Parlia
ment would be resorted, to for this purpose, and for
vindicating the conduct of the Crown, so daringly and
wantonly attacked and contemned."
The temper of the House was exactly such as to
suit the Minister, aud it was voted '< that an address
of thanks should be presented to the King, assuring
his Majesty, that they would not fail to exert every
means in their power of effectually providing for the
due execution of the laws, and securing the depend
ence of the Colonies upon the Crown and Parliament
of Great Britain." Some of the opposition were rais
ed to a sarcastick smile at these assurances, which
they said, '' had been already often repeated, but that
the measures hitherto adopted by Ministers for the
support and dignity of the Crown had only exposed
it to scorn, obloquy and contempt. — That to do the

174 AMERICAN REVOLUTION. j^
Americans Jitsiice, it was necessary to trace these ca
lamities to their origin, in a system of arbitraiy and
imAvise measures at home." But the opposition went
no further, and in a short time the Minister introduc
ed a Bill "for the immediate removal of the officers
concerned iu the collection of customs from Boston,
and to discontinue the landing and discharging, la
ding and shipping of goods, wares, and merciiandize,
at Boston, or within the harbour thereof" The
Bill also levied a fine upon the town as a compensa
tion to the East India Company for the destruction of
their teas, and was to continue in force during the
pleasure of tiie King. It Avas opposed by a few indi
viduals, but finally carried in both Houses without a
division. But this was only a part of Lord North's scheme of
coercion and revenge. He had two other Bills ready,
which were intended to place the Province of Massa
chusetts in terrorem before the other Colonies, to de
ter them frora following her fatal example. By one
of these, the Constitution and Charter of the Province
were corapletely subverted, all power taken out ofthe
hands of the people, and placed in those of his most
gracious Majesty, and all the officers of the Province
made dependent on the Avill ofthe King.
This Bill excited considerable warmth of opposition
in the House of Commons, but finally passed by an
overwhelming majority. In the House of Lords also
it met with strong opposition, which however proved
equally ineffectual. Eleven peers, among whom were
the Dukes of Richmond and Portland, and tiie Mar
quis of Rockingham, entered a protest against the de
cision of the House, in which they say : " Before the
rights of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, which they

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. // ' ¦ 17q. ^
derive from their Charter, aTe taken away,'ihe definite
legal off'ence by which a forfeiture of that i^h^ter is
incurred, ought to have been clearly stated and tim^purf ^
ties heard in their own defence; and the mere celcrito-,;
ty of a decision against it will uot reconcile the raass
of the people to that mode of government which is to
be established upon its ruins. On the general allega
tions of a declaratory preamble, the rights of any pub
lick body may be taken away, and any visionary
scherae of government be substituted in their place.
By this Bill, the Governour and Council are invested
with dangerous powers, unknown to tlie British Con
stitution, and with which the King himself is not en
trusted. By the appointraent aud removal ofthe She
riff at pleasure, they have the means of returning such
Juries as may best suit Avith the gratification of their
passions and interests ; the life, liberty, and property
ofthe subject, areputinto their hands without control-
The weak, injudicious, and inconsistent measures of
the Ministry have given ucav force tothe distractions of
America, Avhich on the repeal of the Starap Act were
subsiding; have revived dangerous questions, and gra
dually estranged the affections of the Colonies from
the Mother Country. To render the Colonies perma
nently advantageous, they must be satisfied with their
condition. That satisfaction there is no chance of re-
• storing, but by recurring to the principles on which the
repeal of the Stamp Act was founded."
The third scheme of Lord North Avas a Bill for the
impartial administration qf justice in Massachusetts.
The provisions of this BiU Avere somewhat similar to
those of the Act of Henry VIII. the revival of Avhich
had created such loud clamour in the Colonies a fcAV
years before ; with this difference, however, that this

176 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Bill was designed to bring his Majesty's officers, who
should commit murder in the execution of their official
duties, to England for trial, lest the Juries ofthe Co
lony should prove too impartial to let them escape
justice — whereas the Act of Henry VIII. was intend
ed to convey those accused of sedition, to the immedi
ate vicinity ofhis Majesty for trial, for reasons the re
verse ofjustice.
This Bill likewise met with strong but ineffectual
opposition in both Houses. Colonel Barre, to whose
honest indepeudence of feeling, the Americans had
been often indebted for defence and support, again
ranged hiraself on the side of justice and the Colonies,
and concluded a long and aniraated speech in these
words ; " You have changed your ground. You are
becoming the aggressors and offering the last of hu
man outrages to the people of America, by subjecting
them in effect to military execution. Instead of sending
them the olive branch, you have sent them the naked
sword. By the olive branch, I mean a repeal of all
the late laws, fruitless to you, and oppressive to them.
Ask their aid in a constitutional manner, and they will
give it to the utmost of their ability. They never yet
refused it, when properly required. Your j ournals bear
the recorded acknowledgments ofthe zeal with which
they have contributed to the general necessities of the
State. Whfetimaduess is it that prompts you to attempt
obtaining t]|at by force, which you may more certainly
procure by i^uisition ? They may be flattered into any
thing, but they are too much like yourselves to be driv
en. Have somt^iadulgence for your own likeness ; re
spect their sturdy English virtue ; retract your odious
exertions of authority ; and remember that the first
step towards making thera contribute to your Avants,
is to reconcile them to your governmeut."

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 177
How different would have been the present relations
of America and the English Government, if sentiments
like these could have been infused into the Ministry.
But Lord North was running too rapidly down the
precipice of folly, to be checked by the mild admoni
tions of truth and wisdom. He had passed the Rubi
con, and the glories of victory fiuttered in his dazzled
view. The noblemen before mentioned joined also in a
protest against this bill in the House of Peers, in which
with much spirit they declared that the whole plan of
remodelling the government of the Colony was but a
confession of the weakness of Parliament, and a hu
miliating acknowledgment that the British Governmeut
had been odious to the people of the Colonies. — The
first, or Boston Port Bill, as it was called, received the
royal assent ou the 31st of March ; and the two last
pn the 30th of May.
Lord Chatham, who had been prevented from at
tending the House, by the feeble state of his health,
while these Bills were under consideration, took occa
sion, wliile another subject was before them, just be
fore the close of the Session, to deliver hi^ sentiments
on American affairs, in a manner Avhich showed that
sickness had neither enfeebled his mental powers, nor
changed his opinion with regard to the erroneous mea
sures pf Administration. His speech included all that
could be said on this occasion, and in language so much
better than our own, that we rejoice at the opportuni
ty of using it.
"If, my Lords, we take a transient view of those
motives which induced the ancestors of our fellow-
subjects in America to leave their native country, to
encounter the innumerable difficulties of the unexplor-
VOL. I. 33

178 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ed regions of the western world, our astonishment at
the present conduct of their descendants will natural
ly subside. There was no corner of the globe to which
they would not have fled, rather than submit to the sla
vish and tyrannical spirit which prevailed at that pe
riod in their native country ; and viewing them in their
original forlorn and now flourishing state, they may be
cited as illustrious instances to instruct the world what
great exertions mankind will naturally raake, when left
to the free exercise of their own powers. Notwith
standing my intention to giye my hearty negative to
the question now before you, I condemn, my Lords,
in the severest manner, the turbulent and unwarranta
ble conduct of the Americans, in some instances, par
ticularly in the late riots at Boston ; but, my Lords,
the mode which has been pursued to bring them back
to a sense of their duty, is so diametrically opposite to
every principle of sound policy, as to excite my utmost
astonishment. You have inv^olved the guilty and the
innocent in one common punishment, and avenge tbe
crime of a few lawless depredators upon the whole bo
dy of the inhabitants. My Lords, the different Pro
vinces of America, in the excess of their gratitude for
the repeal of the Stamp Act, seemed to vie with each
other in expressions of loyalty and duty ; but the mo
ment they perceived that your intention to tax them
Avas renewed, under a pretence of serving the East In
dia Company) their resentment got the ascendant of
their moderation, and hurried them into actions which
their cool reason would abhor. But, my Lords, from
the whole complexion of the late proceedings, I can
not but incline to think, that Administration has pur
posely irritated them into these violent acts,, in order to
gi-atify their own malice and revenge. What else could

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 179
induce them to dress Taxation, the father of Ameri>
can Sedition, inthe robes of an East India Director,
but to break in upon that mutual peace and harmony
whicli then so happily subsisted between the Colonies
and the Mother Country. My Lords, it has always
been my fixed and unalterable opinion, and I will car
ry it with me to the grave, that this country had no
right under heaven, to tax America. It is contrary to
all the principles of justice and civil policy : it is con
trary to that essential, unalterable right in nature, in
grafted into the British Constitution as a fundamental
law, that what a man has honestly acquired is absolute
ly his own, which he raay freely give, but which can
not be taken away from hira, without his consent. Pass
then, my Lm<ds, instead of these harsh and severe
edicts, an amnesty over their errours : by measures of
lenity and affection allure them to their duty ; act the
part of a generous and forgivingparent. A period may
arrive, when this parent may stand in need of every
assistance she can receive from a grateful and affection
ate offspring. The welfare of this country, my Lords,
has ever been ray greatest joy, and under all the vicis
situdes of my life has afforded me the most pleasing
consolation. Should the all disposing hand of Pro •
vidence prevent me from contributing ray poor and fee
ble aid in the day of her distress, my prayers shall be
ever for her prosperity : — ' Length of days be in her
right hand, and in her left hand riches aud honour !
May her ways be ways of pleasantness, and all her
paths be peace!'"
It was in the course of this session that Mr. Burke^
(of whom it was said by General Lee in a letter to one
of his correspondents eight years before — " An Irish
man, one Mr. Burke is sprung up in the House of

180 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Commons, who has astonished every body with the
power ofhis eloquence, and comprehensive knowledge
in all our exterior and internal politics" — ) for the first
time, delivered his sentiments on the course of pohcy
which had been pursued by Ministers, in regard to
America. After drawing the most animated portraits
of several of the distinguished leaders of Administra
tion, he closed with Lord Chatham, to the measures
of whose "chequered and speckled," "crossly indent
ed, and whimsically dove-tailed" Cabinet he attribut-
«d the mischiefs, which he now considered as almost
incurable. But the speech of Mr. Burke was intend
ed more to display his own eloquence than to support
the cause of the Colonies.
Having now seen what was done in England, iu
consequence of the destruction of the East India Com
pany's Tea, at Boston, we shall proceed to detail the
effects of those raeasures upon the people of the Colo
nies. The recall of Mr. Hutchinson, which was
brought by his successor. General Gage, who further
signalized his arrival by being the bearer of the Bos
ton Port Bill, was a circumstance as unexpected by
his Excellency, as it was agreeable to the people of
the Province. Like his predecessor Bernard, he had
made it appear by every act of his administration, that
the royal prerogative, and the dignity of the Crown,
were dearer to him than the interests of the people —
that the respect and love of his fellow subjects, weigh
ed but a feather in the scale, with royal favour — and
that he was too proud to ask obedience, where he could
exert the power of enforcing submission. It was in
deed a severe blow to the pride of Mr. Hutchinson,
that he should be considered by his royal master, for
whose sake he had consented to sacrifice all that could

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 181
render retrospect pleasing, as an unfit instrument for
the execution of the new scheme of coercion. It was
but little consolation to his wounded feelings, to be
told that it was the design of the Ministry to replace
him in the government, after affairs had been adjust
ed and order restored, by General Gage — He thought
himself quite as competent as General, Gage, and could
not but feel mortified to find, that the Ministry thought
otherwise. A few of his tools and partisans procured
an address' of thanks to be sent to him, and with this
meagre evidence of approbation he soon after took his
departure for England.
General Gage, though it appeared that he enter
tained serious apprehensions of some disorderly or
disrespectful conduct on the part of the people, was
nevertheless received by thehi, with every mark of
civility. He had soon occasion to perceive, how
ever, that their politeness to him did not proceed from
any fear of his authority, or from any relaxation in their
purposes of resistance. On the day after his arrival
a town meeting was convened and very numerously
attended, at which it vvas " Resolved, that it is the
opinion of this town, that if the other Colonies come
into a joint resolution to stop all importation from and
exportation to Great Britain, and every part of the
West Indies, till the Act be repealed, the same will
prove the salvation of North America and her liber
ties ; and that the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and
cruelty ofthe Act, exceed all our powers of expres
sion: We thereforeleaveittothejustcensureof others,
and appeal to God and the world."
The Legislature of Virginia was the only one in
session when the Boston Port Bill arrived, and their
sense of it was immediately expressed by the follow-

183 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ing order. " This House being deeply irapressed with
apprehension of the great dangers, to be derived to
British America, from the hostile invasion of the city
of Boston, in our sister Colony of Massachusetts Bay,
whose commerce and harbour are on the 1st day of
June next, to be stopped by an arraed force, deem it
highly necessary that the said 1st day of June next,
be set apart by the merabers of this House, as a day
of fasting, humiliation and prayer, devoutly to implore
the divine interposition for averting the heavy calam
ity which threatens destruction to our civil rights, and
the evils of civil war ; to give us one heart and one
mind, firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means,
every injury to American rights ; and that the minds
of his Majesty and his Parliament, may be inspired
from above with wisdom, moderation, and justice, to
remove from the loyal people of America all cause of
danger, from a continued pursuit of measures preg
nant with their ruin.
" Ordered, therefore. That the members of this
House do attend at their places, at the hour often in
the forenoon, on the said 1st day of June next, in or
der to proceed with the Speaker and the Mace, to the
church in this city, for the purposes aforesaid; and
that the reverend Mr. Price be appointed to read pray
ers, and to preach a serraon suitable to the occasion."
Governour Dunmore, the successor of Bottetourt,
conceiving that this Order reflected " highly upon his
Maj esty and the Parliament of Great Britain," dissolv
ed the House on the following day. But as upon a
former occasion, the members, to the number of eighty |
nine, formed themselyes into an association, and unani
mously adopted the following manifesto.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 183
" We, his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects,
the late representatives of the good people ofthis Colo-'
ny, having been deprived, by the sudden inteiposition
of the executive part of this government, from giving
our countrymen the advice we wished to convey to
them, in a legislative capacity, find ourselves under
the hard necessity of adopting tills, thefonly method
we have left, of pointing out to our countrymen, such
measures as, in our opinion, arebestfittedto secure our
dear rights and liberty frora destruction, by the heavy
hand of power now lifted against North America.
With much grief, we find that our dutiful applications
to Great Britain fur the security of our just, ancient,
and constitutional rights, have not only been disre
garded, but that a deterrained systera is formed and
pursued, for reducingthe inhabitants of British Ameri
ca to slavery, by subjecting them to the payment of tax
es, imposed without the consent ofthe people or their re
presentatives : and that, in pursuit of this system, we
find an Act of the British Parliament, lately passed,
for the stopping the harbour and the commerce of the
town of Boston, in our sister Colony of Massachusetts
Bay, until the people there submit to the payment of
such unconstitutional taxes ; and Avhich Act most vio
lently and arbitrarily deprives them of their property,
in wharves erected by private persons, at their own
great and proper expense ; which Act is, in our opin
ion, a most dangerous attempt to destroy the constitu
tional liberty and rights of all North America. It is fur*
ther our opinion, that as Tea, on its importation into
America, is charged with a duty imposed by Parlia
ment, for the purpose of raising a revenue v^dthout the
consent ofthe people, it ought not be used by any per
son Who wishes well to the constitutional rights aud

184 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
liberties of British America. And whereas the India
Company have ungenerously attempted to ruin Ame
rica, by sending many ships loaded with tea into the
Colonies, thereby intending to fix a precedent in fa
vour of arbitrary taxation, we deem it highly proper,
and do accordingly recommend it strongly to our coun
trymen, not to purchase or use any kind of East India
comraodity whatsoever, except saltpetre and spices,
until the grievances of America are redressed. We are
further clearly of opinion, that an attack made upon
one of our sister Colonies, to compel submission to ar
bitrary taxes, is an attack made on all British Ameri
ca, and threatens ruin to the rights of all, unless the
united wisdom of the whole be applied. And for this
purpose it is recomraended to the comraittee of corres
pondence, thatthey communicate with their severalcor-
responding committees, on the expediency of appoint
ing deputies from the several Colonies of British Ame
rica, to meet in General Congress, at such a place, an
nually, as shall be thought most converiient ; there to
deliberate on those general measures which the united
interests of America may, from time to time, require.
A tender regard for the interests of our fellow-sub
jects, the raerchants and raanufacturers of Great Bri
tain, prevents us frora going further at this time; most
earnestly hoping, that the unconstitutional principle
of taxing the colonies without their consent will not be
persisted in, thereby to compel us against our will, to
avoid all commercial intercourse with great Britairi.
Wishing them and our people free and happy, we are
then- affectionate friends, the late representatives of
Virginia." This association was formed on the S7th ^f May,
only two days after the meeting of the General Court

AMtRlCAN REVOLUTION. 185
Of Massachusetts, and of course before any interchange
of views could have taken place between the two Co
lonies. This is Worthy of remark, as being the second
instance of an extraordinary coincidence in the mea
sures adopted and recommended by the people ofthese
two distant Colonies. But one feeling seemed to ani
mate them ; and to the immortal honour of Virginia it
must be said, that all her measures proceeded from the
purest and most disinterested patriotism. The people
of that Colony had remained free from the oppressions
under which Massachusetts was made to groau. The
tyranny of the Ministers had not extended to them.
They had been, for the most part, blessed with Go
vernours whp kriew how to estimate their characters —
who, could distinguish between loyalty and servility,
resistance and seditipn ; and who, instead of the base
exaggerations which characterized the correspondence
of Bernard and Hutchinson, took care in their lettere
to the Ministry, to place to their proper account the
little commotiPus which occasionally attended the po
pular harangues and resolves. To sympathy then in
the sufferings of their brethren of Massachusetts, to
that liberal patriotism, which could extend its views
beyond the narrow confines of Colonial policy, and to
that profound political wisdom which could discern
the intimate arid necessary connexiou between the
whole and its parts, must be attributed the early, vi
gorous, and continued opposition of Virginia to mea
sures which concerned her only in their distant and
possible contingencies.
Similar expressions of determined opposition to the
Port Bill, and assurances pf support to the disfran
chised citizens of Boston, were made wherever the
Act became known. In some places it was printed
vOl. I 24

186 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
upon mouming^^apeTf and hawked about the streets— ;¦
in others it was publickly burned, with every demon
stration of abhorrence. At New York there was a
considerable struggle between the friends of Adminisr
tration and the friends of liberty, but the latter at
length prevailed, by the influence and nmnagemeTji
of two individuals, who had on several occasions mani
fested great activity and zeal, in their opposition to
the obnoxious measures of the Ministry. These two
gentlemen were Captain Sears, and Mr. M'Dougal,
a native of Scotland; the latter of whom, it will be
remerabered, had been imprisoned without trial, in
the year 1770, for having written an address to the
" betrayed inhabitants of the city and Colony of New
York." He was conflned for three months ; but such
was the estimation in which his character was held,
that his prison was daily crowded with visitors of the
first respectability, of both sexes. He was released
at last, without trial. In February 1771, and on many
occasions afterwards headed the sons of liberty in
their quarrels with his Majesty's soldiery.
These two individuals, having first written to the
Committee of Bostpn, pledging to them the support of
New York, prpcured a meeting ofthe people, at which
it was agreed that a congress was necessary ; and a
committee was appointed to propose it to the Boston
Committee. Addresses were also sent from Pennsylvania, the
Ca,rplinas and some other Provinces, to the Commit
tee of Boston, assuring them of support, and declaring
that they considered the cause of Boston as the com
mon cause of the country.
Withall these assurances of support and assistance,
of sympathy .and affection, from their sister Celpnies,

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. IS7
there was still a fearful foreboding, a nameless ap
prehension, in the hearts of the members of the Ge
neral Court, when they assembled at Boston on the
S5th of May. Nor was this apprehension lessened
by the first offlcial act of their new Governour. Out of
twenty eight persons, whom the Legislature had with
one voice nominated as counsellors, and for whose ap
pointment the sanction of the Governour was requi
site. General Gage, as if determined at one sweep to
brush the whole catalogue of patriots from any par
ticipation in the publick business, erased thirteen of
the names. Among these were, Mr. James Bowdoin,
the correspondent and friend of Franklin, John Win
throp, James Otis, the man who so nobly recanted
the errours which first led him to espouse the party
of the King, and gave a pledge of his future support
to the people on the memorable occasion of the circu
lar letter — a pledge which he faithfully and honour-
, ably redeemed ; and John Adams, whose conduct on
the trial of Captain Preston and the soldiers, we have
already mentioned. These gentlemen had rendered
themselves hateful to Bernard and Hutchinson, the
poison of whose malice hadbeen infused into the feel
ings of their succsssoriir, and they were honoured with
this distinguished mark ofhis Excellency's notice.
The Assembly, indignant at this extensive negative
uppn their choice, proceeded to the ordinary business
ofthe Province, without deigning to enter into any ucav
appointments ; but they were soon interrupted by the
Governour, who adjourned them to meet at Salem on
the 7th of June. On the 1st of June, it will be recol
lected, the Boston Port Bill was to take effect; the in
terim therefore was employed by the Governour inre-
moving himself, and all the officers of the Crown, to

188 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
their new place of operations. In a few days the as-""
pect of that populous and busy town was entirely
changed. A dull and solemn silence succeeded to the
lively throng of the streets, and the quays so lately
crowded with the fruits of extended commerce, now
presented one unvaried scene of forsaken repositories.
In most of the Colonies, particularly in Virginia
and Pennsylvania, the 1st of June was observed, ac
cording to the recoraraendation of the Virginia As
sembly, as a day of fasting and prayer. Business was
at a stand, and the citizens in mournful silence look
ed forward to a day of brighter hopes, of glorious re
tribution. The new Governour was received at Salem with
cold and distant respect by the body of the people, and
as usual with fiattering congratulations by the creatures
of the Crown. The first act ofthe Legislature, which
had met here according to adjournment, was the ap
pointment of a Comraittee to consider the state ofthe
Province. Samuel Adams and James Warren were
of this Comraittee, and to their indefatigable zeal and
ingenious management, was owing the bold and spirit
ed course ultimately adopted by the Housci They saw
that the point to which they had arrived was critical —
was one that demanded vigorous and decisive mea
sures ; and that it Avas one too that required unanimi
ty. This was to be obtained only by secret and private
conferences with each leading meraber of the House ;
it was important that the minds of the Assembly should
be made up and fully ascertained, before the question
of their report could be hazarded — and it was above
all important, that the Governour and his whole crew
of busy informers should remain ignorant oftheir pro
ceedings and designs. All this was accomplished by

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 189
the laborious exertions of these two men, aided by
John Hancock, Thomas Cushing, Robert Treat Payne,
and two or three other worthy compatriots ; and in the
course of three days, their resolutions were drawn,
their coriimittee formed, and all prepared for the deci
sion of the House. So minutely had the Committee
entered into every consideration, to avoid the, delay
which would attend any debates in the HouSe, that
they had calculated the expense of sending their Com
mittee to the Congress which they had proposed, and
pointed out the means of raising the fund to pay them.
When they were at length ready tp deliver their re
port to the House, it was proposed that it should be
read with closed doors ; that none should be permit
ted either to enter or to leave the House.
When the Coramittee had proceeded so far in the
reading of their report as that its design and purport
became intelligible, a parasite of the Governour, one
of those midnight Ministerial prowlers, who fed up
on the droppings of sedition, was suddenly seized with
an uncontrollable call of nature. Humanity opened
the door to this bursting informer, and in a few min
utes he/dischareed his burdedin the astonished ears
ofthe Governour. His Excellency with panting haste
ordered his Secretary to fiy and proclaim the House
dissolved. But the doors were still locked, and the
Secretary's loud call for entrance, in the name ofthe
Captain General of all his Majesty's forces, was un
regarded. Finding no alternative, the Secretary read
his proclamation of dissolution tp the Door-keeper, and
then passed into the Council Chamber, where he re
peated it to the assembled Council, and thus effected
the object of his embassy. But the deed had been
done, the vote of the House had been takeu, they had

190 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
entered upon the threshold of rebellion. This took
place on the 17th of June.
- The House had resolved upon the expediency of
having a Congress at Philadelphia, on the first day of
the ensuing September, and had appointed as their de
legates Thomas Cushing, James Bowdoin, Robert
Treat Paijne, Samnel Adams, and John Adams.
While these things were doing in Massachusetts,
meetings had been held in all the counties of Mary
land, and committees appointed to meet at the City of
Annapolis on the 35th of June. At which time and
place the following deputies were chosen to attend a
general Congress, when and wherever it might be
agreed upon : Matthew Tilghman, Thomas Johnson,
William Paca, and Samuel Chase.
South Carolina was the next to join in the general
plan. A meeting of the people from every part of
the Colony was held at Charleston on the 6th of July.
At which, after passing a number of resolutions, ap
probatory of the proceedings at Boston, five gentle
men were appointed as deputies to the Congress; viz.
Henry Middleton, Thomas Lynch, Christopher Gads
den, Jokn Rutledge, and Edward Rutledge.
In Pennsylvania a petition was presented to Gov
ernour Penri by a numerous body of citizens praying
hira tp corivoke the general Assembly, that they might
take into consideration the measures which had been
adopted by Virginia and Massachusetts; but that
cautious and peaceable Magistrate refused to grant
the prayer of the petitioners, and a convention of the
Colony was immediately called. At this convention
a manifesto was agreed upon, in which the grievances
of Massachusetts, and the general distress of the Co
lonies, were eloquently and feelingly set forth, and

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 191
the necessity of a general Congress strongly urged.
They recomraended to the General Asserably at its
approaching meeting to appoint deputies aud conclude
with declaring "that that Province will break off all
commercial intercourse whatever, with any town, city,
or colpuy and individuals in thera, who shall refuse,
or neglect to adopt and carry into execution, such gene
ral plan as shall be agreed upon in the Congress."
This was going one step further than any of the
Provinces had done, and proved, notwithstanding the
unsuspected loyalty of the orderly and peaceable in
habitants of that Province, that the love of peace and
constitutional liberty was the ^raaster feeling of the
people. The General Assembly on the 33d. of July
confirmed their proceedings by appointing the fol
lowing gentlemen as deputies to the Congress, viz.
John Dickinson, Thomas Mifflin, Joseph Galloway,
Charles Humphreys, Edward Biddle, John Morton,
and George Ross."
The Legislature of Connecticut appointed a com
mittee of nine, with full power to Act for them in their
recess, and if the Congress should be agreed upon,
to choose any number of delegates they might think
proper. The persons - chosen by this Committee
were, Eliphalet Dyer, Roger Sherman, and Silas
Deane. In Virginia, the delegates from the several coun
ties met at Williamsburgh on the 1st of August. Most
of them came with instructions, from their several
constituents, to proceed to every extremity in support
of Boston, as suffering in a common cause : and the
resolutions which were entered into by these delegates
prove that they were ready to proceed to every ex
tremity— veady to make any sacrifice, to relieve their

193 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
bretheren of Boston, andtoil^eserve their own freedom.
They appointed Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry
Lee, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard
Bland, Benjamin Harrison and Edmond Pendleton,
deputies to the Congress— a depntation which united
all the rare excellencies that Heaven ever bestowed
upon man in their brightest and fullest energy — This
chosen band of patriuts received from their constitu
ents the following instructions.
" The unhappy disputes between Great Britain and
her American Colonies, which began about the third
year of the reign of his present Majesty, and since
continually increasing, have proceeded to lengths so
dangerous and alarming, as to excite just apprehen
sions in the minds of his Majesty's faithful subjects
of the Colony, that they are in danger of being de
prived of their natural, ancient, constitutional, and
chartered rights, have compelled them to take the
same into their most serious consideration ; and, be
ing deprived of their usual and accustomed mode of
making known their grievances, have appointed us
their representatives, to consider what is proper
to be done in this dangerous crisis of American
affairs. It being our opinion that the united wisdom
of North America should be collected in a general
Congress of all the Colonies, we have appointed [the
gentleraen above named} deputies to represent this
Colony in the said Congress, to be held at Philadel
phia on the first Monday of September next. And
that they may be the better informed of our sentiments
touching the conduct we wish them to observe on this
important occasion, we desire that they will express,
in the first place, our faith and our allegiance to his
Majesty King George the third, our lawful and right
ful sovereign ; and that we are determined, with our

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 193
lives and fortunes, to support him in the legal exer
cise of all his just rights and prerogatives. And, how
ever misrepresented, we sincerely approve of a con
stitutional connexion with Great Britain, and wish
most ardently a return of that intercourse of affection
and commercial connexion that formerly united both
countries ; which can only be effected by a removal
of those causes of discontent which have of late un
happily divided us.
" It cannot admit of a doubt, but that British sub
jects in America are entitled to the same rights and
privileges as their fellow subjects possess in Britain;
and therefore that the power assumed by the British
parliament to bind America by their statutes, in all
cases whatever, is unconstitutional, and the source of
these unhappy differences.
" The end of government would be defeated, by the
British Parliament exercising a power over the lives,
the property, and the liberty of Araerican subjects,
who are not, and from their local circurastances can
not be, there represented. Of this nature, we consid
er the several Acts of Parliament for raising a revenue
in America, for the extending the jurisdiction of the
courts of Admiralty, for seizing American subjects,
and transporting them to Britain, to be tried for crimes
committed in America, and the several late oppressive
Acts respecting the town of Boston, and Province of
Massachusetts Bay.
'^The original constitution of the American Colo
nies, possessing their Assemblies with the sole right
of directing their internal policy, it is absolutely de
structive to the end of their institution, that their legis
latures should be suspended, or prevented by hasty
dissolutions, from exercising their legislative powers.
Vol. I. 35

194 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
" Wanting the protection of Britain, we have long
acquiesced in their Acts of navigation, restrictive of
our commerce, which we consider as an ample recom
pense for such protection ; but as those Acts derive
their efficacy from that foundation alone, we have rea
son to expect they Avill be restrained, so as to produce
the reasonable puiposes of Britain, and not be injuri,
ous to us.
"To obtain redress of these grievances, without
Avhich the people of America can neither be safe, free,
nor happy, they are willing to undergo the great in
convenience that will be derived to them from stopping
all imports whatsoever from Great Britain, after the
firstday of November next, and also to cease export
ing any commadity whatsoever to the sarae place, af
ter the 10th day of August 1775. The earnest desire
we have to raake as quick and full payment as possi
ble of our debts to Great Britain, and to avoid the hea
vy injury that would arise to this country, from an ear
lier adoption of the non-importation plan, after the
people have already applied so rauch of their laboiu-
to the perfecting of the present crop, by which means
they have been prevented from pursuing other methods
of clothing and supporting their families, have render
ed it necessary to restrain you in this article of non-
exportation; but it is our desire that you cordially
cooperate with our sister Colonies in general Congress,
in such other just and proper methods as they, or the
majority, shall deem necessaiy for the accomplish
ment of these valuable ends.
" The proclaraation issued by general Gage, in the
governraent ofthe Province of Massachusetts Bay, de
claring it treason for the inhabitants of that Province to
assemble themselves to consider of their grievances».

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 195
and form associations for their coramon conduct, on the
occasion, and requiring the civil raagistrates and offic
ers to apprehend all such persons to be tried for their
supposed offences, is the most alarming process that
ever appeared iu a British government ; the said gene
ral Gage has thereby assumed and taken upon him
self powers denied by the constitution to our legal
Sovereign ; he not having condescended to disclose
by what authority he exercises such extensive and
unheard of powers, we are at a loss to determine
whether he intends to justify himself as the represent
ative of the king ; or as tbe Commander in Chief of his
Majesty's forces in America. If he considers himself
as acting in the character of his Majesty's representa
tive^ we would remind him that the statute 30th Ed
ward III. has expressed and defined all treasonable
offences, and that the Legislature of Great Britain hath
declared that no offence shall be construed to be trea
son, but such as isrpointed out by that statute ; aud that
this was done to take out of the hands of tyrannical
Kings, and of weak and wicked Ministers, that dead
ly weapon which constructive treason had furnished
them vvith, and which had drawn the blood of the best
aiiQ'''fipheste^men in the kingdom; and that the King
of Great Britain hath no right by his proclamatoin to
subject his people to iraprisonraent, pains and penal
ties. " That if the said general Gage conceives he is em
powered to act in this manner, as the Commander in
Chief of his Majesty's forces in America, this odious
and illegal proclaraation raust be considered as a plain
and full declaration that this despotick Viceroy will be
bound by no law, nor regard the constitutional rights
«f his Majesty's subjects, wherever they interfere with

19& AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
the plans he has formed for oppressing the good peo
ple of the Massachusetts Bay ; and therefore, that the
executing, or attempting to execute such proclamation,
will justify resistance and reprisal."
In the little Colony of Rhode Island, where the re
membrance of vexations and wrongs done to themselves,
awakened a lively sympathy for those of their breth
ren, the measures adopted by the people, were in the
highest degree firm and spirited. And it is by no means
unworthy of remark, that the motto under which they
forraed theraselves into a phalanx of defence, was pre
cisely the same in its import with that which had been
adopted in one of the counties of Virginia, almost at
the sarae instant of tirae. United we stand, divided
we fall, was the significant instruction ofthe people of
Hanover, in Virginia, to their delegates : Join or die
was the siraultaneous cry ofthe whole people of Rhode
Island. The deputies to the general Congress, cho
sen by their House of Assembly, were Stephen Hop
kins and Samuel Ward.
In all the other Colonies the Governours had taken
care to prevent the meeting of their Legislatures, so
that the task of choosing deputies to Congress was
left with the people. It could not have been left in bet
ter hands. Georgia was the only one of the thirteen
Colonies that refused or neglected to unite in the com
mon cause.
We have already mentioned by what means the peo
ple of JVew Fork were induced to consent tothe Con
gress. The friends of Government in that Province,
though perhaps more thau equal in number to the
sons of liberty, were completely outwitted by the dex
terous management of two sturdy and active patriots,
who carried the Resolve to appoint a committee by a

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 197
political ruse, that did much credit to their sagacity.
The deputies from that Province were Isaac Low, John
Alsop, John Jay, James Duane, William Floyd, Hen
ry Weisner, and Samuel Bocrum.
The people of New Hampshire chose John Sul
livan, and JSTathaniel Folsom.
From New Jersey, James Kinsey, William Liv
ingston, Stephen Crane, and Richard Smith, were
sent. Delaware, sent Ccesar Rodney, Thomas M'Kean,
and George Read.
And North Carolina, William Hooper, Joseph
Dewes, and R. Caswell.
Within a short time after the dissolution of the
General Court at Salem — the last that was ever dis
solved or convened by order of onfe of his Majesty's
officers — ^while the people, from one extrerae of the
Continent to the other, were uniting in expressions of
abhorrence at the tyranny of closing the port of Bos
ton, intelligence of the subsequent measures of Parlia
ment reached the Continent. These new sources of
grievance, it may he supposed, did not abate the ar
dour of the Americans in preparing to succour their
distressed bretheren of Boston. The impartial ad
ministration of judice in Massachusetts, which was
ridiculously asserted to be the object of one of the
new Bills, was an actual overthrow of every thing
like justice, as well'^a a complete subversion of all its
forms. It placed every citizen of the Province at
the mercy of a Military Governour, who was sur
rounded by the armed instruments of his will, raore
eager if possible than himself to glut their vengeance
in blood ; and who by the law itself were in reality
authorised to murder whcm they might.

198 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
The Bill "for quartering troops iu America" was
but a more vigorous prosecution of the measure some
years before adopted, and from which the two Colo-
uiesof Massachusetts and New York had already
suffered so much. The effect of this renovation of
their forraer scheme of coercion was soon, however,
more seriously felt, in the arrival of Admiral Graves
at Boston, with a large squadron of ships of the line,
and transports laden Avith troops and military stores,
to reinforce his Excellency the Captam General's
command. These troops not only took possession of
the grounds in the vicinity of Boston, but considera
ble numbers were actually encamped within the town
itself. There was still another BUI farcically purporting to
be " for the better regulating the government of the
Province of Massachusetts." It would have been
readily admitted that " better regulations" were rauch
Avanted in that governraent; but the Bill now offered
was intended to make that worse, which was already
bad. If his Majesty had withdrawn all the Crown
officers from the Province, instead of adding so large
ly to their number, the greater portion of the griev
ances of the people, Avhich actually flowed from the
conduct of those officers, would have been of course
removed. But the Bills proceeding from the fertile
ingenuity of Lord North, would be ill understood, if
judged of from their specious and iraposing titles.
It is hardly possible to conceive the extent of dis
tress brought upon the people of Boston, by the ex
traordinary provisions of the Bill for shutting up that
port. Nor was this distress confined to the people
of Boston — -being the raetropolis of the ProAdnce, and
at that time the most important commercial mart of the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 199
Colonies, the calamities that were heaped upon Bos
ton, were necessarily felt by the whole Province, and
in a greater or less degree by all the other Provinces.
Thousands of people from the country, whose fami
lies depended for subsistence, upon their employment
in labour by the merchants and traders of Boston, were,
by the operations of this destroying Bill, reduced to
idleness, beggary, and want. For the Act had been
so sudden in its effect, that no time was allowed to
those oppressed people to seek for employment else
where, even if employment elsewhere had been to be
found — the first notice of this unprecedented scheme
of Parliamentary vengeance, was received at Boston
on the 10th of May, thus giving the short interval of
three weeks to prepare for the total subversion of ac
customed habits, and the overwhelming tide of ruin,
which the 1st of June was destined to bring with it.
And all this widely extending misery was devised,
by the counsellors of a civilized and enlightened na
tion, not tp punish au act of treason against the
Majesty of the King, by the town of Boston, but aa
act of trespass by a few individuals, against the pro
perty of the Honourable East India Company ! — It
was a case which should have been tried in a Collo-
nial Court of justice, and not an act which demaiuled
the interference of the Lords and Commons of the em
pire. A Colonial Court ofjustice would have known
how to separate the guilty from the innocent ; and
evidences enpugh had been already given to show,
that the people of the Colonies understood, and prac
tised ^MsHce, in the strictest sense of the term, — with
honest impartiality. The Pariiaraent of Great Britaiu,
in their zeal to punish, overlooked the plain dic
tates of justice, and confouudedthe innocent with the

300 AMERICAN REVOLUTIO:':.
guilty— They lost sight of all existing laws, the pe
nalties of which had been formed by sober dispas-
sionate reason, and by a new enactment, flowing from„
the ebullitions of passion, they created a new punish
ment, more proportionate to the measureless extent of
their own revenge, thau to the limited nature of the
offence committed.
It is a maxim of comraon sense, if not of common
law, that all criraes should be punished according
to the provisions of laws enacted before the commis
sion of the crimes. It is obvious, that the attainment
of justice would be otherwise difficult, if not altoge
ther impossible, from the nature of man ; who is much
oftener the slave than the master of his passions, and
who is much more ready to listen to the suggestions
of revenge, than to the dictates of sober reason. The
conduct of the individuals, at Boston, Avho in the dis
guise of Mohawk Indians threw into the water a few
chests of Tea, could have amounted to no more than
a riot, viewed in its most illiberal construction — a
riot too in Avhich but a sraall nuraber of persons were
engaged, and which in its object and result, affacted
none but private interests. And yet for this trespass of
a feAV, many were punished — not by any known law
of the laud, but by an Act of Parliament made for the
purpose. For the indiscretion of twenty or thirty
daring rioters, as many thousands of innocent, unof
fending citizens, were made to suffer privations and
distresses, which Nero would have shuddered to in
flict. But the Law, which was intended to deprive the ci
tizens of Boston of all the benefits of laic — which held
them up to their neighbours and friends as examples
to be hated and avoided — which would have cut them

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. SOI
t»ff from all social and friendly intercourse with their
brethren of Massachusetts and the sister Colonies—
this law failed of its intended effect.. Where it was hop
ed to excite a deadly rivalship, there all selfish inte
rests were forgotten in sympathy and kindness. The
towns of Salem and Marblehead, to their imperisha
ble fame, refused tP accept the advantages which would
have raised them above their fallen neighbour. The
former of these patriotick towns nobly avowed to their
Governour thatthey had no desire to buildup a com
mercial importance upon the ruins of their Capitol.
The generous and hardy fishermen of Marblehead of
fered their wharves and their warehouses to the use of
the Boston merchants. Every where the same disin
terested spirit of brotherly affection prevailed — AH the
large towns of the Continent vied with each othes? In
offers of assistance to the wandering citizens of Bos
ton. Throughout three millions of people, there was
a display of sympathy and kindness, honourable to
huraan nature. It was an ejthibition of union, of ^
practical Christian benevolence and charity, which no
other age, no other country, ever before witnessed.
Forbidden by the Law to convey any thing to Bos
ton by water, the few who remained in town to carry
on their accustomed trade, were compelled to cart
their goods from Marblehead or Salem^hj the way of
Cambridge and Roxbuiy. To estimate the trouble^
expense, and difficulty of this circuitous route, it
should be known that the town of Boston stands on a
peninsula connected with the main by a narrow slip
of land leading into Roxbury, which adjoins it on the
South. The ports from which the goods were thus
carted lay to the JSTorth; and to avoid the penalties
of the law which forbid their crossing the narrow wa--
VOL. I. 26

303 AMERICAN REVOLUTIOIT.
ter which separated this end of the town from the
main, they were compelled to raake the whole circuit
of the peninsula and enter it by the narrow slip just
mentioned. In addition to these troubles and difficul
ties, guards of soldiers were stationed at every entrance
to the town, before whora it was necessaiy to under
go an examination, and by whom the peaceable pas
sengers were harrassed and questioned at every turn.
But the high, patriotick, noble spirit of thepeople of
Boston, was not to be crushed by these or any oppres
sions. They struggled With heroick fortitude and
patience against every added evil, and while their op
pressors were fondly fiattering themselves that they
must at length sink under their calamities, they were
quietly preparing to rise in the majesty of their united
strength, and claira an acknowledgement of their
rights, at the sacrifice of their lives. A martial spir
it seeraed to infuse itself into the whole people at once.
Those who had been accustomed to use their guns on
ly for amusement, now learned to use them as soldiers —
those who had never before handled a musket, now
made it the business of the day to learn its excercise ;
and while the husbands were employed in these laboui-s
and exoercises, their wives were preparing the ammu
nition. In the midst of these preparations, and while the
whole people ofthe Province seemed to consider their
Charter as dissolved, his Majesty's new Crown offic
ers attempted to enter upon the duties oftheir new ap
pointments. Many of the new Counsellors refused to
accept— Jurors refused to take the oath, or to serve
under the new state of things— The Courts of Justice-.
were suspended — and the people with one accord re
fused to acknowledge any regulations but those which

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. S03
their charter prescribed. And as if an all wise Provi
dence had decreed that no interval of calm should al
lay this noble feeling of independence, on the 1st of
September, the Grovernour ordered a niilitary force to
possess themselves of the powder which belonged to
the Provincial Arsenal at Charlestown, opposite to
Boston. The report of this hostile miovement, as it
Was considered, occasioned an assemblage ofthe peo
ple in arms at Cambridge, to the number of several
thousand, who were scarcely restrained by their more
prudent brethren from an inimediate attack on the
King's troops at Boston. Out of this flrst rumour and
its consequences grew another which spread still more
extensively, that the fleet were actually bombarding
the town; and upwards of thirty thousand men, were
on theit way to Boston in the course of two days.
These appearances occasioned some alarm to the Go-r
vernour, and the host of his Majesty's new officers at
Salem, who under the fear that they could not be safe
at such a distance from the troops, in a few days return
ed with all the appurtenances of office to the outlaw
ed town of Boston,

204 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

CHAPTER IX.
Events of 1774 continued— Conduct of General Gage—Meaing
of the people of Suffolk— Governour's Cadets disband them
selves— Meeting of the Congress — Sundry resolutions thereof—
Their letter to General Gage— Declaration of Rights— Arti
cles of Issociation— addresses to the King and people— General
Gage calls a meeting of the General Court — Countermands the
arder-T-The members assemble toform a provincial Congress—
Tiieir proceedings— Conduct of the other Colonies.
The Governour had very soon after the arrival of
the troops, taken possession of and fortifled the isth
mus before Spoken of, which connects the towns of Bos
ton and Roxbury, called Boston JSTeck-^the orily en
trance by land, into the town of Boston, and therefore
the only route by which, according to the Port Bill,
the merchants aud traders cpuld carry on their busi
ness. The Governour's plea fpr thus guarding the only
point pf communication with the main land, was the
frequent desertion of the soldiers ; but a single cen
tinel could have as effectually answered this purpose
as a battalion of men, That the soldiers did desert
was true, and that they deserted as frequently after
this precaution had been taken as before, is equally
true. For, besides that many of the newly arrived
troops felt a repugnance at being made the instru
ments of oppression to their fellow subjects and
brethren, they foupd the service an irksome one on
other accounts. Every means in the power of the
Americans were used to prevent them from receiving
supplies of provision and every other article of neces
sity for which they were dependent upon the country;

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 305
and so ingenious were the countrymen in the inven
tion of accidents, that scarcely a cart laden with mili
taiy stores got safe to town. The consequence was
that the soldiers suffered many hardships which they
endeavoured to escape by desertipn.
But it was evident that the Governour's mptive for
fortifying the Neck was not that which he assigned.
He hoped by keeping a body of soldiers continually
in the view of the citizens, to awe them into submis
sion to the new regulations. j^Such indeed had ibeen
the object of all the measdres of his two predeces
sours ; and their want of success should have taught
General Gage the folly of the experiment. Thjs
measure served only the more to exasperate the peo
ple, and the subsequent seizure of their powder prov
ed that his Excellency designed something more than
a mere menace.
The people of Suffolk county, therefore, soon after
this occurrence, in defiance of the Act of Parliament
and his Excellency's proclamation, forbidding all pub
lick assemblies, held a meeting, and adopted several
spirited resolutions, by which they declared them
selves constitutionally exempt from all obedience to
the late measures of the British Parliament, that the
governraent of the Province was in fact dissolved, and
that they should consider all persons who dared to apt
in any official capacity under the new regulations as
open enemies of their country.
We omitted to mention, while on the subject of Par
liamentary proceedings in the preceding chapter, that
one ofthe last measures of the session was an Act mak
ing more effectual provision for the Government of
the, Province of Qiiebec. Though it would seem at
first sight that the pperations of this Act could not

306 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
possibly affect the interests of the ColPnies south of
the Lakes, yet it was so managed as tP leave a convifcr
tion in the minds of all the Colonists, that the fate Of
Quebec was but the prelude to their own. Besides
that by this act the boundaries of the Province Were
extended considerably beyond the liraits assigned to
it by the treaty of 1763, the Government of Quebec
was converted into the most odious despotism^ and the
C atholick Clergy placed upon a footing in direct hostilir
ty to the genius and spiritof the English Constitution,
and the seritiments and principles ofthe American Co
lonies. This could not fail to alarm them for the safe
ty of the Protestant religion, the free enjoyment of
which according to the dictates of their own conscien
ces, had been the chief cause of the first emigrations.
Hence in all subsequent meetings ofthe people, as well
as in the proceedings of the Congress, this subject wag
mentioned as one ofthe grievances of which they had
to complain.
The people of Suffolk showed by their proceedings
that their opposition to the measures of Government
was not prompted by a licentious disposition to quar
rel for trifies. They recommended, on the contrary, a
decent, quiet and orderly behaviour to their fellow ci
tizens, and sent an address to the Governour, dictated
by a spirit of firmness which convinced him thatthey
would defend their rights to the utmost. They sent a
copy of their Resolves, and of their letter to the Go
vernour, with his answer, to the Congress at Phila
delphia, upon whose judgment they rested the deci
sion of their future conduct.
The Governour, about the sarae time, deprived Mr.
Hancock of his coramission as Colonel of the corps of
Cadets — a volunteer company of gentlemen ofthe first

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 207
respectability in the town of Boston who acted merely
in the complimentary service of the Governour's
guard — This disrespect to their Cplonel was immedi
ately resented by the corps, who returned the Stand
ard which had been presented to them by his Excel
lency, and disbanded themselves. Another instance
of the same spirit occurred in the resignation of near
ly all the officers of a Provincial regiment, beca.use their
Colonel had accepted a seat in the neAV Council.
This was the spirit which prevailed through the
whole countiy when on the 5th day of September the
deputies of twelve Colonies met at the city of Phila
delphia. The Ministry of England had constantly as
sured the King and their friends at home, in which as
surance they were strengthened by the representations
of Bernard and Hutchinson, that an union among the
people of the Colonies was an idle fear — that their in
terests, as well as tbeir coiejartZice would prevent their
ever uniting in a regular systera of operation— that the
riotous disposition which evinced itself, M^as the fer-
raent of a few, which would subside upon the first ap
pearance of his Majesty's troops — and that it Would
only be necessary to secure a few designing men who
led them on, to ensure the return of tranquility amorig
the cowardly boasters, whom too much lenity had ren
dered bold.
What an answer to the vile insinuations ofthe Min
istry, to the contemptible fabrications of the two ex-
Governoui's, was this assemblage ofthe best and wisest
men, armed with the respective authority of twelve out
of thirteen Colonies, to deliberate upon the best means
of securing their common rights ! — The hopes and the
fears of North Americanow centered in this Congress —
upon their decisions the people of the Colonies had

308 AMERICAN REVOLUTIOX.
pledged themselves to depend ; by their counsels td
act; by their judgments to abide. A more interesting,
a more awful crisis, cannot be imagined. The depu
ties themselves felt the full weight of the responsibili
ty Avhich rested upon them. They had assumed the so
lemn task of fixing the destinies of a nation. Men
were now here to act together, who had never met be
fore. Various conflicting interests, passions, princi
ples, might arise to mar the wisest schemes of unani
mity, and upon that alone must depend all the good
which they could hope to effect. They looked to each
other for consolation and confldence, and the God of
nations imparted courage to proceed.
Virginia had the honour to give a President to this
first Continental Congress, Peyton Randolpih, Es-
quire,-^and Charles Tfeomj9som, of Pennsylvania, was
chosen Secretary. Having thus organized themselves.
as a regular Assembly, Patrick Henry was the first
to rise and open the momentous concerns which had
brought them together. It was only necessary to break
the first awful silence, and all becarae familiar to the
necessary course of business. More than a month pass
ed in serious deliberation, before any thing of import
ance was done. On the 8th of October they passed
the following resolutions —
Resolved, That this Congress do approve ofthe op
position made by the inhabitants of the Massachusetts
Bay, to the execution of the late Acts of Parliament ;
and if the same shall be attempted to be carried into
execution by force, in such case all America ought to
support them in their opposition:
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this body, that
the removal of the people of Boston into the country,
would be, not pnly extremely difficult in the execution,

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 209
but so important in its consequences as to require the
utmost deliberation before it is adopted. But in case
the Provincial meeting of that Colony shall judge itaft-
mlutely necessary, it is the opinion of this Congress,
that all America ought to contribute towards recora-
pensing them for the injury they may thereby sustain ;
and it will be recoramended accordingly.
Resolved, That this Congress do recommend to the
inhabitants of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, to
submit to a suspension ofthe administratiou of justice,
when it cannot be procured in a legal and peaceable
manner, under the rules, of the Charter, and the laws
founded thereon, until the effects of our application for
a repeal ofthe Acts, by which their Charter rights are
infringed, is known.
Resolved, unanimously. That every person or per
sons whosoever, who shall take, accept, or act under
any comraission or authority, in any wise derived frora
the Act passed in the last session of Parliament, chan
ging the form of Governraent and violating the char
ter of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, ought to be
held in detestation and abhorrence by all good men,
and considered as the wicked tools of that despotism,
which is preparing to destroy those rights, which God,
nature, and compact have given to America."
They passed some other resolutions, in which they
advised the people of Massachusetts to conduct them
selves peaceably towards his Majesty's troops, so long
as they could do so with safety to themselves, and npt
to injure or destroy any of his Majesty's property, or
to insult his troops — and further, thatthe seizing and
transporting any American beyond the seas to be tried,
for offences coramitted within the Colonies justified,
and ought to meet with resistance and reprisal.
VOL. I. 37

310 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
On the 10th of October, they addressed a letter to
General Gage, in wbich they respectfully remonstrat
ed against the propriety of his conduct in fortifying
Boston Neck and thus interrupting the free intercourse
of the people — ^they urged him as he valued the peace
of the country, to remove these just grounds of com
plaint. His Excellency made a reply to this letter,
in which he attempted soraething like a defence of his
measures, and concluded with very civilly wishing
that harmony might be restored.
On the 14th, The Congress agreed upon the follow
ing preamble and resolutions.
" Whereas since the close of the last Avar, the Bri
tish Parliament clairaing a power of right to bind the
people ofAmerica by statute, in all cases whatsoever,
hath in some Acts expressly imposed taxes on them,
and in others under various pretences, but in fact for
the purpose of raising a revenue, hath imposed rates
and duties payable in these Colonies, established a
Board of Commissioners with unconstitutional powers,
aud extended the jurisdiction of Courts of Admiralty,
not only forxollecting the said duties, but for the tri
al of causes merely arising within the body of a coun-
ty. And whereas in consequence of other statutes, jud
ges who before held only estates at will in their offi
ces, have been raade dependent on the Crown alone for
their salaries, and standing armies kept in tirae of
peace. And it has lately been resolved in Parliament,
that by force of a statute made inthe 35th Henry VIII.
Colonists may be transported to England and tried
there upon accusations for treasons and misprisions,
or concealment of treasons, committed in the Colonies ;
and by a late statute, such trials have beeu directed in
cases therein mentioned.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 211
And whereas in the last session of Parliament,
three statutes were made : one entitled " an Act to
discontinue in such manner and for such time as are
therein mentioned, the landing and discharging, lading
or shipping of goods, wares and merchandise, at the
town and within the harbour of Boston, in the Pro
vince of Massachusetts Bay, in North America." An
other entitled " An Act for the better regulating the
government of the Province ofthe Massachusetts Bay,
in New England." And another entitled " An Act
for the irapartial administration ofjustice, in the cases
pf persons questioned for any act done by them in the
execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots
and tumults, in the Province of the Massachusetts
Bay, in New England." And another statute was
then made ^'For making more effectual provision for
the government of the Province of Quebec, &c." All
which statutes are impolitick, unjust and cruel, as well
as unc6nstitutional, and most dangerous and destruc
tive of American rights .
And whereas. Assemblies have been frequently
dissolved, contraiy to the rights of the pebple, when
they attempted to deliberate on grievances ; and their
dutiful, humble, loyal, and reasonable petitions to the
Crown for redress, have been repeatedly treated with
contempt by his Majesty's Ministers of State. i
The good people of the several Colonies of New-
Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and
Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New- York,
New- Jersey, Pennsylvania, New-Ca,stle, Kent and
Sussex on Delaware, Maryland and Virginia, North
Carolina and South Carolina, justly alarmed at these
arbitrary proceedings of Parliament and Administra
tion, have severally elected^ constituted aud appoint-

313 AMERICAN REA^OLUTION.
ed deputies to meet and sit in general Congress in the
City of Philadelphia, in order toobtain such establish
ment as that their religion, laws, and liberties may
not be subverted : Whereupon the deputies so appoint
ed being now assembled in a full and free representa
tion of these Colonies, taking into their most serious
consideration the best means of attaining the ends afore
said, do in the first place, as Englishmen their ances
tors in like cases have usually done, for asserting and
vindicating their rights and liberties. Declare,
That the inhabitants of the English Colonies in
North America, by the immutable laws of nature, the
principles of the English Constitution, and the seve
ral charters or compacts, have the following Rights.
Resolved, nemine contradicente, 1st. That they are
entitied to life, liberty^ and property ; and they have
never ceded to auy foreign power whatever, a right
to dispose of either without their consent.
Resolved n. c. 3. That our ancestors, who first
settled these Colonies, were at the time of their emi
grations from the Mother Countiy, entitied to all the
rights, liberties and immunities of free and natural
borri subjects, within the realm of England.
Resolved n. c. 3. That by such emigration they
by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost any of those
rights, but that they were, and their descendents now
are, entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such
of them, as their local and other cuxumstances enable
them to exercise and enjoy.
Resolved, 4. That the foundation of English liber
ty and of all free government, is a right in the people
to participate in their legislative cPuncil : and as the
English Colonists are not represented, and from their
local and other circumstances cannot properly be re-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 313
presented in the British Parliament, they are entitled
to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their
several Provincial Legislatures, where their right of
representation can alone be preserved, in all cases of
taxation and internal policy, subject only to the ne
gative of their Sovereign, in such manner as has here
tofore been accustomed : But from the necessity of the
case, and a regard to the mutual interests of both coun
tries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of such
Acts of the British Parliament as are bona fide, re
strained to the regulatipn of our external commerce,
for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages
of the whole empire to the Mother Countiy, and the
commercial benefits of its respective members, exclu
ding every idea of taxation, internal or external, fpr
raising a revenue on the' subjects in Anierica without
their consent.
Resolved, n. c. 5. That the respective Colonies
are entitled to the commori law of England, and more
especially to the great and inestimable privilege of be
ing tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to
the course of that law.
Resolved, 6. That they are entitled to the benefit
of such of the English statutes, as existed at the time
of their colonization ; and which they have, by expe
rience, respectively found to be applicable to their se
veral local and other circumstances.
Resolved, n. c. 7- That these, his Majesty's Co
lonies, are likewise entitled to all the immunities and
privileges granted and confirmed to them by royal
charters, or secured by their several codes of Proyin^
cial laws.
R&solved, n. c. 8. That they have a right peacea
bly to assemble, cprisider of their grievances, and pe-

214 AMERICAN REVOLUTIOJf.
tition the King ;'and that all prosecutions, prohibito
ry proclamations, and commitments for the same are
illegal. Resolved, n. c. 9. That the keeping a standing
army in any of these Colonies in times of peace, withr
out the consent of the Legislature of that Colony in
Which such array is kept, is against law.
Resolved, n. c. 10. It is indispensably necessary
to good governraent, and rendered essential by the
English constitution, that the constituent branches of
the legislature be independent of each other ; that,
therefore, the exercise of legislative power in several
Colonies by a Council appointed during pleasure,"by
the Crown, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destruc
tive to the freedom of American legislation.
All and each of which, the aforesaid deputies in
behalf pf themselves, and their constituents, do claim,
demand, and insist on, as their indubitable rights and
liberties ; which cannot be legally taken from them,
altered or abridged by any power whatever, without
their own consent, by their representatives in their se
veral Prpvincial Legislatures."
They conclude with an enumeration of the various
Acts of Parliament, and measures of the Ministry,
which they consider as violations of the rights before
expressed. And on the 30th of October they agreed
upon the following articles of Association, to which
every meraber present subscribed his name.
"We, his Majesty's most loyal subjects, the delegates
of the several Colonies [before enumerated} deputed
to represent them in a Continental Congress, heldin the
city of Philadelphia, on the fifth day of September,
1774, avowing our allegiance to his Majesty, our affec
tion and regard for our fellow subjects of Great Bri-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 215
tain and elsewhere, affected with the deepest anxiety,
and most alarming apprehensions at those grievances
and distresses, with which his Majesty's American
subjects are oppressed, and having taken under our
most serious deliberation, the state of the whole Conti
nent, find, that the present unhappy situation of our af
fairs, is occasioned by a ruinous system of Colony Ad
ministration adopted by the British Ministry about the
year 1763, evidently calculated for enslaving these
Colonies, and with them, the British empire. In pro
secution of which system, v^arious Acts of Parliament
have been passed for raising a revenue in America^
for depriving the Araerican subjects, in raany instances,
of the constitutional trial by jury, exposing their lives
to danger, by directing a new and illegal trial beyond
the seas, for crimes alledged to have been coraraitted
in America : , And in prosecution of the same system,
several late, cruel, and oppressive Acts have been
passed respecting the town of Boston and the Massa
chusetts Bay, and also an Act for extending the Pro
vince of Quebec, so as to border on the western fron
tiers of these Colonies, establishing an arbitrary go
vernment therein, and discouraging the settlement of
British subjects in that wide extended country ; thus
by the influence of civil principles and ancient prejudi
ces, to dispose the inhabitants to act with hostility
against the free Protestant Colonies, whenever a wick
ed Ministry shall choose so to direct theiri.
To obtain redress of these grievances* which threat
en destruction to the lives, liberty and property of his
Majesty's subjects in North America, we are of opin
ion that arrion-importation, non-consumption, and non-
exportation agreement, faithfully adhered to, will
prove the most speedy, effectual, and peaceable mea-

316 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
sure : And therefore we do, for ourselves and the in
habitants of the several Colonies, Avhora we represent,
firmly agree and associate under the sacred ties of
virtue and honour, and love of our country, as fol
lows :
First, That from and after the first day of Decem
ber next, Ave will not import into British Araerica from
Great Britain or Ireland, any goods, wares or mer
chandize whatsoever, or from any other place any
such goods, wares or merchandize, as shall have been
exported from Great Britain or Ireland ; nor will we,
after that day, iraport any East India Tea from any
part of the world ; nor any molasses, syrups, paneles,
coffee or piraento, frora the Britishplantations, or from
Dominica ; nor wines from Madeira, or the Western
Islands ; nor foreign indigo.
Second, That we will neither Import, nor purchase
any slave imported, after the first day of December
next ; after Avhich time Ave will wholly discontinue the
slave trade, and will neither be concerned in it our
selves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our com
modities or manufactures to those who are concerned
in it. Third, As a non-consumption agreement, strictly
adhered to, will be an effectual security for the obser
vation of the non-importation, we, as above solemnly
agree and associate, that, from this day, we will not
purchase or use auy tea imported on account of the
East India Company, pr any on which a duty hath
been or shall be paid ; and from and after the first day
of March next, we will not purchase or use any East
India tea Avhatever, nor will we, nor shall any person
for or under us, purchase or use, any of those goods,
wares or merchandize, we have agreed notto import,

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 317
which we shall know, or have cause to suspect, were
imported after the first day of December, except such
as come under the rules and directions ofthe tenth ar
ticle hereafter mentioned.
Fourth, The earnest desire we have, not to injure
our fellow-subjects in Great Britain, Ireland, or the
West Indies, induces us to suspend a non-exportation,
until the tenth day of September, 1775 ; at which time,
if the said Acts and parts of Acts of the British Par
liament, hereinafter mentioned, are not repealed, we
will not, directly or indirectly, export any merchan
dize or commodity whatsoever to Great Britain, Ii'e-
land, or the West Indies, except via Europe.
Fifth, Such as are merchants, aud use the British
and Irish trade, will give orders, as soon as possible,
to their factors, agents and correspondents in Great Bri
tain and Ireland, not to ship any goods to them, on
any pretence whatsoever, as they cannot be received in
America ; and if any merchant residing in Great Bri
tain or Ireland, shall directly or indirectly ship any
goods, wares or merchandize, for America, in order to
break the said non-importation agreement, or in any
manner contravene the same, on such unworthy con
duct being well attested, it oughtto be made publick 5
and, on the sarae being so done, we will not from
thenceforth have any commercial connexion with such
merchant. Sixth, That such as are owners of vessels will give
positive orders to their captains, or m?,sters, notto re
ceive on board their vessels any goods prohibited by
the said non-importation agreemerit, on pain of imme
diate dismission from their service.
Seventh, We will use our utmost endeavours to im
prove the breed of sheep and increase their number to
VOL. r. 38

318 AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
the greatest extent ; and to that end we will kill them
as sparingly as may be, especially those of the mo^
profitable kind; nor will we export any to the West
Indies or elsewhere ; and those of us who are, or may
become overstocked with, or can convenientiy spare
any sheep, will dispose of thera to our neighbours, es
pecially to the poorer sort, on moderate terras.
Eighth, That we will in our several stations encou
rage frugality, economy, and industry ; and' promote
agriculttire, arts, and the manufactures of this coun
try, especially that of wool ; and will discountenance
and discourage every species of extravagance and dis
sipation, especially all horse-racing, and all kinds of
gaming, cock-fighting, exhibitions of shows, plays,
and other expensive diversions and entertainments.
And on the death of auy relation or friend, none of us,
or any of our families, will go into any further mourn
ing dress, than a black crape or ribbon on the arm or
hat for gentlemen, and a black ribbon or necklace for
ladies, and we will discontinue the giving of gloves
and scarfs at funerals.
JVinth, That such, as are venders of goods or mer
chandize, will not take advantage of the scarcity of
goods that may be occasioned by this association, but
will sell the same at the rates we havfe been respect
ively accustomed to do, for twelve months last past, —
And if any vender of goods or merchandize, shall
sell such goods on higher terms, or shall in any man
ner, or by any device whatsoever, violate or depart
from this agreement," no person ought, nor will any of
us deal with any such person, Pr his, pr her fadoror
agent, at any time thereafter, for any commodity whate
ver.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 319
Tenth, In case any merchaut, trader, or oth jjjer-
sons shall import any goods or merchandize after the
flrst day of December, and before the first day of Feb
ruary next, the same ought forthwith at the election of
the owner, to be either re shipped or delivered up to
the Committee of the county or town wherein they
shall be imported, to be stored at the risk of the
importer, until the non-importation agreement shall
cease, or be sold under the direction of the Committee
aforesaid ; and in the last mentioned case, the owner
or owners of such goods, shall be reimbursed (out of
the sales) the first cost and charges, the profit, if any,
to be applied towards relieving and employing such
poor inhabitants of the town of Boston, as are immedi
ate sufferers by the Boston Port Bill ; and a particular
account of all goods so returned, stored, or sold, to be
inserted in the publick papers ; and if any goods or
merchandizes shall be imported after the said first day
of February, the sarae ought forthwith to be sent back
again, without breaking any ofthe packages thereof.
Eleventh, That a Committee be chosen in every
county, city, and town, by those who are qualified to
vote for representatives in the Legislature, whose busi
ness it shall be, attentively to observe the conduct of
all persons touching the association ; and when it shail
be made to appear to the satisfaction of a majority of
such Committee, that any person within the limits of
their appointment has violated this association, that
such majority do forthwith cause the truth of the case
to be published in the Gaaette, to the end, that all
such fries to the fights of British America may be pub
lickly known, and universally contemned as the ene
mies of American liberty; and theuceforth we respect
ively will break off all dealings with. him or her.

330 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
i^jjjlfth. That the Comraittee of cori-espondence iu
thfe respective Colonies do frequently inspect the en
tries of their Custom houses, and inforra each other
from time to time ofthe true state thereof, and of eve
ry other material circumstance that may occur relative
to this association.
Thirteenth, That all raanufactures of this country
be sold at reasonable prices, so that no undue advan
tage be taken of a future scarcity of goods.
Fourteenth, And we do further agree and resolve,
that we will have no trade, coraraerce, dealings or in
tercourse whatever, with any Colony or Province in
North Araerica, which shall not accede to, or which
shall hereafter violate this association, but will hold
them as unworthy of the rights of freemen, and as in
imical to the liberties oftheir countiy.
And we do solemnly bind ourselves and our consti
tuents, under the ties aforesaid, to adhere to this asso
ciation until such parts of the several Acts of Parlia
ment passed since the close ofthe last war, as impose
or continue duties on tea, wine, molasses, syrups,
paneles, coffee, sugar, pimento, indigo, foreign paper,
glass,,and painters' colours, imported into Araerica,
and extend the powers ofthe Admiralty courts beyond
their ancient limits, deprive the Araerican subjects of
trial by jury, authorize the judge's certificate to indem
nify the prosecutor, from damages, that he raight other
wise be liable to, from a trial by his peers, require op
pressive security from a claimant of ships or goods
seized, before he shall be allowed to defend his proper
ty, are repealed— And until that part of the Act ofthe
13. Geo. 3. ch. 34. entitied, " An act for the better
securing his Majesty's dock-yards, magazines, ships,
ammunition and stores," by which, any persons charg-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 331
ed with committing any of the offences therein descri
bed, in America, may be tried in any shire or county
within the realm, is repealed— And until the four Acts
passed in the last session of Pariiaraent, viz. that for
stopping the port and blocking up the harbour of Bos
ton — That for altering the charter and governraent of
the Massachusetts Bay — And that which i^ entitled,
" An Act for the better administration of justice,
&c." — And that " for extending the limits of Quebec,
&e." are repealed — And we recoraraend it to the Pro
vincial Conventions, and to the Coraraittees in the re
spective Colonies, to establish such further regulations
as they raay think proper, for carrying into execution
this association."
After these various resolutions had been passed,
Riany of which occasioned very warra debates, the
Congress agreed to draw up a petition to the King, a
memorial to the people of Englaud, au address to the
people of the Colonies, and another to the French in
habitants of Quebec, Georgia, Nova Scotia and the
other British Provinces that had not been represented.
The petition to the King is drawn up in the most
humble and respectful manner, recapitulating in sub
stance what has been already given in their various
resolutions. They assure his Majesty that they der
sire no diminution of his prerogative, they ask for no
new grant — ^thatthey desire a continuance of their con
nexion with Great Britain and of his authority over
them — and that all they solicit is a redress of . grie
vances, a restoration of peace, liberty and safety.
In their memorial to the people of Great Britain,
they use a bold but affectionate tone, and call upon
them to consider the cause for which they contend as
one in which the whole people of the Kingdom are

333 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
equally interested — They deraand nothing but to be
res|;ored to the situation which they were in at the
peace of 1763, and they appeal to the justice of the
British nation for a Pariiaraent that raay be led to do
away the devices of a wicked and corrupt Ministry.
Tbeir address to thepeople ofthe Colonies contain
ed a suraraary account of their proceedings — ^the diffi
culties that necessarily attended the flrst deliberations
of such an Asserably, and their hopes that what they
have done may not only meet with their approbation, >
but produce the effect desired. They conclude with
advising them to look forward to the worst and to be
" prepared for every contingency."
To the French inhabitants of Canada, they urged
the despotick tendency of the late change in their go
vernmeut — they explained to them in terms at once
forcible, ingenious and artful, the many privileges and
advantages of the English Constitution, to which they
had become entitled, upon becoming British subjects ;
and the free enjoyment of which had been promised
to thera by the treaty, and were now snatched from
them by the late Quebec Bill. They conclude by a
cordial and affectionate invitation to them to unite in the
measures which they had adopted for the comraon good
of all British Araerica.
They lastly resolved upon the expediency of hold
ing another Congress at the same place on the 10th
May 1779, unless it should be rendered unnecessary
by a previous redress of grievances. Having thus com
pleted their business after a session of fifty two days'^
exactly the number of their members — they dissolv
ed themselves on the 36th of October.
The proceedings of this celebrated Congress, the
tone and temper oftheir various resolutions, the style

AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
of their addresses, the composition of the several pa
pers that were drawn up by them, were in every par
ticular calculated to excite the admiratipn ofthe world.
That an asserably pf fifty twp men, born and educated
in the wilds ofa new world, unpractised in the arts of
polity, most of them unexperienced in the arduous du
ties of legislation, coming frpm distant and distinct
governments, differing in religion, manners, custpras
^' and habits, as they did in their views with regard to
the nature of their connexion with Great Britain — that
such an Assembly, so constituted, should display so
much wisdom, sagacity, foresight and knowledge of
the world, such skill in argument, such force of reason
ing, such flrmness and soundness of judgment, so pro
found an acquaintance with the rightsof man, such ele
vation of seutiment, such genuine patriotism, and above
all, such unexampled union of opinion — was indeed a
political phenomenon, to which histpry has yet furnish
ed no parallel.
Nor is it less wonderful tbat the whole people of
the Colonies represented, should have regarded the
simple recommendations ofthis Congress, with the re
verence and obedience due to the strongest ties of law.
Even in those Colonies where law and authority had
been set at deflance, the injunctions of the Congress
were scrupulously obeyed. The whole country was
in that awful calm of expectation which precedes the
bursting of a storm. They were willing to wait the
issue of their petitions, but ready to enforce their
rights at the risk of life.
While the Congress were in session at Philadel
phia, nearly all the Colonies had fallen upon the plan
of forming Provincial Assemblies or Congresses, with
out regard to their old forms of govefument, or rather
P

334 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
for the purpose of reestablishing their ancient rights
of government. In Massachusetts the people had de
termined to hold a Provincial Congress on the 15th
of October, which induced General Gage to issue his
proclamation, convoking the General Court ofthe Pro
vince, to assemble at Salem on the 5th. By this ma
noeuvre, it is probable, he hoped to prevent the insti
tution of a Provincial Congress. The members, most
of whora had forraed the last General Court, obeyed
the writs and repaired accordingly to Salera. But,
for sorae extraordinary reason which does not appear,
probably because he foresaw the impossibility of ma
naging the same members who had so handsomely
outwitted hira in the month of June preceding, on the
4th of October, the day previous to the intended meet
ing. General Gage issued a second Proclamation, dis
solving the Assembly. The members, nevertheless,
met on the 5th, and determining the last proclamation
to be illegal, they agreed to wait one day for the Go
vernour's appearance to administer the oaths, and
that failing, they resolved themselves into a Provin
cial Congress, as at flrst intended, and adjourned to
Concord. All that they did here was to appoint a
President, John Hancock, afterwards president of the
Continental Congress — address a communication to
the Governour, (which with his reply were in the u-
sual strain of accusation and recrimination) — and then
adjourned to meet at Cambridge on Hie 17th. Here
they appointed a comraittee of safety, and a coramit
tee of supplies ; the first of which was erapowered to
call out the railitia for the defence of the Province,
and the last to purchase supplies: Elbridge Gerry,
who afterwards filled many of the most important sta
tions in the Government, was at the head of this last

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 235
committee. They voted to enlist orie fourth of the
militia as minute men, to be frequently drilled and
held in readiness for service at a minute's warning;
and after appointing three general officers, they ad
journed to the 33d of November.
The General Assembly of Pennsylvania at their
meeting in November, by a formal vote ratified tlie
proceedings of the Congress, and appointed delegates
to represent them at its next meeting in May.
Maryland was particularly active in training her
militia to the use of arms, which it was probs^ble they
would be so soon called upon to exercise. They took
the appointment of officers out of the hands of the
Governour, and manifested a zeal inthe commoncause,
highly honourable.
In every Colony, before the close of the year, the
scene of preparation was going on. In the meantime
the sitriation of the citizens of Boston was in every
respect disagreeable and alarming. Surrounded by
the troops of his Majesty, they were every moment
liable to attack and to be cut off from their friends in
the country ; and the alternative of removing with their
families amid so many perils and difficulties, at such
an inclement season, was scarcely less distressing.
General Gage, however, seeraed to have no disposi
tion to risk an immediate attack upon the Americans.
He expected reinforcements in the Spring, and he had
seen how easy it had proved to the countiy to assem
ble a force of twenty thousand men, which in the e-
yent of his bringing on an engagement would have
been sufficient to destroy his army.
His intention of remaining quiet for the present was
still further evinced by his demand of materials for
the construction of winter quarters for his men. But
VOL. I. 39

336 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
SO great was the general detestation of him and his
men, that he could neither procure Workmen, mate
rials, clothing, or provisions.
In the mean time the Massachusetts Committees
were active in their. preparations for the most vigorous
defence in the Spring. They had procured all sorts
of military supplies for the service of twelve thousand
men, and had engaged the assistance of the threeneigh-
bouring Provinces of New-Hampshire, Rhode Island
and (jonnecticut. But it will now be necessary to
take a view of the proceedings in England before we
go on with the further measures ofthe Continent.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 237

CHAPTER X.
Events of 1775— Proceedings ofthe British Parliament— Speech
of Lord Chatham — Lord J^orth's Fishery Bill— his conciliatp-
ry propositions— exferaordiwor^ confessions ofsomeJVoble Lords.
People of. JVew Hampshire seize the powder at the Fort — move
ment of Colonel Leslie— parrel in JSTew Fork — Iffair of Lex
ington and' Concord— -Exploit of the Rev. Mr. Payson — Sei
sure of the powder in Virginia.— -Conduct of Patrick Henry —
Lord J^Torth's conciliatory proposals received — Iffair of Ti
conderoga — Conduct qf General Gage to the people of Boston —
Massachusetts Congress meet-^appoint Generals — Idams dnd
Hancock declared outlaws— Continental Congress meet — their
proceedings — Hancock appointed President— Washington ap
pointed Commander in Chief — Buttle of Breed's Hill — its eon-
se^ences. The moderation evinced by the Congress at Phila
delphia, had given great hopes to all the friends of
America, that Ministers might be induced to treat
their complaints with the respect which their justice
demanded. Some of the flrst statesmen in England
had openly declared that their resolutions and mani
festos contained nothing which an Englishman, proud
of his birthright, ought to wish to see altered. They
saw in the resistance of the Colonies that invincible
spirit of freedom which marks the dignity of human
nature. They saw with satisfaction, that while the
Americans maintained wjith manly firmness their own
rights, they knew how to estimate the rights of the
British Government, and that it now remained with
the Ministers to accept the terms of reconciliation
which were fairly and honourably offered, or lose the
affection of the Colonies for ever, by au obstinate per-

238 AMEBICAK REVOLUTION.
severance in their wild dreams of Parliamentary su
premacy. The old Parliament having been unexpectedly dis
solved, a new one Was convened on the 39th of No
vember, 1774. The King in his opening speech from
the throne inforraed the two houses that the daring re
sistance and disobedience of his subjects in Massa-,
chusetts Bay still continued, with increasing and more
criminal violence ; but that the "^^raost proper and ef
fectual measures had been taken to prevent these mis
chiefs ; and that they might depend upon a firm reso
lution to withstand every atterapt to weaken, or im
pair the supreme authority of this Legislature over
all the dominions of the Crown."
It is a singular fact in the history of Great Britain,
that the vote on the Address, which usually follows
the opening Speech from the Throne, occasioned a
protest in the House of Lords — ^the first which had
ever been made on such an occasion — in which the
protesting Lords declare, that they cannot consent to
be handed down to posterity as giving their assent to
the continuance of measures, which a fatal experience
had proved so ill adapted to the nature of the case,
and which there isevery reason to fear would plunge
the country irito the calamities of civil war.
But such a consideration could have no weight with
raen who had staked their reputation on the success
of the bayonet. The Ministers, however, were evi
dently at sorae loss how to proceed, notwithstanding
the high tone of his Majesty's Speech. They ridi
culed the idea of a war, but were careful for some
time to say nothing of their views or mtentions.
At length on the 30th of January 17]|5, Lord Dart
mouth, Secretary of State for the Colonies, laid be-
Ji^ SI i>-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 339
fore the House of Peers, the papers relative to his
department. He had firmly opposed the Minister's
scheme of coercion, but without effect, and it was fi
nally developed to the House. As soon as the papers
were read. Lord Chatham rose to move that ajihum-
ble Address be presented to his Majesty, advising
and beseeching hira that " in order to open the way to
a happy settlement of the dangerous troubles in Ame
rica, it raay graciously please his Majesty to transrait
orders to General Gage for removing his Majesty's
forces from the town of Boston." Lord Chathara sar
castically observed, that as he had not "the honour
of access to his Majesty" he had no other raedium
of comraunicating to him his ideas of Araerica than
through Pariiaraent ; and that he was desirous " to
rescue him from the advice of his present Ministers."
He said that America could not be reconciled, " she
ought not to be reconciled to this country, till the
troops of Britain are removed from the Continent."
The noble Lord went on to say, " Resistance to your
acts was necessary, and therefore jM«f / and your vain
declarations of the omnipotence of Parliament, and
your imperious doctrines of the necessity of submis
sion, will be equally irapotent to convince or enslave
America." The commanding eloquence of the noble
Lord was never more forcibly displayed than on the
present occasion. He insisted that the whole force
of Britain would be incompetent to subdue the peo
ple of America. "You may no doubt, said he, des
troy their cities ; you may cut them off frora the su
perfluities, perhaps the conveniencies of life ; but, ray
Lords, they will still despise your power, for they
have yet remaining their woods and their liberty."
He said that the spirit Avhich now animated America

330 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Ava« the same which had led to the revolution in Eng
land, and that the friends of liberty on both sides of
the Atlantick had but one common cause. "Iu tiiis
great cause, he continued, they are immoveably allie^
it is the alliance of God and Nature,^ immutable, eter^
nal, fixed as the firmament of Heaven." — Kis' Lord
ship admitted the right of Pariiaraent to control the
complicated machinery of commerce and naAUgation,
but denied their authority over the property ofthe peo
ple ofthe Colonies — " property is private, individual,
absolute; the touch of another annihilates it." He be
sought the House to rest upon that distinction, to allow
¦the Americans to maintain their principles of taxation,
and to confine the exercise of Parliamentary authori
ty to the regulations of commerce. Of the Continental
Congress the noble Earl spoke in a strain of the high
est culog3^ " History, my Lords, (said he) has been
my favourite study, and in the celebrated writings of
antiquity have I often admired the patriotism of Greece
arid Rorae : but, my Lords, I must declare aud avow,
that in the masterstates of the world, I know not the
People, or the Senate, who in such a complication of
difficult circumstances can stand in preference to the
Delegates of America assembled in General Congress
at Philadelphia. I trust it is obvious to your Lprd-
shipg, that all attempts to impose servitude upon such
men, to establish despotism over such a mighty Conti
nental nation, must be vain, must be futile." The
speaker went on to say, that Ministerial manojuvres
could never be able to resist such an union as that of
America, that the hour of danger was not to be avert
ed by the tricks of office, ithat matters had now gone
so far that eveu.repealing the obnoxious Acts would
not restore the lost confidence of America, unless his

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 231
Majesty's armediforcB Avas withdrawn from the Con
tinent. The Noble Lord pledged himself, that they
would one day find themselves compelled to undo all
their oppressive acts. He advised them therefore lo'en-
terat once into that course, of thek own accords which
they must be ultimately forced to adopt. " To con
clude, my Lords, (-said he,) if the Ministers thus per
severe inmisadvising^ and misleading fke King, il will
not say thatthey caw alienate the affections of his sub
jects fi'om the Crown; but I affirm, they will make
the iCrown not wortii his wearing, I will tupt .«ay that
the King is betrayed, but I will pronounce thatthe
Kingdom is undone."
Lord Chatham's motion far an Address to his Ma
jesty^ was seconded and ably supported by Lord Cam-
d^i ; who affirraed that " whenever oppression begins,
resistance becoraes lawful and right."
But the motion, like all other motions opposed to
the views and wishes of the Ministiy, was lost by a
large majority. The Administration declared their
determination never to relax in their measures of co
ercion until America was forced into obedience.
When thesesame papers carae to be considered in the
House of Coramons, Lord North moved that they
should be referred to a Comraittee of the wb-jle House
on the S6th of January. Inthe early part of the win
ter, and during the reces^ of Parliamentj this Minister
had given some reasons to believe, that he had been
frightened into mpderation, by the accounts from the
Coritinent. He had held frequent conferences with
the merchants of London, and had hinted toithem that
Parliament might be induced to listen to their peti
tions, for a repeal of the Acts thatconeerned the Co
lonies. They did petition : but'before their petitions

333 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
were acted upon, his Lordship had received some in
telligence from America, which changed his views of
things, and confirmed him in his former scheme offeree.
He had been informed by some of the numerous tools
of the Government in New York, that the Legislature
of that Colony would never afford their sanction to the
proceedings of the Continental Congress ; and that he
might assure hiraself the Colony of New- York would
reraain faithful to the British authority, even if an
union of the other Provinces should take place — an
event, which, this intelligence tended to convince his
Lordship, could never be accomplished.
Posterity will hardly credit the fact that all the mea
sures of Lord Nprth's administration, were founded
upon the vain and idle rumours of men who had nei
ther the honesty nor the courage to tell him what they
fancied would displease him ; in direct oppugnaUcy
to the glaring truths which were constantly repeated
to him, not only by statesmen in England who had
better means of information, and who could have no
motive for deceiving him, but by the united voice of a
whoje Continent — in whose conduct and proceedings,,
the falsehood of his informers was alraost rendered
self evident. The representations of Bernard and
Hutchinson, even after the former had become as infa
mous in London as he had made himself in America,
were treated by Lord North with more attention, than
the prayers of a whole people, presented with every
mark of humility and true loyalty.
With regard to the petitions of the merchants just
mentioned. Lord North was guilty of an artifice, which
would have disgraced any other Minister ; but which
was only in conformity to the general principles upon
which liis Lordship's system was founded. When

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 333
they came under consideration he contrived, that they
should be referred to a Committee of the whole, to meet
the day after the American affairs should have been
acted upon — thus excluding them frora any influence
on the decisions of that day.
Among the papers which had been laid before the
House by Lord Dartmouth, was the petitipn of the Con
gress to the King, in behalf of which the American
Agents, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Bollan and Mr. Lee, pe
titioned to be heard at the Bar ofthe House. But this
privilege was refused to thera by the Ministers, on the
ground that the Congress was an illegal body, and
their petition was rejected by an unusually large ma
jority. The day allotted for the consideration of the Ame
rican papers passed off without any proposition from
the Ministry. It appeared that they felt themselves
secure of the new Pariiaraent, in which their raajorlty
was much greater than in the former one, and they
were inno haste to settle the existing disputes. Lord
North perhaps expected that every day would bring
some accounts, that the people of Boston had actually
commenced hostilities, and that this would furnish a
pretext for the scheme in contemplation. Whatever
were his reasons, the 8th of February carae without
any plan from the Ministry.
Lord Chatham, had uot been so idle as the Minis
try—on the day just raentioned, he introduced into the
House of Peers a " Provisional Act for settling the
troubles in America, and for asserting the supreme au
thority and superintending power of Great Britain
over the Colonies." Though this Bill would not in
all probability have been well received by the Colo
nies, it contained too many appearances of concession
Vol. I. 30

334 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
to their demands, tube pleasing to the Ministry. It met
with unusual opposition, and was treated by many of
the Lords in Adrainistration with a degree of asperi
ty, certainly not consistent with the respect which was
due to its noble mover. Lord Dartmouth made a faint
effort to keep it on the table, until the American papers
should be taken into consideration, but it Avas thrown
out of the House by a large majority.
On the succeeding day Lord North moved an Ad
dress to his Majesty, thanking him for the comrau
nication of the Araerican papers, asserting that a re
bellion actually existed in Massachusetts, and assur
ing his Majesty of support, at the hazard of life and
fortune, " against all rebellious attempts." This mo
tion, occasioned a heat of debate, which led to the dis
closure of one of the most extraordinary circumstan
ces that perhaps ever occurred in the Ministerial an
nals. When the address had been taken to the House of
Peers, Lord Mansfield took occasion, in the course
of his speech, to charge all their present and impend
ing evils tothe Port Duties of 1767, which he declar
ed to be " the most absurd and pernicious" measure
that could have been devised. Three of the Noble
Lords, who had held the most iraportant posts in the
Administration, at the time alluded to, upon this charge
of Lord Mansfleld, exculpated themselves by declar
ing that " they had never given their approbation to
that raeasure, nor had had any share in it whatever."
These were Lords Shelburne and Camden, and the
Duke of Grafton. — This was the effect of that secret
influence, which commenced with the reign of his pre
sent Majesty, George lEEd, and continued to direct the
affairs of the nation, in direct contradiction to the ad-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 335
vice of those Avho appeared at the helm, and to whom
alone the world ascribed all the measures of Govei-n
ment. It was this influence which had destroyed all
the efforts of Lord Chatham to form a wise system of
Administration, and which had driven that illustrious
nobleraan to the brink of the grave, by his laborious
mental exertions to counteract it.
This disclosure created some little astonishment in
the House, but it Avas evanescent, and the Address
was- at length agreed to by " the Lords Spiritual and
Temporal." And on the next day Lord North began
to develope his scheme. He moved for leave to in
troduce a Bill for restraining the trade of the New-
England Colonies, and prohibiting them from carry
ing on the flsheries on the Banks of Newfoundland.
Though this Bill was moved by Lord North, Mr.
Wedderburne, of whom memorable mention has alrea
dy been made, was its author. It was an idea worthy
of the base defamer of a Franklin^ to starve the Ame
ricans into subraission — aud to starve, too, the innocent
as well as the guilty. There were four Colonies in
New-England, and only one had been declared iri a
state of rebellion. In raany ofthe towns' of Massachu
setts, it Was Avell known to Mr. Wedderburne, the
people had literally no other means of support than
by their fisheries, and that if cut off from them they
must be reduced to famine and misery. But this only
served to make the proposed measure more acceptable
to the Ministry. In vain the London merchants as
sured them that Great Britain reaped all fke proflts
of their fisheries — that every thing necessary for car
rying them on was derived from that kingdom — arid
that a million was due from New-England to the mer
chants of London. Nothing could move the obduracy

336 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
of Ministerial friends. The motion was carried by the
usual majority.
In the course of the debate upon this Bill, Lord
North exhibited another instance of his attachment to
deceptive raeasures. He told the House that Jie had
a conciliatory proposition to make; and after labour
ing with great ingenuity to prove that he was sincere,
the riddle was thus expounded — ^that if the Americans
would consent to tax themselves, at all tiraes and for
all purposes, that Great Britain shpuld demand it,
why, then — Great Britain would forbear to tax them,;
or that any one Colony agreeing to this compromise,
should be exempt frora taxation by tbe Parliament so
long as it continued to pay, of its own accord, all that
Pariiaraent required.
This Avas truly a proposition worthy of Lord North.
The raany evidences which the Americans had alrea
dy given of their good sense, were not sufficient to con
vince his Lordship, that they were not all idiots — he
had been so told by several of his Lordship's best
friends, and it would have been treason to them, to
doubt it. But the Minister had nearly outwitted him
self by calling his prQpositlon conciliatory. He had
raised up so many enemies to America in this new
Parliament, who had been taught to look upon her as
a stubborn, refractory child, that the idea of hushing
up the matter so easily, appeared to be derogatory to
the dignity of an offended mother, and they exclaimed
against the conduct of his Lordship, as base and de
generate- His conduct was indeed base, but not in the sense iu
which his Lordship's friends in Parliament regarded
it. He placed full confidence in the rumour which had
so often reached him, that it Avas utterly impossible the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 237
Colonies could ever be united ; and this scheme was
well contrived, if any such disposition existed among
them, to keep them asunder. But it was difficult to
explain himself without exposing his policy too far,
and the consequence would have been fatal to his mo--
tion, had not Mr. Wedderburne again helped him out.
This gentleraan contended that nothing like concession
was meant by the measure, and that though it appear
ed to suspend the assertion of a right, it did not sus
pend the profitable exercise of that right. The House
finally agreed to the proposition, 374 to 88, and the
Minister lost no ground.
Another Bill for restraining the trade of New-Jer
sey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, Virginia,
arid South Carolina, was soon after brought in, and
carried almost without opposition. Indeed such was
the overwhelming power 'of the Minister, in the pre
sent Parliament, that all attempt at opposition was
useless. Several ineffectual propositions were made during
the session, founded upon an earnest desire to restore
harmony between Great Britain and the Colonies, up
on principles of equity to both. Among these, the
measures proposed by Mr. Burke, in a speech which
deserves to live for ever in the memoiy of the politi
cian, Avere most worthy of notice. But they were
smothered in their birth, by the lo^d negatives of the
Ministry. Mr. Burke also presented " A representa
tion and remonstrance from the General Assembly of
New- York," in which they express their desire to be
restored to the good graces of Parliament upon condi
tions that, though humble in the extreme, were uot
altogether consistent with the plans of the Ministry,

338 AMfiRICAN REVOLUTION.
and the paper was, as the people of New- York wish
ed it to be, rejected.
Having thus pursued the Parliament to their close,
we shall now return to the Colonies, and see the effect
produced by the proud menaces and empty boastings
of those who thought to look them into annihilation.
It was a fortunate circumstance for the American
Colonies, that the Parliament of Great Britain receiv
ed its impressions of their character from the portraits
drawn of thera by Generals Grant, Burgoyne, and
other exquisite painters of tbe House — ^by whose re
presentations the Americans appeared too contemptible
for the formation of any serious plan of military opera
tions. Five regiments were thought an araple force to
drive the Araericans frora Massachusetts to Georgia.
But the God of battles leans not to the side of the boast
er. The only movement on the part of the Americans,
during the winter, which bore the appearance of hos
tility, occurred in the Province of New-Hampshire,
where a number of people assembled in arms, and at
tacked his Majesty's fortress of William and Mary— ^
of which they easily gained possession, and having sup
plied themselves with all the powder which it contain
ed, they left it again to his Majesty's troops.
On the part of the British, an unsuccessful attempt
had been raade by a detachraent of troops under the
coraraand of Lieutenant Colonel Leslie, to seize sorae
brass cannon at Salem. The people hearing of their
approach removed the cannon into the country, aud
the officer pursued until interrupted by a draw- bridge,
Avhich had been raised to impede his progress. The
officer very peremptorily ordered the bridge to be let
«lown, but the people who were assembled in consi-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 339
derable numbers on the opposite side, said that it was
a private road, which his Majesty's troops had no
right to travel — Col. Leslie then raade an attempt to
seize a boat which lay on the shore of the river, but
the people jumped in and scuttled it, l^efore he had
time to accomplish his purpose. He continued obsti
nately bent upon crossing, and a corabat would in all
probability have ensued, but for the interference of a
clergyraan, who saw the whole transaction, and per
ceiving that nothing could be effected by the officer if
he was permitted to cross, he persuaded the people to
let down the bridge. Colonel Leslie then marched
over, and marched back again, rauch to bis mortifica
tion. Early inthe Spring a meeting of thepeople of New-
York took place, at which the opposite parties pro
ceeded to blows, and a general corabat ensued, which
ended in the complete discomfiture of the King's
friends, and thereby secured the cooperation of that
Province. In Virginia, some spirited resolutions, introduced
by Mr. Henry, had passed in the Convention, for
arming and disciplining tiie militia, and every thing
wore the face of an approaching campaign. Having
reappointed their former deputies to Congress with
the addition of Thomas Jefferson, the Convention ad
journed. The Massachusetts Congress had met at Cambridge
on the 1st of February, but adjourned soon afterAvards
to Concord, as a place of greater security. At this
last place the Coraraittees of safety and supplies, had
collected a large quantity of military stores, and receiv
ed further directions to prepare for an army of fifteen
thousand men. On the 18th of March a small part of

340 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
these supplies was seized by the troops of General
Gage, stationed at Boston Neck.
The preparations which were making by the Mas
sachusetts Congress were well calculated to excite the
suspicions of General Gage, and it is matter of sur
prise that he should so long have delayed some at
terapt to interrupt them. But intelligence of the pro
ceedings of Pariiaraent had not yet reached him ; and,
fortunately, the people of Massachusetts became pos
sessed of it before him. Early in April the citizens of
Boston began to withdraw from the town, and in a
short time the greater part of them had joined their
friends in the country.
The spark which had been so long kindling at
length burst into a fiame. The moment General Gage
received intelligence from horae, he coraraenced opera
tions, but before he had time to secure the passes from
the town, information of his raoveraents had been con
veyed to the Araericans at Concord. On the 18th of
April, General Gage determined to make an effort to
possess himself of the military stores which the Ame
ricans had collected at Concord, and for that purpose
detached nine hundred Grenadiers and Light Infan
try, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel, Smith,
aud Major Pitcairn, who crossed the river, in the
night and landed at Phipps's Farm, about six miles
north west from CharlestoAvn ferry. After halting
here for a few raoments, they proceeded rapidly to Lex
ington,, a small village which stands on the road to
Concord, and which they reached about sunrise. Up
on their arrival at Lexington they found ahont sevejir
tjj militia men, paraded on the green, in the centre of
the village, aud a number of spectators near, Avithout
arms. Maj or Pitcairn most heroically rode up to thi,s

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 341
little band, which was coraraanded by Captain Parker,
and called out to them in a voice which he intended
should annihilate them, " Disperse, ye rebels ; throAv
down your arms and disperse." — finding that his or
der Was uot promptly obeyed, this modern Alexander
rode in araong thera, fired his pistol, brandished his
sword, and ordered the advance corps which he com
manded to fire. The soldiers obeyed with loud " huz
zas," and gave a general discharge, by which eight
Americans were killed, and several wounded. A few
of the militia finding that the soldiers continued to fire,
even after they had dispersed, had the courage to stop
and return the fire — with which exception, no resist
ance was made on the part of the Americans, though
much pains were taken to cast the odium of the ag
gression upon them. To Major Pitcairn belongs the
disgrace of committing the first murders, under the
new plan of coercion.
It had been reported that the object ofthis famous ex
pedition was the seizure of the persons of Samuel Ad
aras and John Hancock, as the two ringleaders of re
bellion ; but these two gentlemen were not so wanting
in judgment, as to suppose it probable, that nine hun
dred men would be sent on an errand that could have
been better accomplished by a few secret emissaries.
They merely kept out ofthe vicAV of this detachment,
without relaxing their labours in the cause of freedom.
After this grand affair at Lexington, ColPnel Smith
moved on with his force towards Concord. The mi
litia Who had assembled there, not being sufficiently
numerous to dispute tbe entrance of the regulars, re
tired beyond a bridge over the Concord river, or Bel-
lerika, and the army entered the town without oppo
sition. They were disappointed, however, jn their
VOL. I. 31

343 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
expectation of finding the stores, every thing having
been previously removed except three old cannon, a
few gun carriages, and about sixty barrels of flour ; all
which they destroyed. While they were engaged in
this disgraceful exploit, a reinforcement had joined
the militia, and a movement was made as if they in
tended to recross the bridge, which reraained in pos
session of the Light Infantry. The Militia officers had
given particular caution to their meu, on no account,
to fire the first shot, but to defend themselves if attack
ed. The Light Infantry did not leave them long un
der this restraint, for upon the approach of the mili
tia towards the bridge, they fired and killed two meu —
the fire was immediately returned, and a smart skir
mish ensued, in which the King's troops were so se
verely handled, that they retreated in some confusion,
leaving several killed and wounded on the field. Be
sides which a lieutenant and several men were taken
prisoners by the Provincials.
The whole surrounding country was now in arms,
and thes victoripu^ Provincials, hung upon the rear of
the retreatinglirmy, galling themby irregular and scat
tering fires, frpm behind the stone walls, trees and hou
ses, until they reached Lexington. Colonel Smith's
whole detachment raust inevitably have been sacrific
ed, but for the timely appearance of Lord Percy. Ge
neral Gage had received a despatch from Colonel
Smith early in the morning, in which, hoAvever, noth
ing was said of the murder of the Militia at Lex
ington, and had immediately ordered a reinforcement ,
of nine himdred Infantry and Marines, with two pie
ces of artillery, under Earl Percy, to go to his assist
ance. This reinforcement met Colonel Smith at Lex
ington, at a critical moment for his safety, many ofhis

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 243
men having been killed, and the whole much fatigued
from their brisk retreat.
Lord Percy did not deem it prudent to halt long
at Lexington ; but scarcely allowing Smith's troops
time to recover breath, moved off with the whole bri
gade, on his return to Boston. The Provincials re
commenced their irregular firings, the moment the
troops began to move, arid coritinued it with conside
rable effect during the whole day. Major Pitcairn,
having dismounted iri order perhaps to render himself
a less corispicuous mark, lost his horse and pistols,
which fell into the hands of the Provincials. The
King's troops thus annoyed by a mode of attack a-
gainst which it was impossible to defend themselves,
seemed determined to take vengeance upon the inno
cent and unarmed countrymen who fell in their way.
At Menotomy, they were guilty of barbarities, equal
in enormity to any that were practised during the
bloodiest epoch of the French Revolution. Houses
were plundered and then set on fire, random shots were
fired at the windows of others, and two feeble old
men were murdered without provocation. About sun
set they arrived at Bunker Hill, where they encarap
ed for the night, after a raarch of nearly forty miles.
During the march of the troops from Lexington a
gallant exploit was perforraed by a clergyman which
deserves to be recorded. A party of twelve soldiers
on their way to the retreating army, with a supply of
ammunition and stores, were attacked by the Rev'd
Mr. Payson, at the head of a few of his neighbours,
near Menotomy, who killed one, wounded several and
made the rest prisoners with all their baggage and
stores.

344 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Thus ended the first day of American rebellion,, a
day never forgotten, by those who had pledged their
reputation to overrun the whole Continent with j^ve
hundred men. Here eighteen hundred of the chosen
troops of General Gage, fled befor* a few scattered
militia. Who had never collected at any one point to a
greater amount than four hundred. It was a severe
blow to the pfide of the English troops ; but tbey
ceased not, even after this signal defeat, to upbraid
the Americans with cowardice, singular as the charge
may appear when coming from flying troops.
Such was the extreme fatigue of Lord Percy's bri
gade, that there can be no doubt he would have been
compelled to surrender, with little or no opposition,
if he had been met at Charlestown Neck by a regi
ment of fresh troops. This was the expectation of
the Concord and Lexington officers, who pushed their
pursuit no further than Cambridge ; knowing that Co
lonel Timothy Pickering had at his command a well
disciplined regiraent of the hardy sons of liberty, of
Salem and Marblehead, and that intelligence of the
moveraents of the English Troops had reached him,
in sufficient time for him to have attempted the enter
prise. His neglect excited strong suspicions of his
disaffection to the common cause ; but this was a time
when suspicions were easily excited, often without
foundation — it is equally probable that Colonel Pick
ering did not feel himself authorized to move without
the orders of the Coramittee of Safety, which it does
not appear that he received.
By the most authentick accounts that could be col
lected, it appeared that the British Troops lost on
this meraorable day, in killed, wounded, and priso
ners 373 men ; Lieutenant Colonel Smith was one a-
Plprig the wounded, The Prpvincials lest about

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 345
sixty, killed and Wounded, including the eight who
were murdered at Lexitigton in the morning. The
inhabitants of Charlestown, received the wounded and
famished soldiers of the Bang into their houses, and
treated them with every mark of kind and hospitable
attention — as a return for which, their toWn was burnt
to ashes a few months afterwards by the same troops.
The affair of Lexington and Concord spread with
great rapidity through the country — the first blow
had been struck by his Majesty's troops, and rebel
lion lost its name in that of self-defence. General
Gage could not' but be astonished at an issue so very
different from that which he had been led to expect,
from the representatiPns of the dastards who had ta
ken refuge among his troops at Boston. He scarce
ly thought that any resistance would be raade to the
detachment which he had ordered to Concord the e-
Vening before; much less did he dream that they
would be driven back, wearied, beaten, and famished.
About the same time an affair occurred in Virginia,
which it will be necessary to relate. Governour
Dunmore, on the plea of an insurrection in a neigh
bouring county, had sent an officer with a body of ma
rines, to seize upon the powder in the publick raaga-
zine at Williamsburgh, arid reraove it on board au
arraed schooner then lying in James River. The of
ficer effected this on the night of the 30th of April,
and the inhabitants were not apprized of it until the
next morning, when it was with much difficulty they
were restrained frora going in pursuit of the officer
and compjelling him to restore it. The civil authori
ties- of the city addressed a letter to Lord Dunmore,
in which they respectfully stated the circumstance, and
requested that the powder, which was the property

316 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
of the Province, might be restored. To this his Ex
cellency replied that Captain Collins had his orders
for what had been done, that upon his word and ho
nour, it should be restored, whenever it was wanted,
concluding, however, with saying that as he had heard
that " that the people were under arms on this occa
sion" he did "not think it prudent to put powder in
to their hands." The people were by no means sa
tisfied with this reply of the Governour— they conti
nued to assemble in arms and to patrol the streets,
when two days after, his Lordship sent a savage threat
that if they dared to molest any of his Majesty's of
ficers, he would "declare freedom to the slaves, and
lay the town in ashes \" This threat answered no
other purpose than to show the hellish temper of the
man from whom it proceeded. The surrounding coun
try, hearing of these transactions flew to arms in all
directions, and being further excited by the news from
Massachusetts, upwards of seven hundred raen as
sembled at Fredericksburg by the 37th of April, on
their march to Williamsburg. But hearing here that
the people of that city were satisfled with the assu
rances vvhich had been given by Ldrd Dunmore, they
dispersed and returned to their respective homes.
This gave rise to an incident which cannot be passed
over in silence. Mr. Henry, whp either felt raore en
thusiasm in the cause of freedom, or less confidence
in the promises of the Governour, than his country
men, resolved upon making an attempt to recover the
powder which had been carried off. To effect his ob
ject he raade an eloquent appeal to the feelings of the
inhabitants of his county, which had the desired ef
fect. A corapany was immediately assembled, and
placed under his command, with which he forthwith

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 247
set out on his march to the Capital. The news of
his expedition soon spread, and such was the effect
upon his countrymen, by whom he was almost idoliz
ed, that five thousand men were in a little time ready
to join his standard, if it should become necessary.
The Governour's family were a,larmed and took re
fuge on board the Fowey man of war. In vain were
repeated messages sent to stop Mr. Henry's march —
he proceeded, nor stopt until he had effected his ob
ject, which was done without bloodshed — for the Go
vernour, in great apprehension for the consequences,
gave orders to the Receiver General to meet Mr. Hen
ry, and give hira payment in full for the powder, with
which this gallant patriot, returned from his expedi
tion, and was two days afterwards proclaimed au out
law by his Excellency.
The Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, a few
days after the battle of Concord, resolved "that an
army of thirty thousand men be immediately raised
and established ; that thirteen thousand six hundred
be by this Province ; aud that a letter and delegate
be sent to the several Colonies of New Hampshire,
Connecticut and Rhode Island." Of this proposed
army. General Ward was appointed commander in
chief. Heath, Prescott, Thomas and Putnam, were
the other Generals. Such was the zeal of the Colo
nies which had been applied to for men, that these Ge
nerals soon had a nominal force of near twenty thousand
men. Putnam received the news of the Lexington af
fair, and of his appointment, while at work in his leather
apron and check shirt, and in that situation, without
even waiting to enter his house, he took command of
several hundred raen who offered themselves to him,
gave them the necessary orders for marching, and in

248 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
eighteen hours was himself at Concord, a distance of
one hundred miles. Putnam had served under Ge
neral Amherst, with considerable reputation for gal
lantry and courage, in the war of 1763, aud now
evinced by his extraordinary zeal and activity, that
he had lost none of the warmth of either. Benedict
Arnold, who had been chosen Captain of a Volunteer
Company by his fellow citizens of JVew Haven, col
lected them together the moment the news from Con
cord reached him, and in defiance of advice or per
suasion, with an ardour which nothing could abate,
set out on his march, and reached the head quarters
at Cambridge on the 39th of April.*
The people of New-Jersey very wisely secured
the Province treasury, containing about twenty thous^
and pounds sterling, as an excellent resource in the
stand they were preparing to make.
About this time the several Provincial Governours
received Lord North's conciliatory proposals, before
mentioned — ^but their object was too plainly visible to
produce any change in the rasasurps of the Colonies.
The exaraple which had been set by General Gage
of seizing upon military stores as a preparatory raea
sure, was so alluring, that raost of the Colonies adopt
ed it, upon receiving the Lexington news.
In Maryland, at Baltiraore, the people thus pos
sessed theraselves of 1500 stand of arms, with ac
coutrements complete ; and at Charleston twelve hun
dred were secured in the sarae manner. But the most;
important achievement of this sort was planned and
performed by a few gentiemen of Connecticut, under
the jomt comraand of Colonels Allen and Arnold, the
latter of whom had been promoted to that rank by the
Massachusetts Congress a few days after his arrival

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 249
with bis vplunteer ccmpany at Head Quarters. The
party under them amounted to 270, the greater part of
whom were inhabitants of that part ofthe country now
called Vermont, and bore the distinguishing appellati
on of Green mountain boys. Their point of destination
was the fortress of Ticonderoga on Lake Champlain,
which contained a large quantity of milit;ary stpres, and
was but feebly garrisoned. The plan was so well laid
that its execution cost not a man ; the two Colonels
surprised the garrison with about eighty men and de
manded its surrender "inthe name of Jehovah arid
the Continental Congress," a demand which Cap-
lain De la Place was unable to refuse. Having thus
far succeeded, they determined upon gaining posses
sion of Crown Point also, and ofa sloop of war which
lay at St. Johns, all which was most skilfully and
gallantly effected ; and these two Colonels, with
the assistance of Colonel Seth Warren, who joined
them at Ticonderoga with the remainder of the 270
men, thus gained complete command of Lake Cham
plain, besides 130 pieces of aptillery, ten tons of mus
ket balls, one hundred stand of arms, a large quan
tity of other stores-^and about fifty prisoners.
Immediately after the affair at Lexington, General
Gage had shewn a disposition tp aet towards the in
habitants, whe had been compelled to remain in Bos
ton, with much humanity and generosity. He gave
permission to all who wished it to depart from town
with ther families and effects, on condition pnly that
they would leave behind them their arms and mi
litary equipments, which Avas certainly a fair and jus
tifiable precaution. He offered thg^ moreover every
facility in his power to remove them, gave permission
for wagons to enter tbe town, and allowed them thev
VOL. i; 32

350 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
use of'the boats of the fleet. As a further evidence
of his sincerity, he directed that a letter should be ad
dressed to Doctor Warren, chairman of the Commit
tee of Congress, communicating this inforraation. —
Doctor Warren appeared to be satisfled with the ar
rangement in every particular, except that he thought
the number of wagons allowed to be admitted at a
"time was too small. The immediate removal of the
inhabitants was strongly recomraended by the Pro
vincial Congress. But for sorae reason which seems
to be wholly unexplained, the inhabitants, after hav
ing deposited their arms to the amount of 1778 mus
kets, 634 pistols, 373 bayonets, and 38 blunderbus
ses, were still unwilling to depart. It is certain, at
least, that very few did depart, though it does not ap
pear that there was auy want of faith on the part of
General Gage, or any complaint of being unprovided
with the proraised means of departure — until raore
than a month afterwards, when change of circumstan
ces rendered it prudent, at least, if it did not entirely
justify the General's refusal to let them go. The in
habitants had only themselves to blarae for not seiz
ing the opportunity when it was offered to thera — ^no
complaint of detention was whispered at that time,
and it is but common justice to General Gage, whose
conduct has been censured in the harshest terms of re
proach, to conclude that his agreement was dictated
by a sincere feeling of humanity.
In the raean tirae the Massachusetts Congress were
active iu every necessary preparation for vigorous
measures. Dr. Warren had been chosen President
to supply the place of Mr. Hancock who was one of
the Delegates to the Continental Congress. All the
towns of the Colony had been called upon in the most
Urgent manner to supply their quota of men, and

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 251.
send them immediately to Head Quarters^-a call
which they wanted no inducements to obey. A printi-
pal object of the Congress seemed to be to guard Bos
ton Neck, so as to cut off the land communication of
his Majesty's troops in town. In this important ser
vice. Colonel Lemuel Robinson, of Dorchester, was
eminnetly useful. Another important measure was al
so adopted by the Massachusetts Congress ; they de-
cl|,red the paper money of Connecticut and Rhode Is
land a legal currency, and directed it to be received
in payment of debts — and further empowered their Re
ceiver General to borrow the sura of 75,000 pounds
sterling at an interest of six per cent. On the Sth of
May they passed a resolution declaring the Colony free
frora all obedience to General Gage. Very soon after
the Lexington affair, they dreAV up an address to the
people of Great Britain, in wliich they stated the trans
actions of the 19th of April, and declare their deter
mination never to subinit to the tyranny of the Minis
try. This Address was despatched by Captain Der-
hy, of Salem, to whom they had given their first na
val commission.
The new Continental Cpngress comraenced their
session at Philadelphia on the 10th of May, and
unanimously reelected their former President and Se
cretary, Several changes had been made in the mem
bers since the last year — Mr. Jefferson, Dr. Frank
lin and some others had been added.
One of the first acts of the new. Congress was to
reply to a request from the pepple of New- York, who
desired to be informed Aozo they should act onthe ar
rival, of the .expected troops from England. It was
evident from the advicc/giyen that Congress had not
lost all expectation of an amicable settlement of.the

352 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
dispute with Great Britain, whatever might have been
the secret Wishes of a few. Their next step was an
unanimous resolution to recommend a cessation of all
exportations of provisions and other necessaries to all
the British Provinces of America, wbich had not en
tered into the union.
They soon after resolved to put the Colonies in a
state of defence, and that " an humble and dutiful pe-
titiPU be presented to his Majesty." This measure
was unanimously agi-eed to, from the certainty which
many, who voted against their wishes, felt that it
would produce no effect, and from their desire to con
ciliate those members who seemed to be unwilling to
proceed to extremities. Mr. Dickinson, the celebrat
ed author of the Farmer's Letters, vvhich have been
beforementioned, was among those who ardently wish
ed for a reconciliation with Great Britain, upon the
fair principles of the British Constitution. On the
7th of June they passed a resolution "That Thursday
the 20th of July be observed throughout the twelve
United Colonies as a day of humiliation, fasting and
prayer." And on the 9th, they recommended to the
Province of Massachusetts the formation of a new
government upon the principles of their Charter.
A few days after the arrival of the three English
Generals Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne, General
Gage issued a proclamation offering in his Majesty's
name a full pardon to all Who should lay down their
arms, except Samuel Adams and John Hancock, two
arch traitors whom his Majesty was ^eatly desirous
to bring to the block. The Congress had a favoura
ble opportunity offered to them, at the moment, of
showing their regard for the Governour's proclama
tion, by appointing Mr. Hancock their President, in

AMERICAN REA'OLUTION. 353
place of Mr, Randolph whose private business cal
led him home,
Mr. Hancock was certainly not the man upon whom
the unbiassed voice ofthe Congress would have fallen.
He had been early enlisted iri the cause of the people,
by the superiour discernment of Mr. Samuel Adams,
who foresaw that his large fortune would add respecta
bility to the little band of patriots. His manners were
agreeable, and his address prepossessing, but he had
neither talents nor solidity sufficient to direct any af
fair of importance. Under the wing of Mr. Adams
he had acquired considerable popularity, the love of
which, more than attachment to the great prinoiples
of opposition to the Ministerial measures, had secur
ed him against an acquiescence in the artful proposi
tions of Governour Hutchinson, with whom he continu
ed occasionally tP be too intitnate, until the departure
of that officer for England. Subsequent circumstan
ces, the effect of accident, had raised him to conspi
cuous stations, which increased his influence and con
firmed him in the part which he had taken. The new
honour conferred upon him by Congress, would ne
ver have been thought of, while there were such raen
as Franklin, Jefferson, Dickinson, and many others,
but for the proclamation of General Gage, which has
rendered his name immortal.
On the 15th of June General Washington was
elected by unanimous ballot. Commander in Chief
of all the Continental forces. When informed by the
President of this choice, he arose from his seat, and,
witii that peculiar modesty which characterized this
illustrious man, thus addressed him. "Though I am
truly sensible of the high honour done rae in this ap-
poiateent, yet 1 feel great distress, from a conscious-

254 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ness, that my abilities aud military experience may
not be equal to the extensive and important trust. —
However, as the Congress desire it, I will enter up
on the momentous duty, and exert every power I pos
sess in their service, and for the support of the glori
ous cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial
thanks for this distinguished testimony of their appro
bation. But, lest sorae unlucky event should happen
unfavourable to my reputation, I beg it maybe remem
bered by every gentleman in the room, that I this
day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think
myself equal to the comraand I ara honoured with.
I beg leave, Sir, to assure the Congress, that as no
pecuniary consideration could have terapted me to ac
cept this arduous employraent, at the expense of my
domestick ease and happiness, I do not wish to make
any proflt from it. I will keep an exact account of
my expenses — ^tho'se, I doubt not, they will discharge,
and that is all I desire."
It is a remarkable fact, that the unanimous voice of
the Congress should have fixed upon a mau, who for
near twenty years had not drawn a sword, and scarce
ly mixed in publick affairs ; Washington, haying im
mediately after the expedition to Fort Duquesne, re
tired to his farm, where in the unmixed enjoyment of
domestick felicity, he seemed to have forgotten the
great world beyond hira, or to have remembered it on
ly as unworthy to disturb his happiness. His early
warfare had been almost entirely with the Indians, and
in this he had discovered a coolness of judgment and
of courage, that never failed to attract the attention,
and to excite tbe applause, ofhis companions in arras.
His advice to General Braddock showed that he had
profited by experience ; and his conduct on the death

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 355
of that brave but headstrong Chief proved how well
he could have seconded the counsels which he gave.
Subsequent to this period we see him unavailingly
urging to the British Generals the necessity of a raili
tary movement which they could not comprehend, but
wluch was adopted on the instant pf General Am-
hert's arrival, whose military genius saw and acknow
ledged the wisdom of Washingtou's measures. These
had been the principal incidents of his early military
career — They had not been brilliant, but they had
been such as to develope all the solid qualifications
of a military officer. The-Go vernment of his own Pro
vince had twice voted him the thanks of his country,
and the situation of that country now drew him once
more from his retirement to take'lSis share in thi du
ties of a citizen. The Province of Virginia deserved
ly possessed great influence in the Continental Con
gress, aud to that influence maybe ascribed their choice
of Washington, to comraand the Continental forces — a
choice which, under the blessings of Providence, led
our country to independence aud happiness.
The Congress at the sarae time appointed four Ma
jor Generals and an Adjutant General. Artemas
Ward, Charles Lee, Philip Schuyler, and Israel
Putnam were the Major Generals, in the order in
which they stand ; and Horatio Gates the Adjutant
General. We shall have occasion, hereafter, to speak
of the characters ofthese officers.
In the mean time various parties of the militia and
minute men, under the orders of the Provincial Con
gress, had been engaged in frequent skirmishes with
the British foraging parties from Boston. It was con
sidered as a matter of great importance, that the British
should be deprived ofthe supplies of stock and other

356 AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
articles of provision, which abounded on the islands
in Boston harbour. For this purpose General Put
nam with a party of six hundred men, in their attempt
to bring off the stock aud destroy the hay on one of the
islands, were opposed by a party of marines from Bost
ton, who were supported by several armed vessels and
barges. A warra action coraraenced which continued
through the whole of a dark night, and one of the ves
sels running aground, the British in the morning were
compelled to abandon her, and make their escape. Dr.
Warren had joined General Putnam in the course of
the action, and rendered him considerable service. By
this action the British met with a severe loss of men,
besides an immense araount of stock, which the Arae
ricans succeeded in conveying from the island, with
scarcely any loss to themselves. The success of Ge
neral Putnam encouraged other parties, who succes
sively stripped all the islands in the harbour of every
thing which could be useful to the British army, and
thus left them in a state of considerable erabarassment
at Boston.
The Provincial Comraittee of safety judging from
the arrival of the three British Generals and the con
sequent movements of General Gage, that some im
portant blow would soon be struck, recommended to
the council of war the propriety of fortifying the com
manding grounds on the peninsula of Charlestown,
to the north, and those of Dorchester to the south of
Boston, by which the operations of General Gage
might be considerably impeded. There were two hills
on the peninsula, in the rear of Charlestown, one of
which commanded both the Charles and Mystic riv
ers, and the whole isthmus, which it is somewhat ex
traordinary that General Gage did not secure the pos-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 257
session of, as one of his first measures. Having al
ready the command of both rivers, he might at little
trouble or expence, have maintained an uninterrupt
ed intercourse with any of the northern parts of the
Province, by having possession of Bunker Hill; but
he did not see his mistake until it was too late to rec
tify it.
The Americans had determined upon erecting a
work on Bunker Hill, but by some raistake, the work
men employed commenced their operations on Breed's
Hill, three eighths of a mile distant from the former,
and a much less advantageous position. Colonel Pres-
cott, with a detachment of a thousand men, received
orders from General Putnain to execute this work on
the night of the 16th of June— the General himself ac
companied him and superintended the work. They
comraenced at midnight, and with such silence and ex
pedition did they carry on the work, that the dawn of
the 17th offered to the view of the British ships in the
river, the first intelligence of what had been doing.
They saw to their astonishment a redoubt, entrench
ment and breast-work, where the night before there
had not been the mark of a spade. They were not,
indeed, finished, for the men continued to labour at
them, but enough was seen to excite alarm, and this
alarm soon became general by the roar of the guns
from the Lively man of war. Her guns aAvakened the
sleeping Generals of Boston, who were dreaming of
far different operations for the day. By four o'clock
inthe morning all the guns, howitzers and mortars that
could be brought to bear upon the American works,
from the ships, floating batteries, and hill of Boston,
opened their fire, and one incessant and tremendous
roar continued for several hours.
VOL. I. 33

358 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
The Americans, who, from sorae unpardonable
neglect or raistake on the part of those whose duty it
was to provide against it, had been labouring all night
without relief or reinforcement; but neither fatigue,
nor the dreadful roar of artillery that rung in their
ears, could arrest the progress of their labour. With
out stopping to return theire of a single gun, they pro
ceeded to complete as far as they could what had been
begun. In the course of the day they were joined by
General Pomeroy and Doctor Warren, who had been
four days before taken frora the Presidential chair of
the Provincial Congress and made a Major-General,
and about ^ue hundred raen chiefly from New Hamp
shire and Connecticut, under Colonel Stark. On
reaching Bunker Hill, which they did between 11 and
13 o'clock. Colonel Stark and Captain Knowlton were
ordered by General Putnam to throw up a breast work
in the rear of the redoubt and between the two Hills,
in order to protect the left flank of the lines from the
attack by the Mystic river. This breast work was
made by bringing two post-and-rail fences together
and filling thera in with new hay, rather an insecure
defence but the best that the time would admit of be
ing made.
About noon General Gage ordered Major General
Howe and Brigadier General Pigot, with ten compa
nies of Grenadiers, ten of Light Infantry, and five Bat
talions with a proper train of artillery, to dislodge the
Americans. These were afterwards reinforced by se
veral additional companies of Grenadiers, the 47th
Regiment and 1st Battalion of Marines, making in the
whole according to General Gage's own account, up
wards of two thousand men. Before the troops embark
ed in the boats prepared for them, a shell thrown from

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 359
the battery at Copp's Hill, in Boston, set fire to a house
in Charlestown, and the buildings being all of wood,
the fire spread with great rapidity, so that before Ge
neral Howe landed at Moreton's poipt, the whole
town was in flames.
The Americans lay within the entrenchments, anx
iously waiting for the advance of the British, whom
they suffered to approach within a hundred yards, be
fore they commenced their fire. A volley of musket
ry was then poured in upon them from the whole line,
which was continued for some minutes with such well
directed aim, that the British retreated with great pre
cipitation and disorder. They were rallied and brought
back to the charge Avith some difficulty in about twen
ty minutes — And were again permitted to approach
within fifty or sixty yards, when so deadly a fire issued
from pur redoubt and lines, that the British army were
compelled a second time to give way, leaving the
ground they had occupied covered with the killed and
wounded. Generals Howe and Pigot, after rauch ex
ertion in which they discovered the raost undaunted
bravery, were once more enabled to bring up a few of
the corapanies to the attack, and General Clinton com
ing over about the same tirae to their assistance, with
several pieces of artillery, which he so posted as to
rake the whole extent of the linef?, the redoubt was at
tacked on three sides — At this critical raoment, the am
munition of the Americans gave out — they had no bay
onets, and their little redoubt was filled by the assail
ants. Bravery was no longer of any avail, and Colo
nel Prescott, who comraanded in the redoubt, gave
the order for retreat, which was effected amirlst a gall
ing fire from a column of the British who had posted
themselves on the back of the redoubt. The party at

260 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
the raz7 breast- wprk gallantiy raaintained their ground
until Prescott' s troops had safely passed them. A con
tinued cross fire was kept up from the ships and bat
teries, during the whole time the Americans were re
treating across the isthmus, which, however, was so
badly directed that they suffered but little loss.
The British array followed the Provincials to Bun
ker Hill, not in pursuit, but because it was a more
advantageous position to be occupied, and there en-"^^
trenched themselves. The latter did the same on Pros
pect Hill a few miles further, on the road to Cam
bridge, and coraraanding the pass of the peninsula,
thus investing the British troops as closely on Charles
town Neck as they had before been in Boston.
Viewed under all its circurastances, the battle of
Breed's Hill is, unquestionably, one ofthe raost inte
resting and memorable events, that ever engaged the
pen ofthe historian. It Avas the first regular action of
a long and bloody war, that resulted in the dismem
berment of a mighty empire. On one side were the
hardy and experienced veterans of Europe ; ou the
other the raw undisciplined inhabitants of a new coun
try. The British Generals were fighting for honour ;
the Araericans for life and liberty. Men who had been
friends and brothers, who had drank out of the sarae
cup, who had sat together at the same social board,
were now met in deadly opposition. Thousands of
spectators, who from the lofty site of the scene of ac
tion, were enabled to see distinctly all that passed,
looked on with an anxiety that doubted on which side
to rest their hopes— on one side were fathers and
brothers ; on the other, friends connected by dearer
ties than those , of blood. Every house, aud every
height, in the vicinity ofthe battle, was crowded with

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 261
those who felt a deep interest in the dreadful conflict.
The ascending flames of four hundred houses, from
which the terrifled and distressed inhabitants were fly
ing in every direction, added a horrour to the scene,
which defies the power of the pencil. But it was not
the individuals alone who were engaged in the con
test, or the thousands who regarded them with such
anxious concern, Avhose fate depended on the issue of
the day. The distant people of England and Ameri
ca had a deep stake in the confiict — perpetual slave
ry or independence might be the alternatives to one,
to the other indelible disgrace, or undisputed mastery
over a boundless cpntinent. These are a few of the
many features which gave a character of interest and
importance to this battle, rarely found to accompany
the raere encounter of contending armies.
Every man of the Provincials did his duty in this
memorable battle ; but, as must be the case on such
an occasion, a few dauntless heroes were distinguish
ed above their companions. Of these Colonel Pres
cott stands foremost— his defence of the redoubt even
when filled by Britisii troops, Avhen he was without
powder or bayonets, and when his raen fought foot to
foot with the buts of their guns, entitles him to the first
rank of heroes. The fire from Colonel Stark's men,
who were posted behind the rai^ and ^rass breastwork,
was greatly destructive tothe enemy. The three Gene
rals who were on the field had neitherof them a supe
riour or separate command ; their services were volunta
ry, and they were -given with promptness and bravery
wherever they seeraed to be raost called for. Putnam
had continued with the labouring party, during the
whole night assisting not only by his counsels but by
his personal labour to complete the works ; General

263 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Warren was killed early in the action, bravely fight
ing like a private soldier by the side of Prescott
On the side of the British it is impossible to over
look the cool and determined bravery of Generals
Howe and Pigot, who several times advanced almost
singly to the attack. The loss which their army sus
tained must prove that there never was an action more
bloody or more vigorously sustained, for the numbers
engaged, and forthe time it lasted. Their loss araount
ed to eleven hundred men; of whom, 336 were killed,
and ofthese 89 were officers. Among the officers killed
were Lieutenant Colonel Abercrorabie, and Major
Pitcairn — the officer who had so short a time before
shown himself in so hateful a light to the Americans.
He was considered a brave officer and was much re
gretted by the British, but his conduct at Lexington
was cowardly and inhuraau. They gained by the bat
tle ^ue pieces of cannon, and thirty wounded men.
The loss to the Americans in killed, wounded, and
missing was 453. Among the killed were Major Ge
neral Warren, Colonel Gardner, Lieutenant Colonel
Parker, Major Moore, and Major M'Clary, the last
of whom was killed by a random shot from one of the
ships after the retreat ofthe Provincials across the isth
mus. They lost the battle, but they won imperisha
ble laurels. And though the British army acquired
possession of the field of battle, it can hardly be said
that they gained the victory. They were weakened,
dispirited and straitened for provisions — they had lost
the flower of their array, where they expected to meet
scarcely any resistance ; and they saw that they had
hereafter to contend with men whose characters had
been egregiously misrepresented.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 263
The death of Major General Warren was deeply
lamented by the Americans. He was endeared to
them not less by his amiable disposition than by his
manly understanding. He had taken an early part
in the cause of his oppressed country, and his zeal.
activity and talents were continually exerted for her
service. The British knew his value to his country
men ; and his best eulogy is, that they triumphed in
his fall.
Nothing can excuse or palliate the conduct of the
British towards the people of Charlestown. Two
months had scarcely passed since their houses had
been opened to receive the routed, wounded, fainting
corps of Lord Percy, to whom they had ministered
every office of humanity, with all the assiduity and
attention that hospitality could dictate, or charity re
quire. Professions of gratitude were yet fresh upon
the lips of many, while they applied the brands and
exulted in the spreading conflagration. War is fa
miliar with scenes of horrour, and rules of policy may
some times justify the perpetration of deeds at which
humanity must shudder. But even the rules of war
have their limits among civilized nations, the trans
gressions of which no policy can excuse. The burn
ing of Charlestown neither weakened the defence ofthe
American works, nor aided the British in their assault
of them. If it could in the remotest degree have led
to either of these results, the act might be justified by
the acknowledged principles of warfare : but this has
not been pretended. It was a wanton act of enormi
ty, that left indelible disgrace on the English name.
The British army gained nothing by the battle of
Breed's Hill. The works which had been immedi
ately thrown up by the Provincials on Prospect Hill,

364 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
effectually commanded the Charlestown Neck, and
thus cut them off from all supplies in that quarter ;
and similar precautions were taken to invest them on
the Roxbury side, so that their whole dependence
for supplies rested upon their shipping, and the few
mar?iuding parties that were daring enough to risk a
meeting with the Araericans. The great nuraber of
wounded, and the daily deaths owing to the want of
fresh provisions and good nursing, contributed great
ly to the erabarrassraent of General Gage. He
endeavoured to annoy the Americans as much as
possible by continually discharging shells and balls
upon every part of their exposed lines, but this serv
ed no other purpose than to waste his stock of ammu
nition, and accustom the Americans to the sPund of
artillery. It was at this most unfavourable raoraent, that those
inhabitants of Boston, who had reraained in town af
ter delivering up their arms, applied to General Gage
for the fulfilment of his previous agreements He re
fused to let thera go, under the plea that they had not
delivered up their arms. This was probably true as
to sorae individuals, but it was not true as to the com
raunity, and was therefore a plea which General Gage
ought not to have raade. A dispute arose also with
regard to the meaning of the term " effects," in which
many of them were anxious to include their whole
stock of merchandize, certainly contrary to the most
liberal construction of the word, as well as to the in
tention of General Gage, Upon an impartial view
of the Whole conduct of General Gage, with regard
to this affair, we cannot believe that it deserves the
odium which has been thrown upon it. He was at
that moment closely invested, destitute of provisions,

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 365
aud liable to be driven away by the confiagration of '
the town. He knew the strong ties of friendship and
kindred that bound the people of New-England to
gether ; and he knew that Boston would be safe, so
long as it contained so raany inhabitants, male aud fe
male, who were friendly to the interests of the Ame
ricans. General Gage was guilty of prevarication in
professing to be actuated by the plea set forth in his
proclaraation, and so far his conduct was censurable ;
but he was certainly not bound, under all circumstan
ces, to comply with an agreeraent on the 19th of June,
which had been made for iraraediate fulfilment, un
der very different circumstances, a raonth before. A '
few of the inhabitants were afterwards permitted to
leave the town, but not to carry their effects.
The Continental Congress, about this time, order
ed twelve Rifle companies to be raised in Pennsylva
nia, Maryland and Virgmia; and issued orders for
the emission of paper bills to the amount of two mil
lions of dollars, for the redemption of which, they
pledged the twelve confederated Colonies.
With regard to an alliance with the Indian .Tribes,
the Congress came to a resolution that if any agent of
the Ministry should excite them to hostilities against
the Araericans, or form any alliance with them, that
in that case the Colonies oughtto avail themselves of
the assistance of all such Tribes as might be willing
to enter into alliance with them. This Avas a fair and
justifiable retaliation dictated by self defence.
The general satisfaction at the appointment of Ge
neral Washington was evinced by the attentions eve
ry where shown to him on his way from Philadelphia
to the Head Quarters at Cambridge. Escorts of gen
tlemen attended him the whole route, aud a committee
VOL, i: 34

366 AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
of the Massachusetts Congress raet him for the same
purpose. In his replies to all the addresses that
were made to him, he expressed his earnest desire that
the differences with the Mother Country might be ac-
commod^ed, and that our bonds of connexion might
not be severed. On his arrival at Cambridge he found
that the whole force which had been raised, did not
amount to flfteen thousand men, and that these were
employed in guarding an extent of at least twelve
miles. His first duty was to deliver the coramissions
which had been entrusted to him by Congress, to the
the eight Brigadiers, Thomas, Montgomery, Woos
ter, Heath, Spencer, Sullivan, Green and Pomeroy,
to whom he represented in strong and eloquent terms
the necessity of union and activity in raising and dis
ciplining their respective Brigades, and in preparing
for defence at all points.
As a first step towards a new arrangement the ar
my was divided into three commands : the right wing
under General Ward, at Roxbury, the left under Ge
neral Lee at Prospect Hill, and the centre at Cam
bridge under the Comraander in Chief The whole
line was well fortified by strong redoubts and entrench
ments, but the supply of powder was so extremely small
that they would have been able to hold out but a short
time against an attack. This was soon after remedi
ed by a supply from New- Jersey. The Rifle com
panies from the Southern Cplonies were raised with
uncommon expedition, and joined the army early in
August ; so that the whole force now araounted to six
teen tliousand raen.
Repeated skirmishes took place during the sum
mer, in which the Americans were generally success
ful, in bringing off cattie, hay and other articles, of

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 267
which the British began to stand greatly in need. —
The Regiment of Cavalry which had arrived from
Ireland, seemed to be rather a burden than otherwise
to General Gage. He could, make no use of them,
and the addition of so many mouths to be fed from
his precarious means, was serionsly felt. Every
thing concurred tp distress and embarrass the troops
who were thus cooped up in Boston. They had learn
ed by dear experience, that the Americans were not
such poltroons as they had been represented to be,
and that nothing was to be obtained from them but by
hard fighting. The most hazardous adventures were
every day performed before their eyes, under the
blaze of their artillery, by men who, it had been said,
would fly at the sight of a Grenpdier's cap. They
thus found themselves obliged to risk their lives for
means of sustenance, and they were seldom able by
the most desperate enterprises to secure even a scanty
pittance. The Americans on the contraiy, emboldened by
the means that dispirited their enemy, grew daily more
and more daring. They had, in defiance of a ship
of war which lay within one mile, succeeded in des
troying the Light House at the entrance of the har
bour ; and when the British at a subsequent time un
dertook to rebuild it, under the protection of a party
of Marines, the Americans attacked and took tbe
whole party prisoners.

268 AMEBICA.N REVOLUTION,

CHAPTER XI.
Events of 1775 continued— Proceedings of Congress— declara
tion showing the causes of taking up arms — petition to the
King— the answer of Lord Dartmouth — Proceedings of the
Congress — Dr. Franklin made Post Master General — Colonial
convention — Lord Dunmore's conduct— 'Design of Connolly frusr
trated—Lord Dunmore on board the Foway requires the atten- J
dance of tlie Virginia Burgesses — they refuse to attend— Tliey
appoint Patrick Henry Commander in Chief of the Colonial
forter—Dunrnore declares freedom to the Slaves — Battle of the
Great Bridge— Rivington's Press destroyed in JV*ew York —
Destruction of several towns in JSfew England — Expedition to
Canada — Siege of ^U£bec — ColonellUen made prisoner — Deatli
of Montgomery — parallel drawn between Montgomery and
TVolfe — Imold wounded — his gallant conduct and laborious
march — Licentious conduct of the British in Boston.
The Colony of Georgia, notwithstanding their hav
ing been excepted from the operations of the restrain
ing acts of Parliament, agreed to the Confederation of
the Colonies and appointed Deputies to the Congress,
early in July. On the 6th, The "United Colonies"
agreed to the following Declaration setting forth the
causes and necessity of their taking up arras ; by
which it will be seen that they were still anxious to
restore the original compact between the Colonies and
Great Britain.
"If it were possible for men, who exercise their
reason, to believe that the Divine author of our exis
tence intended a part of the human race to hold an
absolute property in, and an unbounded power over
others, marked out by his infinite goodness and wis
dom, as the objects of a legal domination, never right-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 389
ly resistable, however severe and oppressive ; the in
habitants of these Colonies might at least require from
the Parliament of Great Britain some evidence, that
this dreadful authority over them has been granted to
that body. But a reverence for out great Creator,
principles of humanity, and the dictates of common
sense, must convince all those who refiectupon the sub
ject, that governmeut was instituted to promote the
welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for
the attainraent of that end. The Legislature pf Great
Britain, however, stimulated by an inordinate passion
for a power not only unjustifiable, but which they know
to be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitution of
that Kingdom, and desperate of success in any mode
of contest where regard should be had to truth, law,
or right, have at length, deserting those, attempted to
effect their cruel and impolitick purpose of enslaving
these Colonies by violence, and have thereby render
ed it necessary for us to close with, their last appeal
' from reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that as
sembly may be, by their intemperate rage for unlimit
ed domination, so as to slight justice and the opinion
of riiankind, we esteera ourselves bound, by obliga
tions of respect to the rest ofthe world, to make known
the, justice of our cause.
"Our forefathers, inhabitants ofthe island of Great
Britain, left their native land to seek on these shores
a residence for civil and religious fre^pm. At the
expensp of their blood, at the hazard of their fortunes,
without the least to the country from which they re
moved, by unceasing labour, and an unconquerable
spirit, they effected settlements in the distant and iu
hospitable wilds of America, then filled with numer
ous and Warlike nations of Barbarians. Societies or

270 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Governments, vested with perfect Legislaturesj were
forriied under charters from the Crown, and a harmo
nious intercourse was established between the Colo
nies and the Kingdom from which they derived their
origin. The mutual benefits ofthis union became in
a short time so extraordinary astoexciteastonishment.
It is universally confesssed that the amazing increase
of the wealth, strength, and navigation of the realm,
arose from this source ; and the Minister who so wise
ly and successfully directed the measures of Great Bri
tain inthe late war, publickly declared that these Co
lonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies. To- '
wards the conclusion of that war, it pleased our Sove
reign to make a change iu his counsels. From that fa
tal moment the affairs of the British empire began to
fall into confusion, and, gradually sliding from the sum
mit of glorious prosperity, to which they had been ad
vanced by the virtues and abilities of one man, are at
length distracted by the convulsions that now shake it
to its deepest foundations. The new Ministiy, find-
ding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently de
feated, yet still contending, took up the unfortunate
idea of granting them a ha^ty peace, and then of sub
duing her faithful friends.
" These devoted Colonies were judged to be in such
a state, as to present victories without bloodshed, and
all the easy emoluments of statutable plunder. The
uninterrupted tenour of their peaceable and respectfulf
behaviour from the beginning of Colonization ; their du
tiful, zealous, and useful services during the war,
though so recently and amply acknowledged in the
most honourable manner by his Majesty, by the late
King, and by Parliament, could not save them from
the meditated innovations. Parliament was influenced

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 371
to adept the pernicious project, and, assuraing a new
power over them, have in the course of eleven yeqjrs,
given such decisive specimens of the spirit aud conse
quences attending this power, as to leave no doubts
concerning the effects of acquiescence under it. They
have undertaken to give and grant our money without
our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclu
sive right to dispose of our own property. Statutes
have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of
Courts of Adrairalty and Vice- Admiralty beyoiBi their
ancient limits, for depriving us ofthe accustomed and
inestimable privilege of trial by jury, in cases affect
ing both life and property ; for suspending the Legis
lature of one of the Colonies ; for interdicting aB com*
merce of another ; and for altering fundamentally the
form of government established by charter, and secur
ed by acts of its own Legislature, solemnly confirmed
by the Crown ; for exempting the ' murderers' of Co
lonists from legal trial, and, in effect, from punishr
ment ; for erecting in a neighbouring Province, ac
quired by the joint arms of Great Britain and Ameri
ca, a despotism dangerous «to our very existence; and
for quartering soldiers upon the Colonists in times of
profound peace, — It has also been resolved in Parlia
ment, that Colonists, charged with committing certain
offences, shall be transported to England to be tried,
" But should we enumerate our injuries in detslft? 
By one statute it is declared that Parliament can
' of right make laws to bind us in all cases whatev
er.' — ^What is to defend us against so enormous so un
limited a power ? Not a single man of those who as
sume it is chosen by us, or is subject to our control
or influence ; but, on the contrary, they are all ofthem
exempt frpm the operation of such laws ; and an Ame-

373 AMERICAN REVOLUTION. n
rican revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible pur-
p(»ges for which it is raised. Would actually lighten their
own burdens, in proportion as they increased ours.
We saw the misery to Which such despotism' woul^
reduce us. We for ten years inces'santly and ineffectu
ally besieged the Throne as supplicants ; we reasoned,
we remonstrated with Parliament in the most mild
and decent language. But Administration, sensible
that we should regard these oppressive measures as
freeman ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to en
force them. The indignation of the Americans was
roused it is kue ; but it was the indignation of a vir
tuous, loyal, and affectionate people. A Congress o^
^ele^tes from the united Colonies was assembled at
Philadelphia onthe 5th day of last September. We
resolved again to offer our humble and dutiful petition
to the King, and also addressed our fellow subjects
of Great Britain. We have pursued every temperate,
every respectful measure ; Ave have even proceeded to
break off our commercial intercourse with our fellow
subjects, as the last peaceable admonition, that our at
tachment to no nation upoa earth would supplant our
attachment to liberty.  This we flattered ourselves,
was the ultimate step of the controversy ; but subse
quent events fiave shown how vain was this hope of
finding moderation in our enemies. ^
'Several threatening expressions against the Colp-
nies were inserted in his Majesty's speech. Our pe
tition, though we are told it was a decent one, that his
Majesty had been pleased to receive it graciously, and
to promise laying it before his Parliament, was hud
dled into both Houses amongst a bundle of American^
papers, and there neglected. The Lords and Com
mons, in their address, inthe mpnth of February,

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 273
said,-^'that a rebellion at that time actually existed
within the Province of Massachusetts Bay ; and that
those concerned in it had been countenanced and ^-
couraged by unlawful combinations and engagements,
entered into by his Majesty's subjects in several of the
other Colonies ; and therefore they besought his Ma
jesty that he wpuld take the mosweffectual measures
to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority of
the supreme Legislature.' Soon after the commercial
intercourse of whole Colonies, with foreign countries
and with each other, was cut off by an Act of Parlia
ment ; by another, several of them were entirely prohi
bited from the flsheries in the seas near their coasts, on
which they always depended<for their sustenrfhce ; and
large reinforcements of ships and troops were immedi
ately sent over to {General Gage.
" Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and elo
quence of an illustrious band, of the mpst distinguish
ed Peers and Comraoners, who nobly and strenuous-'
ly asserted the justice of our cause, to stay or even to
mitigate the heedless fury with which these accumu
lated and unexampled outrages were hurried on. —
Equally fruitless was the interference of the City of
London, of Bristol, and many other respectable toAvus
in our favour. Parliament adopted an insidious ma
noeuvre, calculated, to divide us, to establish a perpe
tual auction of taxations, where Colony should bid
against Colony, all of whom were informed what ran
som should redeem their lives ; arid thus to extort from.
us at the point of the bayonet the unknown suras that
should be sufficient to gratify if possible to gratify,
Ministerial rapacity, with the miserable indulgence left
to us of raising in our own mode the prescribed tribute.
Whatterms mere rigid and humiliating could have been
VOL. I, 35

374! AMERICAN R*EVOLUTION«
dictated by remorseless victors to conquered enemies ?
In our circumstances, to accept them would be to de-
sefve thera,
" Soon after the intelligence ofthese proceedings ar
rived on this continent, General Gage, who, in the
course of the last year had taken possession of the
town of Boston, ift the Province of Massachusett's
Bay, and still occupied it as a garrison, on the 19th
of April, sent out frora that place a large detachraent
of his army, who made an unprovoked assault on the
inhabitants of the said Province at the town of Lex
ington, as appears by the affidavits of a great num
ber of persons, some of whom were officers and sol
diers of fhat detachment ; murdered eight of the in
habitants of the said Province, and wounded many
others — From thence the troops prp|;eeded in warlike
array to the town of Concord, where they set upon
another part of the inhabitants of the same Province,
. killing several and wounding more, until compelled
to retreat by the country people suddenly assembled
• to repel this cruel aggression. Hostilities thus com
menced by the British troops, have been since prose
cuted by them without regard to faith or reputation.
The inhabitants of Boston being conflned in that town
by the General, their Governour ; and having in order
to procure their admission, entered into a treaty with*
him ; it was stipulated that the said inhabitants, hav
ing deposited their arras with their own magistrates,
should have liberty to depart,. taking with them their
other effects. They accordingly delivered up their
arms ; but, in open violation of honour, in deflance of
thc'-obligation of treaties, which even savage nations
esteem sacred, the Governour ordered the arms depo
sited as aforesaid, thatthey might be preserved for their

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 375
owners to be seized by a body of soldiers ; detained
the greatest part of the inhabitants in the town, and
compelled the few, who were permitted to retire, to
leave their most valuable efliects behind.
" By this perfidy, wives are separated from their
husbands, children from their parents, the aged aud
sick from their relations and friends, who wished to
attend and comfort them ; and those who have been
used to live in plenty, and even elegance, are reduced
tp deplorable distress.
" The General further emulating his Ministerial
masters, by a proclamation bearing date on the 13th
day of June, after venting the grossest falsehoods and
calumnies against the good people of these Colonies>
proceeds to ' declare them all, either by name or de
scription to be rebels and traitors,' to supersede the
course ofthe comraon law, and instead thereof to pub
lish and order the use and exercise of the law mar
tial ! — His tropps have butchered our countrymen ;
have wantonly burnt Charlestown, besides a conside
rable number of houses in other places ; our ships and
vessels are seized ; the necessary supplies of provi
sion are intercepted ; and he is exerting his utmost
power to spread destruction and devastation around
Mm. " We have received certain intelligence, that Ge
neral Carleton, the Goverupur of Canada, is instigat
ing the people of that Province and the Indians to fall
upon us ; and we have but too much reason to appre
hend, that scheraes have been formed to excite doraes
tic enemies amongst us. In brief, apart of these Co
lonies now feels, and all of them are sure of feeling,
as far as the vengeance of Administration can inflict
them, the complicated calamities of flre, sword, and fa-

376 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
mine. We are reduced to the alternative of chusing
an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritat
ed Ministers, or resistance by force. The latter is our
choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and
find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Hon
our, justice, and humanity forbid us tamely to surren
der that freedom, which we received from our gallant
ancestprs, and which ourirraocent posterity have aright
to receive from us. We cannot endure tbe infamy and
guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that
wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we base
ly entail hereditary bondage upon them.
" Our cause is just : Our union is perfect : Our in
ternal resources are great, and, if necessaiy, foreign as
sistance is undoubtedly attainable. We gratefully ac
knowledge, as signal instances ofthe divine favour to
wards us, that his Providence would not permit us to
be called into this severe controversy, until we were
grown up into our present strength, had been previ
ously exercised in warlike operations, and possessed
the means of defending ourselves. With hearts forti
fied with these animating reflections, we most soleran
ly before God and the world declare : that, exerting
the utmost energy of those poAvers which our benefl-
cent Creator had graciously bestowed upon us, the
arms we have been compelled by our enemies to as
sume, we Avill, in deflance of every hazard, with una
bated firmness and perseverance, employ for the pre
servation of our liberties, being with oue raind resolv
ed to die freemen rather than live like slaves.
"Lest this declaration should disquiet the rainds of
our friends and felloAV-subjects in any part of the em
pire, we afisure them, that we mean not to dissolve the
union which has so long and so happily subsisted be-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 377
tween us, and which we sincerely wish to see restor
ed. Necessity has not yet driven us into that despe
rate measure, or induced to excite any other nation
to war against them. We have not raised arraies with
ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain
and establishing independent states. We flght not
for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind
the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked, by un
provoked eneraies, ' without any imputation or suspi
cion of offence. They boast of their privileges and
civilization, and yet proffer no milder condition than
servitude or death.
^'In our own native land, in defence of the free
dora that is our birth-right, and which we ever en
joyed until the late violation of it, for the protection
of our property, acquired solely by the honest indus
try of our fore fathers, and ourselves ; against vio
lence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We
shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on
the part of our aggressors, and all danger of their
being renewed shall be removed, and not before.
" With an humble confldence in the mercies of the
Supreme and impartial Ruler of the universe, we most
devoutly implore his divine goodness to conduct us
happily tlirough this great conflict, to dispose our ad
versaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and
thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of
civil war."
In their Petition to the King, they recapitulated
the great advantages which Great Britain had derived
from the Colonies before the connexion had been bro
ken by civil dissensions, and the happiness which the
Colonies themselves experienced from that connexion,
so long as the Governmeut refrained from unjust and

378 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
arbitrary exactions. They called to his Majesty's
remembrance the share vvhich they had borne iu the
late French war, and the alacrity with which they
had contributed to its success both in men and money.
They expressed their astonishment that while all the
rest of his Majesty's dominions were enjoying the
ease and the honours of the glorious peace of 1763,
a new system of regulations sliould be adopted for
the government of the Colonies, which effectually ex
cluded them from all the blessings of peace. '^Nor
were their anxities, say they, alleviated by any ten
dency in this system to promote the welfare of the Mo
ther Country; for though its effects were more imrae
diately felt by them, yet its influence appeared to be
ifijurious to the commerce and prosperity of Great
Britain." Tbey thought it unnecessaiy to repeat the various
artifices, pretences, and severities, which his Majes
ty's Ministers from time to time resorted to, for exe
cuting this impolitick plan — it was enough they had
jjeen such as to force the Colonies to take up arms in
their defence — an event which they deeply and sin
cerely deplored.
After professing a most ardent attachment to his
Majesty's person, family and government, and deplor
ing every event tending to weaken it, they earnestly
entreated his Majesty to interpose his authority aud
influence to procure thera relief from the oppressive
system of the Ministers ; and that he would be pleas
ed to direct sorae mode by which the united applica
tions of his faith ful Colonists to the Throne might be
improved into a happy and permanent reconciliation.
This humble and respecful petition to his Majesty
was subscribed by every member of the Congress,

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 279
and forwarded to Mr. Penn and Mr. Lee, who in
person delivered it to Lord Dartmouth, the Colonial
Secretary. But his Lordship after a delay of some
days told thera that "no answer would be given."
This was the second petition of the General Con
gress iu America to his Majesty; aud they were se
conded by petitions from the citizens and traders of
Loudon signed by more than two thousand names —
But his Majesty, whatever might have been his pri
vate feelings, was under au influence very different from
that of segard to the complaints of his Colonies.
If it had been possible for any thing to have taught
wisdom to the British Ministry, they might have learn
ed from the style and character of these papers, that
the only way to recover the Colonies, Avould have been
to order home the Troops of his Majesty, and to re
peal every measure which had been taken with re
gard to Araerica, since the conquest of Canada in 1763.
While they were willing, and even anxious, for the
most part, to return to their obedience to the King,
they vvere equally determined not to submit to the
smallest infraction of their natriral or chartered rights.
At this moment a reconciliation might have taken
place — ^but the reconciliation must have disgraced the
sagacity of Lord North, and the happiness and in
terests of millions were raade subservient to his con
sistency of character.
Neither the Congress nor the army remained idle
during the interval that elapsed before they could
know the result of their petitions and addresses, ou
the measures of the Ministry. The former went ou
to make such regulations with regard to the Avhole
people as the nature of their political situation seem
ed to require. They established a General Post Of-

380 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
flee, at the head of which they placed Dr. Frauklin;
and a general Hospital calculated for an array of twen
ty thousand men. They regulated also the appor
tionment of the general expences upon the several Co
lonies ; made addresses to their Indian neighbours,
and thus gradually assumed all the functions of a re
gular Government. But before we speak of the fur
ther operations of the main army, it will be necessary
to take a cursory view of the proceedings in the seve
ral Colonies.
In obedience to advice from the Continental Con
gress, all the Colonies, whose forms of governraent
had been invaded by the tyranniacl acts of Parliament,
or the usurped authority of the Governours, had es
tablished conventions or associations, and declared
theraselves free from obedience to the King's officers.
Connecticut and Rhode Island continued their old
forms, the friends of liberty in those Provinces hav
ing ahvays maintained a large majority in their
Legislative Asserablies. They were indefatigable
in their exertious to serve the common cause, to which
they were doubly bound, by compact with Massachu
setts, aud by an agreement with the General Congress.
A large portion of the present army was composed of
the people of those Iavo Provinces, and New-Hamp
shire. The Province of Maryland in conformity to the re
coraraendation of the Congress, formed a Convention
on the 36th of July, and entered into articles of asso
ciation by which they pledged themselves to each o-
ther and to Araerica, to support the opposition. The
Association also formed a kind of militia law, by which
every man between the ages of sixteen and flfty years,
was required to enrol himself in a company of militia.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 281
and resolved upon raising forty companies of minute
men. A "committee of safety" was appointed with
authority to act for the association in its recess, and
a paper currency established to the araount of one
hundred thousand pounds. The members of the As
sociation or Convention from each individual county,
acted as a committee of safety for their respective
counties ; and to the vigUauoe of one ofthese commit
tees was due the discovery and discomfiture of a plan,
which if effected might have brought irremedable mi
sery upon ali the Southeru Colonies.
It has been seen that Lord Dunmore had threat
ened to free the Macks and arm them against the in
habitants of Virginia. This was not altogether an
idle threat on the part of Ms Lordship — but fearing
for his own safety if he carried it wholly irito execu
tion, he deemed it prudent to go about it in a somewhat
circuitous way. He found an accomplice suited to
his detestable designs in a fellow named Connolly,
a native of Pennsylvania, as sorae affirm, but most
pi-obably according to others, a Scoteh renegado.—
This fellow, judging from the disposition which his
Lordship had evinced, that he might be raised into
notice through his favour, proposed to him a plan for
engaging tire Indians of the Ohio to attack the unpre
pared and defenceless inhabitants of the frontier set
tlements, and thus drive them to seek the protection
of his Majesty's troops. Connolly had already ar
ranged the whole plan, not orily with the Indians but
with the unsuspecting Ameiicans and militia officers
iu their neighbourhood, aud now only wanted a com
mission and legal authority to act. Before his Lord
ship could act, however, it was necessary to consult
the Commander in Chief of Ms Majesty's forces at
VOL. i, 36

AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Boston ; and Connolly himself was sent on to Ge
neral Gage, to develope his scheme. It was some
time before the General could be made to see either
the practicability or the policy of the scheme, but
he at lerigth consented to give Connolly the corarais
sion of a Lieutenant Colonel with power to raise a
regiraent on the western frontiers, and authority to
equip them from ihe military depots in that quarter.
Thus provided with power and instructions, Connol
ly took the road to Detroit, but was seized on his pas
sage through Maryland and taken before the Com
mittee at Fredericktown with all his correspondence
and a full developement of his plan. Thus was this
iniquitous scherae frustrated.
South Carolina was one of the first Colonies to
adopt a Provincial Congress. Their Association was
formed on the 2d of June, and Henry Laurens, a
name afterwards conspicuous in the councils of the
countiy, was unaniraously chosen their President. — :
In their declaration, they expressed an earnest desire
to be reconciled to Great Britain upon constitutional
principles, and concluded by pronouncing " all those
persons iniraical to the liberties of the Colonies who
should refuse to subscribe this association."
Like the other Colonies they chose a council of
safety, which acted as an executive branch of govern
ment. They resolved to raise two regiments of Infantry
and one of Rangers for the service of Congress, and
to put the Province in a state of defence by a proper
regulation of the militia. They followed the exam
ple of the Eastern Colonies in issuing a paper cur
rency. They also adopted an effectual method of
obtaining the signatures of the people to the Associ-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 283
atiou by publishing the names of those who refused,
and breaking off all intercourse with thera.
In the raidst of these preparations for strenuous op
position it was recollected that the supply of powder
in the whole Colony did not exceed 3,000 lbs. ; and
an expedition consisting of twelve men was fitted out
at Charleston for the purpose of obtaining a supply
frora the Coast of East Florida. Near St. Augus
tine they met with a vessel having on board twelve
British Grenadiers^ which they boarded by surprise
and took out ISOOOlbs of powder, for which they gave
the captain a bill of exchange and returned with their
booty to Beaufort, and thence through the interior of
the country to Charleston. A more spirited or use
ful enterprise scarcely occurred during tbe war. But
it was the season of adventure and every heart seein-
ed to be nerved vvith raore than common valour.
In JVorth Carolina the people were not so fortu
nate in a Governour as in their sister Province. Lord
William Campbell, though a firm supporter of the
King, was nevertheless mild and conciliatory in Ms
manners and conduct. Governour Martin, on the con
trary, was furious in Ms opposition to the people, and
united with Lord Dunmore in all his schemes to ex
cite the Indians to join his standard against the friends
of liberty. He had raised a considerable party of
Scotch emigrants, with whose assistance he raade an
atterapt to fortify Ms palace at Newbern ; but the par
ty of the people outnumbered his adherents, and com
pelled him to take refuge elsewhere, leaving his ar
tillery to fall into their hands. He retired to Fort
Johnson, and the Council of Safety declared it infa
mous for any, person to hold communication with Mm.
They resolved upon raising a thousand men, and plac-

384 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ing the Colony in a-state of defence; and to enable them
to do this, they agreed upon a paper currency. Soon
after the Governour had left his palace, they disco
vered secreted in his garden and cellar, a large quan
tity of powder, balls, iron, lead, and other miUtary
stpres. In Virginia, the zeal and activity which had beeu
excited by the spirited enterprise of Patrick Henry,
still continued to manifest themselves in various parts
of the Colony. It has been already observed, that the
Governour's family, alarmed by the threatening march
of Mr. Henry towards Williamsburg, had taken re
fuge on board the Fowey man of war. Only a few
weeks elapsed after this, hefore Lord Dunmore him
self was constrained by his fear to adopt the sarae
means of personal safety.
Soon after fixing las residence on board the F'owey
Ms Lordship required the House of Burgesses to at
tend him there; but instead of obeying tbe requisi
tion, they passed sundry resolutions, in which they
declared that his Lordship's message was "a high
breach of the rights and privileges of the House" —
and that his conduct gave them reason to fear "that
a dangerous attack was meditated against the unhap
py people of the Colony." — A few days after this, his
Lordship's faraily sailed from Virgiuiafor England — a
circurastance which led to still stronger^suspicions that
his Lordship intended an iraraediate commeucemeut
of hostilities. On the 34th of July the Colonial Con
vention raet — ^they appointed a Committee of Safety —
passed an ordinance for regulating the militia, and
for raising a regular force of two regiments, tbe com
mand of which was given to Patrick Henry — who
was also made the Commander of all the farces rais-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 285
ed and to be raised, for the defence of the Colony,
the same appointment which had beeu some years be
fore given to Washington. The regiments were quick
ly raised and quartered at Williamsburg for the pro
tection of the city — determined to commit no act of
offensive war, but ready as soon as the first blow was
struck to resist, to the last extremity.
The ships of war, belonging to his Majesty, wMch
had been cruising tn the Jaraes and York rivers dur
ing the whole summer, had committed many petty
acts of depredation and plunder, along the shores,
which the people now eagerly desired to resent, and
an opportunity of gratification soon offered. The
Captain of the Otter sloop of war, on the 3d of Sep
tember, ventured upon one Pf his plundering expe
ditions in a Tender, and was driven ashore near
Harapton by a violent tempest. Conscious that he
deserved no kindness at the hands of the inhabitants.
Captain Squire and his creAV left the vessel on the
shore, and made their escape in the night. She was
discoviered the next raorning by the people, who ob
serving that she was abandoned, and knowing her to
be the favourite marauder of Captain Squire, board
ed and set fire to her. This roused the Captain's re
sentment to the highest pitch of fury — he threatened
instant destruction to the town, and attempted soon
afterwards to carry his threat into execution ; . but in
iu the mean time the Comraittee of Safety at Willi
amsburg, having heard of it, detached Colonel Wood
ford with three companies to repel the attack. The
assailants, on board several armed vessels, which
had been drawn close up to the town in the night, be
gan to fire upon the town, but were so warmly receiv
ed by Colonel Woodford's party, that they Avere soon

386 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
glad to luaTie a cpnfused and precipitate flight, with
considerable loss.
This affair produced a proclamation frora his Lord
ship (who continued to hold his head quarters on
board of one of the ships,) in Avhich he not only de
clared martial law, hnt freedom to all the slaves who
would join his standard. By this means he soon col
lected a crew well suited to his infernal designs ; and
having fortified himself at the Great Bridge, near
Norfolk, continued for some time to corarait such acts
of wanton barbarity and contemptible depredations, as
to disgust even those who had until now continued
friendly to the cause of the King. The Coraraittee
of Safety finding themselves called upon to atterapt
soraething which might put a stop to his Lordship's
savage warfare, again detached Colonel Woodfordat
ihe head of eight hundred men, to drive him from his
hold. Colonel Woodford having arrived within cannon
shot of Lord Dunmore's position, halted and threw
up some hasty entrenchments. The ground was wet,
miry, and cold — his men were, many of them,, bare
foot, his stock of ammunition small, and his arms, for
the most part, in Ms own words, " rather to be con
sidered as lumber, than fit to be put into men's hands,
in the face of an enemy." Lord Dunmore's force
consisted of two hundred regulars, a large body of
Norfolk Volunteers, and about /our hundred slaves.
Lord Dunmore, hearing that the Provincials araount
ed only to 300 men badly armed, conceived the design
of surprising them in their entrenchments ; and for
this purpose Captain Leslie, of the royal navy, with
the regulars and slaves, crossed the Bridge before
day light, and entered the camp of the Provincials,

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 387
, ' I
just as they were all paraded under arms. Captain
Fordyce advanced to the attack with the grenadiers'^
with fixed bayonets, with a courage that deserved a
better fate — he was araong the first to fall. The
whole number of grenadiers were either killed, wound
ed or made prisoners ; and the rest of the royal par
ty were obliged to make a rapid retreat, leaving six
ty two raen killed and wounded. Disappointed in
their hopes, the Governour's party abandoned their
works, the following night, and retired to their ship
ping — ^leaving Woodford, who was now joined by Cp
lonel Howe frora North Carolina, the complete com
mand of Norfolk.
The people of Pennsylvania, JSTew Jersey and the-
Counties on the Delaware, continued to aid the cora
mon cause by vigorous preparations of defence. A-
moug these Avas the invention of a singular kind of
ehevaux de frize, whicli they sunk in the Delaware
for the purpose of impeding the entrance of ships.
Pennsylvania, it has already been said, had supplied
eight companies of rifiemen to join the Continental
Army. Besides these several battalions were raised
for the defence of the Colony.
In JVew York, considerable fears existed among
the friends of liberty, that their opponents would be
able to succeed in withdrawing this Colony from the
confederation. The troops which had been expect
ed from England, were ordered on their arrival to
proceed to Boston where they were now wanted —
so that this source of discontent was entirely remov
ed from the citizens of New- York, And the con
duct of the Governour was for some time so moderate
that there seemed to be no grounds of dissatisfaction
to justify the people in their opposition to the mea-

288 AMERICAN REVOLUTION, '^
sures of Administration. BnttMs calm did not con.
tinac very long : Governour Tryon had given up none
©f Ms zeal for the service of Ms Majesty, and the
friends of liberty took care to omit no occasion of ex
citing him to harsh and obnoxious measures. Seve
ral smart skirmishes took place between the people
and th« armed ships in the harbour, in one of which
the former headed by Captain Sears seized and car
ried off the cannon from the Battery, in defiance of con
tinued broadsides from the Asia man of war, and a
few days afterwards the same indefatigable son of free
dom, carried off Rivington's Printing Press, and thus
broke up one of the most powerful engines of gover
mental influence.
But the Colonies of New England seemed to call
forth all the most rigorous efforts of the Royal force,
by land and water. The Falcon sloop of war having
fallen in with two American schooners from the West
Indies, gave chase and captured one, while the ether
made her escape and got safe into Gloucester har
bour. Captain Linzey pursued to the mouth of the
harbour, where he anchored ; and having arraed and
manned three boats with swivels and muskets, and
about forty men, despatched them to bring off the schoo
ner. They were so warmly received by the militia
who had collected on the shore, that the Captain
thought it necessary to send a reinforcement, and to
commence a cannonading of the town. A very smart
action commenced, which was kept up for several
hours, aud resulted in the complete defeat of the as
sailants — the Americans having made themselves mas
ters of both schooners, all the boats, and about thirr
ty-five prispners.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 389
The reception which the British met with at Glouces
ter, excited them to deeds of savage revenge upori all
the defenceless towns on the coast, which it was de
clared, should be reduced to» ashes, unless the inhab
itants cPrisented to an unconditional compliance with
all their demands. One of the brutes employed to
conduct these enterprises, wrote to the iuhabitants
that he would " give thera two hours to remove the
human species," after which nothing like humanity
need be expected frora hira. The little town of Sto-
nington in Connecticut was the flrst to experience the
effects of this fury. Sir James Wallace with the Rose
man of war and two schooners, poured in their shells
and shot upon the unarmed inhabitants, for a whole
day. All that they gained by this exploit was to kill
two old men, to shatter two or three houses, and to
carry off a small vessel laden with melasses.
Their next attack was upon the coast of Rhode Is
land. In the middle of a dark and stormy night, the
inhabitants of Bristol were summoned by Captain
Mowatt, (one of the most inhuman of the many sava
ges that were sent to scourge the Americans,) to deli
ver up their arms and araraunition, to send on board
a supply of provisions, and some of the principal per
sons of the town, as hostages, that they should not
unite with their country. Upwards of one hundred
cannon were flred at this unhappy town in the course
of the night. The old and the youug and the sick
were compelled In the dark. and rain to leave their
beds and their homes to seek a refuge from the flames
in which their dwellings were wrapped.
Captain Wallace was in the mean time engaged in
a similar exhibition of brutality on the islands about
Newport, where the stealing of sheep and the murder
A^OL. I. 37

390 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
of innocent old men, constituted his amusement. But
it will be now necessary to attend to the operations of
the main army.
The Americans had early in August entrenched
themselves on Ploughed Hill — one of the eminences
of the Charlestown isthraus, and within the range of
the guns of Bunker Hill, where the British had remain
ed since the battle of the 19th of June. While they
were engaged in fortifying theraselves, all the guns
that could be brought to play upon them frora the forts
and floating batteries, kept up a continued flring : more
than three hundred shot and shells were thrown, but
without accomplishing the purpose of driviugthe Ame
ricans from their works. The British therefore desist
ed and left thera for some time in quiet possession.
While the British army were cooped up in Boston,
without the power of much annoyance to the surround
ing country, the Congress conceived the design of send
ing a force into Canada for the purpose of putting a stop
to the preparations which it was known that General
Carleton, the Governour of that Province, was mak
ing, for aiding his Majesty's forces on this side of the
Lakes. For this purpose. Generals Schuyler andMont-
goraery, with two regiments of New- York militia, and
a body of New England men, amounting in the whole
to about tvvo thousand men, were ordered to move to
wards Ticonderoga, wMch had remained in posses
sion of the Americans, since the expedition of Colo
nels Arnold and Allen. General Schuyler being de
tained at Albany, Montgomery proceeded alone to
Crown point, where he received intelligence that se
veral arraed vessels which lay at the fort of St. Johns,
were preparing to enter the Lake Champlain for the
purpose of impeding the passage of his troops. This

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 291
determined him, though not raore than half of his
troops had arrived, to cross over to the Isle aux
J^oix at the entrance of the Sorel, and thus hlockade
the vessels which lay in that river. He had scarcely
succeeded in this design, before he was joined by Ge
neral Schuyler ; and it was determined, after publish
ing a declaration to the Canadians setting forth their
friendly intentions towards them, to proceed immedi
ately against the fort of St. John's. With this view
they proceeded with their batteaux for a few miles
down the Sorel, and landed on a swampy ground
through which with gi-eat difficulty they marched to
within two miles of the Fort. Here they were sud
denly attacked by a party of Indians, which after a
smart skirmish, they dispersed with a trifling loss,
and continued their march ; but upon coming Avithin
view of the fort and seeing its strength. General
Schuyler, whose force did not amount to a thousand
men, thought it prudent to return to the Isle aux Noix,'
without attempting its reduction. The General, be
ing then obliged to return to Albany to settle a treaty
with the Indians, Ifeft the command solely to Mont
gomery ; and never was there a general better quali
fied for the duties which now devolved upon him. It
was absolutely necessary before he could go against
Montreal, that the fort of St. John's should be reduc
ed. It was well provided and strongly garrison
ed, and Montgomery was but poorly provided' with
ammunition. His reinforcements had arrived, and as
a preparatory measure he detatched Colonel Ethan
Allen, with about eighty men to secure the Indians who
had joined General Carleton. Colonel Allen having
effected his object Avas returning to headquarters when
he was met by Major Brown, Avho with a party of Pro-

393 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
vincials had been scouring the country ; and who gave
hira information that the town of Montreal was com
pletely without defence, and tiiat it might be easily
surprised. With this view Major Brown proposed,
that he should return, cross the St. Lawrence at Lou-
*¦ geuil and attack the town to the north, while he
himself with his two hundred raen would cross aboA'e
the toAvn aud cooperate with him. Colonel Allen
whose enterprising and dauntless spirit delighted in
difficult adventures acceded to the proposal. He cross
ed over Avith his little band of eighty in the night, but
waited iu vain for the appearance of Brown to coope
rate with him. Early in the morning General Carle
ton at the head of a few regulars and several hundred
Canadian militia marched to attack him. Allen fought
\A ith desperate courage until flfteen of his meu were
killed and saven wounded ; but courage was unavail
ing against such superiority of numbers ; he was at
last compelled to yield, aud he and his brave asso
ciates were instantly loaded with irons by General
Carle-ton's prders, and in that condition sent to Eng
laud, It is impossible to thiuk of the fate of this heroick
partisan without regretting that wild spirit of inde
pendence which spurned even at the most necessary
aud proper subordination, in our Revolutionary fa
thers. If Colonel Allen had consulted the General,
as vvas unquestionably his duty, the whole fate of the
Canadian expedition raight have been changed. He
would either have received such reinforcements as
would have rendered his object attainable, without
hazard, or he would have been forbidden to under
take it ; aud the assistance of his daring courage and

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 293
skill might have prevented the fate which subsequent
ly befel General Montgomeiy before Quebec.
The supply of araraunition with which General
Montgomery was provided was much too small to
render an immediate siege of St. John's prudent ; and
he would probably have been compelled to remain in
active until too late in the season to effect his object,
but for the inforraation of sorae Canadians, that the lit
tle fortress of Chamblee, which was but feebly garri
soned, contained a good store of that article. He ac
cordingly raade himself master of that place, and to
his great satisfaction found one hundred and twenty
barrels of poAvder, besides a large quantity of other
military stores and provisions. The expedition against
this fortress was conducted by Majors JSroiem and ii-
vingston. They found here the standard ot the 7th
Regiment, which was immediately sent to the Con
gress. General Montgomery being thus enabled to carry
on the siege of St. John's, proceeded to erect his works
and to prepare for a general assault. General Carle
ton, in the mean time, hearing of the situation of St.
John's, prepared to raise a force for its relief. He had
posted Colonel McLean with a regiment of Scotch emi
grants at the mouth of the Sorel, and having raised
about a thousand men at Montreal he attempted to
cross at Longueil for the purpose of forming a junc
tion and marching to the relief of St. John's. But Cp
lonel Ward Avho Avas stationed at Longueil with three.
hundred Green Mountain Boys and a small piece of
artillery, kept up so warm a fire upon their boats that
the General Avas glad to return to Montreal.
When the ucavs of this repulse reached Montgome
ry, he sent a flag to Major Preston, who commanded

39 1 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
the besieged fortress, summoning hira to surrender ;
as all hope of relief was cut off by Carleton's repulse
aud a further resistance could only lead to an useless
AA^aste of lives. Major Preston solicited a few days to
consider the proposal, being still irapressed Avith the
liope that General Carleton might be able to come to
Ills assistance ; but upon his request being refused, he
accepted the honourable terms of capitulation which
General Montgomeiy offered to him, and surrendered
his garrison prisoners of Avar. The British officers
spoke highly of the polite regard and attention shown
to them by Montgoraery, who permitted them to wear
their swords and to take off all their baggage and ef
fects. The fort surrendered on the 3d of Noveraber.
Before we take notice of General Montgomery's fur
ther operations it will be necessary to return to Gene
ral Washington, who had been planning a cooperation
with him on the other side of Canada.
About the middle of September General Washing
ton, having planned an expedition which even at the
present day would be looked upon as almost imprac
ticable, detached eleven hundred men, and gave the
command ofthem to Colonel Arnold, an officer whose
bold enterprise and daring oourage equalled that ofthe
unfortunate Allen. He was ordered to embark at
.Yewburyport, at the mouth of the Merrimack, and
proceed by sea into the Kennebeck river, in the Pro
vince of JVIaine. Tavo hundred batteaux were provi
ded for them at Gardiner, a small town at the head of
the navigation of large vessels on the Kennebeck, and
there on the 22'hf September Arnold embarked with
his men, to proceed as far as was practicable up the
river. The officers with him were. Colonels Christo
pher Green and Roger Enos, and Majors Meigs and

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 295
Bigelow. It is alraost impossible to conceive the la
bour, hardships and difficulties which this detacliment
had to encounter in their progress up this rapid stream,
frequently interrupted by falls, where they vvere obli
ged to land and carry the boats upon their shoulders,
until they surmounted them — through a country whol
ly uninhabited, with a scanty supply of provision.s,
the season cold and rainy, aud the men daily drop
ping down with fatigue, sickness and hunger. Ar
nold was indefatigable in his endeavours to alleviate
the distresses of Ms men, but to procure provisions for
them was not in his power. They were at one time
reduced to so great an extremity of hunger that the
dogs belonging to the army were killed and eaten, and
many of the soldiers devoured their leather cartouch
boxes. On the 13th of October Colonel Arnold met with an
Indian to whom he imprudently entrusted a letter for
General Schuyler, giving him information of his pro
gress, which the Indian delivered into the hands of
Governour Carleton ; and thus in all probability was
the glorious enterprise in the end frustrated. In this
situation of distress they arrived at the head of the
river Chaudiere, which empties into the St. Lawrence
near Quebec. Here Colonel Arnold thought it advisea
ble to send back his sick, and gave orders to that ef
fect to, Colonel -Enos; but that officer, having held a
council of his own officers, undertook without the au
thority or knowledge of Arnold, to return with his
whole regiraent, alleging as an excuse the great scar
city of provisions, and the great distance, from any sup
plies. Colonel Arnold's force was thus reduced to
about seven hundred men. With these, however, he
continued his prpgress aud pn the 4th of November,

396 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
came to a human habitation, the first that had been
seen for a distance of five hundred miles. The French
Canadians received them with kindness, and supplied
them with a variety of provisions, which were eager
ly devoured by the starving soldiers.
Colonel Arnold was uoav within twenty five leagues
of Quebec, having surmounted all the difficulties of
his arduous enterprise. His road uoav lay through
an inhabited country, where the people liberally sup
plied the wants of his raen ; in this situation we shall
leave him to return to General Montgoraery.
Colonel Warner, who with his Green Mountain ^
Boys had so effectually stopped the progress of Gene
ral Carleton, turned his attention to M'Lean and Ms
Highland Emigrants, whom he soon forced to aban
don their station ou the Sorel, and to retreat to Que
bec. Having effected this, he erected a Battery at the
junction of that river with the St. Lawrence, where
he was joined by Colonel Eaton who had been sent
for this purpose, Avhich they managed with such skill
that General Carleton found himself completely block
ed up with his sraall force at Montreal. While he was
in this situation General Montgomeiy arrived from
St. John's, and took possession without opposition,
on the 13th of November — General Carleton having
abandoned the town to its fate, and made his escape
down the river in the night, in a small canoe with muf
fled oars. Montgomeiy thus obtained possession of
all the naval force of the river, consisting of eleven
arraed vessels, under the comraand of General Prescott, "i
who with 130 Regulars, and a large body of Canadi
an Volunteers, surrendered as prisoners of war. He
obtained besides a large supply of all those articles of
which his army stood most in need, particularly of

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 397
woollen cloths, with which he took care to clothe
his troops.
Arnold and his party had inthe mean time arrived
at Point Levi, opposite the town of Quebec, where
he became convinced of the treachery of the Indian
to whom he had entrusted his letter on the Kenne
beck. ' The boats which he expected to find there to,
transport his troops across the river had been remov
ed, and the enemy were no longer in a state to be sur
prised. Arnold, however, was not to be deterred
from attempting something against the town— ^he cal
culated strongly upon the defection of the inhabitants;
and having supplied himself with canoes, he crossed
the river in the night, and gained possession of the
heights of Abraham. Here, though he had uo artil
lery and scarcely half the number of men that compos
ed the garrison of the town, he raade a bold experi
ment to try the loyalty of the enemies' troops, by
sending a fiag to summon them to surrender. But
no raessage would be adraitted, and Arnold found
himself compelled to retire to some more comfortable
place of quarters for his men, and await the arrival
of General Montgomeiy.
General Carleton, who had escaped the vigilance
of the Provincial Batteries at MoritreKl, arrived safe
ly at Quebec, immediately after Arnold had with
drawn Ms troops, and began to prepare for a vigorous
defence. His garrison consisted of upwards of flf
teen hundred men, four hundred and flfty of whom
were British seamen, one company of the 7th Regi
ment, arid McLean's Highlandei's. All who refused
to bear arms were compelled immediately to quit the
town with their families apd effects, and every pre-
VOL. I. g|8

298 AMERICAN REVOLUTION. *
caution was taken which the necessity of the case de
manded. Many circumstances combined to render the situa
tion of General Montgoraery, though a conqueror,
extreraely unpleasant. The season was far advanc
ed, and the severities of the climate induced many of
Ms men to desert— the jtime for which many others
were enlisted was about to expire ; and few were
willing to encounter the hardships of a Mng raarch
through the deep snows of Deceraber. NotMng but
personal attachraent to the noble character of their
commander could have kept a single regiment toge
ther. After new clothing all his raen at Montreal,
and rendering them in other respects as comfortable
as the magazines there would admit of ; and having
taken the necessary measures to ensure a supply of
provisions on the raarch, the General pushed on through
every difficulty, and joined Arnold on the 1st of De
ceraber. His appearance was a source of great joy
to the Colonel's troops, as he had not forgotten to
bring with hira a store of such supplies as he knew
them to want. ,
Montgomery lost no time after Ms arrival in pre
paring for an immediate attack. The whole of Ms
force did not amount to more than the troops of the
garrison ; but he attempted by assuming an appear
ance of greater strength to weaken the confidence of
the latter, and thereby accomplish his object without
bloodshed. For this purpose on the 5th of Decem
ber, he addressed a letter to the Governour, in which
he urged hira by every argument calculated to pro
duce an effect upon his humanity or his fears, to spare
Ms garrison the dreadful consequences of a storm, by
an immediate surrender. General Carleton, however.

,,^ AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 3,99
was too old a soldier to be deceived by appearances —
he knew the difficulties under which Montgomery la
boured, and was convinced that if his garrison could
hold out for a few days, the climate Avould compel
the Provincials to abandon the siege. Montgomery's
messenger was fired at, and all comraunication for
bidden. In this situation General Montgomery com
menced a bombardment from five small mortars, which
he kept up for several days, with the hope of throw
ing the garrison into confusion. But it seemed to
produce no effect — a Battery of six guns was next
opened upon them, at the distance of seven hundred
yards, with no better success. — The garrison remain
ed insensible to any impressions of alarm.
General Montgomeiy now found himself under
circumstances much more delicate and embarrassing,
than those which had, sixteen years before, environed
the hero Wolfe at the same spot. Several feet of
snow covered the ground — his troops had undergone
every hardship that it was possible to suffer, and it
seemed now almost impossible for human nature to en
dure more. — He had arrived before Quebec a conque
ror, Ms farae had reached his countrymen and Ms Com
mander at Cambridge, and they would expect a con
tinuance of success. He remerabered raoreover his
parting words to the beloved partner of his bosom —
"you shall never blush for your Montgomery," he
had said, when he gave her the last embrace. While
these feelings and recollections were alternately ele
vating and depressing his noble spirit, he made a desr
perate resolution to attempt the enemy's works by es
calade. And such was the skill with which Ms plan
had been formed, that no doubt can remain, that he
would ultimately have succeeded, had not his whole

300 AMERICAN REVOLUTIOl
scheme been communicated to the gamron by some
scoundrels who deserted him at this critical moment.
Montgomery soon perceived that the garrison were
prepared ; and it became necessaiy to change Ms
whole plan of operations. Having disposed Ms ar
my into four divisions, two of which he intended
should make feigned attacks, while Arnold and him
self should be engaged in real attacks upon two oppo
site sides, before daylight ou the 31st of Desember,
in a thick fall of snow, Montgomeiy advanced at the
head of the New-Yorkers. Here again his fate re-
«erabled Wolfe's, for before he could reach the place
from whence he intended to comraence the attack, the
signal had been given through raistake, and the whole
garrison were alarraed. It was too late now to make
another change iu the plan of attack, and Montgome
ry pushed on — he was compelled to advance through
a narrow path between a precipice and overhanging
rocks — he had seized and passed the first barrier, and
was boldly advancing to the second, with a few of
Ms bravest companions, when a discharge of grape
shot from the cannon that were placed there, stopped
the progress of this brave and excellent officer, and
destroyed the hopes of the enterprise. Upon the fall
of the General, the officer upon whom the coramand
of his party devolved, retired without making any at--
tempt to pursue the advantages already gained. Some
of his bravest officers had shared the glorious desti-
ny of Montgomery, or Quebec must have fallen to
the united efforts of this party and that under Ar
nold. At the moraent Montgomery was advancing on the
side of Cape Diamond, Arnold with his hardy New-
Englanders, attacked them ou the side of St. Roques,

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 301
where after a severe conflict of an hour he carried the
enemy's first battery. In this onset Arnold had his
leg broken by a shot and was carried off to liis camp.-
Colonel Morgan, however, who succeeded him, was
weir qualified to lead on, which he did with such vi
gour, that he soon made himself master of the second
barrier. But the troops of the garrison, freed from
their apprehension of attack at any other point,* were
now enabled to turn their undivided force upon Co
lonel Morgan and Ms party ; and with a view to cut
off his retreat, a detachraent with several field pieces
-issued through one of the sally ports and attacked'
Mm in the rear, while in front he had to oppose the
whole remaining strength of the garrison. The stand
which this little band of raw Provincials made against
three times their number, is sufficient evidence that '
nothing but the death of Montgomery and the sub
sequent retreat of the party on the opposite side, could
have prevented the fall of Quebec and the surrender
of Carleton. After a desperate and obstinate defence
of three hours, the assailants were compelled to sur-
rerider themselves prisoners of war. Arnold wound
ed as he was, with the shattered remnants of his ar
my, now reduced to seven hundred men, though he
was compelled to abandon the siege, still continued
to blockade the town and to cut off all supplies from
the garrison.
In Montgomery, the Araericans lost one ofthe brav
est and most accomplished Generals that ever led an
army to the field. But he was not more illustrious
for his skill and courage as an officer than he was es
timable for his private virtues. He possessed a mind
adorned With every accomplishment, and a person in

303 AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
which every manly grace shone with conspicuous lus
tre. His was
« A combination, and a form, indeed,
Where every Goii did seem to set his seal.
To give the world assurance of a man."
General Montgomeiy had borne tbe commission of a
Colonel in the war of 1759, and was fighting by the side
of Wolfe, when that Spartan hero fell. His bravery
and his worth were then acknowledged by the British
array, and they were proud to regard him as a friend
and brother ; but notwithstanding the many profes;
sions of attachraent and esteem for his character, Ms
body would have been thrown with the heap of slain,
uncoffiued and unmarked, into the same indiscrimi
nate pit, but for the Lieutenant Governour ; who, urg
ed by the solicitations of the lady whom he after
wards married, reluctantly procured a coffin of the
roughest sort, and thus apart frora the rest, buried
his forraer friend and corapanion in arras. From this
spot, after mouldering iu the grave for more than for
ty two years, the bones of this gallant soldier were
removed by Ms fellow citizens of New-York, and
deposited in a tomb more worthy of him.
The resemblance in the character, conduct, and des
tiny of Wolfe and Montgomery, is too striking to
be passed over without a reraark. Montgoraery had
been in sorae measure the pupil of Wolfe ; under Ms
guidance he had learned the flrst rudiments of war ;
and in his career of glory, he saw an example wor
thy of imitation. We have seen the difficulties un
der which Wolfe had to struggle, and we have seen
the noble daring which led him, perhaps against the
suggestions of prudence, to attempt to surmount them.
He lived, as he expressed himself, but to fight Mont-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 303
calm on equal ground-r-this accoraplished he had con
summated the only object of his existence, and died
" content." — Wolfe was fighting for his King under
the orders of his Ministiy — and here lies the striking
difference in the lives and fortunes of these heroes. —
Montgomery entered on the expedition with the name
of Rebel — He Ventured his fame, his character, his
life, in the service of revolted Colonies — but it was to
secure to these Colonies the enjoyment of liberty un
der the rights of the constitution. For this he sacrific
ed the tender endearraents of conjugal felicity, and at
the head of an undisciplined body of men, placed him
self in opposition to a veteran General. The skill
which he displayed was equal to the fortitude which
such an enterprise demanded. He had not only to
contend against a formitlable eneray, but against the
severities of a cliraate to which none of Ms men were
accustomed. His having in one night constructed a
battery of ice, will at once show Ms military skill and
industry and the intense coldness of the climate. —
With a discontented, starving and mutinous army, he
pushed boldly forward in search of that victory which
had cheered the parting raoments of Wolfe — But des
tiny had marked a different course for hira ; death ar- '
rested his steps too soon. He was cut off in the onset,
and none was left to foUoW the plan which he had
marked out — his last sigh was embittered by antici^
pated defeat.
Victory brings its own lustre; aud when she en- '
twines her garlands around the head of an insensate ^
corpse, they seem from that single circumstance to dis
play a lovelier verdure : death gives a more touching
interest, a deeper pathos to the fate of the hero —
the millioQ will admire, and posterity will always ap-'

304 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
plaud. But how does the tragedy deepen when the

/hero expires on the field of battle, surrounded not by
/ the bearas of victoiy, but by the darkness of defeat,
'f He sees nothing to cheer Ms parting raoraents — noth
ing in anticipation but publick obloquy and that re
proach which seems inseparable frora want of success.
This reproach aud this obloquy did pursue the shade
of Montgoraery : Ms heroisra was stigmatized with
the character of rashness — of insanity. But let it be
remembered, that nothing but the difference of a few
7 hours in the term of Ms life, prevented that victory
w which consecrated the same rashness in Wolfe, and
\ impressed upon it the character of glory.
- The turn of a die decides the fate of an army ; and
j the same thing is desperation in one, or the highest ef-
"^ fort of military skill in another, according as defeat
or success shall attend the enterprise. Posterity, that
looks at the records of history unbiassed, will observe
no difference in the riierits of Wolfe and Mpntgome-
ry. They were both heroes— both entitled to the
chaplet of immortal fame.
L^_^ While these thing were going ou in the North, Ge
neral Gage took his departure for England, leaving his
troops, and the wretched inhabitants of Boston, almost
in a state of destitution. On his departure the com
mand of the array devolved on General Howe, whose
first act was to issue a proclaraation condemning to
military execution any inhabitant who should attempt
to quit the town without license. Having done this he
and his colleague Burgoyne, instead of keeping up the
ridiculous cannonading with which General Gage had
daily amused the American army, gave a loose to
their merriment in a different way. Burgoyne, who
was something of an author as well as soldier, employ-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 305
ed himself in writing farces, which the idle officers
played every night for the amuseraent of the town.
This appeared a favourable raoraent for an attack
upon the town, and the Congress hinted their wishes
to General Washington, who having consulted a coun
cil of his officers pronounced it to be for the present in
expedient. Subsequent events proved this decision
of the coramander in chief to be correct ; for an attack
now if it had proved successful, as most probably
would have been the case, would nevertheless have
been attended with the loss of many lives, that were
saved by a few months delay.
The Congress in the raean tinie having received
information from their agents in England that no no
tice seemed to be taken of their humble petition to the
King, began to lose all hope of any amicable arrange
ment of their dispute Avith Great Britain, and there
fore set themselves to work more seriously than ever,
in preparing for the cPntest. They determined to in
crease their army, and to extend the term of enlistments,
the shortness of which had already been attended with
many serious inconveniences. They took such steps
also as compelled the royal Governours to quit their
respective Colonies, and leave the government in the
hands ofthe conventions ; aud that each Colony should
raise a certain number of regiments at the expense of
the United Colonies. They passed resolutions like
wise, iraposing upon the members .the obligation of
secrecy as to all their measures, and forbidding, or ra
ther discountenancing any thing like a petition to the
King or Pariiaraent from any individual Colony.
One ofthe most important military measures of the
session was the ordering a body of marines to be rais
ed, and the equipmeut'of several ships of Avar. It was
VOL. 1. 39

306 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
also wisely deterrained to secure the passage of the
Hudson, or North River, by erecting fortifications in
the Highlands. 'Committees vvere appointed to inquire
into the state of the several Colonies, and troops order
ed to be sent where they were wanted to aid the citi
zens in defending their rights. The manufacture of
powder had been so far encouraged that several mills
were established, vvhich promised an abundant sup
ply- About this time General Howe was guilty of two
acts which in sorae ages and countries, would have
consigned his head to the block, and his name to infa
my. One of these was to convert one of the oldest
aud most venerable places of publick worship, into a
riding school, and the elegant carved pews, were used
as walls to a pig sty. The other act alluded to was
Ms sending out seven hundred of the inhabitants,
among whom the small pox was prevailing, into the
country, with a design of communicating the infection
to the American army. General Howe has been ac
cused by some of his countrymen of too great an at
tachment for the Americans ; to which indeed they
have gone so far as to attribute all his misfortunes.
But if it can add to General Howe's farae, that his
conduct to the Araericans was on all occasions dictat
ed by a spirit of revengeful animosity, more than the
mere circumstance of situation called for, we freely
offer our testimony to his implacable hatred. >
General Washington had iu the course of the au
tumn, as much with a view to exercise and discipline
his troops as from any prospect of advantage, erected
works at several points around Boston. In some of
these attempts the troops were occasionally fired up
on, but they could not be made to desist from their

AMERICAN REVOLUTIONk 307
labour. They thus established batteries on every emi-
nencp in the neighbourhood of the enemy at Bunker
Hill, and even carried their approaches to within half
a mile of the town ; where in the face of a cannonad
ing which lasted for four days they succeeded in mak
ing a lodgement.
Ca^tainMowatt ofhis Majesty's navy, whose name
hadbeen written in characters of blood on the defence
less walls of Bristol, again signalized himself in the
course of the autumn, by destroying the flourishing
town of Falmouth in Massachusetts. Upwards of four
hundred houses were burned by this modern Nero,
who feasted Ms savage heart at seeing the haiWess
inhabitants flying from the devouring flames.
The comraissions which were granted by the Pro
vincial Assembly of Massachusetts for Letters of
Marque and Reprisal were found before the end ofthe
year to produce a good effect. Many valuable prizes
were made by the enterprising seamen of Marblehead,
of storeships from England for the use of the Troops
at Boston. In these enterprises Captain Manly, of
Marblehead, greatly distinguished himself.
It may not be uninteresting before we close the year
to note a curious account which was kept by some of
the gentleraen in the vicinity of Boston, of the constant
flring from the British Batteries. From the 19th of
June to the 35th of December the British threw up
wards of 3000 shot and shells, and killed only twelve
ofthe Provincials.

308 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

CHAPTER XII.
Events of 1776. — Reasons for the invasion of Canada. — Distress
es of Irnold — Dunmore burns the town of JK'orfolk — Proceed
ings of the British Parliament. — Dulce of Grafton resigns^—
Mr. Penn examined hefore the House— ^Several conciliatory pro
positions rejected. — Lord JVorth's Prohibitory Bill — Motion of
Mr. Fox — Mr. Hartley's motions — fiis Majesty's Hessian trea
ties. — Imericans alter their fiag. — Heights of Dorchester taken
possession of by the lmericans..^General Howe abandons Bos
ton — Washington enters it in triumph.--Jlmold retires from he
fore Quebec. — General Frazer is repulsed from Three Rivers.—
Iffair at the Cedars.^lmold retreats from Montreal, — Retreat
of General Sullivanfrom Canada. — Lee arrives at JVew-Fork,—-
" Pursues Clinton. — Iffair of Moore's Creek Bridge, — Mtack
on Sullivan's Island— Brave defence of Fort Moultrie. — Opera
tions of Commodore Hopkins.— Commissioners sent to Cana-
daj—Lee gives notice in Congress of his intended motion for
Independence.— Proceedings of the Colonies thereon.— Secret
proceedings on Lee's motion — Independence declared.
The expedition which had been planned against
Canada, seemed, in the opinion of many who professed
to approve of the resistance raade by the Colonies to
the oppressive measures of the Ministry, wholly to
change the nature of the controversy. The opposition
which had been theretofore raade to Government, had
been made, it was contended, upon the principle of
defending certain * natural rights, and was not only
perfectly consistent with the British coustitution, but
Avarranted by the sanction of that precedent which had
placed the sceptre in the hands of his present Majes
ty. But to wage an offensive war against that portion
of his Majesty's dominions, which had taken no part
in the contest, was, it was said, at once to lose the cha-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. - 309
racter of the aggrieved in that of the aggressor, and to
forfeit all claim to redress on the plea of justiflable re
sistance. These were serious charges, to which a proper re
spect for themselves seemed to deraand a reply from
the American Colonies. It was well known to them
and to the world, that the Act of Parliament, common
ly called the Quebec Act, had converted the govern
ment of Canada into a complete despotism ; and that
the powers §iven to the Governour of that Province
were unlimited so far as it concerned his proceedings
against those whom he might choose to consider as re
bellious subjects of the King. Sir Guy Carleton had
already given sufficient evidence, that he was dispos
ed to construe his discretionary powers, in the most
arbitrary sense, and that he only waited for a conve
nient opportunity to exercise Ms restless spirit be
yond the confines of his Province. To raarch against
Mm, therefore, and prevent the execution of his hos
tile designs, was considered as much a matter of self
defence, as if they had Availed to be actually attack
ed. They were not bound, it was argued, by any law
of nature, or by any maxira of reason or policy, to
look tamely on, while preparations were making for
their destructiou. The question with Congress was,
shall we lose the time, which the incapacity of the
British troops in Boston to do us injury, now affords
us of putting a stop to the hostile preparations of Ge
neral Carleton, or shall we calmly wait until all our
exertions shall be required to defend ourselves else
where? Whatever might have been the answer to
this question by apologists ofthe divine right of Kings
and the supreme power of Ministers, every unpreju
diced politician will be Avilling to acknowledge, that

310 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
the step which the Congress took with regard to Ca
nada, was fully justifled by existing circumstances.
We left Colonel Arnold, weak and wounded, with
a small remnant of the army, in the depth of winter
still blockading the royal array, of more than double
his numbers, in Quebec. A finer compliment could not
have been paid to the bravery ofthese sons of liberty,
than was implied in the fact that Sir Guy Carleton did
not think it prudent to pursue them in their retreat. His
treatment of the prisoners, too, which Avas somewhat
different frora the savage cruelty which he had been
accustoraed to use towards the rebellious Colonists,
showed that whatever he raight think of their conduct
in a political point of view, he could not but regard
them as brave soldiers, who deserved the tribute of
applause from every military man. Strong persua
sions were used by Sir Guy to induce several of
the Provincial officers to abandon the cause of their
country, and accept commissions in the British ser
vice. To the intrepid Morgan he offered the com
mission of a Colonel ; but that inflexible patriot de
sired that he raight never more be insulted with a pro
position so abhorrent to his feelings.
With what delight would the historian dwell upon
the conduct of Arnold at this critical moraent, but that
Arnold lived to tear up by the roots every laurel
which he had planted, and to cast a stain upon his
escutcheon which no art could hide. He retired with
his littie army to the distance of three miles frora Que
bec ; he had lost the bravest of his officers, was him
self unable to move, and had every reason to expect
that Sir Guy would march out to attack him. But
he still maintained his ground. His raen, who had
braved with him the hardships of a march, to which

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 311
there is no parallel in history, were still content to
share the severities of a cliraate to which none of thera
were accustomed, and to submit to all the privations
of their situation without a murmur. He had writ
ten to General Wooster, who had been left at Mon
treal, to join hira with reinforcements, and to take the
comraand of the array ; but this was a thing not ea
sily to be accoraplished, and Arnold was corapelled
to depend upon his own resources. He fortifled him
self as well as he was able, and bore up against eve
ry difficulty, with a vigour of raind and a fertility of
genius, that have never been surpassed.
But it is tirae to return to the South, and observe
the proceedings of Lord Dunmore after the defeat of
Ms motley forces at the Great Bridge. His Lordship
fled precipitately with all the white loyalists on board
Ms fleet, leaving the enfranchised blacks to shift for
themselves, and the town of Norfolk to be entered by
the victorious Provincials.
The great number of useless mouths which the loy
alty of the inhabitants added to his Lordship's reti
nue, soon reduced the fleet to considerable distress
for want of provisions. They were cut off from all
supplies frora the shore, except what could be stolen
by the boats that chose to venture within the grasp of
the outraged inhabitants, and the difficulties attend
ing these marauding parties were daily increased.- —
In this situation Lord Dunmore, with as much assu
rance as if he really had a claim to the good offices of
the insulted Colonists, sent a flag to Norfolk to ask a
supply of provisions for his Majesty's Ships, The
answer might easily have been anticipated ; Colonel
Howe, vvho commanded the Provincials, refused to
comply with the requisition of his Lordship ; and ou

313 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
the first day of the eventful year 1776, his Lordship
comraenced a canouade against the town, frora two
frigates and two sloops of war. Under the cover of
these guns a party of sailors^ and marines landed and
set fire to the town ; and in a few hours the first com
mercial town in the Colony of Virginia was reduced
to a heap of ashes.
Savage as Lord Dunmore was, the enormity ofthis
act seemed even to him to require an apology ; and
in a few days afterwards there appeared an account,
published on board of his ship, (for a Printing Press
was an essential part of his establishment) in which
it was attempted to throw the odium upon the rebels —
his Lordship avowing that it was only Ms intention to
burn a few of the houses near the water. But this
contemptible falsehood gained no credit, even among
his Lordship's friends. It was not possible to be
lieve that the Provincials themselves wouhi destroy
the raost flourishing toAvn in their Colony, and deprive
theraselves of the corafortable winter quarters which
it afforded, raerely that they might charge it to the in
famy of Ms Lordship's character, which was already
black enough in the estimation ofthe whole Colony^
Besides, what could have been his object in destroy
ing a few houses? Did he suppose that the flames
would obey his mandate, and spread no further than
the houses to which the brands were applied? No — }
the conflagration of towns and cities was a part of the
system of coercion. It coraraenced with General
Gage upon the unoffending town of Charlestown. —
Stonington, Bristol, Falmouth, had shared the same
fate. These were the raeans by which the British
nation, or more truly, the British Gfovernment, thought
to aAve the brave and hardy descendants of their own

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 313
sires — ^these were the raandates by which a misguid
ed Ministry hoped to bring America to their feet. —
Let thera answer to the world for the blood that vvas
shed during a conflict of seven years.
Let us now inquire into the measures of the Bri
tish Parliament during their Session of the preceding
auturan. His Majesty had opened the Session by
a speech from the throne, unusually long and virulent,
in which he breathed forth a spirit of animosity against
the Colonies more inveterate than ever, and intimat
ed that nothing would satisfy hira but the raost abso^
lute and unconditional submission. The Duke of
Grafton who had been fruitlessly labouring tMough-
out the sumraer, to effect a change in the disposition
of the Ministry towards America, soou after resigned
the Privy Seal— thus refusing any longer to be acces
sary to riieasures, which his disinterested patriotism
could not but regard as ruinous to Ms country. He
had in the first instance lent his sanction to the sys
tem of coercion, because he had been misled by false
information of the state of the Colonies ; but his no
ble miud would not suffer him to continue in errour a
a moment after he became acquainted with the true
nature of their resistance.
The Privy Seal was immediately after given to the
Earl of Dartmouth, whose conduct as American Se
cretary had been' rather too conciliating to please the
rulers of Administration. His office was conferred
upon Lord George Sackville Germaiiie — a pupil of
Mr. Grenville, and a zealous advocate of Parliamen
tary supremacy.
It has been raentioned, that when the Petition of
Congress to the King was presented by Mr. Penn
and Mr. Lee, Ms Majesty had directed Lord Dart-
VOL. I. 40

314 AMERICAN REVOLUtlON, I
mouth to say lo those gentlemen, that no answer
Avould be given to it. Parliament, however, Imd de
manded to see that Petition ; and a copy of itbeiiig laid
before the House of Peers ori the 7th of November, the
Duke of Richmond moved that Mr. Penn be exam
ined touching its authenticity. This motion produc
ed a most furious opposition frora the Ministiy, Who
it appeared, were purposely blind to all inforraation
concerning America, and who rather than hear any
thing on the subject from one who was so well quali
fied to tell the truth, 'admitted the authenticity of the
paper, hoping thereby to get rid of the motion. Brit
tlie Noble Duke had a wider object in vicAV, in desir
ing to hear Mr. Penn at the Bar of the House, than
riierely to prove the authenticity of the Petition of
Congress. — ^^He AVas desirous that thepeople ol' Eng
land should have an opportunity of obtaining correct
information coucerriing the Colonies, and the ultimate
ends arid designs ofthe Congress, which hadbeen so
egregiously raisrepresented by Miriisters. For this
purpose, therefore, when his former motion had been
rejected, he raade another, that Mr. Penn should be
exarained at the Bar the next day, thus making it an
abstract proposition against which no objection could t
be fairly urged. This motion after another warm de
bate was finally agreed to, and on the 10th Mr. Penn '
was called to the House. < J
The examination of Mr. Penn incontestably ^prov- *,,
ed two facts, Avhich ought to have been sufficient to ''.
hurl the Ministers from their abused trusts — These
w^ere, that Congress had formed no design of inde
pendence; and that Koi a member ofthe Administra- j
tion had proposed a single question to him on the sub
ject of American affairs, since Ms arrival in the coun-

AMERICAN RipVOLUTION. 315
tiy. Hp strpnger evidence could be offered ofthe base
ness of Ministers, whp h^d in the first instance trust
ed to the false representations of their pwn tools, and
who afterwards chose rather to keep the whole king
dom in ignprance, than acknowledge that they had
been deceived. They were perfectly acquainted Avith
the true state of American affairs, long before Mr.
Penn arrived in England ; it was not very wonder
ful, therefpre, tbat they did not think it necessary to
question Mm for their own satisfactipn ; but it argued
deliberate malignity of design, thatthey should object
to the examination of that worthy man by others. It
showed that they knew what his testimony would be —
that it must contradict all their previous assertions,
and perhaps induce the people of England to insist
upon their dismissal from the councils ofhis Majesty.
When the examination of Mr. Penn was conclud
ed, the Duke of Richmond moved " That the Peti
tion from the Continental Congress to the King, was
ground for a conciliation of the unhappy differences
at present subsisting between Great Ilritain and Ame
rica." This motion was supported by every argu
ment which could be drawn from a clear and dispas
sionate view of the whole ground. It was contend
ed that if the present offer of conciliation was not
seized, the chance would be lost for ever, aud that
expense, desolation and carnage would be the inevi
table consequence. The utter impossibility of con
quering the vast cpntinent of America, was fairly and
strongly represented ; and the horrours of a war to
wMch no termination could be foreseen, were contrast
ed with the blessings of peace upon the terms propos
ed by the Congress.

316 AMERICAN REVOLUTIOlJ.

I

But these arguments were corabated by the usual
cant about the sovereignty of the British Parliament,
and the motion was finally rejected.
A few days after this, the Duke of Grafton, intro
duced several motions, the objects of which were, to
obtain a statement of the troops employed in Ameri
ca previous to the coraraenceraent of hostilities — an
account of the present state of the army in that coun
try — of the plans which had been adopted for provid
ing for them — the further force which it was thought
necessary to send to Araerica — and as far as it could
be ascertained the nuraber of troops in the Provincial
army. But the Ministers contended, and perhaps
with some justice, that a compliance with the objects
of these raotions would involve inforraation which it
would be highly iraproper to disclose — that it would
he giving that intelligence to the Araericaris which they
most desired to have ; and in short, the motions were
rejected. Another attempt was made on the succeeding day
to change the course of Ministerial measures, by a se
cond conciliatory proposition from Mr. Burke. His
motion was introduced by an able and eloquent speech,
in which he minutely examined every plan which had
been proposed for putting an end to the troubles in
America. He said that the difficulties that raust attend
a continuance of hostile measures were insurmounjta-
ble — ^that war could never lead to the accomplishment ,
of the object in vIcav, nor would the distresses which
were heaped upon various portions of the Araerican
people, ever reduce the whole continent to submission —
that concession Pn the part of Parliament was indispen
sable, a concession founded upon the great charter of
Edward Ist, and the British Constitution. Mr. Burke's

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 317
plan of conciliation was simple and rational, tvvo qua
lities which were of themselves sufficient to prevent its
receiving the sanction ofthe Ministers. Upon the di
vision, however, it was found that their majority was
much smaller than they had been accustomsd to see,
where they thought proper to make their sentiments
knowri. Four days after the rejection of Mr. Burke's pro
position. Lord North introduced a Bill whicl^ has be
come faraous, or rather infamous, under the name of
the Prohibitory Bill, which interdicted all trade and,
intercourse with the thirteen United Colonies. By
this Bill all property of Americans, of whatever de
scription, at sea or on shore, was made lawful prize to
the captors. But it had an excepting clause, which
allowed to his Majesty's Commissioners, the power of
removing these restrictions from any Colony, or parts
ofa Colony, that should return to a state of obedience. —
The opposition objected to this as an absolute decla
ration of war — a formal abdication of government over
the Colonies. They asserted, and with justice, that
it Would drive the twP countries to the fatal extremity
of absolute conquest on the one side, or absolute in
dependence on the other-pthat the offers of pardon by
which the Bill was accompanied, were absurd when
offered to men who were suff'ering rather than doing
wrong. They contended that the provisions of this
Bill wpuld force the Americans into alliance with some
foreign power — that it would necessarily compel them
to convert their merchant ships into privateers ; by
which they would do greater injury to the cpramerce of
the kingdora than could be done by- any other war.
They asserted that the Americans would be driven by
this Bill to open their ports to foreigners, which would

S18 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
of necessity involve the Ministers iu all the evils of a
foreign war, which at such a time was of all tMng^o
be most dreaded-
It is hardly necessary to say, that this Bill of thp
Minister's passed by a large majority, notwithstand
ing all the arguments of truth, reason and justice, that
could be urged against it.
Not long after this Mr. Fox, whose fame as a States
man has since resounded through eyery portion of the
civilized world, moved that an account of the expen
ses of the Staff, Hospitals, and all military contingen
cies whatspever, pf the army in America, from Au
gust 1773 to August 1775 inclusive, be laid before the
House. Mr. Fox said that the object of his motion"' ,
was to lay open tothe House, an astonishing scene of
Ministerial delusion — that it would prove, that the
expenses of 1775 had far exceeded any of the glorious .;
carapaigns of theDuke of Marlborough, and thatthey
would necessarily be much greater for the present .^
year, than during any year ofthe last war, when Great
Britain had to contend against all the great powers of '
Europe, arid kept up a military force of mo^e than
300,0,00 men.— But the Ministers had only to say that
the exhibitiori of these accounts would be improper —
the motion of Mr. Fox was negatived without a divi- f
sion. .
Notwithstanding all the discouragements which were
given to the friends of America, there was still anoth
er attempt made to bring about a recoriciliation. , On
the 7th of December, Mr. Hartley introduced a series
of propositions, the objects of which were, — to make
an address to Ms Majesty for a suspension of hostili
ties, — a bill to enable the Province of Massachusetts
Bay to elect an Assembly and Council accprding to

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 319
their Charter — .and a bill for repealing all the laws
since the year 1763. — These propositions were not
even thought worthy of debate : they were rejected
almost as soon as offered.
Ou the 30th of February, Mr. Fox again came for
ward with a motion for the appointment oiPa commit
tee " to inquire into the ill success of his Majesty's
arms in America." — Mr. Fox said that he should de
cline at present to enter into a recapitulation ofthe cau
ses of dispute with America, or to develope that sys-
' tem which in every constituent part, gave the most
unequivocal proofs, that its ultimate design was the
destruction ofthe Constitution. His present object,
he said, was to draw the attention of the House to
tacts which could not be disputed. It was acknowl
edged on all hands, that there had been mismanage
ment, misconduct, incapacity, or neglect, somewhere;
and it was important to ascertain whether the evils ari
sing from these faults Avere to be imputed to the Min
isters at home, or to the military commanders abroad,
or conjointly to both. The nation had a right to know
where the fault lay, that a remedy might be applied
before it was too late. He said that unless the Min
isters were conscious of guilt themselves,, they could
not object to this inquiry. ¦ ,
The view which Mr. Fox took of the measures of
'i V
coercion, which had been pursued by the Ministers,
exhibited such a picture of folly, ignorance, and mis
conduct in Ministers, and of servility to their vie avs on
the part of the Parliament, that it threw the whole
body of Court parasites into dismay. But this was
all that could be effected by it. The motion AAas set
aside by calling the previous questiori.

330 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
The next subject of iraportance, as it concerned
America, which occupied the attention of Parliament,
was the Treaty which his Majesty had entered into
with sorae of the petty Princes of Gerraany, particu
larly with the Landgrave, and the hereditary Prince
of Hesse Cassel, for the hire of troops to aid in subdu
ing his Araerican subjects. The debates to which the
discussion of this Hessian Treaty gave rise, necessa
rily took a wide range. Among the arguments which
were' used to show the impolicy of employing these
foreign raercenaries, it was contended that it would be
setting an example to the Colonies themselves to en
ter into foreign alliances ; and that they might instead
of hiring foreign troops obtain upon better terms the
assistance of those European powers from which Great
Britain had most to fear. On the other hand the trea
ties were strenuously defended by the Ministers on
the strong plea of necessity. They spoke lightly of
the expenses which would attend the eraployraent of
these troops, as they did not doubt that the war with
America would he finished in one campaign, or at most
in two. The idea that the war would be prolonged
to a raore distant period, they thought " so totally im
probable as not to merit consideration." Such was the
blind infatuation of those vvho ruled the voice of the
Parliament.. A few days after the discussion on these treaties,
the Secretary of War made a demand for near one mil
lion of pounds sterling, for the extraordinary expen
ses of the army. This demand brought upon the Min
isters such a torrent of eloquence, wit, ridicule and in
vective, that they took the question without replying
a word, well knowing that they were able to wield the
House at will.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 331
All hope of accoraraodation, however, was not even
yetlostby the real friends of the Kingdora. The Duke
of Grafton on the 14th of March, moved for an Ad
dress to the King, praying that his Majesty might be
pleased to issue a Proclamation, " declaring that if
the Colonies, before or after the 'arrival of the troops
destined for Araerica, shall present a petition to the
Coraraander in Chief, or to the Commissioners to be
appointed under the late act, setting forth what they
consider to be their just rights and real grievances,
that in such case his Majesty will consent to a suspen
sion of arras ; and that he has authority from his Par
liament to assure thera that their Petition shall be re
ceived, considered, and answered."
But this motion of the Noble Duke, like all others
of a similar tendency, failed to raake any impression
upon the Ministerial party. War was considered as
actually declared, and no further attempt was made
during the session to stem the tide of Ministerial folly.
The knowledge that the personal feelings of the King
were interested in this Avar, tended to render it extrerae
ly popular among certain classes of people in Eng
land, — who continued to believe, notAvithstanding the
successes which had attended the American arms in
Canada, and the blockade of the British army in Bos
ton, that the mere sight of the troops to be sent over,
would quiet all opposition, and reduce the Colonists to
obedience. Such was the fatal infiuence of royal ani
mosity !
Having thus seen the views and proceedings of the
British Parliament during the Se'ssion of 1775-6, it
is now time to return to the tWo armies on the Conti
nent. The British army under General HoAve, spent
the winter in acting the farces of General Burgoyne,
VOL. I, 41

333 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
while General Washington was every day taking steps
more effectually to invest the town of Boston, The
troops on Bunker Hill had spent the winter in tents,
exposed to all the severities of a northern climate — the
ships laden with supplies of provisions and fuel from
Englaud, were for tlfe raost part captured by Ameri-
rican priVateers — General Howe found it every day
more and raore difficult to procure either. To supply
the want of fuel, raany of the houses in town were torn
down and used as fire wood. But it was not so easy
to find a remedy for the want of provisions. The Pro
vincials, both by sea and land, were too vigilant to
suffer any thing to reach the town which could contri
bute to their relief.
In this state of things the Americans received a co
py of the King's speech, which roused thera to such a
pitch of indignant feeling, that the speech was pub
lickly burned in the camp, and their flag which had
been hitherto plain red was now changed to thirteen
stripes, as emblematical of the Union of the Colonies.
This intelligence was soon succeeded by news of the
Prohibitory Act and the Hessian Treaty, which de- ,
termined General Washington to lose no time in ex
pelling the British from Boston, before the arrival of
the expected reinforcements. For this purpose, ou the
3d of March a Battery was opened on Phipps's farm,
from which a cannonade waS kept up for several days ;
raore with a view to divert the attention of the British
army from a work of more importance then in contem
plation in another quarter, than from any expectation
of other advantage. The plan succeeded ; and ou the
evening of the 4th General Thomas was detached with
two thousand men to take possession of the heights of
Dorchester pn the other side of tiie town. The neg.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 3^3
Iect to fortify this important point, which command
ed not only the isthmus of Roxbury, but the Castle,
and the greater part of the harbour, was certainly a
stigma on the military character of General Howe,
which no subsequent exertion of genius ever wiped
off. ^ General Thomas, with the same expedition which
had characterized the labours of Putnam and Prescott,
on the ever memorable Breed's Hill, had completed a
Battery of bombs and 34pounders in the course of the
night, which met the astonished view of General Howe
and his officers on the raorning of the 5th as the work
of enchantment. Their amazement and consternation
were even greater than when these newly arrived Bo ¦
badils had seen the magick enti-enchments ofthe 19th
of June. At that time, their contempt of Yankee cou
rage, excluded every thing like a raixture of fear in
their amazement : they were then full ofthe assurance,
that to look big was enough to strike the Arbericans
with unresisting terrour. Butthe case was altered —
these blustering gentlemen had found occasion to
change their opinions pf the Yankees, as they had been
pleased in their merry humours to miscall Americans :
and when the guns frora this enchanted hill of Dor
chester began to play upon the town, the alarra of the
General and Ms arriiy, was scarcely less than their
mortification. It was necessaiy that General Howe should deter
mine at once what course to pursue — the Admiral had
assured him th£(,t he could not be answerable for the
safety of the fleet, if the Americans retained posses
sion of the Heights — to evacuate the town without
some effort to dislodge the Americans, would be dis
graceful' — and the General fina,lly determined to at-

334 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
tempt a coup de main. Orders were given for the em
barkation of a nuraber of troops, destined as was sup
posed, to^ storra the works on Dorchester Heights;
but fortunately for those who were detached on this
perilous service, a tempest prevented their embark
ing on the evening proposed, and the next day the de
sign was abandoned. The cause which has been as
signed for this sudden revolution in the desigris of the
General, was the discovery, on the morning after the
terapest, that the Americans had thrown up a new work,
stronger than any of the former, and which it was judg
ed impossible to force. Another discoveiy still raore
strange, and equally sudden, on the part of the Gene
ral, was, " that Boston was not a situation very hap
pily chosen for the improvement of any advantage
that mightbe obained for the reduction ofthe Colonies."
The conduct of General Howe, throughout the whole
time of his command at Boston, has been the theme of
much severe censure. His neglect to improve the
means that were in his power, before the American
array at Cambridge were in a condition to resist him —
his inglorious, idle, and licentious revellings through
the winter — his suffering the Araericans from time to
tirae to fortify every advantageous post in his vicinity,
until he was finally compelled disgracefully to aban
don the very town forthe express occupation of which
the army had been sent from Englaud — all remains
inexplicable. It was perhaps too late for General
Howe to have effected any thing after the Americans
had gained possession of Dorchester Heights, though
he had an army of nine thousand veteran tropps ; but
it is somewhat wonderful, considering the system
which had been all along pursued, that he did not leave
the evacuated town in flames.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 325
' On the other baud, it may be regarded as equally
strange, that General Washington not only did not
take any measures to impede the slow and difficult em
barkation of the mixed and numerous group of soldiers
and citizens, women and children, that followed Ge
neral Howe; but that he actually ceased from the
bombardment, which had only been commenced, as
it appeared, as a signal for the movement, as soon as
the enlbarkation began, and remained quiet during the
ten days that were consumed in completing it. These
circumstances would naturally lead to the supposition,
that some agreement, or mutual understanding, had
taken place between the tvvo Coramanders, for the safe
ty of the town on the one hand, and of the retiring ar
my on the other. That such an agreemerit would have
been perfectly justifiable on the part of the Americaii
Commander, cannot admit of a doubt. The town of
Boston was too important in every point of view,
to risk its conflagration, for the sake of gaining a
bloody victory, vvhen all the advantages of a victory
could be gained without blood. Fifteen hundred Arae
ricaris too, raen, women, and children, were confused
ly intermingled with the army of General Howe. Most
of these, it is true, were traitors to the caUse of their
country, and had forfeited all claim to the forbearance
of their countryraen ; but there were still many among
thein, whose fate had been decided by necessity rather
than choice, and who must have shared in the suffer
ings of a battle — which, if there had been one at all,
must in the nature of things, have been a terrible and
deadly conflict.
Whatever were the motives which actuated either
General, Washington entered Boston in triumph,' at
one end, while the rear of Howe's array were quitting

336 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
it, at the other. He was received with every demon
stration of joy by tbe remaining inhabitants, though
many of them had most heartily prayed for his dis
comfiture, and would gladly have fled with theBritish
army, had not a dearer interest bound them to their
property in Boston. The houses and effects of those
Avho had abandoned their country were conflscated,
and sold for the benefit of the publick treasury.
As a part of the raeans of defence which the Ame
ricans had prepared ou Dorchester Height, it is a sin
gular fact, that a number of barrels filled with large
stones were so placed on the declivity, as that they
might have been rolled down upon the enemy, in the
event of an attempt to storm the work. The tremen
dous effects of such a raode of repelling assailants, may
be easily conceived.
General Howe, in his passage out of the harbour,
ordered the works on Castle Island to be destroyed,
that the Americans might not by obtaining possession
of them, impede the movements of the ships of war
that were left in the harbour for the protection ofthe
transports and storeships daily expected from Eng
land. Stores of various sorts to a considerable amount
were left in Boston, and a great quantity of artillery,
cannon and mortars, on the works at Bunker Hill and
other places, which the British had neither time to car
ry off nor destroy.
The situation of General Howe at this period was
so truly embarrassing, that it might almost have exci
ted the corapassion of the enemy. Compelled to fly
in disgrace, from a foe that Ms whole army had been
taught to despise, and whom his masters at home
thought it possible to conquer with a frown — ^forced
to listen to the discontents and jealousies of his offic-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 337
ers, the coraplaints of his wounded and suffering sol
diers, the cries of woraen and children, and all the con
fusion incident to a motley crowd of ten thousand per
sons, each anxious for the safety of his various ef
fects — reduced to the necessity of putting to sea with
a fleet of one hundred and flfty ships in the most stor
my mouth of the year : vvith a scarcity of all the raost
necessary articles of subsistence — All these considera
tions reridered his situation indeed deplorable. Nor
was it alleviated by the consolatory reflection that he
was free from censure. Many of Ms officers, and par
ticularly those of the navy, did not scruple to charge
hira with having brought upon the army all these ca
lamities. — It was on the 17th of March that General
Washington triumphantly marched into Boston. Ge
neral Clinton had been some time before detached by
General Howe, to direct the operations of the South ;
and General jLee had been sent by Washington, to
watch and counteract Ms movements. But before we
inquire into the transactions of the South, it will be
proper to turn our attention to the little army under
Arnold in Canada.
We have seen that Colonel Arnold, after the despe
rate but unsuccessful assault upon Quebec, had retir
ed with about seven hundred men, to the distance of
three miles from the city, where he fortifled himself
as well as circumstances would enable hira, in a situ
ation effectually to cut off all supplies from the gar
rison. The reinforcements which he had asked for,
arrived but slowly. As soon as General Thomas arrived
to take the command, another attempt was made upon
the city. They erected batteries, constructed flre ships,
and prepared scaling ladders, with a view of setting
flre to the shipping and the town, and entering the

338 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
works during the confusion that this would necessa
rily occasion. At this time an attempt was made to
drive the Americans away by a Mr. Beaujeu, who
collected a body of the Canadian gentry, and march
ed against them. But he was compelled by a small
detachment of the Provincials to retreat within the
walls, and abandon his design. The Americans suc
ceeded in setting flre to a few houses in the suburbs,
but the conflagration was prevented from spreading,
by pulling down the houses that would have commu
nicated with the city. The failure of their attempt to
fire the town rendered their plan of storraing the works
impracticable ; they were therefore corapelled to con
tent theraselves with continuing the siege, feeble and
ineffectual as were their means of assault.
In this state of things, the small pox made its ap
pearance among the Provincial troops. It is hardly
possible to conceive the terrour, distress and confusion,
which this horrible disease occasioned in the Ameri
can camp. Under the most favourable circurastances,
the appearance of an infectious disorder of so raalig
nant a character, must have produced much confusion
and suffering ; what then must have been the dreadful
dismay and distress which it occasioned to the Ame
rican army in their situation. Destitute ofthe means
which could lessen or impede its ravages, ignorant of
its true nature, and anticipating dangers which their
fears raagnified tenfold raore than the reality, it was
found almost impossible to prevent a total dispersion
of the troops. Few or none ofthe Provincials had had
the disorder ; and having heard that inoculation was
the only preventive of its fatal tendency, the reinforce
ments as they arrived, continued in deflance of orders
to inoculate themselves, and thus to spread still fur-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 339
ther the terrible effects of the disease. Out of three
thousand recruits that had arrived in the course ofthe
Spring, only nine hundred remained flt for duty.
While the array was in this suffering condition the
ships of war arrived with succours for the British Ge
neral. They had with incredible exertions and dex
terity cut through the ice, and forced a passage to the
relief of the town ; and having landed a thousand ma
rines with two companies of the 39th, Sir Guy joined
them with eight hundred of his own troops and im
mediately marched to the attack of the Americans. .
But he was too late — General Thomas, who superse
ded Wooster in the command, foreseeing this event,
had made a hasty retreat, being compelled frora the
situation of his troops to leave behind hira all his ar
tillery and stores, and a number ofthe sick who were
unable to move.
If Sir Guy Carleton had pursued the American ar
my at this period, the whole must have fallen into his
hands — ^the Provincials were dispersed at various
points and the retreating General had not more than
three hundred effective men, with whom it would have
been impossible for him to have made a stand. But
the Governour was content to be released from his be
siegers, and did not seera to be desirous of effecting
more than to drive them from his neighbourhood.
About a hundred prisoners fell into his bands, chiefly
the sick and wounded, which, to the honour of Sir
Guy Carleton, met with the most humane treatment.
The Araericans continued their retreat to the river
Sorel, having raarched the flrst forty-five miles with
out halting. Here they found a reinforceraent of se
veral regiraents waiting for thera under General
Thompson, who in a few days succeeded to the com-
VOL. I. 43

330 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
maud, by the unfortunate death of General Thomas,
who died of the small pox. A few days after this event
an enterprise was planned by General Sullivan, which
displayed much more boldness of design, than pru
dence or good management.— The army under Gene
ral Howe was increased by the arrival of the troops
from England, Ireland, and Brunswick, to upwards
of thirteen thousandmen, the principal rendezvous of
which was at Three Rivers — a post on the north side
of the St. Lawrence, about half way between Quebec
and Montreal. Brigadier General Frazer, with a
large body of the British and Brunswick troops, was
stationed at this post — Brigadier General JSTesbit re
mained with another considerable body on board the
transports, a few miles below — several of the ships
with troops had made their way a little above — and
the reraainder of the array with the Generals Carle
ton, Burgoyne, Philips and Reidesel, occupied vari
ous posts onthe river between Three Rivers and Que
bec. — Under these circumstances General Sullivan
conceived it possible to surprise the Army at Three
Rivers and destroy the shipping that lay near it. For
this purpose he detached General Thompson, with
less than two thousand men, who embarked in batteaux
and traversing the Lake St. Peter dropped down the
river in the night, with the expectation of reacMng
Three Rivers before day light. They sucoeeded so
far as to pass the ships without discovery, but were
too late to eftect their object, even had success been
practicable uuder every favourable circumstance. In
marching to attack the village in the rear they were
oompelled to cross a deep marsh, the difficulties of
which were hardly surmounted, when a tremendous
fire was opened upon them, which threw the whole de-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 3Sl
tachment into confusion, and without attending to or-
del*s or remonstrances each man took the best raeans
of efliecting his own safety. About two hundred ofthem
fell into the hands ofthe enemy. — If General Sullivan
had been acquainted with the strength of the British
forces in and about Three Rivers, it is not probable
that he would have formed a design which involved
such imminent hazard — ^but that he did not know it,
can hardly be considered as a justification of Ms daring
project ; and nothing but the consummate skill and
prudence with which he raanaged the subsequent re
treat frora the forraidable forces under Carleton and
Burgoyne, could have saved hira from censure.
Arnold no longer able to hold Montreal was com
pelled to quit it in some haste, and was so closely
pursued by Burgoyne,' that he had scarcely time to
put his troops in marching order at Longueil before
that General entered it. The pursuit was equally
close to Sorel, Charablee, St. Johns, and the Isle aux
Noix, at which last place all the boats which were
not required to transport the army, were burned, and
General Sullivan was enabled to reach Crown Point
in safety — having conducted the retreat, under the
most embarrassing difficulties, in a manner to deserve
the thauks of Congress and the whole army.
Shortly before the retreat of Arnold from Montreal,
an affair occurred in a part of the forces under his
comraand, which deserves to be mentioned. An Of
ficer had beeri stationed, with a party of four hundred
men, at a place called the Cedars about forty miles
above Montreal, and just at the head of one of the
Rapids. Being frightened at the appearance of a
force descending the river to attack him, he fled with
great precipitation, leaving the command to the officer

333. AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
next in rank — who being of a temperaraent but little
more martial than that of his Chief, surrendered the
post without opposition. Upon hearing of their hos
tile approach, Arnold detached Major Sherburne,
with one hundred men to the relief of the Post, who
crossed the Lake and was marcMng to the Cedars,
when his little band were attacked by a body of flve
hundred Indians. The Major made a most gallant
defence of near two hours, nor did he cease to fight
until corapletely surrounded and disarraed. Twenty
eight of Ms raen were killed and wounded, among
the latter of whom was hiraself The Indians after
wards put to death twenty others, with all the aggra
vation of savage barbarity; and, stripping the small
remnant of them naked drove thera into the posses
sion of Captain Foster at the Cedars. Arnold flew to
the rescue of these unfortunate captives the moment
he had learned their fate ; but upon his approach he
received a communication frora Captain Foster, ac
quainting him that if he would not consent to a cartel,
which he had already forced Major Sherburne and
others to sign, the prisoners should all be instantly
put to death. Humanity as well as regard for the
captive officers, corapelled Arnold to accede to the
proposal, and thus was Ms vengeance disarmed.
Thus was an end put to the war in Canada ; a war
which had been, in its commencement, attended with
the most brilliant successes to the American arms,
and which in its whole progress had displayed the
miUtary character of the Colonial Officers in the most
honourable point of view. Taking into consideration
the brilliant career of Montgomery from the Isle aux
Noix to Quebec — the long, difficult and laborious
march of Arnold, through hardships and dangers, that

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 333
would have appalled the stoutest follower of Xeno
phon — his subsequent siege and blockade of one of
the strongest military posts in the Avorld, in the heart
of the enemy's country, in the raidst of a northern
winter, where nothing was seen but ice and snow,
with raw recruits half-clad, half-fed and scarcely half
covered frora the storms of wind and snow — the ex
pedition to Canada may be fairly placed on a paral
lel with any of the boasted acMevements of ancient
Greece or Rome. Nor was the conclusion of it less
honourable, though less brilliant — the retreat of Ge
neral Sullivan will hold a rank among the most glo
rious efforts of railitary genius, so long as the world
shall delight in war.
We raust now attend to the operations in the Mid
dle and Southern Colonies. We have before hinted,
that General Clinton had been detached with a body
of troops by General Howe some time previous to the
evacuation of Boston ; and that General Lee had been
sent by Washington to watch his raoveraents. It was
generally supposed that his object was to gain posses
sion of the City of New York, an event which would
prove seriously detrimental to the interests ofthe Unit
ed Colonies. The Provincial Congress of New York
at this time contained a majority of the King's friends;
and it was therefore iraportant that the raeasure of
raising troops for the defence of the City should not
be tmsted to them. General L&e aware of this, and
knowing that no troops could be spared from the main
army, urged General Washington to give him autho
rity to raise a body of Volunteers in Connecticut. —
This was done through the instrumentality of Gover
nour Trumbull; and in little more than a fortnight
General Lee foUnd himself at the head of tivelve hun-

334 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
dred men. His approach towards the City of New
York threw the King's party into great consternation.
The Coraraittee of Safety sent to request that he
would not suffer his troops to enter, the enemy hav
ing threatened to burn the City — but Lee replied " If
the men of war set one house on flre in consequence of
my coming, I will chain a hundred of their friends
together by the neck, and make the house their funeral
pile" — and with this determination he entered the Ci
ty, not raore than two hours after Clinton arrived at
the Hook.
But whatever raight have been the original desti
nation of Clinton, it did not appear that he had any
inclination to raolest General Lee ; for after a few days
stay, he set sail from the Hook and stood to the South.
Lee remained but a short time after him ; having flrst
taken care to place every thing in a proper state of
defence and imposed a sort of test oath, on the Tories,
as the King's friends were called, he followed the steps
of General Clinton. In order to explain the further
raoveraents of these two officers, it will be necessa
ry to recur to the situation in which we left the Co
lony of North Carolina, at the close of the last year.
We have seen that the Governour had followed the
example of Lord Dunmore, and taken refuge on board
a ship of war in Cape Fear river, in which situation
he continued to exercise all the authorities of his of
fice over those who adhered to the cause of the King,
under the hope of still being able to reduce the Co
lony to obedience. He was encouraged to persevere
by the expectation of succours from Ireland under
Sir Peter Parker and Lord Cornwallis, and from Ms
knowledge that General Clinton was on his way from
Boston to his assistance. He had been able to collect

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 335
a considerable force composed of Scotch Emigrants,
and vagabonds who acknowledged no obedience to God
or man, the command of which he had given to a Scoth-
man by the narae of M'Donald. This General M'Do-
nald, and his next officer M'Leod, both of whora had,
only a short time before, raost soleranly sworn that
their only object in North Carolina was to see their
friends and relations, assembled their forces at a place
called Cross Creek. The Provincial General Moore,
having heard of it, assembled as large a force as he'
could collect, which however, was very inferior in
numbers to that of the enemy, and took possession of
Rockflsh Bridge within a few miles of them. There
McDonald entered into a negociation with him, in
hopes of bringing Mm over to the King's party, but
Moore treated the attempt with the indignation of a
freeman. What prevented McDonald from attacking
the Provincial Troops at this period, when he was so
much superiour, we know not. He delayed from day
today until from the raoveraent ofthe troops in various
parts ofthe Province, he began to be afraid of his own
safety, and suddenly quitted his ground, without hav
ing attempted any thing. Moore gave notice of this
event to Colonel Caswell, who took post at a place
called Moore's Creek Bridge with about one thous
and men, to intercept him. McDonald's party under
M'Leod, to the number of sixteen or seventeen hun
dred men, attacked Caswell in his entrenchment, and
after a short engagement, in wMch they were sharae-
fuUy beaten, they literally took to their heels, leaving
beMnd thera flfteen hundred rifles, 350 guns and shot
bags, with a nuraber of swords, and thirteen wagons.
They lost about seventy men in killed aud wounded

336 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
and among them M'Leod himself The Americaus
had only two wounded, one of whora afterwards died.
This victory, it may be supposed, occasioned great
joy to the Provincials. It Avas the more gratifying,
too, as the Governour, with General Clinton, and se
veral other royal officers were waiting at Cape Fear,
in full confldence that M'Donald would soon return
to thera with the subdued Provincials. This intelli
gence to Governour Martin was the death blow to all
lis hopes of recovering the revolted Province. He
had now only to follow the fortunes of Ms friend Lord
William Campbell, under the guidance of Clinton.
General Clinton flnding that nothing could be done
either in Virginia or North Carolina, in both of which
Colonies, Lee had appeared like a spiritof the air to
watch his motions, determined upon making an attack
upon the City of Charleston, in South Carolina. And
here also to the utter astonishment of General Clin
ton, Lee had arrived before hira. As the raoveraents
of General Clinton were fortunately not v^ery secret,
the Americans had had tirae to prepare for his recep
tion at Charleston, by the erection of works on Sul
livan's Island. A Fort had been constructed here
mounting thirty guns, 33's and 18's. The militia of
the Colony had readily obeyed the summons of the
Provincial President to repair to Charleston, and these
were joined by several regiments of Regulars frora the
main army, araounting in the whole to flve or six thou
sand men. General Clinton arrived with the fleet on
the flrst of June, and lauded a number ofhis troops on
Long Island, separated frora Sullivan's Island to the
East by a sraall creek. Two of the ships, in a few
days afterwards, passed Charleston bar, having been
first obliged to take out their guns. This was follow-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 337
ed by a Proclamation from the General, in AvMch he
repeated the gracious promise of pardon to all the I'e-
tels who should return to their allegiance to his Ma
jesty — but the General could find none willing to ad
mit that they had committed a crime for which pardon
was necessary, and on the 38th of the month he was
ready to execute the sentence of vengeance denounc
ed against the traitors.
One ofthe Colonial regiments under Colonel Gr«wZs-
den was stationed at Fort Johnson, on the northern
extremity of James Island, and two other regiments
of the Colony under Colonels Moultrie and Thomp
son, occupied the opposite extremities of Sullivan's
Island. The other troops were posted at various
points as the necessity of the case required. Two 50
gun ships, four frigates, several sloops of war, and
bomb vessels, were brought to the attack, which was
comraenced about eleven o'clock frora one ofthe borab
vessels. This was soon followed by the guns of all the
ships — ^the attack was against the fort under Colonel
Moultrie at the west endof Sullivan's Island. Four
of the vessels dropped anchor within a short distance
of the Fort antl opened their several broadsides — ¦
Three others were ordered to take their station be
tween the end of the Island and the city, intending
thereby to enfilade the works as well as to cut off the
eomraunication with the continent — ^But in attempting
to execute this order, they becarae entangled with each
other on the shoals, and one of the frigates, the Acte-
on, stuck fast.
The roar of artillery upon this little Fort was in-
, cessant, and enough to appal even those who had been
accustomed all their lives to the dreadful work of a
cannonade. But Moultrie with his brave Carolinians,
VOL, I. 43

338 AMERICAN REVOLUTION;
seemed to regard it ouly as a symphony to the grand
march of independence. They returned the fire with
an aim as true and deliberate as though each British
ship had been placed as a target for prize shooting,
and continued it for several hours until their amrrluni-
tion was expended. The cessation which this neces
sarily occasioned, produced a momentary joy in the
assailants, who iu imagination already grasped the
victory which had been so hotly disputed — ^but the re
newal of the blaze from the batteries soon convinced
them that the struggle was not yet ended. Another
gleam of hope brightened upon the British seamen,
when after a dreadful volley the flag of Moultrie was
no longer seen to wave defiance. They looked ea
gerly and anxiously towards the spot where Clinton,
Cornwallis, and Vaughan, had landed with the troops,
expecting every moment to see them mount the para
pets in triumph. But no British troops appeared, and
a few raoraents afterwards, the striped flag of the Co
lonies, once more proudly unfolded to the breeze — the
staff had been carried away by a shot, and the flag had
fallen on the outside of the works ; a brave Sergeant
of the Carolina troops, by the name of Jasper, jump
ed over the wall, seized the flag, and fastening it to a
sponge staff, mounted the merlon, araidst the thunder
of the enemy's guns, and fixed it in a conspicuous
place. The ships of the enemy kept up their fire, with un
subdued courage, until half past nine o'clock, when
the darkness of the night put a stop to the carnage on
both sides ; and the ships with the exception of the
Acteon, soon after slipped their cables, and dropped
down about two miles from the scene of action. The
terrible slaughter on board the ships bore melancholy

A'^IERICAN REVOLUTION. 33,9
testimony to the bravery of the British seamen. At
one time Captain Morris, of the Bristol, was almost
the only man left upon the quarter deck ; he had re
ceived several wounds, but gallantly refused to quit
the deck, until no longer able to stand, or give au order.
This ship had 111 killed and wounded — The Expe
riment lost 99 killed and wounded, and among the
latter her commander. Captain Scott. The Acteon
had a lieutenant killed and six raen wounded, and the
Salibay eight wounded — The whole killed and wound
ed 325. Sir Peter Parker, and Lord William Camp
bell who served as a volunteei", were both wounded.
The Americans lost only ten killed aud twenty two
wounded. " \
Itis impossible to give too much praise to Colonel
Moultrie and Ms hrave Carolinians, who for raore than
ten hours sustained the continued fire of upwards of
one hundred gans and borabs ; from which in the course
of that time were thrown raore than ten thousand shot
and shells, seA^en thousand of which were picked up
on the next day. It deserves to be remarked, that
the walls ofthe Fort were built of Palmetto wood,
which is of so soft a texture that the balls sunk in it
as in the earth without doing any injury.- — On the next
day a few shot were fired from the garrison at the Ac
teon, which remained aground, and the crew returned
them, but finding it impossible to get her off, they soon
set fire to and abandoned her, leaving the colours fly
ing, the guns loaded, and all their ammunition and
stores. In this perilous situation she was boarded by
a small party of Americans, who flred three of the
guns at their late owners, while the flaraes were burst
ing around them, fllled their boats with the stores, se-

340 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
cured the flag, and had just time to save themselves,
when she was blown into the air.
The inaction of the land forces under Clinton and
Cornwallis, was a subject of much surprise and spe
culation. They reraained at the east end of Long
Island, separated frora Sullivan's Island, as has been
observed, only by a narrow creek, easily fordable iu
several places. Opposite to them on the east end of
Sullivan's island was Colonel Thompson with about
seven hundred raen and two pieces of artillery ; and
General Lee was so advantageously posted with the
reraainder ofthe forces on the raain land, that he could
easily have gone to the assistance of the island if at
tacked. Whether these considerations were sufficient
to excuse the inactivity of General Clinton is matter of
much doubt. His force was at least equal to Lee's,
and their superiour discipline and experience should
have rendered them superiour ; but Lee had pursued
him like au evil genius, and the very sight of him ap
peared to disconcert his Avisest plans. Sir Henry Clin
ton was certainly a man of more than ordinary brave
ry, and of masterly skill in tactics, as was afterv/ards
often raanifested to the Americans : but there was some
thing unaccountable in his want of success whenever
Lee was opposed to Mm, After the failure of this
expedition he set sail with Sir Peter Parker for New-
York. The Fort which had been so gallantly defended by
Moultrie, afterwards received his narae ; and the Pal
metto wood of which it was constructed gave name to
a society of Patriots Avhich exists to the present day
and continues proudly to uphold aud defend the prin
ciples of freedom.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 341
It will now be necessary to say soraething of the lit
tle fleet which had been fitted out under the command
of Commodore Ezekiel Hopkins. It consisted of two
ships, two brigs and a sloop, all Avell manned and arm
ed, and having onboard about two hundred marines.
We have already mentioned that the operations ofthis
fleet had beeri of considerable service to the Provin
cial cause, having at various times with great courage
made themselves masters of the raost important arti
cles of military stores. Early in March they landed
at New Providence and stripped the island of all its
stores except the powder which the Governour had
taken the precaution to remove ; and on their return
home were somewhat disgraced by an unsuccessful
action with the British ship Glasgow of 30 guns, which
they suffered to escape after an engagement of two
hours, with the whole fieet.
As the army under General Washington at Boston
remained unmolested after the evacuation of that town
by the British, he had an opportunity of disposing of
them where they were most wanted ; and as no mili
tary affair of iraportance imraediately demands our at
tention, we shall endeavour to-give such a view of po
litical matters as will lead us to the declaration of in
dependence. Such was the deep rooted attachment of the Colo
nists generally to Great Britain, under whose consti
tutional governraent they fancied there was greater
security, and happiness, than under ariy other forra of
governraent whatever, that until the last critical mo
ment, very few even of those who bore the largest
share in the measures before related, either desired or
thought of a separation. And it must remain forever
a subject of inexplicable wonder, by what magick in-

343 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
fluence, the fcAv daring spirits in Congress who from
the first cherished a hope of independence, were ena
bled to attain the adoption of those raeasures which
so gradually but so successfully led them to the sum
mit of their wishes.
We have heretofore mentioned several addresses
forwarded by Congress to the inhabitants of Canada.
The people of that Province had on many occasions
evinced a friendly disposition, and steps were now ta
ken, by the forraal appointment of Commissioners, to
negotiate an union. Doctor Franklin, Samuel Chase,
and Charles Carroll, Avere clothed with authority from
Congress for this purpose; but though many of the in
habitants of that Province had experienced nothing
but oppression and cruelty at the hands of Sir Guy
Carleton, and the rites of the church Avere denied tp
all Avho had the courage to avow their dislike of the
Quebec Bill, yet they were either too tame in dispo-
.silion or too much in fear of the power of Sir Guy, to
listen to the terms proposed by the Congress. Mr.
Carroll, afterwards Arch-Bishop of Baltimore, a gen
tleman every way qualified for the task of persuasion,
was sent from Maryland to offer the services of the
Church to those to whora they had been refused, and
to join his influence with the Coraraissioners, but to no
purpose — the Canadians preferred to groan longer un
der the yoke of tyranny.
The Congress had waited with considerable pa
tience, and some anxiety, the result ofthe late Session
of Parliament ; they had forebore to do any tMng which
might uot be justified upon the fair principles of self
def once, until it appeared that the Ministry were re-
K()lved, that nothing short of the most abject submis-
wlun should be the price of accommodation. Early

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 34S
in May therefore the Congress adopted a measure in
tended to sound the sentiments of the Colonies, on the
subject of independence. They stated the rejection
oftheir petitions, the Prohibitory Act> and the employ
ment of foreign mercenaries to reduce them to obedi
ence, and concluded by declaring it expedient that all
the Colonies should proceed to the establishment of
such a form of government as their representativ^es
might think most conducive to the peace and happi
ness of the people. This Preamble and Resolution,
Was imraediately forwarded to all the Colonies ; aud
in a few days afterwards Richard Henry Lee, of Yiv- «
ginia, gave notice to the Congress that he should on ,
an appointed day raove for a declaration of independ
ence. This was accordingly done, but the considera
tion of the question was postponed until the 1st of Ju
ly, so timid, so wavering, so unwilling to break the
maternal connexion were most of the members.
The interval was employed in unceasing exertions -
by the friends of independence to prepare the minds
of the people for the necessity and advantages of such
a raeasure. The Press teemed with Essays and Pam
phlets, in which all the arts of eloquence were used
to ridicule the prejudices ¦which supported au attach
raent to the King and the Government of England.
Araong the numerous writers on this momentous ques
tion, the raost lurainous, the mpst eloquent, and the
most forcible, was Thomas Paine. His Pamphlet en
titled "Conimon Sense" was not only ready but un
derstood, by every body. It contained plain and sim
ple truths, told in a style aud language, that came
home to the heart of every man ; and those who re
gard the independence of the United States as a bless-
mg, will never cease to cherish the remembrance of

344 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Thomas Paine. Whatever may have bfeen his subse
quent career— in whatever light his moral or religious
principles may be regarded — it should never be for
gotten that to him, raore thau to auy single individualj
was owing the rapid diffusion of those sentiments and
feelings which produced the act of separation from
Great Britain.
New-Hampshire, New-York, New-Jersey, Penn
sylvania, and Maryland, for a long time held out
against the raotion for independence. In Pennsylva
nia the proposed measure was so warmly opposed by
, Mr. Dickenson, who had been one of the first and
/ ablest advocates of resistance, that the convention of
Deputies left hira out in their election of Delegates to
Congress, and appointed Dr. Benjamin Rush in his
place. In Maryland the Convention instructed their
Delegates to vote against the declaration of independ
ence, which on the first question they did, contrary to
their own sentiments ; and withdrawing imraediately
from the Congress, they returned to their own Colo
ny. Here Samuel Chase laboured industriously and
effectually to procure county raeetings, at which the
people were induced to instruct their deputies to re
verse their former vote ; and on the 38th of June the
Convention gave an unanimous vote for independence,
Avith which the Delegates lost no time in returning to
. Congress. On the day agreed upon for the consideration of Mr.
Lee's motion, the 1st of July, Congress resolved it
self into a coraralttee of the whole ; the debates on the
question were continued with great warrath for three
days. It had been determined to take the vote by
Colonies ; and as a master stroke of policy, the author
of which is not known to history, it had been propos-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 345
ed and agreed that the decision on the question, what
ever might be the real state ofthe votes, should appear
toj the world as the unanimous voice of the Congress.
On the first question six Colonies were in the affirma
tive, and six in the negative — Pennsylvania being
without a vote by the divisiori of her delegates. What
an awful moment was this for the' sanguine friends of
freedom! In this state of the business, it is said, on
the authority of evidence afterwards adduced be
fore the British Parliament, that Mr. Samuel Adams
once more successfully exerted his influence ; and that
one of the delegates of Pennsylvania was brought over
to the side of independence. Itis raore probable, how-
ever,^ that the influence of Mr. Adaras extended no
further than to procure one of the dissenting raerabers
to withdraw from the House ; and that the vote of
Pennsylvania was thus obtained. This may be infer
red from the circurastance that only nine out of the
ten delegates frora that Colony subscribed the decla
ration. It is to be regretted, only as a raatter of lau
dable curiosity, that the Journals of Congress are pro-
foundily silent, as to the minute proceedings on this
memorable question, and as to the names of those who
espoused or opposed it. We have no reason to doubt
the purity of motive which actuated any member. It
is sufficient that at length the important decision was
made, arid whether made by a majority of one or of
twenty voices, isa question of no historical importance.
Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Frank
lin, Roger Sherman, and R. R. Livingston, had been
appointed on the Itth of .Tune, to prepare a declara
tion of Independence. It was agreed by this Com-
mtittee, that each individual of it should draw up sucli
a declaration as his judgment, talents, pr feelings
VOL, I. 44

346 AMERICAN REVOLUTION
should dictate, that so upon comparing the whole, that
one should be chosen as the Report of the Comraittee,
which should be most conformable to the wislws of
the whole. Mr. Jefferson's paper wais the flrst one
read— >and as the liighest compliment which could be
paid to the talents which it displays, every member of
the Comraittee spontaneously resolved to suppress his
own production, modestly observing that it was un
worthy to bear a competition with what they had just
heard- Oir the fourth day of July 1776, that declaratioa
was adopted by Congress, and given to the world as
follows :
A Declaration by the Representatives of the Unit
ed States of America, in Congress asserabled.
When in the course of human events, it becomes
necessaiy for one people to dissolve the political bands
which have connected them with another, and to as
sume among the powers of the earth the separate and
equal station to which the laws of nature and nature's
God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of
mankind requires, that they should declare the causes
which impel them to such separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident : that all
men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their
Creator with certain unalienable rights ; that among
these are life, liberty, and the; pursuit of happiness ;
that to secure these rights, governments are instituted
among men, deriving their just powers from the con
sent of the governed ; and whenever any form of go
vernment becomes destructive of these ends, it is the
right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to insti
tute a new governraent, laying its foundation on such
principles, and organizing its powers in such form.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 347
as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safe
ty and happiness. Prudence indeed, would dictate
that governraents long established, should not be
changed for light and transient causes ; and accord
ingly, all experience hath shown, that raankind are
more inclined to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than
to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which
they are accustomed : but when along train of abuses
and usurpations, pursuing invariably the sarae object,
evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despot
ism, it is their right, it is' their duty to throw off such
government, and to provide new guards for their fu
ture security. Such has been the patient sufferance
of these Colonies, and such is now the necessity which
constrains them to alter their former systeras of go
vernment. The history of the present King of Great
Britain, is a history of repeated injuries and usurpa
tions ; all having in direct object the establishment of
an absolute tyranny over these states : to prove this,
let facts be exhibited to a candid world.
He has refused his assent to laws, the most whole
some and necessaiy for the public good.
He has forbidden his Governours to pass laws of
iraraediate and pressing importance, unless suspend
ed iu their operations till his assent should be obtain
ed ; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglect
ed to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other laws, for the accom
modation of large districts of people, unless those peo
ple would relinquish the rights of representation in
the legislature ; a right inestimable to them, and for
midable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places
unusual, uncomfortable, knd distant from the deposito-

348 AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
ries of their public records, for the sole purpose of fati
guing them into compliance Avith his raeasures.
He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly,
for opposing, with raanly flrmness, his invasion on the
rights of the people.
He has refused, for a long time after such dissolu
tion, to cause others to be erected, whereby the legis
lative powers, incapable of annihilation, have return
ed to the people at large for their exercise, — ^the state
remaining in the mean time, exposed to all the dan
gers of invasion from without, and convulsions with
in. He has endeavoured to prevent the population of
these states ; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for
naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others
to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the
conditions of ucav appropriations of lands.
He has obstructed the administration ofjustice, by
refusing his assent to laws for estabUshing judiciary
powers. He has made judges dependant on his will alone,
for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and pay-
ment oftheir salaries.
He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent
hither swarms of officers, to harass our people and eat
out their substance.
He has kept araong us, in tiraes of peace, standing
armies, without the consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the military independant
of and superior to, the civil power.
He has combined with others, to subject us to a ju
risdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowl
edged by our laws, giving his assent to their pretend
ed acts of legislation.

AMERICAN REVQLUTION. 349
For quartering lai-ge bodies of armed troops among
us. For protecting them, hy a mock trial, from punish
ment for any murders which tiiey should commit on
the inhabitants of these states :
For cuttingoff our trade, with all parts of the world :
For imposing taxes on us without our consent :
For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefit of
trial by jury :
For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pre
tended offences :
For abolishing the free system of English laws in a
neighbouring Province, establishing therein an arbi
trary governraent, and enlarging its boundaries so as
to render it at once an example and fit instrument for
introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies :
For taking away our charters, abolishing our raost
valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms
of our governments :
For suspending our own Legislatures, and declar
ing themselves invested with power to legislate for us,
in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated government here, by declaring us
out of his protection, and waging war against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt
our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign
mercenaries, to complete the work of death, desola
tion and tyranny, already begun with circumstances
of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most
barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a ci
vilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken cap
tive on the high seas, to bear arms against their coun-

350 ., AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
try, to becorae the executioners of their friends and
brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.
He has excited domestick insurrections amongst us,,
and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our
frontiers the raerciless Indian savages, whose known
rule of warfare is, undistinguished destruction of all
ages, sexes and conditions. . ^
In every stage of these oppressions, we have peti
tioned for redress, in the raost humble terras : our re
peated petitions have been answered only by repeated
injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by
every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the
ruler of a free people.
Nor have we been wanting in attention to our Bri
tish brethren. We have warned thera, frora tirae to
tirae, of atterapts, by their Legislature, to extend an
unwarrantable jurisdiction over us ; we hav'e reminded
them ofthe circurastances of our emigration and settle
ment here ; we have appealed to their native justice
and raagnaniralty ; and we have conjured thera, by
the ties of our coraraon kindred, to disavow these usur
pations, which would inevitably interrupt our connex
ion and correspondence. They too have been deaf
to tbe voice of justice and consanguinity. We must
therefore acquiesce in the necessity which denounces
our separation, and hold thera, as we hold the rest of
mankind, eneraies in war, in peace friends.
We therefore, the representatives of the United
States of America, iu general Congress assembled,
appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the
rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the
authority ofthe good people of these Colonies, solemn
ly publish and declare, that these United Colonies
are, and of right ought to be. Free and Independent

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 351
States ; and that they are absolved from all allegiance
to the British Crown ; and that all political connex
ion between thera- and the state of Great Britain, is
and ought to be totally dissolved ; and that, as free
and independent states, they have full power to levy
war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish cora
raerce, and to do all other acts and things which in
dependent states may of right do. And for the sup
port of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the
protection of Divine Providence, we rautually pledge
to each other our lives, our fortunes, aud our sacred
honour.

353 AMERICAN REVOLUTION".

CHAPTER Xni.
Effect ofthe Declaration— Vigm-ous preparations of the British
Ministry — Letters df Washington — Resolutions' of Congress —
Miscdimeous Summary — Inquiry into the capture of the Ce
dars — Gommmieement of the system of retaliatienr— •Reflections
on its policy- — Letters — Orders — Miscellaneous Reflections—
Idmdralaad General Howe arrive as Commissioners — Etiquette
observed in their intercourse wilh Washington — Crown Pbint
abandoned^— State of prejiarations— British vessels pass up the
, JVorth River — Remarks,
The Declaration of Independence once published
to the world with such solemnity, gave a new charac
ter to the contest, not only in the Colonies, but in Eu
rope. Before this decisive step, the American people
were regarded by many able and good men, as well
as sound politicians, on both sides ofthe Atlantick, ra
ther as children struggling for doubtful privileges
with a parent, than as men contending with men for
their natural and indisputable rights. But this deli
berate appeal to the nations of the earth, to posterity,
and to the God of battles, gave a new political charac
ter, an iraraediate dignity and raanhood, to their cause.
It was no longer the unholy struggle of subjects against
their raonarch ; of children against their parent ; of rash
and turbulent raen who never measure nor weigh the
consequence of their deeds : it was no longer a con
test for mere matters of opinion, but for a national ex
istence, for life or death. It becarae, under the awful
sanction of that assembly, the temperate and determin
ed stand of men who have entrenched themselves with
in the certain and thoroughly-understood limits oftheir

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 353
rights ; of men who had counted the cost dispassion
ately, and measured the event without shrinking ; of
men who felt, deliberated and acted, as the representa
tives pf a whole people, conscious of their infirmities
and their responsibility ; knowing the might of their
adversaries, and the weakness of theirfriends, but de
termined to do their duty to their children, and leave
them their inheritance undisturbed and unimpaired.
Or if that might not be, and the liberties of English
men were no longer the protection of their wives, or
the birth-right of their children, — ^to leave them as wi
dows and orphans to the charity of Heaven.
The Declaration of Independence was, of itself, a
victory, — a victory over the passions, prejudices and
fears of a raultitude. It drew the line forever, between
the friends and the foes of America. It left no neu
trals. He, who was not for independenoe, uncondition
al independance, was an enemy. The effect produc
ed upon the publick mind by the boldness aud unani
mity raanifested on this occasion, by the delegates of
the several Colonies, operated on the general confl
dence of the people as rauch as a sirailar declaration
would have done, had it been adopted and signed by
the whole population of the states. In the publick
exultation at the time, the murraurs of disapprobation
were unheard ; and the opposition to be expected from
the discontented and factious, who were always a for
midable minority, and in the very bosom ofthe coun
try, was entirely overlooked.
The manifesto appeared as unanimous ; it was hail
ed as a prognostick ; and when the measure was con
summated there were few to distrust such predictions
as the wisest had uttered, when only contemplating
the possibility of such a coalition. They forgot that
VOL. I. 45

354 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
there was no commou head to give stability and uni
formity to the measures ofthe confederacy ; theteSti- ,
mony of all antiquity was disregarded ; not only the
people, but politicians, not otherwise deficient in saga
city, persisted in believing that such an union might be
permanent with no other tie than that of opinion.
Whatever may riovv be thought of the vast political
foresight of those who first planned this confedei-acy,
it is certain that, at the time, it was regarded as a tem
porary association. To understand the principles of
attraction arid adhesion which first brought together
and then united such discordant materials, it will be
necessary to forget what happened after their union,
arid go back to its first cause. Much has been attri
buted to the Ipfty patriotism ofthe times, which may,
with more justice, be attributed to necesity, or to some
other cause. Still more has been said ofthe generous
disinterestedness, the unshaken firmness, the incor
ruptible iritegrity of the several parties ; but the plain
truth seems to be this. The Colonies adopted certain
precipitate measures, the consequences of which w^re
not foreseen at the time, by which they were so entan
gled, that they could not be separated. Their dispo
sition to retract frequently succeeded the strongest in
stances of opposition, but always so far in the rear as
to be ineffectual, While they threw the gauntlet with
one hand, they extended the other for reconciliation.
And when that reconciliation was about to take place,
some other precipitate indication of hostility was given, .
which prevented it.
The only bond of union at first, was opinion — lia
ble at every raoment to change. A sense of common
danger was the tendency to union ; and a desire of
self preservation the only law of cohesion. Aud both of

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 355
these could be counteracted by the first change in af
fairs. That very patriotism which had united the
whole, would have controled the party : until a to
tal dismemberment and separation were effected. Pa
triotism is, necessarily, more and more active and pow
erful as it is more circumscribed ; and this, which had
embraced within its comprehensive reach, the popula
tion of thirteen states, would always have been found
with its raoving principle concentrated in some one of
them. This patriotisra, acting on the vitals of each state,
and supported by the omnipotent desire of self preser
vation, would, when submission was safety and secu
rity, have effected a separation of interests by the con
tinued operation of the same laws which led to their
union. That this confederacy did exist so long, notwith
standing this infirmity in its nature, without any arti
cles of association creating a greater degree pf mutual
dependence, than a mere sense of common danger,
must be attributed to some cause raore philosophical
than disinterestedness, or virtue. To counteract this
tendency to fly off frora the centre, -there raust have
been sorae natural law. Nations or legislative bodies,
are not disturbed or influenced'by patriotism, or disin
terestedness, in any case whatever. Individuals may
possess many exalted virtues, but they cannot be de
legated ; and if they could, there are comparatively,
so few of them in the population of any country that
their influence would never be felt iu a representative
assembly. This natural law which enabled all the Colonies to
resist the influences applied to them, and still to main
tain the closest union, when the causes that brought

356 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
them together had ceased to operate, was necessity.
Many of them would have withdrawn before the con
federacy was agreed upon ; even before the declara
tion of independence was published, but for the ear
lier measures with which they had entangled thera
selves, their characters, their popularity and resources,
without any expectation of the consequences.
But, whatever may now be acknowledged to have
been the natural law, which brought these several
parts into such intimate connexion, and afterwards
supported that connexion, it will be granted that, at
the time, these effects were attributed to principles raa
terially different. The weakness ofthe coalition was
forgotten ; its tendency to separation was disregarded ;
patriotisra and virtue were considered as ligaraents
capable of counteracting these natural propensities. —
The declaration of independence was received as the
unaniraous resolve of the thirteen Colonies. And
even in England, where some intimations of such a
design had been ruraoured in the circles of government,
and where the strength of the royalists was the raost
intimately known, the power of that formidable mino
rity was forgotten in the alarm ofthe flrst intelligence,
and the cabinet politicians themselves, for a while, be
lieved that the whole population of America had spo
ken to their oppressors. The unanimity thus exhibit
ed in this moment of unparallelled trial, was justly re
garded as portentous not only of the nature, but of the
termination of the contest.
To the sober and reflecting, there was a more justi
flable ground for apprehensions, or fears, as they be
longed to the oppressors or the oppressed,, in the cool
and weighty deliberation of the raen who had resolv
ed on this measure, though they had not given an un-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 357
animous decision, than there would have been in the
most complete and unquestionable manifestations cf
popular unanimity. For a measure adopted unani
mously by a multitude, from the nature of their deli
berations, can never be so conclusive, as if it were sanc
tioned by the majority of a few, representing the ma
ny, even as they are usually represented. But men
were never so represented, as in this Congress. The
members composing it, were not only the chosen ones
oftheir country, but chosen In the hour of trial, when
only the great are to be seen ; men &low in deli
beration, but tried and known to be immoveable in
their resolves.
The Delegates to this Congress who flrst gave a
name to their country, were not the popular favourites
who are brought into notice during the season of tu
mult and violence ; nor were they such men as are
chosen in times of tranquillity, vvhen nothing is to be ap
prehended from a mistaken choice ; not the favourites
of a party or a family. But they were men to
whom others might clings in times of peril ; and look
up to in the revolution of empires ; men whose
countenances in marble, as on the canvass, may be
dwelt upon, by after ages, as the history oftheir times.
In periods of revolution, common men are disre
garded ; popular favourites dwindle into obscurity ;
and the humble stand contemplating the giants oftheir
race, who have assembled and united for their pro
tection. Such were they who composed that assembly ;
chosen in the most threatening hour of their existence,
and placed as centinels upon the outworks of liberty.
There is soraething so grand and imposing in the
nature of that event ; in the character of the times and
the actors, that we should regard it, were it a matter

358 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
of antiquity, as the most sublime exhibition that man
has evei* made to man : and nothing short of an im
possibility should be listened to, as an excuse, from
an American, for not being farailiar with its circum
stances. The Chronicles of that age should be stu
died with reverence and intensity, by all whose an
cestors had an interest in the question ; and all who
experience in theraselves and the security of their li
berties, the mighty effects of its decision ; and this,
Avhile yet they are not too far removed from the peri
od when men feel related to their ancestors, and speak
with a generous enthusiasm of their deeds ; and while
yet within the time when benefactors are not quite
forgotten. If the raind were properly led to an exaraination of
this subject, by a regular chain of deduction, frora the
first causes of dissatisfaction in the Colonists, to the
times of greater violence, and more open and decided
opposition to the Britisii Ministry ; and thence to a
period when open war was proclaimed against their
formidable adversary, it will be acknowledged that
there is no record in history of greater interest ; nor
any people, unless it be the Greeks, in their strife
Avith the Persians, who have dared so rauch, with so
fearful a disproportion. And should the same dispas
sionate consideration of the subject be resumed for
another purpose, it will be found that at no time of
the struggle, — from the first symptoms of disaffection,
to the period when a small minority of the oppressed
gave battie to their oppressors in the Eastern Colo
nies, to the declaration of the majority against tyran
ny, though clothed in tiie verable habiliments of Bri
tish law, which this countiy so reverenced, and so che
rishes yet, and to the final consummation of their in-

AMEIIICA.N REVOLUTIOX. 359
dependence, was there a period so critical, as when
that declaration was first jiublickly proposed by Rich
ard Henry Lee. Let it be supposed, for a moment,
that it had been rejected. How different would be
the present situatipn of America ! France would have
had no confidence in a people that had none in them
selves ; aud to this hour America might have been a
part of the British Erapire. The Araericans, until
that paper was published to the world, had done no
thing which their king might not have forgiven with
dignity. That measure to which the latest posterity of the
authors will appeal as the most convincing evidence of
masculine energy in peril ; of decision in policy,
and high minded devotion to the interest of humanity,
is now considered so much a matter of course, as a pro
ceeding so necessarily required by the situation of af
fairs, and so naturally growing out of them, that few
Avill be made to understand its boldness and impor
tance, and fewer still to acknowledge either. But let
all who regard it vvith such indifference, or who believe
it to have been the natural result of such a v'ast politi
cal commotion, ask themselves if they would have
dared, in such a season of terrour aud discouragement
to make such a proposition, in an asserably of rebels ;
or even to vote in favor of it, if another had proposed
it; and then, they raay be enabled to understand how
raoraentous was the crisis, how eventful the contem
plated declaration, and how unlimited the consequen
ces to be apprehended.
All these circumstances should be contemplated,
and dwelt upon with seriousness, or justice cannot be
done to the actors in those scenes. They Avere le
gislators, senators, christians, sober minded men, not

360 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
to be stirred to enthusiasra by rhetorical allusion to
Greece or Rorae ; they were not to be hurried into an
exterminating and perpetual war, as schoolboys to
an exercise. The drama in which they Avere the ac
tors, was to be played by men in arms, before the
universe. They were men who had learned to look
on death unmoved, and debate calraly in his presence.
It was not desperation, not interaperate desire of ven
geance which impelled and supported them ; it was
the immoveable resolution of raen who have determin
ed on raartyrdom. As such, the Declaration of Inde
pendence was received in Great Britain. We have
seen that it had been deterrained, in the British Ca-
biriet, at the coraraenceraent of this year, to strike a
decisive blow, and by one vigorous carapaign to over
spread and reduce the whole Colonies at a tirae. To
carry this plan into operation, a body of sixteen thou
sand foreign troops were to be eraployed in addition
to the British forces. Notice of this measure was
soon communicated to the Americans, and served but
to excite in them a more deterrained spirit of resistance ;
and to give a sanction to their applications for foreign
assistance. It took away the character of a doraestick
struggle frora the war, lessened the confidence of the
British in themselves, and taught the Colonies to
boast that even Great Britain could not hope to re
duce them without assistance. The whole of the
American Colonies, in furtherance ofthis ncAV system of
war, and as preparatory to some dreadful punishment,
had been declared, early in this year, to be out of the
royal protection. This step, more than any other,
operated upon the passions of the multitude ; and
turned the eyes of the leading men in America to
wards their resources. It accustomed them to cob-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 36l
template the whole American people as outlaws, with
whom no measures were to be kept, and against
whom it was lawful to employ the mercenaries of Eu
rope, not in battle, but as blood hounds, in hunting
and extermination. The Princes of Europe, who
furnished these troops, were justly regarded as a kind
of contractors for cutting the throats of mankind on an
extensive scale. A price was set upon the head of
every distinguished man in America. — That price was
the plunder of his estate and the monthly pay of his des
troyers. But these were the raeasures of a rainority,
not of a nation.
The plan for the campaign was vast, and had the
most important part been entrusted to a raore enter
prising officer than Sir William Howe, the result, for
a season, might have been raore auspicious ; but it
could not have been decisive. A greater territory
might have been recovered, more brilliant advanta
ges secured, but they raust have been teraporary. —
The whole force eraployed was too inefficient to ef
fect the total overthrow of the Colonial power, and
any less successes than a coraplete overthrow from
one extremity to the other of the confederacy, would
but have animated them to a raore resolute opposi
tion, and a mightier effort for the ensuing campaign.
Besides, it was teaching them to be soldiers ; every
defeat which was not destructive to the Colonists, was
in reality a victory. Like the Spartan, Great Bri
tain should never have fought a second battle with her
foe. That this was the spirit ofthe Americans is prov
ed by every page of their history. Disaster but taught
them circumspection. The energies of the confederacy
were never so vehemently exerted after a victory as
after a defeat.
voiL. I. 46

36s AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Notwithstanding all the reasoning~and remonstran
ces of Washington, the vigour of Congress always
relaxed after a successful campaign. The wisest
men in America would believe the termination of the
war already at hand, aud it was not till after a long
succession of disappointments, during every oue of
which their very existence as a nation was at stake,
that measures were taken for a permanent war ; and
provision made not for reconciliation, but for a war
which must and should be handed down from father to
son, until the independence of the country was recog
nized. The plan, as matured for the campaign of 1776, by
the British Ministry, embraced three extensive ob
jects. The first, was to relieve Quebec, and drive out
the Americans frora Canada. The second was to
make a powerful raoveraent upon sorae of the South
ern Colonies ; the execution of vvhich was entrusted
to Sir Henry Clinton and Sir Peter Parker ; both of
which have been already related ; And the third, and
most important of all, was to take possession of New
York with a force sufficiently powerful to hold Hud
son river ; form a line of comraunication with the royal
array in Canada ; embarrass or intercept the inter
course between the eastern and middle Colonies, and
overrun the surrounding country. This expedition
was committed to Sir William Howe.
The purposes of this last raentioned division of the
plan, with all their consequences were foreseen by
Washington, and fully understood, as will be seen
by the following letter, which will serve to explain
the general situation of affairs in America at the time
of her becoming a confederate and independent na
tion. It is dated July 4, I776, at New York, and

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 363
directed to John Hancock, the President of Congress.
" When I had the honour to address to you," he
says " on the thirtieth ult. I transmitted a copy of a
letter I had received from a gentleman, a member of.
the honourable court of Mass. suggesting the impro
bability of succour coming frora there in any reasona
ble tirae, either for the defence of this place, or to re
inforce our troops engaged in the Canada expedition.
I ara sorry to inform you, that, frora a variety of in
telligence, his apprehensions appear to be just, and to
be fully confirmed : nor have I reason to expect but
that the supplies from the other two governments,
Connecticut and New Hampshire, will be extremely
slow and greatly deficient in numbers.
" As it now seems beyond a question, and clear to
deraonstration, that the enemy mean to direct their ope
rations, and bend their raost vigorous efforts against
this Colony, and will attempt to unite their two ar-
'mies, — that under Gen. Burgoyne and the one arriv
ed here, I cannot but think the expedient proposed
by that gentleman is exceedingly just ; and the conti
nental regiments now in Massachusetts Bay, should
be immediately called from thence, and be employed
where there is the strongest reason to believe their aid
will be indispensably necessaiy. The expediency of
tiie measure, I shall submit to the consideration of
Congress, aud will only observe, as my opinion, that
there is not the most distant prospect of an attempt
being made where they now are ; and if there shpuld,
that the railitia that can be asserabled upon the shor
test notice, will be more than equal to repel it. They
are well armed, resolute and determined, and will in
stantly oppose any invasion that may be made in
their own Colony."

364 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
"I shall also take the liberty againto request Con
gress to interest themselves in having the militia rais
ed and forwarded with all possible expedition, as fast
as any considerable number of them can be collected,
that are to corapose the flying carap. This I mention
ed in my letter yesterday, but think proper to repeat
it, being more and more convinced of the necessity.
The carap will be in the neighbourhood of Amboy :
and I shall be glad that the Conventions or Commit
tees of Safety, of those governments from whence they
corae, may be requested to give me previous notice of
their raarching, that I raay form sorae plan, and di
rect provision for their reception."
" The disaffection of the people of that place and
others not far distant, is exceedingly great ; and, un
less it be checked and overawed it raay becorae more
general,and very alarming.- The arrival of the enemy
will encourage it. They, or at least, a part of them,
are already landed ou Staten Island, wMch is quite
contiguous ; and about four thousand were marcMng
about it yesterday, as I have been advised ; and are
leaving no arts unessayed to gain the inhabitants to
their side, who seem but too favourably disposed. It
is not unlikely that in a little time they raay atterapt to
cross to the Jersey side, and induce many to join them,
either from motives of interest or fear, unless there is
a force to oppose them."
" As we are fully convinced that the Ministerial ar
my we shall have to oppose this campaign, will be
great and nuraerous, and well know that the utmost
industry will be used as it already has been, to excite
the savages and every body of people to arms against
us, whom they can influence, it certainly behoves us
to strain every nerve to counteract their designs. I

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 365
would therefore subrait to Congress whether (espe
cially as our schemes for employing the western In
dians do not seem to be attended with any great pros
pect of success, from General Schuyler's account,) it
may not be advisable to take measures to engage those
of the Eastward, the St. John, Nova Scotia, Penob
scot, &c. in our favour. I have been told that several
iriight be got ; perhaps flve or six hundred or more,
readily to join us. If they can, I should iraagine it
ought to be done. It will prevent our eneraies from
securing their friendship ; and further, they will be of
infinite service in annoying and harassing them, should
they ever attempt to penetrate the country. Congress
will be pleased to consider the raeasure : and if they
determine to adopt it, I conceive it will be necessary
to authorize and request the General Court of the
Massachusetts Bay to carry it into execution. Their
situation and advantages will enable them to negotiate
a treaty and an alliance better than it can be done by
any persons else."
After some other remarks relating to the employment
of French engineers, and intelligence received from
General Greene, he continues :
"The expectation of the fleet under Adrairal Howe,
is certainly the reason the array already corae have
not begun their hostile operations. When that arrives,
we raay look for the raost interesting events, and such
as, in all probability, will have considerable weight
in the present contest. It behoves us to be prepared
in the best manner, and I submit it again to Congress,
whether the accounts given by their prisoners do not
show the propriety of calling the several Continental
regiments from the Massachusetts government, rais-

366 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ing tbe flying-camp with all possible dispatch, and en
gaging the Eastern Indians."
"July 5. General Mercer arrived here on Tues
day,, and the next morning was ordered to Paulus
Hook to raake some arrangement of the militia as they
came in, and the best disposition he could to prevent
the enemy crossing from Staten Island, if they should
have any such view. The distressed situation of the
inhabitants of Elizabethtown and Newark has since
induced me, upon their application, to give up all the
militia from the Jerseys, except those engaged for six
months. I ara hopeful they will be enabled to repel
any iricprsions that raay be attempted. Generals Mer
cer and liivingston are concerting plans for that pur
pose. By a letter from the latter*, last night, I am in
formed the eneray are throwing up sraall works at all
the passes on the north side of Staten Island, wMch it
is probable they raean to secure."
" None of the Connecticut militia have yet arrived ;
so that the reinforcement we have received is very in
considerable." He then mentions having received a letter from Ge
neral Schuyler, who, it appears, had addressed him
on a subject of great delicacy. General Gates had
been appointed to a command in Canada, and after his
retreat within the division subject to General Schuy
ler, still continued to exercise a concurrent authority.
The particulars will be related hereafter.
" The evils which must inevitably follow a disput
ed comraand," says Washington, " are too obvious
and alarming to admit a moment's delay in your de
cision thereupon ; and although I do not presume to ad
vise in a matter, now, of this delicacy, yet as it ap
pears evident that the northern army has retreated to

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 367
Crown Point, and raean to act upon the defensive only,
I cannot help'^ giving it as ray opinion that one of the
two Major Generals of that quarter would be raore use
fully eraployed here, or in the flying camp, than there :
for it becomes my duty to observe that if another ex
perienced officer is taken from hence in order to com
mand the flying camp, your grand army will be entire
ly stripped of Generals who have seen service, being
iu a raanner already destitute of such. My duties on
this account ; the appointraent of General Whitcorabto
the Eastern regiments, — a convicticu in my own breast
that no troops will be sent to Boston, and the certainty
of a number coming to this place, occasioned my post
poning, from time to time, sending any general officer
from hence to the Eastward heretofore; and now I
shall wait the sentiments of Congress relative to the
five regiments in Massachusetts Bay, before I do any
thing in this matter."
The despatch then concludes with a remark ou
some new arrangements in the hospital department, no
further material at this time, than as they show his
anxiety to create a proper dependance in the subordi
nate officers of that department upon sorae one person.
This had not been done and it was an evil which, du
ring an after carapaign, acquired such an alarming in
fluence upon the affairs of the army, as to expose them
to absolute destruction. The scrutiny, experience,
and sagacity of Washington saw these defects at an
early period, but the men to whom he appealed could
only be taught by experience.
The plain, business character of such letters as the
preceding is an abundant source of the most satisfac
tory inforraation. They are the history of the times.
It is true they raight be abridged ; perhaps amended —
for the^ were written by a soldier who would have

368 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
strangely mistaken the glory of his profession, if he
had stooped to write elegantly. Some repetitions
were necessary ; the business upon which he wrote
was of a nature that led him directly to the point-^in
the most urgent manner. But, nevertheless, they are
records, and should be faithfully preserved in all their
minuteness, and with all their redundancies. By these
docuraents alone can justice be done to him, or to the
enemy ; they are the key to the whole system of raea
sures pursued by both.
It is too late to reconcile and explain apparent con
tradictions and mistakes in policy after that policy has
been matured, expanded, and innumerable circum
stances, unknown by the opposite party at the time,
have been successively developed by histoiy. Great
scheraes are not to be judged of by their result. What
at that tirae, under all circurastances, of fiying ru
mours, and contradictory reports, attended with eve
ry degree of aggravation and misrepresentation vvhich
is so natural in seasons of alarm, was the measure of
profound and discrirainating sagacity, will frequently
appear in the eyes of thoste who are no longer disturb
ed or terrified, as a precipitate or unjustifiable step.
The conduct of the British or American coraraanders
can only be judged of, by their supposed information
of the forces and designs of each other at the time,"not
from recent events and disclosures. It was undoubt
edly comraon with both coramanders to hear magnified
accounts of the preparations raade by each other. To
do justice to those who have been busy iu scenes of
commotion, their feelings and situation must be enter
ed into; after circurastances and relations mustbe for
gotten. To enable those who have an interest in the
character of the soldiers and statesmen pf the revolu-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 389
tion, and wish for the vindication of their wisdom and
consistency, to make that vindication themselves, such
letter as will be occasionally introduced at this pe
riod of the history, will be the most effectual means
They will explain every thing.
Were the feeling ofthe writer alone, to be consult
ed in a work of this nature, he would, perhaps, avoid
all these minute and circumstantial details, which tend
to narrow the broad and expansive views of the un
derstanding. In the revolution of empires, it may be
thought that the coraraon fluctuations of opinion ought
not to be remembered — but the latter are the symp
toms of that convulsion wMch produces the former.
A History of the American Revolution should be
written forthe table, not for the shelf. The opinions
and designs of such a man as George Washington,
during a period like the Revolution of these states,
however expressed, raust be interesting long after the
language of the historian, who would reject their aid,
has been forgotten. If labour were to be spared, or
a popular reputation to be gained, no author would
descend to the humble drudgery of copying the lan
guage of another ; when all he could hope for would
be the praise of a faithful raachine — and when such a
procedure is a,dopted, it should be ascribed, in charity,
to a sense of duty, or to some other motive as worthy.
!No other explanation will be given for any future
introduction of such materials.
Great respect was always paid in Congress to the
suggestions of the commander in chief. This letter
produced a series of resolutions for raising a regiment
from the troops who had served in Canada; for an
immediate supply of ship carpenters to be employed
by Gen. Schuyler in building vessels for the defence
VOL. I. 47

370 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
of the lakes aud for marching certain bodies of the
Pennsylvania railitia to Trenton and Brunswick, in
New- Jersey, there to continue in service until a flying
camp of ten thousand men were collected to relieve
them ; and to be taken into continental pay, with the
same pay as the regulars. Further provision was
also made for the defence of Georgia, by two battalions
of riflemen and infantiy ; four gallies, and two com
panies of artillery to garrison the forts at Savannah
and Sunbury ; and Washingtou was empowered to
order three regiments frora Massachusetts Bay, for
the defence of Ticonderoga, to be replaced by mi
litia. By the orderiy books ofthe commander in chief at
this period, it appears that he was in daily expectation
of an attack. Great strictness of discipline vvas en-
joned and to be in constant readiness for the reception of
the enemy, was insisted upon with great minuteness.
The licentiousness of men but newly accustomed to
the life of a soldier aud the duties of a camp, was
frequently animadverted upon with the attention ofone
who was constantly upon the watcli. By deserters
from the enemy's fleet, it appejired that the united force
on Staten Island, was about ten thousand men, and
Lord Howe was hourly expected with a powerful fleet
and flfteen or twenty thousand troops in addition.
A great activity, proportioned to the threatening
aspect of the times was discoverable in the movements
of all the Colonies ; resolutions were passed in Ma
ryland, to raise three thousand four hundred meu for
the flying camp ; the new levies from Connecticut were
hourly arriving. At the same time, an object of great
anxiety to Washington, was, in some measure, effect
ed ; the powers of the Commissary General were ex-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 371
tended ; a further reinforcement of troops was to be
sent, to Ticonderoga from Massachusetts ; an attempt
was made to reconcile the relative duties of Generals
Gates and Schuyler; while, throughout the country,
from the most important operations of Congress, to the
resolutions of the smallest assemblies, associations,
and clubs, there Avas a general unanimity, though not
obtrusive or clamorous. State constitutions were
agreed upon iu several of the Colonies, aud officers
chosen. ^^
Small circumstances tend most conclusively to show
the state of publick feeling. On great occasions the
populace have their leaders. It is only on sraaller sub
jects, when they act, by theraselves, that their true
dispositions can be seen. On the ninth of July, a lead
en equestrian statue of George III. was turabledfrom
its pedestal, beheaded with great formality in New-
York; and sentenced to be run into bullets. This is
one araong raany occurrences at that period, tending
to show that even in times of the greatest publick re
joicing (for this was when the proclaraation of inde
pendence was read to the troops in New- York,) the
attention of all ranks was still rivetted upon the proba
ble consequences of the late proceedings. While shout
ing for independence the very populace were prepar
ing for battle.
The rautilation of this statue, which followed the
transports ofthe people, was reprehended by the Com
mander in Chief in Ms orders ofthe succeeding day,
and the troops were forbidden to mingle in such
scenes. The delegates from the several Colonies were now
continually encouraged and exhorted to persist in the
course they had chosen. Resolutions were passed iu

373 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
the state Assemblies expressive of their hearty con
currence in the measures of Congress, and an univer
sal enthusiasra was awakened in a population, who
but a few raonths or even weeks before, would have
shuddered at the idea of a total separation from Great
Britain. As the hour of trial approached, Washing
ton strove to irapress Ms soldiers with a lofty sense of
the importance of the cause in which they had em
barked. No raeans could be better calculated to pro
duce this effect than those which he adopted. He en
deavoured to awaken a religious fervour in their
hearts : and could they have been fully inspired with
that kind of confldence in Heaven which aniraated his
bosora, they would ha,ve been invincible. Congress
had just allied a Chaplain to each regiment, and in his
orders ofthe 9th of July, comraunicating the Decla
ration of Independence to his troops, he directs the
appointment of Chaplains accordingly :
-" Persons of good character and exeraplary lives :
coraraanding officers to see that all inferiour officers
and soldiers pay thera a suitable respect, and attend
carefully upon religious exercises. The blessings and
protection of Heaven are at all times necessary, but
especially so in times of publick distress and danger.
The General hopes and trusts that every officer and
man will endeavour to live and act as becomes a Chris
tian soldier, defending the dearest rights and liberties
of his countiy."
The declaration had been proclaimed on the eighth
at Philadelphia, amid the loudest acclamations, and
on the ninth, as directed in these orders, it was read
at the head of each brigade of the continental army,
at New-York, and received with the greatest enthusi
asm.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 373
The peculiar character of the tiraes aud the natural
arixiety of Washington respecting the issue cannot be
understood, otherwise than by a frequent recurrence
to his OAVU letters, and that too, under a full conside
ration of his character. When Washington saw dan
ger and difficulty, they must have had existence. The
imraoveable serenity of his teraper, and the scope of
Ms designs Avere not to be disturbed by the common
rumours or apprehensions of the day ; yet there was
enough to shake even his mind in the hostile prepara
tions bf the enemy. But a subject which Avdll excite
more and more adrairation of his character, the better
it is understood, is the wonderful clearness with which
he foresaw the designs of that eneray, and the preci
sion with Avliich he foretold his raovements. His let
ters, with his conjectures and anticipations at the time,
would require but very immaterial alterations to be a
faithful histoiy of the vicM^s, force, and instractions of
Sir Williara Howe. They are more like records of
the past, than predictions pf the future.
The following extracts are from a letter bearing date
July 10, 1776, dated at New- York, and directed to
the President of Congress.
" I perceive that Congress have been employed iu
deliberating on measures of the raost interesting na
ture. It is certain that it is not with us to determine,
in many instances, what consequences will flow from
our councils ; but yet it behoves us to adopt such, as
under the smiles of a gracious and divine Providence,
Will be most likely to proraote our happiness. I trust
the late decisive part they have taken is calculated for
that end and will secure us that freedora and those
privileges, which have been and are refused us, con-

374 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
trary to the voice of nature and the British constitu
tion" " Agreeably to the request of Congress, I caused
" The Declaration" to be read before all the army un
der my immediate command, and have the pleasure to
inform them, that the measure seemed to have their
most hearty assent, — the expressions, and behaviour,
both of officers and men, testifying their warmest ap
probation of it. I have transmitted a copy to Gene
ral Ward, ot Boston, requesting him to have it pro
claimed to the continental troops in that department
' " It is with great pleasure that I hear that the mi
litia from Maryland, the Delaware government, and
Pennsylvania will be in motion every day to form the
flying camp. It is of great importance and shall he
accoraplished with all possible despatch. The readi
ness and alacrity with which the Coraraittee of Penn
sylvania and the other conferees have acted in order to
forward the associated railitia of that state to the Jer
seys for service, till the raen to corapose the flying
camp arrive, strongly evidence their regard to the
coramon cause, aud that nothing on their part will be
wanting to support it. I hope, aud I doubt not, that
the associated militia, impressed with the expediency
of the measure, Avill immediately carry it into execu
tion, and furnish iu this instance, a proof of the con
tinuance of that zeal which has so erainently marked
their conduct. Ihave directed the commissary to make
the necessary provision for their reception, who will
also supply the army for the flying camp with rations,
till a proper officer be appointed to comraand it."
He then proceeds, in detailing a compliance with cer
tain resolutions of Congress, to inform them that he
had ordered additional troops to Ticonderoga ; express-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 375
es great anxiety to have every inroad from that quar
ter, strictly guarded against, and thinks the gallies
and goridolas, with the aid of the carpenters in build
ing and repairing other vessels will be sufficieut to
meet every exigency.
"I have requested Governour Clark," he continues,
" if the duck mentioned in Mr. Greene's letter is pro
per for tents, to have it made up as early as possible
and forwarded here. I have also desired him to send
the flints and small arms, as I have General Ward,
those of the latter that were taken out of the Scotch
transports — our deflciency in the necessary articles
being still great."
And then, after a scries of observations shovvins;
how minute and incessant must have been his atten
tion to the most trivial matters, he proceeds.
"The Connecticut militia begin to come in, but
from every account the battalion will be very incom
plete, owing, they say, to the busy season of the year.
The government, lest any inconvenience might result
from their militia not being here in time, ordered their
regiments of light horse to my assistance, part of which
have arrived. But not having the means to support
them (and if it could be dpne, the expense would be
enormous,) 1 have thanked the gentlemen fpr their
zeal and the attachraent they have raanifested upon
this occasion, and informed them that I cannot consent
to their keeping their horses, — at the same time wish
ing them to stay themselves. I am told they, or a part
of them mean to do so."
" The intelligence we have frora a iiew deserters that
have corae over to us, and frora others, is that General -
Howe has between nine and ten thousand men, who
are chiefly landed ou the island, posted in different

376 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
parts, and securing the several communications from
the Jerseys with small works and entrenchments, to
prevent our people from paying them a visit ; that the
islanders have all joined them, seem well disposed to
favour their cause, and have agreed to take up arms
in their behalf They look for Adrairal Howe's ar
rival with his fleet and a large reinforcement ; are in
high spirits, talk confidently of success, and talk of
carrying all before them when he coraes. I trust
through divine favour aud our own exertions they will
be disappointed in their views ; and at all events any
advantages they raay gain Avill cost them very dear. If
our troops will behave well (which I hope will be the
case, having every thing to contend for that freeraen
hold dear) they will have to wade through rauch blood
and slaughter before they can carry any of our works,
if they carry thera at all, — and at best be in posses
sion of a melancholy and mournful victoiy. May the
sacredness of our cause, inspire our soldiery with sen
tiraents of heroism, and lead thera to the performance
of the noblest exploits."
What would an European captain think, if, when
called to the comraand of an army on which the salva
tion ofa whole countiy depended, instead of marshall
ing his soldiers forthe confiict, distributing his orders
with a cc'iifidence of seeing them strictly and speedily
executed, hoAvever dangerous or difficult, and being
always left to act at his own discretion, he were fet
tered in a command like that of Washington — entan- '
gled in all the intricate duties, in all the subordinate
dependencies of the military system ; to provide and
contract for tent equipage, gun flints, and innumera
ble other articles of similar importance ; and all this,
with an authority, rather l^ss absolute over his army.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 377
in its operations, than a platoon officer has over Ms
men— and, flnally, to be made responsible for the suc
cess of a cause which might not be decided during t^e
same juncture in which it had arisen, when the ex
pense of supporting two regiments of hprse could not
be endured.
The requisites for the coraraon soldier were to be
found all over the country ; for little education, and less
of tiiat roraantick fervour, which is the life and spirit
of an officer, are necessary in the ranks. The yeo
manry were a vigorous race, eriured to hardship, and
from the nature of their employment, peculiarly fitted
for some of the most labprious parts of a soldier's du
ty. They were accustomed to the use of the rifle, and
many of them had hunted the Indian in his haunts;
they were unequalled too, as General Burgoyne once
said in Ms despatches, in the use ofthe spade and oth
er entrenching tools ; and to complete their charac
ter, those at least of the New England States, were
pretty well informed on all subjects in which informa-
tipn would be useful to them, and uniformly educated
with strict notions of religipn. It is difficult for such
men to be broken down to the formal drudgery of camp
or garrison duty. They are easily led into battle,
and easily continued in active warfare ; for, unlike the
natives of warmer climates they are not readily excit
ed, nor readily quieted. The battle of Breed's Hill
was a fair example of what raight be expected from
such men ; but even they, with all their ardour and re
solution, could longer support a cause which required
a similar conflict at every little interval, than the wea
risome routine of camp duty ; privations and restraints
of a nature, more irritating for the|r very insignifi
cance, as there would have been no virtue in energy,
VOL. I, 48

378 AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
no heroick fortitude in submitting to them. Amid such
scenes, the only enthusiasm that men of cold blood,
steong minds, and sound constitutional courage, ever
experience, is soon dissipated or worn away. There
is no opportunity for the active virtues to be seen, and
few raen of vigorous minds, free thoughts, or cultiva
ted understandings, ever becorae reraarkable for pas
sive endurance, subraission to calamity, fortitude and
the other negative qualities pf inferiour minds. All
opportunity for distinction is lost in the crowd of or
dinary men who have not sinew enough to throw off
the burden that keeps them idle. An army composed
of such materials as this under Washington, at the
Declaration of Independence, are less to be depended
upon within their carap, or even within their entretch-
ments, if exposed to the regular approaches of a be-
seiging foe, and not called upou to resist an assault,
than when in the open fleld, opposed to artillery, ca
valry or even the bayonet. The raost effective raen
in an array, calculated to achieve a speedy indepen
dence for a country, are those who suffer raost from
confinement. The spirit that is most on fire for action,
and most terrible in battle, can least brook inactivity
and restraint.
These reflections so naturally obtrude themselves
upon the raind that they raay be supposed to have been
familiar with the leaders of the American army at ,
the time and, in some measure to account for the im
patience soraetiraes manifested by Washington, to
employ his troops in active service, when it appeared
peculiarly hazardous. His habits of caution were
sometimes influenced by the consideration that all eyes
were turned upon him ;' but that caution when it yield
ed, was overcome not by such reflections, but by a

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 379
knowledge of the character of the raen he commanded.
It was often less dangerous to invite, or even to en
gage in battle, than to continue in suspense. His in
tention to remain in the lines on Lpng Island, when
he expected the enemy to storm them, is an example
of this kind. It occurred at a period when his force
was greatly overrated, and when the whole popula
tion ofthe country were awaiting in breathless anxiety,
some gallant exploit which would annimate the sol
diers, inspirit the friends of independence, giA'e all
ranks a confidence in the leader of the army, and if
not appal or dishearten the enemy, at least teach Mm
respect for his foes.
The affairs of Congress at this period continued to
increase in dignity and interest. The surrender at the
Cedars had never appeared satisfactory to the public,
Alu inquiry was commenced on the 10th of July, in
Congress, ' '
The chief object of which, after satisfying the pub
lick mind respecting the surrender, was the vigorous
assertion of the lex talionis, as will appear by the fol-
Ipwing resolutions :
" Resolved, That all acts contrary to good faith, the
laws of nature, or the customs of civilized nations done
by the officers or soldiers of Ms Britannic Majesty,
or by foreigners or savages taken into Ms service, are
to be considered, as done by Ms orders, unless indem
nification be made in cases which admit indemnifi
cation, and in all other cases unless immediate and
effective measures be taken by him or by Ms officers
for bringing to condign punishment the authors, abet
tors and perpetrators of the act,"
" That the plundering the baggage of the garrison
iAihe cedars, stripping them of their clothes, and de.

380 AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
livering them into the bauds of savages, was a breach
of the capitulation on the part of the enemy, for which
indemnification ought to be demanded,"
"That the murder of the prisoners of war was a
gross and inhuman violation of the laws of nature and
nations ; that Condign punishment shall be inflicted
on the authors, abettors and perpetrators of the same ;
and that, for this purpose, it be required that they be
delivered into our hands."
" That the agreement entered into by general Ar
nold, was a mere sponsion ou his part ; he not being
invested with powers for the disposal of prisoners not
in his possession, nor under his direction ; and that,
therefore, it is subject to be ratified or annulled at the
discretion of this house."
" That the shameful surrender of the post at the
cedars is chargeable on the coraraanding officer ; that
such other of the prisoners as were then there shewed
a willingness and desire to fight the enemy; and that
major Sherburne and his forces taken with him,
though their inferiority of numbers was great, fought
the enemy bravely for a considerable time, and sur
rendered at last, but on absolute necessity ; on which
consideration, and on which alone, it is resolved, that
the said sponsion be ratified, and that an equal num
ber of captives from the enemy, of the same rank and
condition be returned to them, as stipulated by the said
sponsion." " That previous to the delivery of the prisoners to
be returned on our part, the British commander in Ca
nada be required to deliver into our hands, the au
thors, abettors and peipetrators of this horrid murder
committed on the prisoners, to suffer such punishment
as their crime deserves ; and also to make indemnifi-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 381
cation for the plunder taken at the cedars, contrary to
the faith of the capitulation; and that, until such ,de-
livery and inderanificatlon be raade, the said prison
ers be not delivered."
" That if the eneray shall corarait any further vio
lences, by putting to death, torturing, or otherwise
ill treating the prisoners retained by thera, or any of
their hostages put into their hands, recourse be had to
retaliation, as the sole raeans of stopping the progress
of huraan butchery ; and that punishraents of the
same kind and degree be inflicted on an equal num
ber of the captives from thera in our possession, till
they shall be taught to respect the violated rights
of nations."
These resolutions were too hastily adopted. The
facts alledged were never clearly established, and the
ill treatraent of the prisoners was utterly denied
by sorae of the Araerican officers themselves, who
were taken at the cedars. The refusal to ratify the
cartel made by Gen. Arnold, was not only mortify-'
ing in the extreme to himself, but to other American
officers, and particularly to the commander in chief,
who remonstrated with Congress on the subject. But
they were inflexible. It was afterwards the subject
of a reproach frora Sir Williara Howe, which stung
Washington to the quick.
These resolutions, with letters to Generals Bur
goyne and Howe, were iraraediately transmitted to
Washington, by him to be forwarded as addressed.
The following are Ms reraarks in reply. " The in
huraau treatraent ofthe whole, and raurder of part of
our people, after the surrender and capitulation, was
certainly a flagrant violation of that faith which ought
to be held sacred by all civilised nations and found-

383 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ed in the most savage barbarities. It highly deserved
the severest reprobation, and I trust the spirited mea
sures Congress have adopted upon the occasion, will
prevent the like in future, but if they should not, and
the claims of humanity are disregarded, justice and
policy vvill require recourse to be had to the law of
retaliation; however abhorrent and disagreeable to our
natures in cases of torture and capital punishment."
Such doctrines as the above, sanctioned by such ve
nerated authority, deserve to be narrowly scrutiniz
ed : if they be not, the plain dictates of coramon sense,
to say nothing of humanity, but making the whole a
question of expediency, are in danger of being over
borne by the accumulating weight of names and pre
cedents. It is even tirae that the right of retaliation
should be seriously questioned, and it is doubtful if
even its policy has been. The custora was flrst in
troduced by barbarians, and it has been received ra
ther as a law, against whicb, it were idle to reason,
than as a practice, which at every repetition would re
quire new arguraents to justify it.
Every hour is of importance in checking the en
croachments of usage. What raay not, now, be quite
irresistible or overwhelraing, soon may becorae so,
if suffered to roll onward, with accelerated velocity
and a weight constantly encreasing from the ruins
it hath gathered in its progress, till the limits and
land raarks of national policy are swept away.-—
If it be not already too late to check the progress of
such devastations, it soon raay be, and it is the duty
of those who are spectators of the ruins, to oppose
theraselves as a barrier to its course, till all hope is
lost, whatever may be the consequence.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 383
This was one of those opinions Avhich, gathering
strength as it has descended, has become, if not abso
lutely irresistible, at least so formidable as to requke
the most desperate efforts to check its progress.
The question will be but briefly examined here ;
some hints may be offered, which, if sanctioned by
these who are accustomed to the consideration of such
subjects, may lead to further investigations of more
utility. The system of exact retaliation, so frequently pro
posed in critical conjunctures, is, unquestionably,
whatever else may be said of it, one of the most des
perate measures of warfare. It is the last resort, and
dangerous as desperate. In. the first place, it is im
possible to carry it into execution, even when strictly
just. In the second place, if it were administered
with exact retribution, it would never produce the
contemplated effect. In the resolutirins above, for
example. Congress resolved to inflict punishments
and tortures on the enemy, of the same kind and de
gree, vvhich the continental soldiers received frora the
hands of their captors. Would it be possible to do
tMs ? certainly not. No executioners of such a judg
ment would be found araong common men, and most
certainly not among soldiers. Where should Con
gress look for a number of men capable of mangling,
torturing and scalping prisoners in retaliation ? Sure
ly not among those who profess an abhorrence of such
attrocities. But Lf such men could be found, who are to
be the spectators ? Such retidbution is not to fall in secre
cy and silence, for if it were, the sole purpose ofthe act
would be completely frustrated. It should be done in
publick, with every circumstance of horror, faithfully
and minutely reiterated, and Avhence should the pub
lic be collected? And even admittting it were practi-

384 AMERICAN revolution:
cable to repeat, in cold blood, all the agonizing cruel
ties upou prisoners, which are thus denounced, what
would he the certain effect on the natures of all who
could enjoy such a vengeance ? — who could even wit
ness it, but by corapulsion ? At best it is a fearful
threat, but being to be uttered, it should be utter
ed with the deepest deliberation, with a full know
ledge and certainty of the existence of those cruel
ties which it would thus avenge, and under au
expectation of the raost terrible consequences. It is
true that it is rather used as a threat, to terrify, than
as a sentence to be executed. But a magnanimous and
great spirit will never utter a threat until it has weigh
ed all the consequences, measured all its powers, and
calculated soleranly en the worst alternative, with a
full deterraination of perforraing all it had threatened.
How cautious then, should be the assembled magnau-
iraity and greatness of a whole nation, in uttering a
denunciation, which cannot, from the nature of tMngs,
be ever fulfilled. Legislative bodies, like individuals
are subject to passions, often troubled with a false
pride, and having uttered an intemperate threat,
they dare not retract — cannot submit to humilia
tion, and act as if all their dignity and might were
pledged to a persistence in errour. It is mortifying
to be driven back from an erainence we have volun
tarily chosen, to retreat by corapulsion, the path that
we have once trodden In defiance or vengeance. And
hence nations have advanced, step by step, to the sanc
tion of butcheries, at the conteraplation of wMch their
ancestors would have shuddered, and which their
future historian dare not record, or if he does, ascribe
the whole to a species of national madness, which is
not to be aocpunted for.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 385
What would be thought of a people, prouid of their
refinement, boastful of their humanity, appearing as
the champions of the violated rights of their species,
who should requite on women and ou infants, the hor
rible cruelties which savages, no matter under what
leaders, civilized or not, had perpetrated on their pri
soners, the wives and children of those who had thus
resorted to retaliation ? And is there,' in reality, a dif
ference between such a retribution and that whjch is
meditated or inflicted on defenceless prisoners ? These
prisoners may have been taken in arms, but does that
create a difference, when the law by which they suf
fer has been published after their arms are taken from
thera? When thisjudgeraent of retaliation falls upon
prisoners, it is generally upon those who were ignor
ant of the law, captured before it existed, and already
inthe power of their judges ; not on raen who have gone
into battle vvith a full knowledge of what they had to
fear; for then there raight be some colour ofjustice,
and he who would suffer himself to be taken alive,
knowing for what he was reserved, raight have little
reason to complain of his tortures. But to the unhap
py man, who, when he was subdued by a gallant ene
my, believes the hour of his danger already passed,
the law of retaliation is the most cruel injustice. The
former would fight to the last gasp, without lifting his
hands for mel-cy ; and, perhaps, the latter has yielded
when not quite overcome.
Were this law of retaliation to be fairly incorpora
ted in the code of national law, published to the sol^
diers who enlist, after the first act of reported cruelty
by either party, no prisoners would be taken, — and
none ought to be taken. It would be equivalent to a
^ VOL. I. 49

386 AMERICAN REVOLUTION
denial of quarter in battie. Every war, therefore,
would be a war of extermination.
But such intelligence is not coraraunicated to the
soldiers ; they are kept ignorant of the terras upon
which their life is staked ; — the full danger of their
situation is reserved for that hour when the guard
houses and hospitals of both parties in the conflict, are
crowded with prisoners ; — prisoners who threw down
their arms, as they supposed, to soldiers, not to exe
cutioners or murderers ; prisoners who have surren
dered under a promise of safety and protection, and
who afterwards, under a plea of retaliation, are to be
butchered in cold blood.
It is true that histoiy furnishes very few examples
of such a threat being carried into vigorous execution.
Oue party or the other always recedes. But how hu
miliating to the national character is the abandonment
of a purpose deliberately avowed. This is a degra
dation which is not seen, until it is too late, and
then the result of such Mgh-handed national bravado is
either cruelty or weakness. All who have had the
misfortune to participate in the measure, are reduced
to the alternative of acting without humanity or with
out spirit.
All circumstances considered, therefore, this system
of retaliation raay be regarded as the most dangerous,
if not the most unjust and impolitick measure ever de
vised for the protection of national rights, or the pun
ishment of national outrage.
If, as certainly has been the case, the excesses of
savages are tolerated by soldiers trained in the chival
rous school of modern warfare ; if such atrocities are
perpetrated in the presence of men, educated in refine
ment, and acquainted with the laws of humanity, the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 387
question ought never to be asked whether it was by
their permission — it would be an idle question, and
could always be evaded, but let such persons have a
mark set upon them for vengeance — collect the troops,
and then let it be distinctly understood, that no quar
ter Avas ever to be given to them. Thus the retribu
tion would fall where it should, and when it should,
in battle. Such barbarities would soon cease. White
men would soon learn that they must be prevented at
all hazards. And the red men would soon feel that
mercy to prisoners is raercy to theraselves.
The common plea of those whites, who have led
Indians into battle, and stood calraly by in Avitness of
their massacres ; or held, after the surrender of a gal
lant foe, the very men to whose safety they had just
pledged their faith as Indians, and the character of
their country for honourable warfare, plundered and
butchered by a part of their ovvn forces, is this, and
it is one that no soldier should be suffered to urge,
still less a commander, and under any other circum
stances neither would dare td urge it, that they could
not prevent it.
That an European officer, regularly trained and
with regular forces, should not be able to restrain the
licentiousness of a band of savages, wearied with re
cent slaughter, or to protect Ms defenceless prisoners,
to whom he has just proinised protection, is too sharae-
ful a story to be listened to with patience. If it be
true, why make any propositions, why prpppse a capitu
lation ? If he could not encourage his enemy to fight
on and trust to nothing but the battle for his safety ;
if his duty to Ms own cause would uot punish such
martial generosity, he could, at least, insist upon un
conditional submission, <and give no promises. But

388 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
even then, if he could not protect Ms prisoners from
pillage and murder,- he should be responsible in his
own person for all the consequences ; for why trust
himself vvith a force he could not controul ? why go to
battle with a band who know no law, and submit to
no constraint. If he lead them to battle, knowing as
he must, that they are not bound by the laws of war,
and will not regard them, he cannot be allowed, if the
result be calamitous, to appeal to those laws for his
owu protection. He has voluntarily withdrawn him
self from his allegiance, and cannot resume it at dis-
scretion. He has avowed himself an outlaw, and
cannot be tried by the regulations of society.
But this is never true. There never was a time when
wliite soldiers, with bayonets, raight not have prevent
ed their red associates from the pillage or massacre
of prisoners. The only proof that can be given, or
should even be received of such inability, should be
the lifeless body of the leader and of every white sol
dier he commanded. This would prove such inability,
but uothing else would or should, and such would be
the proof that gallant men would leave to redeera their
memories. A soldier, who felt the glory of his pro
fession, would perish for a prisoner, as he would for
a woman or a child.
It is often found that the very men who allege their
want of power to restrain the savages, can do it so far
as their own purposes are to be obtained. Negocia
tions, exchanges, capitulations, and cartels are enter
ed into without inteiruption frora the savages ; yet they
cannot be made to comprehend the necessity of a tem
porary forbearance, for the security of their prey ; if
they can, they may be taught all the refinements of
negociation. They are only ruled by their fears, and

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 389
if they may be Avithheld a single hour, they may be
forever. In truth, it a\ ill be found safer to declare boldly, if
such outrages are repeated that, in battle no quarter
Avill be given to Avhite or red men aa ho have ever been
guilty of such cruelties. It Avould be better to Avage
a Avar of ex terraination against thera ; but let it be a
war, — let the retaliation be infiicted in battle, on meu
with arras in their bauds, and not in cold blood, upon
defenceless prisoners.
But, to return to the operations of Congress and the
states : — the greatest activity continued to prevail in
all directions ; applications were constantly present
ed to Congress relative to the Avar, by the several Co
lonies, each uniraportant in itself, but collectively prov
ing how well the evils of a protracted contest with a
powerful enemy were foreseen and how anxiously
they were provided for. The forts at the mouths qf
W^heeling and the great Kenhaway, and one at Pitts
burg, with their garrisons were in the continental pos
session : new regulations were made respecting the
prisoners in the different states, and particularly in
Philadelphia ; where a conspiracy had lately been
discovered : and, araong other things of an interest
ing and curious nature, there was an investigation of
certain claims made by an individual, to the office of
Commander in Chief of the American armies.
This person, whose narae was McPherson, address
ed a letter to Corigress, alledging that in return for an
iraportant secret coraraunicated to Messrs. Randolph,
Hopkins and Rutledge of that body, they had promis
ed him the appointment of General in Chief. After a
solemn investigation ofthe claims ofthis raan, no proof
appearing in support of his allegations, and one ofthe

390 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
members not recollecting any such promise, it was
" Resolved, that the application and request of one
McPherson is unreasonable."
There is, it must be acknowledged, soraetiiing of
the ludicrous, in anecdotes of this nature, not exactiy
suited to the gravity of History : — ^but they shew ne
vertheless, the peculiarities of the age. .This Mr.
McPherson was neither a raadman nor a fool, or Con
gress would have paid no attention to his claim. They
would have resolved that he Avas non compos mentis,
rather than " unreasonable :" It must therefore be con
sidered as a sober application, by a man in his sen
ses, for the dangerous aud responsible post in the ap
pointment of the confederacy, which admitting the
truth of Ms statement, had been promised to Mm by
three individuals, and which, when bestowed upon an
other, was only the subject of a letter to Congress —
instead of convulsion to the whole country by ajrival
faction. When was there ever seen such harmless
ambition ! And if the statement ofthe promise be un
true, it shews, stiU more forcibly, the ground on which
pretensions to the highest rank were most confidently
erected. A secret had been communicated to a Com
mittee of Congress, and the rank of Commander in
Chief of the American armies was expected as a com
pensation for the disclosure.
Years before this transaction, at the time of the ex
pedition against Louisburg, many facts of a similar
nature occurred. A soldier told his comi'ade, in a mo
ment of confidence, amid all the bustle of preparation,
when it may be supposed that every raan must have
had his attention fastened on the chief consequences
of success or defeat, so far as they respected himself,
that he had provided himself with two shirts, one of

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 391
them ruffled, as he had good reason to expect the of
fice of Governour in the captured city. The man was,
probably, the neighbour of his cpraraanding officer.
Trifiing as such occurrences may seera they shew,
more than others of greater magnitude, the real views
and opinions of the multitude.
The weather was now becoming extremely sultry
and oppressive : and the constitutions as well as spirits
of men accustoraed to a life of rugged activity in the
country, are never in such danger of a disheartening
lassitude which takes away all energy frora charac
ter, and all nerve from adventure, as when cooped up
in their entrenchments, and subjected to the lazy rou
tine of parading, marching, cooking and sleeping, du
ring the suraraer season, in the neighbourhood of a
crowded population. It required great firraness, con
stantly operating, and unwearied attention to the nice
ties of subordinate command, in Washington, to coun
teract this influence of the climate on a body of newly
raised levies. Their natural impatience under restraint
was notto be subdued; their neglect of the multitude
of the common duties of their situation, respecting
cleanliness, food, appearance and subordination, was
not to be reformed by any but the chief authority —
And the duties of Washington, at best, sufficiently irk-
sorae as a leader of such forces. If they were properly
officered, became abundantly more so from their defi
ciency in that respect, and the enlarged scope of his
designs must have been perpetually subject to the con
tracting influences of trivial and tiresome detail. There
are few minds qualified for great undertakings, which
are capable of descending to the multiplicity of infe
riour affairs, however necessarily forraing a part of
the magnificent whole. But the daily orders of Wash-

393 AMERICAN REVO ULTION.
ington are of a nature to prove that he was one of
those few.
After the resolves of Congress authorizing the Com
mander in Chief to order the two reraaining regiments
of Continental troops at Massachusetts Bay, to the
northern department, or whither he thought flt, he
held a council of officers, and their opinion being
that no attempt would be made upon Massachusetts
by the enemy, he ordered thera to New York.~ Propo
sitions had also been made to the Indians in confor
mity to his wishes, and in a letter of July 9th, he ex
presses some anxiety that they should be engaged for
two or three years — even on the terms of the regular
troops. The Connecticut light horse, of which he had pre
viously spoken, arrived before the date of this letter,
to the number of flve or six hundred, but being uuAvil-
ling to send back their horses, they were distributed a-
round the country, and volunteered to act- as occasion
might require. After speaking in terms of considerable
warmth of their zeal, he very cautiously and distant
ly insinuates a wish that the expense of half a dollar
a week each, which was thus incurred by the owner
of each horse, should be paid by government : for even
this was a matter of much raoment at the time, and
he had no powers to guarantee an indemmty for such
advances. Much anxiety and apprehension still existed among
the northern frontier inhabitants of New-York, re
specting their defence against the Indians. The re
treat of the northern army had thrown open all the
back settlements to their merciless incursions.
As another evidence of the complicated value of
his duties, and the extreme deficiency of the army in-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 393
some of their most essential parts, at a time when the
enemy were close at hand, an extract from one of his
despatches of the 9th of July, is here raade.
" As I ara truly sensible the tirae of Congress is
piuch takeu up with a variety of important raatters, it
is with unwillingness and pain I ever repeat a re
quest after having once raade it : but as the establish
ing of some office for auditing accounts is a matter of
exceeding importance to the publick interest, I would
beg leave to call the attention of Congress to an ap
pointment competent to the purpose. Two motives in
duce me to urge the matter ; first, a conviction of the
utility of the measure ; secondly, that I may stand ex
culpated, if hereafter it should appear that money has
been improperly expended, andnecessaries for the ar
my obtained upon unreasonable terms.
" For me, whose time is employed from the hour of
my rising till Igo to bed again, to go into the examina
tion of the accounts of such an army as this with any
degree of precision and exactness, without neglecting
pther matters of equal importance, is utterly impracti
cable. All that I have been able to do, (and that, in
fact, was doing nothing,) was, when the Comraissary,
and Quarter Master, and Director General ofthe Hos
pital, (for it is to them the great advances must be
made,) applied for warrants, — to make thera at times
produce the general account of their expenditures.
But this answers no valuable purpose. It is the mi
nutiae that must be gone into, — the propriety of each
charge be examined,-^the vouchers looked into ; —
and with respect to the Commissary General, Ms
victualling returus and expenditures of provisions
should be compared with his purchases ; otherwise,
a person in this department if he was inclined to be
VOL. I. ' 50

394 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
knavish, might purchase large quantities with the
publick money, and sell one half agaita for private
emoluraent, and yet his accounts upon paper would
appear fair, and be supported with vouchers for every
charge. " I do not urge that matter from a suspicion of any
unfair practices in either of the departments before
mentioned ; and sorry should I be if this construction
was put upon it, having a high opinion of the honour
and integrity of these gentleraen. But there should,
nevertheless, be sorae controul as well upon their dis
cretion as honesty ; — to vvhich may be added that ac
counts becorae perplexed and confused by long stand
ing, and the errours therein not so discoverable as if
they underwent an early revision and examination.
I am well apprised that a treasury office of accounts
has been resolved upon, and an Auditor General for
settling all publick accounts : but, with all deference
and submission to the opinion of Congress, these insti
tutions are not calculated to prevent the inconvenien
cies I have mentioned ; nor can they be competent to
the purpose, circumstanced as they are."
The same letter communicates inforraation of an at
tempt raade by the enemy, which was afterwards effect
ed, to pass three ships of war up the North River. This
had been a subject of constant anxiety to Washing
ton. The great importance of the posts in the high
lands Avas always the object of his solicitude : and
every movement of the eneray threatening, hoAvever
reraotely, these keys to the wealth and security of the
back country, was immediately coraraunicated to Con
gress, and met by some counteracting movement so fav
as it Avas practicable.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 395
The public spirit manifested by the better class of
people, of Avhom this regiraent of light horse which had
lately arrived in carap vvas forraed, at such a critical
moraent was not to be overlooked by the Commander
in Chief, and ought never to be forgotten. It is true
that these very men soon became dissatisfied and re
turned to their horaes, but there were some reasons,
which were thought sufficient with raany at the tirae,
for their return. Great zeal is always contagious ;
but that of the better part of the people, who have pro
perty and reputation at stake, is infinitely raore so
than that of persons in more obscure and dependent
circumstances. Something too may be gained from a
paragraph in the preceding despatch, where he speaks
of employing the Indians for tvvo or three years, un
less sooner discharged, to prove that even Washington
himself, with all his wisdom, foresight and providence
for the worst, did not imagine the war would last one
third so long as it did. But two or three years were
the utmost extent of his calculations at this time.
Onthe 13th ofthis month. General Sullivan was suc
ceeded by General Gates in the command of the north
ern army. A return of the troops serving in Canada
under the former, was then made, and it was found
that they amounted to seven thousand and six men.
The whole loss sustained at Quebec, Three Rivers,
the Cedars, and during the retreat from Canada, in
cluding deaths and desertions, from the 1st of April,
exceeded five thousand men, and there were three
thousand, beside these, on the hospital list. At the de
parture of General Sullivan, Ms officers presented an
affectionate address, which, if such testiraonials are
now to be relied on, appeared to have been dictated
by sincerity and respect : they ascribed the salvation

396 , AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
of the array, and all the comforts of the sick to his en
deavours. The preparations of the enemy for passing up the
North River being completed, and the wind arid tide
being in their favour, two of their ships with their teu-
dei^s on tbe 13th, were seen standing up for the city.
As they fell abreast of Red Hook, that battery open
ed upon them, and all the other batteries for three
miles in succession, until they had entirely passed the
reach of their shot. The ships kept up a warm but
ineffectual fire in return. They were hulled by seve-
lal shot from the l)atteries. Six men were killed at
one ofthe batteries by carelessly working a gun.
General Miffiin, as the squadron passed Mount
Washington, twelve miles up the river, sent a heavy
fire into thera, but with what effect could not be de
terrained ; they evidently sustained no iraportant da
mage, as their course was not retarded and no confu
sion was observed. The object ofthis expedition was
to intercept the comrauriication between the main ar
my at Ncav- York, and the northern army.
By a dispatch of the sarae date, Washington raen-
tions the arrival of several ships, and among others,
one with a St. George's flag at her foretop-mast-head,
which was received with a general salute. These cir
cumstances led him to believe that Admiral Howe had
been joined by his brother Sir William, and corise-
quently thatthe operations of the campaign were about
to open.
Articles of confederation Avere reported in Congress
on the sarae day. Only eighty copies were printed,
with such secrecy that the printer was put under oath
not to betray their contents, directly or indirectly, and
no member was permitted to lend his copy to auy

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 397
other person under any pretence. This was a step so
teeming Avith consequences, that every precaution
Avorild have been necessary at auy tirae, but particu
larly at this, when the enemy Avas hourly expected to
conflrm the disaffected and disturb the wavering.
On the morning of the thirteenth, an order, from
Avhich the folloAving extract is taken, was issued. It
will serve to show the singular state of insubordina
tion in the camps even at this late hour, after such
uriremitted toil and attention to reduce the troops into
something like military dependence.
" The general was sorry to observe yesterday, that
many of their officers and a number of raen, instead
of attending to their duty at the beat of drum, contin
ued along the banks of the North River, gazing at the
ships. Such unsoldierlike conduct must grieve every
good officer, and give the eneray a mean opinion of
the army; as nothing shows the brave and good sol
dier more than in case of alarra, cooly and calraly re
pairing to his post and there waiting his orders ;
whereas a weak curiosity at such a tirae makes a man
look raean and conteraptible."
Araong the necessities of the army, there was none
more felt, or for the supply of which more strenuous
exertions were made, than that of lead, windows were
stripped, and this material wherever found, and in
whatever shape, was regarded as a lawful prize to
the troops. After this movement ofthe enemy's ships,
the accelerated operations of Congress were a proof to
the publick raind, that their national guardians were
qualifled to meet with correspondent activity, the ut
most efforts of their eneray. All was bustle and pre
paration ; even troops were ordered to the flaying carap,
the British prisoners in Philadelphia, were directed ta

398 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
be iraraediately removed to the interiour ; yet even in
this necessary provisipn for the public security, the ten
derness of raen to the inoffensive and unfortunate was
most conspicuous ; the Avives and children of these
prisoners Avere permitted to remain till a more favour
able season for reraoval. A corps of artiflcers was or
dered to Lord Stirling's brigade, and an immediate
report of all the daily accessions tothe army, Avas in
sist" 1 on Avith the utraost strictness, and every order
of ;hr ctiflimander in chief was filled with repetition of
former ones, for the advantage of the troops who were
constantly arriving, and .absolutely ignorant of the
most ordinary and important regulations of camp
duty. Immediately after the arrival of Admiral Howe,
which took place at the time mentioned in Washing
ton's despatch, a correspondence was attemped to be
opened Avitii the American comraander, in chief, in a
manner that shewed a less restricted power than became
evident from subsequent intercourse. At the first com-
menceraent of the negociation, the comraon civilities
of gentlemanly intercourse were denied to the rebel
leader, as Washington was called. This must have
been a matter of great moment, if any judgement can
be found from the earnestness with which a British
Adrairal and a British general persisted iu giving the
title of general, to George Washington. They had
their instructions on the subject unquestionably. To
acknoAvledge him as a general, was equivalent to ac-
knoAvledging the powers of Congress, and consequent
ly equivalent to an admission that they were not an
assembly of rebels, the mere ring leaders of a formi
dable insurrection. This point, therefore, must have
been important ; yet this point was relinquished in a sue-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 399
ceeding negociation. The conclusion then which this
and some other facts of the same nature, will autho
rize, seems to be this, thatthe British comraissioners
were to grant all, but an explicit acknowledgraent of
American Independence, but so to grant it, that it might
be confirmed or not by the sanction of Royalty.
The late movement of the enemy's ships up the
North river, which raight be by having troops con
cealed on board to seize the passes in the highlands,
was to be counteracted as soon as their purpose be
came apparent. Washington, therefore, as soou as
they had passed the batteries, despatched expresses
to General Clinton of Ulster, and the Committee of
safety for Duchess County, to be vigilant in provid
ing against an attempt ofthis kind, and the command
ing officers of the two most important garrisons, to be
particularly on their guard against a sudden movement
of the disaffected, vvhich at this period was much to be
apprehended. They might assemble on the approach
of the vessels and surprize the garrisons by land,
while the enemy approached by water. These direc
tions were promptly complied with ; the garrisons were
Watchful, the militia assembled, and a small party of
the enemy, in two or three boats, were repulsed in
an attempt to approach the shore.
Under date of July 14th, the following particu
lars of the first attempt at negociation on the part of
Lord Howe, araong other things of a less interesting
nature, are related.
" About three o'clock, this afternooh, I was infor
med that a flag from Lord Howe was coming up, and
waited with two of our whaleboats until directions
should be given. I iraraediately convened such of the
general officers as were net upon other duty, Avho a-^

400 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
greed in opinion, that I ought not to receive any let
ter directed to me as a private gentleman, but if other
wise, and the officer desired to come off to deliver the
letter himself, as was suggested, he should come un
der a safe conduct. Upon this I directed Colonel Reed
to go down and manage the affairs under the above
general instructions.
" On his return, he informed me that, after the com
mon civilities, the officer acquainted Mm that he had
a letter from Lord Howe, to Mr. Washington, which
he shewed under a superscription to " George Wash
ington, Esq." Col. Reed replied that there was no
such person in the army, and that a letter intended
for the general, could not be received under such a
direction. The officers expressed great concern — said
it was a letter rather of a civil than a military nature
¦r— that Lord Howe regretted he had not arrived — that
he. Lord Howe, had great powers, &c. The anxiety
to have the letter received vvas very evident, though
the officers disclairaed all knowledge of its contents. —
However, Colonel Reed's instructions being positive,
they parted. After they had got some distance, the
officer with the flag again put about, and asked under
what directiouMr. Washington chose to be addressed
— to which Colonel Reed answered, his station was
well known, and that certainly, they could not be at
a loss to direct to him. The officers said they knew
it, and lamented it, and again repeated his wish that
the letter could be received. Colonel Reed told him,
a proper direction would obviate all difficulties, and
that this was no new matter, this subject having been
fully discussed in the course of the last year, of which
Lord Howe could not be ignorant.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 401
" 1 would not upon any occasion, sacrifice essentials
to punctilio, but in this instance, the opinion of others
concurring with my own, I deemed it a duty to my
country and my appointment, to insist upon that res
pect, which, in any other than a publick view, I would
willingly have received — nor do I doubt, butfrOm the
supposed nature of the raessage, and the anxiety ex
pressed, they will either repeat their flag or fall upon
sorae mode to communicate the imports or contents
ofit," On the sixteenth, a further attempt was made to
communicate with the American comraander, by means
of a letter directed tp" George Washington, Esq. I^c.
Sfc. ..Sfc." which was also rejected. No other course
was left, however anxious Washington might have
been for an adjustraent ofthe differences, such trifling
as this could not have been tolerated. It became au
object of importance to the Americans themselves,
from the manner iu which they seemed to be regarded
by the British. Besides, the former had determined on
Independence, and it was certain that no satisfactory
propositions could be made in a despatch where the
acknowledgment of their highest military officers was
denied. The negociators who would refuse to call
Washington a general, would not be likely to acknow
ledge the American people as a free nation. Such
letters, therefore, were justly regarded as a species of
political legerderaain ; or tricks to be played off with
the greatest soleranity, only to Conceal their real de
signs. If this were really iraportant, Washington
justly concluded that this trivial irapediraent would
soon be removed by the commissioners themselves.
Congress were iraraediately informed ofthis second
attempt, and forthAvith passed a resolution, which was
VOL, I, 51

403 AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
judiciously calculated to quiet all suspicion of inter
course between the eriemy and general Washington,
merely as a private gentleraan. They forbade any
officer of the array, to receive any letters frora the ene-
iny, unless addressed to hira in his official capacity.
In this renewal of the attempt, there was a relaxa
tion of etiquette which to the plain republicans of the
tirae, was a matter of infinite ridicule. The first had
been sent by a Lieutenant of the Eagle; the second
by Adjutant General Patterson, who was admitted to
the presence of Washington without the customary
precautions of blindfolding. The et eeteras, notwith
standing all that could be urged by the messenger,
Avho, during the whole conference, continued to ad
dress the Commander in Chief by the title of Excel
lency, were not considered sufBciently explicit. "Itis
true," said the General, " these et eeteras imply eve
ry thing : but it is no less true that they imply any
thing." Complaints were made by both parties rcr
specting treatment of prisoners. The Adjutant pledg
ed his honour that the prisoners in Boston, so far as
it was practicable, had been treated with the greatest
humanity and indulgence. He observed, also, in the
course ofthe interview, thatthe commissions were en
trusted with great powers ; to which, WasMngton re
plied, " Their powers are only to pardon. The -^ho
have committed no fault, want no pardon. The Ame
ricans are only defending what they consider their in.
disputable rights." And thus ended the conference,
leaving an impression ou the minds ofthe British, high
ly advantageous to the republican inflexibility of the
Americans. Soon after this a letter properly address
ed, on the subject of prisoners, was sent and receiv-
ed.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 403
During these transactions, and While Lord Howe
was making his paciflc overtures, he sent a declara
tion on shore at Amboy, accompanied with a circular
to the late royal Governours, directing the raost exten
sive circulation of his proposals. So soou as these
papers were received hy Washington, they were trans
mitted to Congress, and were immediately ordered
by that body, with a magnaniraity that did them the
greatest honour, tp be published in every newspaper
in the country.
Among these letters was one fpr Doctor Franklin,
from Lord Howe, which, it was resolved at the same
time by Congress, he should'be at liberty to answer.
About this time, a series of resolutions were re
ceived in Congress from the New -York convention,
expressing in animated language their devotion to the
great cause, and proving their activity in providing
any means of resistance to the encroachments of the
eneray. The publick feeling was at the highest de
gree of tension — ^every eye was turned upon New-
York. There it was expected, if not the fate of the
whole country, the fate of Washington and Ms whole
army was speedily to be determined. Troops were
hourly coming in from all quarters.
The operations ofthe British were yet delayed in
expectation of further reinforcements, and the Ameri
cans were thus, providentially, enabled to streagthert,
their position and prepare for more formidable efforts.
The entrance ofthe New^York harbour had been for
tifled, so as to obstruct the approach of shipping, and
as the general expectations were directed towards
Long Island, for the commencement of the campaign,,
the Americans threw up a line pf entrenchments and
redoubts ori the side of the island next the^ citj, with

404 AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
the hope of deterring general Howe from gaining the
heights, which would have led, necessary and spee
dily to the command of the city. The command of
these works was entrusted to General Greene, one of
the best soldiers and commanders in America, and af
terwards of the most essential service to the cause of
the revolution ; a man who united to a sort of Spartan
energy, the open frank temper of a republican farraer,
and the generous devotion of a great mind to a fa
vourite cause. He was indefatigable in his prepara
tions, and soon prepared, from Ms intimate acquain
tance, with all the approaches to the heights he would
secure, for meeting the enemy at auy hour and at
every point.
The small squadron about whose raovements such
anxiety was still entertained, had passed up the Hud
son about twenty flve miles, and taken a station oppo
site Lanytown.
On the seventeenth, the following letter was des
patched by the commander in chief to Cpngress, brief
ly glancing at the renewal of Lord Howe's negocia
tion ; the various moveraents of the troops, and pre
paring further raeans for security as they occurred to
him in the gradual developement of the enemy's de
sign. It will be seen that the band of Connecticut
light horse had* thought fit, notwithstanding all their
devotion to the cause of their country, to claim certain
immunities wMch could not be granted, and the gen
tlemen were therefore discharged. Washington want
ed soldiers, not gentlemen.
" I perceive the means Congress have taken to ex
pedite the raising of the flying camp, and providing it
with articles of the greatest use. You will see by a
postscript to my letter of the fourteenth, that I wrote

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 405
to the commanding officer of the Pennsylvania militia,
ordering them to be raarched from Trenton, to Amboy,
as their remaining there could not ansAver the least
possible good; for, having consulted with sundry gen
tlemen, I was informed, if the enemy mean to direct
their views towards Pennsylvania, or to penetrate the
Jerseys, their route will be from near Amboy, and
either by way of Brunswick or Bouudhook — ^the Ioav-
er road from South Amboy being a woody, sandy
country. Besides, they will be able to throAV in suc
cour here and receive it Avhen in cases of emergency.
" The Connecticut light horse, mentioned in my let
ter of the eleventh, notwithstanding their promise to
continue here for the defence of this place, are dis
charged, and about to return home, having perempto
rily refused all kinds of duty, qr even to mount guard,
clairaing an exemption as troopers. Though their as
sistance is much needed, and might be of essential
service in case of an attack, on their application and
claim of such indulgeuce, to discharge thera ; as grant
ing it to them would set an example to others, and
might have raany ill cousequences. The nuraber in
cluded in the last return, by this is lessened about flve
hundred!" Within this despatch were sorae letters from general
Schayler, respecting the affairs of the northern army,
upon which, after some reraarks, he proceeds thus :
" I cannot express surprise at the scarcity of provi
sions, which General Schuyler raentions, after what
the Commissary assured me^ and which formed a part
of my letter of the fourteenth. He still assures rae of
the sarae. This is a distressing circurastance (as every
article of provision and every thing necessary for that
department, can have no other, now, tlian a land convey-

406 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ance ; the water communication from hence to Albany
being entirely cut off."
After mentioning a proportion for raising six compa^
nies of the inhabitants about the lakes to protect the
frontier from the Indians, which had become a matter
of much importance, he continues :
" The retreat from Crown Point, seems to be consi
dered in opposite views by the general aud fleld offi
cers. The former, I am satisfied, have weighed the
matter Avell, and yet, the reasons assigned by the lat
ter against it appear strong and forcible."
The ships and tenders had now advanced about for--
ty miles up the river, and were sounding with their
boats, a circumstance which indicated a perseverance
in their course tPwards the Highlands. A party again
atterapted to land, but were prevented by a party of
militia hastily collected.
On the evacuation of Crown Point, an event so un
expected as to agitate the whole country he expresses
himself farther, iu a despatch of the nineteenth. " I
confess the determination ofthe council of general offi
cers on the seventh, to retreat from Crown Point, sur
prised me rauch, and the more I consider it, the more
striking does the irapropriety appear. The reasons
assigned by the field officers in their remonstance, coin
cide greatly with my own ideas, and those of the
other general officers, I have had an opportunity of
consulting with, and seem to be of considerable weight,
I may add conclusive. I am not so fully acquainted
with the geography of that country, and the situation
of the different posts, as to pronounce a peremptory
judgment upon the matter : but if my ideas are right,
the possession of Crown Point is essential to give us
the superiority g,nd mastery on the lake.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 407
" That the enemy will possess it as soon as aban
doned by us, there can be no doubt"; and if they do,
whatever galleys or force we keep on the lake will be
unquestionably in their rear. How they can be sup
ported there, or what success can be drawn from them
there, , is beyond my comprehension. Perhaps it is
only meant that they shall be eraployed in the com
munication between that aud Ticonderoga. If this is
the case, I fear the views of Congress will not be an
swered, nor the salutary effects be derived from them
that were inteudedj
" I have raentioned ray surprise to General Schuy
ler and would, by the advice of ray general officers
here, have directed that that post should be raaintain
ed, had it not been fpr two causes — an apprehension
that the works havejbeen destroyed, and that, if the
army should be ordered to Ticonderoga, or the point
opposite to it, (where I suppose they are) to repossess
it, they would have neither one place nor another in
a defensible state : the other, lest it might encrease
the jealousy and diversity of opinions, which seem al
ready too prevalent in that army, aud establish a pre
cedent for the inferiour officers tp set up their judg
ments whenever they would, in opposition to those
of their superiours, a raatter of great delicacy, and
that might lead to fatal consequences, if countenanced ;
though in the present instance, I could wish their rea
soning had prevailed.
"If the army has not removed, what I have said to
General Shuyler, raay perhaps, bring in a reconside
ration of the matter, and it may not be too late to take
measures for marching that post."
This despatch then concludes with a notice of the
route he had appointed for three Massachusetts regi-

408 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ments to join the northern army, which had been to
march td Norwich, and thence erabark for Albany ;
which would enable them to succour the main array,
if necessary, in their route. But this order he observes,
he had just countermanded, on account of the inter
ruption given by the enemy's ascent of the North Ri
ver, and adds "If Congress disapprove the routes, or
wish to give any orders about them, you will please
to notify me thereof, that 1 may take measures accord
ingly. Nothing can more fairly show the painful state of
dependance, in which the comraander in chief was kept
by the extrerae jealousy of our republican forefathers,
than this singular fact. Measures had been takeri to
obtain succours from a reraote province, aud the ge
neral after directing the line of raarch, finds all Ms
places liable to be disordered by a parliaraentary vote
on the iraportant question of this route. " Enclosed,"
he continues, and this meagre state ofthe publick finan
ces, at the coraraenceraent of such a struggle as this,
speaks voluraes as to the state of preparation and re
sources of the country, " Enclosed 1 have the honour
to transrait you copies of a letter and sundiy resolu
tions, which I received yesterday, from the conveu
tion of this state. By these you will perceive they
have been acting on matters of great importance, and
are exerting themselves in the most vigorous manner
to defeat the wicked designs of the enemy, and such
disaffected persons as raay incline to assist and facili
tate their views. In coraphance with their request,
and on account of the scarcity of money for carrying
their designs into execution, I have agreed to len d them
out of the small stock now on hand, (not more than

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 409
sixty thousand dollars,) twenty thousand dollars, in
part of what they want.
These, after some few remarks, and some of them
appear in the painful light of excuses for such a step,
he concludes in the following words. "I hope my con
duct in this Instance will not be disapproved."
Sixty thousand dollars only in the military chest at
such a moment; and the commander in chief of an
army raised by thirteen provinces, who had begun
a war with the most powerful nation in the world,
anxiously excusing himself for haying appropriated
twenty thousand dollars on his own responsibility !
" I enclosed Governor Trumbull, a copy of their
letter," he continues, "and oftheir several resolutions
to-day," — " but did not think myself at liberty to urge
or request his interest iu forming a camp of six thou
sand men, as the levies directed by Congress to be
furnished by the third of June, for the defence ofthis
place, by that government, are but little more than
one third come in. At the same time, the proposition
I think is a good one, if it is carried into execution.
In case the enemy should attempt a landing about
Kingsbridge, and to cut off the communication b,e-
tween this city and the country, an army to hang pn
their rear would distress them exceedingly."
Had these anticipations of Washington been realised,
the enemy would have proved himself a better gene
ral, and the American commander would have escap
ed abundance of unmerited censure, for having suf
fered his troops on Long Island, to be surrounded by
a powerful fleet, and beaten in detail. The military
Teputation of Gen. Howe, led his adversary to calcu
late on a course of conduct verj^ different from that
VOL, I. 5%

410 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
which was frequently pursued. It is never safe to cal
culate on the blunders, or omissions of an enemy.
Had Sir William Howe passed up the North River,
the practicability of which moveraent Avas demonstrat
ed by the passageof two heavy ships, it has been since
thought, that he would have reduced WasMngtoa to
the necessity of fighing him on some of the command
ing positions, with which the country abounds, under
^reat disadvantages ; corapelled hira to a sudden-eva
cuation of the city of New-York, probably with the
loss of all his heavy artillery arid military stores, or a
surrender for want of provisions.
But these alternatives were foreseen by Washi«g-
ton and, consequently, provided against, and so far as
the plan of defence depended on the 'possession of
Long Island, it is extremely probable that, bad Gene
ral Greene retained his health and Command at this
critical juncture ; or, had his successour General Sul
livan, a gallant but somewhat improvident officer,
been less confident and more cautious, the British.
would not have made the attempt at all ; or making
it, would have suffered too much for the object in
view ; and the result might have been totally different.
The position was strong, and in the opinion of
Washington, was capable of withstanding an assanlt;
a fine body of troops, the largest proportion of the
army were entrusted with its defence. And, notwith
standing what maybe said, since the issue was disas
trous, the coraraand of the heights, which overlook
ed the city was an object wprth contending for, and
when it is considered that, notwithstanding the re
missness of Colonel Miles, and many other circum
stances of a nature not to be provided against, because
not to be expected, the American army was brought

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 'Ill
off in safety after a defeat, no sraall degree of praise
seems justly due to the commanding general.
The gipeatest captain may be guilty of an oversight,
and the weakest sometimes behave with conduct and
skill ; but he cannot be a commou man, he must be a
great one, who can avoid the consequences of such an
oversight At this time, in expectation of a movemieut which
Washington was authorized from the character of Ms
enemy to provide against, rather than any other, the
two regiments which had been directed from Massa
chusetts, general Ward's division, to Ticonderoga,
were ordered thither on the mo.st direct route, with
out being countermanded by Congress, The mis
cellaneous- remonstrances and wishes contained in
the despatches of Washington, to Congress, con
sidering the tardiness with which such bodies gene
rally legislate on trifies, were assented to with unex
pected promptitude. But, nevertheless, there was a
lamentable backwardness to be seen in the maintain
ing of all measures tending to enlarge the powers of
the man to whom they had entrusted their possessions,
liberties and lives.
The soldiers of the present day, to whora the con
duct of a campaign is entrusted, with certain discre
tionary powers, and armies properly provided with
commissaries, paymasters, and other indispensable ap
pendages, whose duties are all properly defined and""
distinguished from that of the commander iu chief ;
and who find their complaints and remonstrances the
subject of iraraediate attention and redress, by one man
at the head of the war department, ought to study the
letters of Washington, to understand the multiplicity
of vexatious which he had to encounter; and the full

413' AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
value of such a man, at such a time, to the Americaii
people. Among the first evidences of generous confidence in
Washington, was a resolution approving his loan to the
New- York convention, and trusting to Mm the entire
disposition of his troops. This was passed on the
twenty second of July, and, it is not unlikely proceed
ed as much from a desire to avoid the irksome and
perplexing duties which were constantly encreasing
upon their hands, as from confidence in bim.
On the twenty first of this mo^ith, (July,) intelli
gence of the repulse ofthe British at South Carolina,
was received and the liveliest demonstrations of joy
were given by all ranks. Such an event at any time
Would have been a subject of great national exultation,
but happening at this moraent when the British were ar
rayed in their terrours, and their slaughter at Bunker's
Hill had almost ceased to be regarded as a defeat, it
was of infinite service in quieting the fears of the. timid
and strengthing the resolute. Resolutions of national
acknowledgment were passed, and presented to Gen.
Lee, and Colonels Moultrie and Thompson, for their
gallantry. The native strength of character, and noble disre
gard of popular clamour, so uniformly the distinguish
ing properties of Washington, were never more con
spicuous than at this period, and during the success
ive disasters of the army under Ms command, so im
mediately following what was then thought a great
victory.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 413

CHAPTER XIV,
Events of 1776 continuedr—J\l'ecessities of the .American army-^
Backwardness qf their supplies — State of preparation — Orders,
letters, remarks — Attempt to entice the foreigners from the Bri
tish service, — Enterprise against tlie enemy's vessels in theJ^orth
River. — Battle on Long Island ; retreat of the Jlmericoins.—
Reflections. The concentration of the forces under Admiral and
Sir Williara 'Howe, officers distinguished for their ta
lents and experience, was to be the signal for battle.
That under the iraraediate command of Sir William,
was to be about thirty thousand men ; sometimes it Avas
less, but at one period it amounted to nearly thirty
two thousand. These were chosen troops, well offi
cered ; veterans, with a fine train of artillery, and all
the necessary appendages of an army in such abund
ance, as to present the raost formidable aspect of any
army ever before asserabled at once on the coutinent
©f America. The total amount of the various divi
sions, distributed over the country for this campaign,
by the policy of Great Britain, exceeded fifty five thou
sand men ; supported by a powerful navy, always on
the alert, and ready to attack every defenceless post
from one extremity to the other of the Colonies. To
encounter such overwhelming preparations, the Ame
ricans had but a temporary army, not half equal even
in numbers to that of the eneray, undisciplined, unof-
ficered, and unprovided even with ammunition ; and
uo navy except a few frigates; which could only act as
privateers. On the arrival of General Howe at Sta
ten Island, the American army did not exceed ten

444 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
thousand men, and by the end of August, while General
Howe had assembled at Staten Island thirty one thou
sand six hundred aud twenty-five men, it had been
gradually aud slowly augmented to only seventeen
thousand. Of these, a great part were militia, and one
fourth part of the whole was sick. The diseases to
be expected from the ci*owded association of new
troops during the warmest season of the year, prevail
ed to an alarraing extent, and was rendered still more
threatening and destructive from the deficiency of
tents. But these few were so judiciously distributed on
York Island, Long Island, Governour's Island, Pau
lus Hook, aud in the Sound towards New Rochelle,
East and West Chester, that while they were secure
from any enterprise against thera by detachraent, they
served so corapletely to erabarass the eneray, that he
aoted with the most exemplary caution: a caution
which, though unwilling, was at the same tirae an une
quivocal tribute to the Americans. On the eighth of
August the entire force, under the command of Wash
ington, was as follows : ten thousand, five hundred
and fourteen fit for duty : sick present, three thousand
and thirty nine : sick absent, six hundred and twen
ty nine ; on comraand twenty nine hundred and forty
six : on furlough ninety seven; Total, seventeen thou
sand two hundred and twenty five. These, it raust be
remembered, were raw troops, very much scattered,
some being fifteen miles apart, and consequently una
ble to unite suddenly for defence or attack. They
might, from their situations, escape a superiour force>
but they could not resist in hope of succour. What
should have been expected of such an array, opposed
to such an enemy ? Not to have been swept from the

AMERICAN BEVOtUTION. 41S
faceof the earth, by the thirty thousand veteransof Eu
rope, would have been the most exalted eulogium up
on them.
Experience had taught the Americans hoAV difficult
it is to dislodge a powerful antagonist. The design
of Sir William Howe had always been supposed by
Washington, to be the possession of 'New York. Af
ter much deliberation, it was determined, as the only
chance of preventing this, to throw up a chain of re
doubts, hazard nothing, and wear aWay the campaign
by ineffectual skirmishing and delay. Such a sys
tem would accustom the new troops to stand fire ; give
them confidence in themselves and their officers; and
gradually weaken the enemy who could not supply his
losses, while the American army was constantly en
creasing in strength, numbers, discipline and experi
ence. The good effects of this system was always,
conspicuous wherever it was steadily pursued ; the men
in the ranks were every hour becoming better soldiers j
aud their officers were acquiring a greater relish and
respect for the military character and science.
The Americans, from their want of experience, were
not tp be trusted in the field. An entrenchment, how
ever weak, was regarded as a defence ; and the Bri
tish, from their reception at Breed's Hill, were not,
particularly anxious to inspect any of the American
lines so closely, as to discover their efficiency or inef
ficiency tp withstand an assault. These works, which
were thrown up at Long Island, at Haerlem Heights,
and round the city, consisted of field redoubts of earth,
with a parapet arid , ditch, with batteries. Slight as
were these obstacles, yet the season for the campaign
was nearly consumed before they were so far over
come as to allow the enemy topenetrate the country.

416 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
These vast preparations for their punishment, in
stead of alarming or disheartening the Americans, on
ly served to excite them to more vigorous counteract
ing exertious, and to draw them into a closer and
stronger alliance. The Colonies were but the more
flrmly united to each other by the pressure applied on
all sides ; until they becarae, literally one body and
one soul, feeling through all their frame, alike, an in
jury inflicted upon the most -inconsiderable .member.
The flying camp, respecting which General Washing
ton had manifested so much anxiety, was to b^ com
posed of a kind of troops between a regular and mili
tia force. This camp had been completed, but the
backwardness of the militia, relied upon for its defence,
prevented any active movement, even for defence.
The fear of the Commander in Chief for the import
ant passes in the Highlands, was not yet allayed ; but
it was not possible, under the constant expectation of
an attaok, to spare any part ofhis inconsiderable force.
Situated as he was, it would have been rashness to
weaken the main army for such purposes, or to em
ploy any part of his command for the construction of
works not absolutely necessary to the preservation of
the array, one step beyond Ms power of supporting
them in emergency. There were points to be guarded
in every direction, each of the greatest importance, in
the views of those who had raost at risk in its vicini
ty, and Washington had not, by one third, troops
enough for the defence of New York.
On the 31st of this raouth (July,) a desperate plot of
the loyalists in the back part of New York, was dis^
concerted by General Schuyler. The parties or ring
leaders were not known, as the General was bound to
secrecy by an oath. On the SSd, the Commander of

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 417
each department was authorised by Congress to ne
gociate an exchange of prisoners, on terms of com
plete reciprocity, rank for rank ; the resolutions recogr
nizing at the sarae tirae, the right of each stateto raake
its exchange on its own terms for prisoners taken or
lost by itself. And, on the same day, it was also de
termined to emit five millions of dollars in bills of
credit. An irregularity in the recruiting service at this pe
riod, had proceeded to such an alarraing length that
it becarae necessary for the Coraraander in Chief to
take notice of it. It was first the trick of sorae needy
villain, with little sense of shame, but it had extend
ed so far as to be practised by not only the privp,tes,
and raen who would have scorned any thing dishon
ourable, but even by their officers, as a justifiable
and profitable traffick.
" It is with great astonishraent and surprise," sayS
Washington, in his order of the 33d, *' the General
hears the soldiers enlist from one carap to another,
and frequently receive a bounty, and that some officers
have knowingly received such men. So glaring a
fraud upon the publick, and injury to the service will
be punished in the raost exeraplary raanner."
And by the following extracts from the order ofthe
34th, the necessities of the army, the state of appro
priations, and allowance for rainute expenses, with
the scrupulous attention to econoray, which was
indispensable, will be seen in a light almost ludi
crous. " Each Brigadier, with the Colonel and Command
ing Officer of the several regiments in his brigade, are
to meet and estimate the quantity of paper absolutely
VOL. I. 53

418 AMEIRICAN REVOLUTION.
necessary to serve a regiment for returus and other pub
lick uses for a raonth, and raake a report." This re
port was made on the 38th as required; and the
Quarter Master was directed " to furnish each regi
ment with twelve quires per month, in the following
proportions, viz : one to the commanding officer, one
to each company — the remaining tvvo quires to be
kept by the Colonel as a reserve for special occasion."
" The general being sensible of the difficulties and
expense of providing clothing of almost every kind,
feels an unwillingness to recommend, much more to
order any kind of uniform ; but as it is absolutely ne
cessary that raen should have clothes, and officers be
decent and tight, he earnestly encourages the use of
hunting shirts, &c.
" No dress can be had cheaper, none more conve
nient, as the weather raay be cpol in warm weather,
and warm in cool weather, by%putting on woollen
clothes, which will not change the outward dress,
winter or summer. Besides wTiich, it is a dress just
ly supposed to carry no sraall terrour to the enemy,
who think every such person a complete marksman."
" Disagreeable as it is to rae, and unpleasing as it
may be to Congress to multiply officers, I find myself
under the unavoidable necessity of asking an increase.
of my Aides de Camp. The augmentation of my com
mand, the increase of my correspondence, the instruc
tions to draw, cut out raore business than I am able
to execute in time with propriety. The business of
so many departments centering with me, and by me
to be handed in to Congress for their information —
added to the intercourse, I am obliged to keep up With
the adjacent stat;es, and incidental occurrences, all of

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 419
which require confldential writers to execute, ren
ders it impossible, in the present state, of things,
for my family to discharge the several duties ex
pected from me, with that precision and dispatch
that I could wish ; what will it be then when we corae
into a more active scene, and I am called upon from
twenty different places at the same instant."
"Congress will do rae the justice to believe, I hope, that
it is not my inclination or wish to run the continent into
any unnecessary expense ; and those who better know
me, will not suspect that show and parade can have any
influence on my mind in this instance. A conviction
of the necessity of it, for the regular discharge of the
trust reposed in rae, is the governing motive for the ap
plication, and, as such is submitted to Congress." —
His prayer was granted on the 39th, and he was au
thorized to appoint another Aid de Camp.
Under date of the twenty-seventh, the following re
flections occur in one of the communications to Con
gress, by the commander in chief. They show the un
happy policy of temporizing on great occasions. Con
gress, by offering a bounty disproportioned to the ser
vice expected frora their troops, was overbid by in
dividual states, aud the raost disastrous rivalship and
competition was thereby introduced. A soldier had
lost the flrst impulse that made hira shoulder his mus
ket, as he heard the step ofthe invader, he stopped to
bargain for his resistance ; he was no longer the cham
pion of liberty, who accepted pay, not as a reward, not
as a price for his blood, but because it was absolutely
necessary, for his subsistance ; he had degenera
ted to a mercenary, who sold his sword and Ms
strength to the highest bidder, and thought more of
his hire than the cause in which he had engaged.

430 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
It is not to be expected, that the soldier in the ranks
should be above the passions of Ms nature — he is al
ways poor, and cannot offer in this country, Avhen he
has abondoned his farra or trade, to flght, like Wash
ington, only for reputation. He raust have pay, for
he is too poor to toil for nothing. But, it might have
been expected of the revolutionary soldiers, that all
mercenary vieWs were strangers to their hearts, that
they did not flght like European bravoes, and but
for Congress, these expectations would have been ful
ly realized, roraantick as they may appear.
But the Congress ofthe confederacy, and the Con
vention of the several states, persisted in treating their
troops as day labourers, and by a continual corape
tition in price, wasted away, or exposed to ridicule,
that lofty enthusiasra Avhich renders an army invinci
ble. When a price had once been offered by Con
gress, and any one of the states, no raatter frora what
necessity, had offered a greater one, the former should
have spoken boldly and decidedly by its resolutions,
and checked this invasion of its sovereignty. It could not
have been more desfructiVe to the interests of the con
federacy, had a power been exercised by such state in
negociation for a separate peace.
The extract, also seems to be, if not the very flrst
at least one of the flrst indications of an expedient,
which has since been practised with rauch success ; that
of granting wild lands in bounty to the soldiers.
After sorae remarks ou the discouraging prospects
of the officers in the recruiting service, he proceeds,
" Indeed, I am fearful from the inquiries I have raade,
that their utmost exertions will be attended with but
little success. It is expected that the bounty of ten
dollars is too low, and argued — < If the states furnish-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 431
ing meu for flve or six raonths, allow considerably
more, why should that be accepted, when the terms of
it are to be for two or three years ?' I heartily wish a
bounty in land had been or could be given, as vvas
preferred some time ago. I think it would be attend
ed with salutaiy consequences."
In the mean tirae, the militia continued to assemble
with great reluctance ; so late as the twenty-second of
July, there were but three of the ten thousand, col
lected for the flying camp ; but with these Washing
ton bad deterrained to make some blow at the enemy,
if any opportunity should offer, where little would be
hazarded. He was also raaking arrangements for an
attack with flve ships and gallies upon the ships up
the North River, which was afterwards attempted,
but without success. Parties were frequently sent ou
shore after live stock, but were as often driven off,
and on one occasion, with the loss of fifteen dead.
An inquiry had been instituted in Congress, soou
after the retreat ofthe American array from Canada,
into the causes thereof, aud ou the thirteenth of July,
the following report, showing reasons enough for the
disaster, but not the whole of thera, was made and ac
cepted. " The short enlistments of the continental troops in
Canada, have been one great cause ofthe miscamages
there, by rendering unstable the number of men engaged
in military enterprise ; by making them disorderly and
disobedient to their officers ; and by precipitating the
commanding officers into measures, which their pru- ¦
dence raight have postponed, could they have relied
on a longer continuance ofthese troops iu service."
" That the want of hard raoney has been another
great source of the miscarriages in Canada, render-

433 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ing^ the suppplies of necessaries difficult and preca
rious ; the establishraent of proper magazines abso
lutely impracticable, and the pay ofthe troops of little
use to them."
" That a still greater and more fatal source of mis
fortunes has been the prevalence of the small pox in
that army, a great proportion thereof has thereby been
kept unfit for duty."
These were certainly conclusive reasons for the eva
cuation of Canada, but there were others combined
Avith these, which would have produced the same effect,
had none of these existed. They were in au enemy's
province — -the population was not to be depended
upon, a great extent of country was to be overrun,
and posts to be garrisoned, which would have requir
ed a force, at least four times as numerous as was al-
loAved. There might have been but little difficulty in
conquering Canada, but there would have been rauch
to keep it, with the most powerful array that was ever
united during the revolution. The enemy were sfrong
and at home. The invaders, as is always the case,
unless they are so powerful as to sweep every tMng
before them, had to fight their way to their provisions,
and slept literally with their arras in their hands.
Onthe thirteenth, further inforraation respecting the
moveraentof General Schuyler, was received by Wash
ington, which was immediately communicated to Con
gress. It is worth attention.
" You will perceive Ms reasons, " he says" for leav
ing Crown Point, and preferring the post which the
council of officers determined to take, opposite Ticon
deroga. I am totally unacquainted with these seve
ral posts and the countiy about them, and therefore
cannot determine on the validity of his observation,

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 433
or think myself at liberty to give any direction in ihe
matter. *' Congress will please to observe vvhat he says of
their distress for raoney. From hence, he can have no
relief, there being only about three or four thousand
dollars in the paymaster's hands, according to his re
turn this morning."
This is another example of that lamentable deflci
ency in every thing necessary for defence. Such facts
render the battles and events of the revolution little
less than miraculous. How raen could spill their
blood and starve and freeze on credit, while the ci
ties and towns of their country were crowded with
wealthy people, living corafortably, without partici
pating in their dangers, or even contributing to their
support, is a question that only the soldier of that day
can answer.
" In ray letter ofthe twenty -seventh" he continues,
" I inforraed Congress of my views and wishes to at
tempt something against Staten Island. I am now to
acquaint them, that by the advice of General Mercer
and other officers at Amboy, it will be impracticable
to do any thing upon a large scale, for want of craft,
and -the enemy have the entire coraraand of the army
all round the island."
Under the same date, Washington expresses a res
pectful anxiety, that the Stockbridge Indians shall be
eraployed, and reraarks that they were dissatisfied at
not being included in the late order for enlisting their
people, and had inquired the cause of General Put-
nara. The reasons he assigns for recommending their em
ployment, are such as have influenced, and probably
determined the Americans, from that time to the ter-

434 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
mination of the last war with Great Britain ; that is,
the impossibility of keeping them neutral ; the fear of
their joining the enemy, while the customs of savage
warfare are so repulsive to all the feelings of huraa
nity, and pride of a soldier, that it would seera no pal
liation could be received for the crime of having sanc
tioned thera by exaraple. Yet it should be reraeraber
ed, that when Indians have beeu eraployed by Arae
ricans, they have always been restrained ; no exaraples
oftheir cruelty have occurred. They have always been
associated with regular troops, not slipped upon their
prey, aud left to hunt it down after their own raan
ner. And, generally, they were eraployed in scout
ing parties, where they could only raurder other scout
ing parties of the eneray, and when they fought, they
fought with raen. These circumstances take off all
the horror which is felt frora such alliances. Indians
are active and serviceable when properly employed. —
They are the best defence against Indians, Acquaint
ed from their birth with wiles and stratagems , they
can trace an eneray, and tell its nurabers, its footsteps,
when the eye of the white raan cannot discover a trace ;
and the raoving of grass or rushes, which would be
unregarded by a regular soldier, as the natural effect
of winds, leads the Indian to be prepared for an ara-
bush. The certainty that the Indians can be restrain
ed, when it is wished, reconciles the opposite contra
diction which has been so often seen between the com
plaints made by the Americans, that the enemy em
ployed savages, at the every moment that they also
employed them.
To return once more to the minuter affairs of the
army, examples of insubordination and disregard of
all the rules, by Avhich a camp is regulated, were so

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 43?
frequent at this late period of their enlistment, that
scarcely a day passed without a court martial on some
officer, for the most extraordinary offerices ; and the
orders of every morning were a journal of offences and
misconduct, of a nature so shocking to all the habits
and opinions of a regular bred soldier, that he would
be led either to doubt their history, or tp believe what
was indeed the truth, that there was never a body of
men so difficult to be reduced to military discipline,
and never a general who had so discouraging a task
to perform. It is easier to conquer kingdoms than
habits. A band of Germans would have been a
phalanx of machinery, in less time than it took to
make a platoon of Araericans perforra the siraplest
evolution with precision. It has been said, that
Frederick of Prussia never required raore than six
weeks, to raake soldiers of Ms boors ; but his boors
were not Americans. With the power of life and death
in the hands of every officer, from the highest to the
Ipwest, rairacles raay be wrought in training an army ;
but where every man is as free and as high spirited as
his officers, whole years are wasted in teaching them
the aspect and attitude of slaves. Freemen never make '
soldiers ; they are excellent heroes and daring lea
ders, but they are never effectual in the ranks, till they
have become the raerest im^chines, or in fact slaves.
The following act of atrocipus villainy, is recorded
as one which in the then state of society, excited more
emotion and horrour than could be easily conceived.
^urders were so uncoraraon in America, thatthe name
pf every criminal in the ranks, could be told by a child ;
and when tliis took place, it seemed to the good peo
ple of the eastern states, as if this war had released
all the obligations of society, armed eVery man against
VOL, Iv 54

436 AMERICAN REVOLUTlOJf.
his brother, and made every soldier of necessity, little
better than a murderer, who after the business of the
war had declined, and his employer had no further
occasion for his services, would be likely to take up
the trade for himself. There was indeed some truth
in these fears. There is a dreadful fascination in the
trade of blood, and raen do no not willingly abandon
it. The rolling of drums and the floating of banners,
are too often regarded as a signal for the bursting asun
der of all the ties of civil society. They who have
chosen their leaders, are dependent no longer on any
others, and the laws are safely set at deflance. But
such deeds as this can only be perpetrated by beings,
who, under any governraent, civil or, military, and in
any state of society, from barbarity to reflnement,
would be only restrained from crime by extinction.-^ —
They must cease to live, or must be murderers. Lieu
tenant Colonel Gordon, ofthe British army, an excel
lent officer aud an amiable man, while riding slowly and
unsuspicious, though surrounded by Indians, from Sti'
Johns, to Chamblee, was shot by a Green Mountain
boy, and robbed ofhis watch and sword. Some little
stir was at flrst made about it, by those who had the
power to bring the wretch to the gallows, but it was
so languidly continued that he escaped.
On the first of August, au alarming spirit of jealousy
and recrimination appeared among the troops. The
whole army was divided into parties. The southern
and middle were arrayed against the eastern troops.
Washington felt hiraself imperiously called upon to
quell the threatening symptom. For some weeks be
fore, complaints ofthis nature had been made, but the
evil was not considered so extensive as it soon appeared
to be. It was regarded rather as the natural consequeu-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ces of different local habits, which would\k(^ be*
smoothed into uniformity, than as a provinciallLilipip.-
thy, which was not to be conquered but by the mo^fcyi^
gorous and severe measures. Being a matter, even
then, of great delicacy, and not being within the reach
of the military powers with which WasMngton was
invested ; for the mischief had not yet become turbulent
or publick, but was to be seen working its way in si
lence, into all the veins and arteries of the army ; he
could not exercise his authority as a general ; all he
could do was to remonstrate with them like a man. —
The influence he could have at this state ofthe affair,
was only that which proceeded from his character and
virtues, not his rank.
" It is with great concern," thus the order commen
ces, " The general hears that jealousies and divisions
have arisen among the troops from the different provin
ces ; of reflections thrown out which can only tend to irri
tate each other, and injure the noble cause in which we'
are engaged, and which we ought to support with one
hand and one heart. The general most earnestly en
treats the officers and- soldiers to consider the conse
quences ; that they can in no way assist our cruel ene
mies more effectualy than by working a division among
ourselves ; that the honour and success of the army,
and the Safety of our bleeding countiy, depend upon
harmony and good agreement with each other ; that
the provinces are all united to opppse the common
enemy, and all distinctions sink iu the name of an
American. To make this honourable aud preserve
the liberty of our country, ought to be pur only emu
lation, and he will be the best soldier and the best
patriot who contributes most to this glprious work,
frpm whatever part of the continent he may ccme. —

438 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
het all distinctions of nations, countries and provin
ces be lost in the generous .contest, who shall behave
With the most cpurage against the eneray, and the mOst
kiridriess and gond huraour to each other."
The enemy were constantly receiving augmerita-
tions, duririg these occurrences in the American camp,
and on the first of August, Were joined by a fleet of
forty sail, which was supposed to have brought the
division of Hessians, so long expected. Every mo
raent gave indications of au attack, aud every moment
but the better prepared both parties for a desperate
struggle. The American troops were still very sick
ly, but were constantly receiving small reinforce
ments. Congress had already begun to rid themselves of
many irksome duties, and either by granting a gene
ral extension of power .to Washington, or by passing
resolutions in particular questions as they arose, ena
bled him to act with mpre cpnfidence and uniformity.
He was authorized, among other things at this time,.
to eraploy as raany of the Stockbridge Indians, as he
thought proper.
Such raanifestations of encreasing confidence from
these jealous republicans, was, undoubtedly, very gra
tifying to the American comraander, as they were the
only evidences of a popularity which could not be dis
trusted ; or which tended to enlighten the perplexi
ties of his way. Every augraentation of his command
necessarily made his duties lighter ; caused a part of
Ms responsibility to descend upon others, as he was
permitted to constitute officers, and delegate a part of
his authority ; gave the army more confldence in him ;
rendered that extreme simplicity which had hitherto
been so necessary, lest seme part wMch depended on

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 439
the approbation of others, might not be sanctioned by
them, no longer material; gave in short unanitiiity in
effort and activity in execution. The titiie that had
hitherto been CPrisumed in correspondence with Con
gress, pn the expediency of measures, was now found
more than sufficient to carry it into Cxecrition, Under
the new awangement, had it been perfected, an enter
prize might have been completed, before a national
assembly had determined upon it. There can not be a
greater absurdity in politicks, and it is still greater iri
war, than to legislate on trifles ; to be employed iu
framing plans that can no longer be executed, arid
imprcvirig opportunities which have already passed.
The long riieditated attack on the vessels in the
North River, was at length carried into executiori. —
Col. Tupper, with a few gallies attacked them with
great spirit, but rio decisive advantage appeared to
result from it, as the enemy still kept their positiori.
The gallies Were considerably shattered; and the
eneray, it Avas said, received several shot in the hull.
On the fifth of August, the long pl-otracted Uegpcia-.
tion respecting prisoners was brought to an issUe.-^
General HbWe agreed to an equal exchange within the
limits of his power. Intelligence of certairi aggi-es-
sions of the Portuguese being received, WasMngton
thus expi'essed himself. The soundness ofhis remarks
will nPt be denied by any modern politician.
" Their dependence," speaking of the Portuguese,
"' upou the British Crown, for aid against the Spa
niards, must force them to reply to any thing required
of them." He mentions the capture of several Ameri
cans by them, aud the araount of several American
prizes. Much miscellaneoris intelligence, of a nature
like the preceding, which Cannot be omitted^ it is

430 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
impossible to interweave with the body of the work,
so as to present an uninterrupted narrative. At this
period, until the great raovements on Long Island,
a Journal would be more interesting than a Histoiy,
occasionally therefore, the occurrences ofthe day will
be exhibited in the character ofthe former.
On the fifth of August, a petition was presented by
Commodore Hopkins, to Congress, complaining of
slanderous ruraours respecting his late conduct, jiray-
ing a copy of the proceedings and allegations present
ed in that body against Mm, and an investigation. —
A day was appointed for the purpose, and it was de
termined that he had deviated from his instructions,
and that his excuses therefor were altogether dissa
tisfactory ; but the final judgment, in compliance with
a request ofthe delegates from his native state, Penn
sylvania, was postponed frora several successive days
to the sixteenth, when a vote of censure was passed
upon him for his misconduct, but he was retained in
command. On the same-day a resolution was passed, authoriz
ing the letters of raarque and privateers, to man their
vessels with the sailors captured from the enemy. The
policy of such a measure, deserves a serious inquiiy ;
and so far as morality is concerned, if such a thing be
not too ridiculous, when spoken of in national subjects,
it should be severely reprehended. If native sailors
were not numerous enough to man twenty ships, let
ten be manned without foreigners. They would be
more efficient. A few foreigners on board a vessel,
are of very little use, and many are dangerous. The
morality of the question cau be settied in a word. A
traitor is criminal, or he is not. If he bfe criminal, the
tempter participates in his guilt ; and if he be not, how

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 431
cari he be punished. The nation that tempts the sub
jects of another to treason, is always most severe
against her own subjects. In either case such a mea
sure is the extreme of folly, wickedness andiucousis-
tency. TMs, araong other absurdities, said to be tolerated
by the laws of war, is one which the ablest disputants
never atterapt but by custom. There are many others,
and one in which a few remarks at this time may not
be considered entirely misplaced, though thanks to
the pride and feeling of the moderns, it is now abo
lished in the armies of France and America ; it is
that of corporal punishment. It was admitted at all
seasons and for all offences in the American camp.
Popular as the contest with England, forthe indepen
dence of the Colonies, was at first with the American
soldiery, yet, as it is common with popular enthusi
asm, which perishes as unexpectedly as it blazes, there
were numerous instances of desertion from the Ame
rican camp ; and the common punishment for those
who were retaken, in conformity to the barbarous
and wretched policy ofthe times, was usually a sound
flogging. To accustom a soldier to this degradation,
or even to think of it with any degree of patience is
death to all that makes him terrible to Ms enemy. —
Notwithstanding all the arguments in its favor, and
all the alleged insensibility Pf a man in the ranks, to
the nobler irapulses of Ms officer, it is cowardice to
inflict a blow upou him ; shameful to him if he bears
it calmly, and death if he resists.
Every raan who has within him, what will qualify
hira for a soldier, should be taught to regard a blow
as the last insult — as one for which there is no atone
ment, even when not given with the common instru-

43J? AlUBRIGAN REVOLUTION.
ment of punishment for a felon ; but when thus ad
ministered, it is surely, the consummation of indigni
ty. If a deserter be taken, it would be magnanimity to
bayonet Mm on the spot. Po this — let Mm be put tp
death, but not dishonoured. Break not his spirit with
a load that no time, no conduct, no rank and no reputa
tion can ever lighten. Place not uppn the fame pf
hira who has worn the armour and fought the battles
pf his country, the everlasting brand of servitude. It
is said that a capital punishment for such offences, is
forbidden by huinanity. Huraanity ! a soldier who.
might still be a hero, though he had deserted once ;
who might live to redeem himself from his own re-
proq,ches, who might live and die like a soldier, if he
were permitted, is stripped before his comrades and
lashed by a scoundrel drummer, like the vilest malefac
tor. Every tidier in America at such an hour should be
taught to cry out like the Rpnian, who was scourged, I
am an American ! Let a soldier be hardened for the
cpnflict — let him be taught to meet death with com
passion and to endure torture without shrinking, but
Jet him not be thus disciplined at the halberds. He
pnly learns tp PUtface infaray there — ^to die with his
ignominy gnawing uppn his vitals, aud preventing
Mm from ever being a man again ; or it hardens Mm
fpr a desperate revenge.
Fortunately for the pride of a soldier in America,
at this day, that brutal outrage upon all the feelings
of marihpod,has been stigmatized as it deserved — and
the consequence has been that in the American armies,
a soldier has nothing worse than death to apprehend
for any crime— but the sailor is still unprotected. Thg
men who have done more than all others to give a
name and a rank to their country, whp have gone down

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 433
to the great deep and battled with its monarchs, are
still left to be scourged at the gangway, before the very
men who have just seen them directing their guns, and
heard their cheerings, amid the thunders of the bat
tle. The practice is a national reproach, and if con
tinued, the pride of the seaman will be extinct — the
glories of Ms country will be quenched forever ; but
enough — the moveraents of the army now require a
share of attention.
A great delay in the appoihtment of general officers
had taken place ; and there was still a great deficiency
in this essential part of the army. This delay had
been caused by the difficulty of selection. _ " This ar
my," says Washington, in renewing his application ou
the subject on the seventh of August, " though by far
short yet of the numbers intended by Congress, is by
much too unwieldy for the comraand of any one raan,
without several major-generals to assist ;" aud after
some observations upon their duties and usefulness,
he continues, " at present, there is but one major-ge
neral for this whole department, and the flying camp ;
whereas, at this place alone, less than three cannot dis
charge their duties with regularity."
.y.vj^ Ma^y^ serious and delicate questions had arisen re
specting the mode of appointment, and Washington
thus expresses his sentiments on the subject. " To
make brigadiers of the oldest Colonels would be the
most unexceptionable way, but it is much to be ques
tioned, whether by that mode, the ablest men would
be appointed tp office. And I WPuld observe, though
the rank of the Colonels of the eastern governments
was settled at Cambridge, last year, it only respected
themselves, and is still open as to the officers of other
gpvernments. To pick a Colond here and a Cclpnel
VOL. I. 55

434 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
there, through the army, according to the opinion of
their abilities, would, no doubt, be the raeans of mak
ing a better choice, and nominating the fittest persons ;
but the previous officers would get disgusted, and it is
more than probable, with their connexions, quit the
service. That might be fatal at this time. To ap
point gentlemen as Brigadiers, that have not served in
this array, (in this part ofit at least) would not hurt
any one in particular, but hurt the whole equally, and
must be considered in a very discouraging light to
every officer of raerit. View the matter, therefore, iu
any point of light you Avill, there are inconveniences on
the one hand and difficulties on the other, wMch ought
to be avoided. Would they be remedied by appoint
ing the oldest colonel frora each state?"
These were indeed questions of nd ordinary impor
tance. The very existence of the army was involved
in their decision. The efficacy of it necessarily de
pended on a judicious selection, but this could not be
made without violating the best established, and most
salutary regulation for military advancement.
On the seventh of August, the southern fieet and
array, with General Clinton, Lord Cornwallis, fifty-
five transports and about three thousand raen, arrived
at Staten Island. Witiiin the three or four prece
ding days, eleven other transports, with a part of the
division of Hessians, had also arrived, and the remain
der, which would united amount to about twelve thou
sand, were expected every hour. Sir William Howe
seemed preparing for instant operations ; their heavy
carriages and cannon were embarked, and he had
launched a number of gondolas, with flat bottoms, and
two rafts for cannon. By deserters from the British

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 435
fleet and army, Washington was informed of these
preparations. On the eighth of August, after some raovements of
the enemy's shipping, which indicated some important
operation, the following order was issued.
" As the movement of the enemy and intelligence
by deserters, give the utmost reason to believe that
the great struggle in which we are contending for every
thing dear to us and our posterity, is near at hand —
the general raost earnestly recomraends the closest at
tention to the state ofthe raens' arras, araraunition and
flints, that if we should be called suddenly to action,
nothing ofthis kind may be to provide; and he does
most earnestly exhort both officers and soldiers, not to
be out of their quarters or encampments, especially iu
the morning, or upon the tide of flood."
Letters were received at the same time, confirming
the intelligence communicated by some deserters, re
specting the Hessians, and even representing the ene
my's force to be still more forraidable. Washington
felt that the crisis Avas approaching ; he wrote frequent
ly and earnestly to Congress and the neighbouring
states, urging the most vehement exertious to raeet the
necessities of the occasion, and concludes a letter of
the eighth, in which he expresses a great degree of
confidence in the support expected ; complains of a
great deficiency in his present force, and announces a
mission to the Stockbridge Indians, to engage their,
assistance, in these words, relating to the troops he
had called for from Connecticut. " 1 confidently trust
they will not be withheld."
And they were not withheld. Every exertion was
made, not only by that, but by all the other govern
ments, to furnish them in season ; but in a ccuutry

436 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
where every man is free to enlist or not, after the first
ebullition of patriotism has subsided, the raost ardent
and persevering efforts can go no farther in enlisting,
others, than to offer the bounty and point to the ene
my ; and this bounty, unfortunately, was then under
stood as an offer — a bid, which those who were to be
purchased, knew raust be augmented if they refused
it. This was the natural consequence of the disgrace
ful corapetition Avhich had already takeu place between
the general and state governments. The enemy was
at too great a distance from the habitations of each in
dividual to awaken him from his apathy. Had he
approached, their native valour would have led them
to confront him. The terms would have been forgot
ten, and only the occasion for battle remembered.
On the ninth of August, these indications became
still more threatening. A great number of boats were
seen passing with troops from Staten Island to the
ships ; three of which dropped down towards the nar
rows. From the observations made by General Greene,
he was led to suppose it a general embarkation.
Under this date, Washington gives a return of Ms
whole army. It amounted to seventeen thousand, two
hundred and twenty-five. But of these only ten thou
sand, five hundred and fourteen were fit for duty ; aud
in case of an iraraediate attack, he says, he is cer
tain only of Smallwood's battalion from Maryland.
With this inconsiderable army, scattered about, some
fifteen miles apart, with waters between them — with a
contagion prevailing among them to such a degree, that
Washington himself, says " the proportion of men
that may come in cannot be considered as a real aug
mentation'^' ; with this array, deficient in officers, inex
perienced, undisciplined, aud unprovided even with

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 437
the most absolute necessaries, Washingtou was to dis
pute for an empire, with an army of thirty thousand
veterans, inured to battle, familiar with death, accus
tomed to their officers — with one ofthe finest trains of
artillery, with which any army was ever furnished —
and a powerful fleet. Or, admitting that the total force
of the enemy was deficient in equal proportions, which
cannot have been true — as they were veterans whohad
outlived their apprenticeship to war — and they were
too far from their families to be weakened by furloughs,
they could muster more than two men for every one of
the Araericans : — they could even bring into the field a
greater proportion — for they were the assailants — could
concentrate their whole forces and choose their poiut
of attack ; yet such was the relative strength of these
two arraies — after all the preparations in America —
when the eyes ofthe whole country had been turned
upon the preparations of the enemy for whole months —
and were looking tp the issue of the first confiict as
the surest prognostick of final independence or subjec
tion. By two Araerican gentleraen who had arrived at
Staten Island, frora England, inforraation was brought
ofa change in the French Ministry, which was thought
to forebode a war with Great Britain. At Staten Isl
and they reported that every preparation was making
for an iraraediate attack ; that about fourteen thousand
troops were then on the Island, waiting only for the
foreign forces, only a part of which had yet arrived.
Whether any atterapt would be made without the ex
pected reinforcement, was uncertain, but there was no
doubt that oue would, the moment they had arrived.
They expected also, from conversations held with the
officers ofthe enemy, that they meant tp hem in Wash-

438 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ington and his army, by getting above them, and cut
ting off their comraunication with the country. The
expectations of such au atterapt, were still further
strengthened by the circurastance that several ships
of war and other vessels had put to sea within a few
days, which, it was expected were to go round the isl-
land and come up the Sound.
On the ninth, the folloAviug orders were issued. —
" The General expects every raan, both officer and
soldier, to have his arras in the best order ; not to wan
der from his encampment pr quarters ; to reraeraber.
what his country expects frora him ; what a few brave
men have lately done in South Carolina, against a
powerful fleet and array ; — to acquit theraselves like
men, and with the blessing of heaven on so just a cause,
we cannot doubt of success." ^
It had been thought in England, that exertions
would be made by the Americans, to entice the foreign
ers frora the British troops, and the opinion was a sub
ject of publick speculation there. Taking advantage
of the hint, if it had not already been a subject of con
sideration in Congi'ess, that body on the ninth of Au
gust, passed a resolution, appointing a comraittee of
three to devise a plan for encouraging the Hessians
and other foreigners employed in the service of Great
Britain, to desert — or as it was termed" to quit that
iniquitous service."
On the same day, the long and troublesome ques
tion, respecting the selection of officers, was brought to
a terraination, and four Major Generals, with six Bri
gadiers were appointed.
Still farther extracts raust be made from the orders.
Every American ought to be familiar with the troubles
of Washingtpn. Every soldier should be qualified to

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 439
judge of his patience, and to do justice to Ms perse
verance. Even so late as the eleventh of August,
when the eneray was expected every raoraent, such
irregularities as are reprehended in the following ex
tract, were coraraon in the Araerican camp. Rigorous
measures would not have succeeded at such a season.
The whole army might have been scourged and cash
iered, without being reduced to an observance of the
most ordinary rules of discipline. They could not see
the utility of such measures. They were to be taught
in no other manner than by suffering and misfortune,
the true difference between an European soldier, who
eats, drinks and sleeps like a piece of machinery, and
an American woodsman, in camp, Avho had always
been accustomed to disregard all regulations on such
subjects as beneath his attention. These men could
fight — for that was in their natures ; — and no education
was required to qualify thera for that part oftheir du
ty ; but to raove thera in concert, Avith regularity and
coolness, must have been impracticable at a time when
the very centinels were accustoraed to sitting, aud
perhaps sleeping on their posts.
" The practice of sentries sitting ou their post," says
Washington in his orders of the eleventh, " is so uu-
soldiei;ly, that the general is sorry to see it prevail so
rauch in the army. At night, especially, it is of the
most dangerous consequence."
On the twelfth, he observed in a letter to Congress,
that the convention of New-York had been exert
ing itself to form an encampment above Kings-
bridge. The number of militia then assembled, and
on the march, he; estimated at three thousand, but ad
ded, that no calculation could be made respecting the

440 AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
succours from Connecticut. Under the same date, he
communicated the purport of a letter received from ge
neral Lee, who was extremely sanguine respecting the
advantage to be obtained from the employraent of
about one thousand cavalry, in the southern depart-,
ment, " Without them," said General Lee, " I can an
swer for nothing — with one thousand I will ensure the
safety of those states." To this, Washington added
his testiraony respecting the experience and talents of
general Lee ; but, as if the expectation was either con
sidered by himself as too sanguine, or the proposition
unworthy of serious consideration, he addedtotMs no
tice of the subject, that he should have submitted the
proposition before to Congress, at the " particular re
quest" of General Lee, had it not escaped his mind.
Whether designedly or not, it is certain that the man
ner in which this application was thus raentioned by
Washington, must have been conclusive evidence in
the minds of Congress, that he' did not approve the
measure. On the thirteenth. Lord Dunmore, with Lord Camp
bell and Sir Peter Parker, arrived off Staten Island.
The former had, at length, abandoned all hopes of a
restoration to^ the governraent of Virginia. He had
continued along the rivers and coasts of that state,
with ihe view of concentrating and promoting the spi
rit of loyalty, and when circumstances should justify of
heading those who were dissatisfied with the American
government, until the closeness aud filth of the small
vessles, into which the fugitives were crowded, the
extreme heat of the weather, the badness and scarci
ty of water and provisions, produced a fever, which
proved fatal to numbers, particularly of the blacks.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 441
At length, finding every place closed against his en-.
terprizes, and that the necessities of his small fieet
AVere to be supplied but by constant fighting, and be
ing reduced to the necessity of burning a number of
his smaller vessels, to prevent their falling into the
hands of the Americans ; and of sending the remain
der, consisting of nearly fifty sail, to seek a shelter in
Florida, the Burmudas aud the West Indies, he had
abandoned the design 'of effecting any thing in that
quarter, as utterly hopeless. About one thousand ne
groes had been taken frPm the Virginias, in the course
of his depredations, a great part pf which raiserably
perished, and the remainder were sent to the West In
dies and sold.
Orders ofthe day. — August 13th. — "The enemy's
wliple reinforcement is now arrived, so that an attack
must aud soon will be made. The general, therefore,
again repeats his earnest request that every officer and
spldier will keep his arms and ammunition in good
order ; keep within his quarters and encampment as
much as possible ; be ready for action at a moment's
call — and when called to it, remember that liberty, pro
perty, life and honour, are all at stake, that upon their
courage and conduct, rest the hope of their bleeding
arid insulted country, that their wives, children and
parents, expect safety from them only, and that we
have every reason to expect heaven will crown with
success'so just a Cause. The enemy will endeavour
to intimidate by show and appeaTance, but remember
how they have been repulsed oh various occasions, by
a few brave Airiericans.
Their cause is bad, their men are conscious ofit, and
if opposed with firmness and coolness at their first on
set, with our advg,ntages of works and knowledge of
VOL. I. 56

443 AMERICAll REVOLUTION.
the ground, victory is most assuredly ours. Every
good soldier will be silent and attentively wait for or
ders, and reserve his fire till he is sure of doing exe
cution ; — the officers to be particularly careful ofthis,
"The officers and commanding officers of regiments,
are to see their supernumerary officers so posted as to
keep their men to their duty, and it may uot be amiss
for the troops to know that if any infamous rascal in
time of action, shall attempt to skulk, hide himself, or
retreat from the enemy, withoutthe orders ofthe com
manding officer, he will be instantly shot down, as an
example of cowardice ; pn the other baud, the general
solemnly promises that he will reward those who shall
distinguish themselves by brave and noble actions,
and he desires every officer to be attentive to this par
ticular, that such men may be afterwards suitably no
ticed." This last precaution was the only one calculated to
make heroes of his men. It is generally held that
the fear of punishraent operates raore strongly on the
minds than the hope of reward ; and as a further rea
son why punishment aud not reward should be the
retribution administered for the deeds of men, it is
argued that the utmost they can do is only their duty —
and therefore, deserves no reward, and that to reward
those who perform their duty would be impossible.
It would soon exhaust the treasures of the world.-^
The first proposition is certainly true — as itis generally
understood. Fear operates more strongly than hope, in-
restraining raan from crime, — and in exciting him to do,
mpstly, Ms duty. But they who apply this reasoning to
the soldier, know nothing ofhis attributes. To do only
Ms duty, is to do nothing. Duty may teach him to
sustain the shock of his adversary — to charge an ene
my, with a regular and firm step— indeed to die. But

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 443
mei-e duty nev^r won a great battle, or did a glorious
deed. The Russian soldier does his duty — tbe French
man does more. One receives the bayonet in the heart
without closing his eyes, or retreating a step ; the
other storms his enemy in Ms trenches, cuts a path
through his steadiest battalions, and wrenches his ban
ner from his grasp.
Death, which the subjects of civil government re
gard as the last punishment — he who is trained in
thei school of war, meets at every turn with a cheerful
face and an unshaken tread. Death can have uo ter
ror for a soldier ; but the applause of gallant men, the
blessing of his couutry, distinction is the reward he
covets — and that reward can never impoverish those
Whobestow— -no treasury is exhausted by such expen
ditures. Distinction is as much the coin of republicks,
as of monarchies, and should be lavished as bcuu-
teously. It is highly probable that the fear of death may so
operate on a coAvard, as to make hira do Ms duty, or a
part ofhis duty— enPugh ofit to avoid the penalty, and
that is all he will do. But there is a step infinitely be
yond that ruling plan of the dastard, for a young and
fiery soldier to reach — though he were in the ranks.
Arid he can only be stiraulated by the irapulse of great
hearts — the coin which ^s made for gallanty ; he feels
ambition, and distinction ouly can appease' tbat rest
less spirit. Death lias no terror for such men, they
spring to meet it ; shame cannot affect them, for they
never survive it ; distinction is what they covet. That
is the immortality of the soldier. No man on earth
was ever distinguished by doing Ms duty. To deserve
distinction, then, something more than duty must be
dpne. To excite men to great deeds, something more

444 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
than the reward of duty must be promised. TMs was
done by Washington.
Were the great captains of any age to use more of
their laurels and be less profuse with their means of
hurailiation, their armies would be terrible indeed. A
band of ardent spirits— trained to war, and burning
with arabition — would be invincible. Such were the
soldiers ofthe French Revolution ; and the veterans
of Europe fied before thera ; banners that had floated
for ages of victory and triumph, bowed before the ap
proach of their new fledged eaglets. It is this lof
ty enthusiasm which renders an army irresistible. All
the terrors of the military art, are regarded by the
youthful soldier, who feels the eye of his country upon
him — as never made for him but fpr others : — to him
they are the emptiest pagentiy. He knows that they
will be prostrated in his march ; that they will vanish
or crumble at his approach. And such men can only
be created by promises, not threatening, rewards, not
liunishment. Though the superiour strength of the enemy was
known to the whole army, yet the troops exhibited uo
symptoms of depression. During the 14th the British
fleet were further augraented by the arrival of ninety
six sail. The publick papers were reraoved from the
city to a place of greater security — the troops were di
rected to keep three days provision constantly cook
ed ; their canteens to be fllled — and every disposition
made for the reception of the enemy, who was expect
ed at every tide.
Order pf the 14th.— " The General flatters himself
that every man's mind and arms are now prepared
for the glorious contest upon which so much depends.
The time is too precious : nor does the General think

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 445
it necessary to spend it in exhorting Ms brave coun
trymen and felloAV soldiers to behave like men fight
ing for every thing that can be dear to freemen. We
must resolve to conquer or die : Avith this resolution
and the blessing of heaven, victory and success will
certainly attend us. There will then be a glorious is
sue to this campaign, and the General will reward his
brave soldiers with every indulgence in his poAver."
Under the same date he complains to Congress of
an extreme deficiency in tents. A great part of the
soldiers at the outposts had riothing to shelter them.
Something of the effect so long apprehended from
the reduction of general officers now began to make its
appearance. Colonel Yarnura, of Rhode Island, Avait-
cd on the Coramander in Chief, and tendered Ms re
signation. Washington remonstrated with hira like a
soldier. The Colonel was a brave man — and though
he felt keenly the neglect of his country, he determin
ed to fight her battles at this time, and wait till the
crisis of her fate had passed before he gave up his
commission. It vvas a noble determiuation. His ex
ample might have thrown the whole array into confu
sion. On the 14th the Committee appointed for tiie pur-
])ose, produced a report on the propriety and practica
bility of seducing the foreigners frora the British ser
vice, which was accepted and the folloAving prearable
and resolution adopted.
'^Whereas it has been the wise policy of these
states to extend the protection of their laws to all who
should settle araong them, of whatever nation or reli
gipn they might be, and to admit them to a participa
tion of the benefits of civil and religious freedom, and

446 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
the benevolence of this practice, as well as its salu
tary effects, had rendered it worthy of being continued
in future times."
" And whereas. His Britannic Majesty in order to
destroy our freedom and happiness, has comraenced
against us a cruel and unprovoked war ; and unable
to engage Britons sufficient to execute his sanguinary
raeasures, has applied for aid to foreign princes, who
are in the habit of selling the blood of their people for
money, aud from thence has procured and transport
ed considerable numbers of foreigners ; and it is con
ceived that such foreigners if apprized of the prac
tice of these states, would choose to accept of lauds,
liberty, safety aud communion of good laws and mild
government, in a countiy where many of their friends
and relations are now happily settled, rather than con
tinue exposed to the toils and perils of a long and
bloody war, waged against a people guilty of no other
crime than that of refusing to exchange freedom for
slavery ; and that they will do this, the more especi
ally after they have violated every christian and mo
ral precept, by invading and attempting to destroy
those who never injured thera or their countiy, their
only reward, if they escape death and captivity, will
be a return to the despotisra of their prince, to be by
him again sold, to dp the drudgery of some other ene
my to the rights of mankind.
" And whereas, the Pariiaraent of Great Britain have
thought fit, by a late act, not only to invite our troops
to desert our service, but to dread a compulsion of our
people, taken at sea, to serve against their country."
Resolved, therefore. That these states will receive
all such followers who shall leave the armies of his
Britannic Majesty in America, and shall choose to

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 447
become members of these states ; and they shall be
pl-otected in the free exercise of their respective re-
ligipns; and be invested with the rights, privileges
and immunities of natives, as established by the laws
of the states, and moreover, that the Congress will
provide for every such person, fifty acres of unappro
priated lands, in some of these states, to be held by
him and his heirs in fee simple."
These propositions were renewed on the 36th
of October of the sarae year. Grants of lands were
offered to such foreigners in the following proportion.
To a Colonel, one thousand acres ; a Lieutenant Co
lonel, eight hundred ; Major, six hundred ; Captain,
Ibur hundred ; Lieutenant, three hundred ; noncora-
missioned and others, one hundred, and further re
ward, proportioned to the number that each should
bring with hira.
The exfrerae simplicity of the inferiour officers and
their ignorance on subjects, of a nature, to be the most
easily learnt, cannot be better shown, than by an ex
tract from one of the daily orders. " Lieutenant Hol-
cock being tried for assuming the rank of a captain,
wearing a yellow cockade, and mounting guard in that
capacity, it appearing to have been done through mis
conception, and want of experience — ^the court are of
opinion, that he should be cautioned by bis Colonel
to raake himself acquainted with his duty.
This was a mild sentence for such an offence ; but
what must have been the state of an army, where an
officer, from ^* want of experience" not only assumed
the duties of his superiour, but actually mounted his
badge of superiority !
The Weather had been for some days, so rainy and
unfavourable, that the expected attack had been de-

448 AMERICAN REVOLUTION. \
layed. Tlie eneray had been corapletely prepared,
even to the embarkation of their troops, for several
days. The Americans, therefore, were constantly on
the alert. On the sixteenth, Washington wrote that
the troops were very sickly.
To the 17th of August, when every thing was at
stake on the vigilance ofthe Americans ; and notwith
standing the necessity of examples for the reformation pf
the array, whipping continues to be so coraraon a pun
ishraent for every offence, that, on that day, it was
even inflicted on a centinel for having slept upon his
post. On the 18th, the officers and raen who had been
employed a day or two before in an attempt to des
troy the enemy's ships up the North River, werejiand-
somely complimented : and a pecuniary reward was
distributed among them in proportion to their desert.
The circumstances vvere these. Tvvo fine ships un
der Captains Fosdick and Thomas, on the night ofthe
sixteenth of August, which was uncomraonly dark, ran
up the North River, with the intention of burning the
enemy's ships and tenders. They past the Phcenix.
Captain Thomas, at length fell on board one of the
tenders and set fire to her ; this light enabled captaiu
Fosdick to grapple the Phoenix. A desperate strug
gle ensued, but the sides of the ship of war were so
high, her sailors so active, that she soon cleared her
self — and sunk the fire ship.
It seems by the following extract frora a letter of the
eighteenth,' that Lord Howe had raade sorae further
attempts to tell his eneray by negociation ; but his de
signs — however intricate — were easily perceived by
his adversary : not, perhaps, with absolute certainty —
but so as to provide against them.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 449
" I am exceedingly at a loss," says Washington,
^< to know the motives and causes in doing a proceed
ing of such a nature at this time, and why Lord Howe
has not attempted some plan of negociation before, as
he seemed so desirous ofit. Ifl may be allowed to
conjecture, and guess at the cause, it raay be, that part
ofthe Hessians have not arrived, as raentioned in the
exaraination transraitted yesterday ; or that General
Burgoyne has not made such progress as was expect
ed to form a junction of their two armies, or, what I
think equally probable, they raean to procrastinate
their operations fol" sorae tirae, trusting that the railitia
who have corae to our succour, will soon become tired
and return horae, as is but too usual vvith them."
On the 19th, Washington received a letter from
Governour Trumbull, of Connecticut, upon whom he
had placed the greatest reliance, which must have been
doubly gratifying, from the disappointments he had
met with from other quarters. He was informed that
a regiment frora Massachusetts was on its march ;
and that the council of safety for Connecticut, had or
dered fourteen militia regiraents, to his head quarters.
These were important — yet when three of them had
arrived, they only amounted to one thousand and
twenty-nine. " When the whole come in" said Wash
ington, " we shall be on a rauch raore respectable
footing than we have been ; but I greatly fear if the
eneray defer their atterapts for any considerable tirae,
they will be extremely impatient to return horae, and
if they should, we shall be reduced to distress again."
The Indians had already excited the attention of
Congress. Repeated atterapts had been raade, with
out success, to bind thera to neutrality. A number of
chiefs about this time visited Philadelphia, were ad-
VOL. 1. 57

450 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
mitted to Congress, and au address was made to them.
The following speech, made by Logan, is extracted
frora the Journals of Congress.
" We still hear bad news. Commodico and some
of us are constantiy threatened. And the Bearskin,
(a trader from Pennsylvania) among others, says a
great reward is offered to any person who will take
or entice any of us to Pittsburg, where we are to be
hanged up like dogs, by the big knife, (the Virgi
nians.) This being true, how can we think of what
is good ? That it is true, we have no doubt, and you
may depend on it, that the Bearskin told Metapsico
every word of what I have mentioned."
A copy of this was transmitted to certain agents of
the Congress, Who were at that time busy in counter-
actirig the influence of a number pf traders, who, to
obtain a monopoly of furs, were willing to sCe the
scalps of woraen and children, freshly torn frora the
victims of their dreadful cupidity, and suspended in
the same hut with the skins of the beaver and deer.
The head men of the Creeks were irivited to visit
Philadelphia, whither a number of western warriors
had ouce been, who returned with a high opinion of
the power and greatness of the whites. It was hoped
that a renewal of the visit, would tend to calra their
aniraosity, or at least alarra thera for their safety, and
prevent any wanton outrage on the southern inhabi
tants. About this time, intelligence was brought that Go
vernour Carleton, had issued a declaration, which Was
distributed through the frontiers with the greatest in-
dujstry, interdicting all intercourse between his army
and the Americans, " except such as might be for
imploring the king's mercy, &c." This declaration con^

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 451
tained the particulars of General Gordon's assassina
tion, which has already been related : but so artfully
expressed as to awaken a belief that it had been
done merely for the purpose of pillage by an obscure
individual. At j;he same time, by the removal of the
American prisoners to the interior of the British pos
sessions, the esj^change of prisoners, a subject of much
anxiety with the Americans, was prevented for a
time. It will be recollected that the command of the works
on Long Island, had been given to General Green. —
This officer, whose indefatigable and restless spirit,
led him to endure a greater degree of toil and expo
sure, than prudence would justify, became at length
so seriously ill, that he was corapelled to relin
quish the coirimand. He was succeeded by Gene
ral Sullivan. It was a critical moment, and the dan
ger of exchanging an officer, at all times, on the eve pf
a battle, was rendered in this case more dangerous,
from the character ofthe twp generals. The former
was extremely cautious— ever on the watch — and ne
ver losing his self command ; the latter was a brave
and excellent officer, but rather too adyej^turous, and
too confident, for the command of such a post, where
every tMng depended upon defence. One would have
succeeded best in attacking, and the other in sustain
ing an attack.
By the examination pf an American Captain whp
had been captured by the enemy and released, Wash
ington was informed, that %& plan of attack was a
subject of general discussion in the British camp. To
this hewpuld have paid no regard, because it was not
to be supposed that Sir William Howe woul;d com
municate his designs to his whple army, but the plan.

453 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
which was to land a division above the city, and cut
off the retreat ofthe Americans, in that direction, while
the principal force was to make a sudden movement
against Long Island, so nearly corresponded with his
view of the enemy's designs, as to strengthen his
confidence that such an attempt would be made. Other
circurastances contributed to establish this opinion.
On the twenty-first, several of the enemy's ships,
crowded with men, dropped down to the narrows.
On the twenty-second, they were followed by others,
and boats were seen constantly rowing about them
Avith troops.
During the expectations, which such moveraents were
calculated to exCite, a sraall detachraent was order
ed to march. They had no provisions. Order after
order had been issued, every thing, short of cooking
the provisions, and filling their canteens, with his own
hands, had been repeated again and again, for whole
weeks — and yet, at such a moraent as this, not a raan
was provided. Such vexations would have discourag
ed any raan but Washington. But he was undis
turbed. On the twenty-third, the battle appeared at hand.
The orders were admirably calculated to awaken a
martial spirit in the troops. The parole was Charles
ton, and the countersign Lee. " The enemy have
now landed on Long Island," says Washington,
" and the hpur is fast approaching ou wMch the hon
our and success of this army, and the safety of our
bleeding country depend. Remember officers and
soldiers, that you are freemen, fighting for the bles
sings of liberty — that slavery will be your portion,
and that of ypur posterity, if you do not acquit ypur-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. ' 453
selves like men. Remember how your courage and
spirit have been despised and traduced by your cruel
invaders ; though they have found by dear experience
at Boston, Charleston and other places, what a few
brave meu contending on their own land and the best
of causes can do against these hirelings and mercena
ries. Be cool — ^but determined. Do not fire at a dis
tance ; but wait for orders frora your officers. It is the
general's express orders, that if any raan atterapts to
lie down, skulk, or retreat, without orders, he be in
stantly shot, as an exaraple — he hopes no such scoun
drel will be found in this array : — but, onthe contra
ry, every one for himself, resolving to conquer or die,
and trusting in the smiles of heaven upon so just a cause,
will behave with bravery aud resolution. Those who
are distinguished for their gallantry and good con
duct, may depend upon being honourably noticed, and
suitably rewarded. And if this array will but emu
late and imitate their brave countrymen in other parts
of America, he has no doubt they will, by a glorious
victory, save their couutry and acquire to themselves
immortal honour."
In a letter of the same date, he says, " I beg leave to
inforra Congress, that yesterday raorning, and in the
course of the preceding mght, a considerable body of
the eneray, araounting by report, to eight or nine thou
sand, and these all British, landed in the transport
ships raentioned in my last, at Gravesend Bay, on
Long Island, and have approached within three miles
of our lines, having marched across the low, cleared
^grounds near the woods at Flatbush, where they are
halted, from last intelligence."
" I have detached from here, six battalions, as a re
inforcement of Pur trppps there, which are all that I

454 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
can spare at this time, not knowing but the fleet may
move up with the reraainder of their array, and m^^e
au attack here, on the next flood tide. If they do not,
I shall send a further reinfprcemeut, should it be ne
cessary, and have ordered five battalions more to be
in readiness for that purpose."
" The reinforcement detached yesterday, went off
in high spirits ; and I have the pleasure to inform you
that the whole of the army, that are effective and ca
pable of duty discover the same, and great cheerful
ness." The passage of the East River, at this time, was so
obstructed by boomsj chains and ehevaux- de-frize, as
to quiet in a great manner all apprehensions on that
side. On the 34th, WasMngton detached four additional
regiraents, to the support of General Sullivan, with
boats, to be ready either to reinforce him, or to return
to New- York, if the remainder ofthe fleet, then at the
watering place, should raenace the city.
Relnforceraents were constantly passing to Long Isl
and, and occasionally a little skirraishing took place
between small parties : in the course of which, Cplo
nel Manning of the Jersey Levies, received a mortal
wound, sorae few raen were lost. Nine out ofthe
fourteen regiraents expected frora Connecticut, had
now arrived ; averaging about three hundred and flfty
men each, and making the entire force of Washing
ton about twenty thousand, but of these, a large pro
portion was in the hospitals, and on furlough.
Among other transactions of interest at the time,
was a sharp correspoudence between General Wash
ington and Lord Drummond, respecting an alleged
violation of Ms parole, which was laid before Con-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 455
gress. Washington thought his excuses were far from
being satisfactory. It seems he was to hold no inter
course with the enemy on the event — and at this tirae,
he. was on board their fleet. Lord Druramond had to
explain hiraself to one who was not to be appeased in
a question ofthis kind, by mere ingenuity. No com
mon reasons would have satisfied the Americans for
this violation of his parole, had his Lordship fallen
again into their hands.
The hour of trial had at length arrived. The bat
tle was fought and the enemy were victorious.
, The total araount of the Araerican army at the time
of the action, was about twenty thousand. But of
these, the effectives did not exceed sixteen thousand
five hundred.
The operations of the eriemy had been delayed
from day to day, in expectation of reinforcements, un
til the twenty-second, when by the accession of the
South Carolina troops, with others from Boston, Flo
rida and the West Indies, amounted to nearly thirty
thousand — with these it was determined to make an
attempt. On this day, the twenty-second, the fleet
being so stationed as to cover the troops, they were
landed without opposition, on Long Island, between
Utrecht and Gravesend, two sraall Villages, not far
frora the narrows, on the side nearest to Staten Isl
and. The American works, constructed under the super-
iutendance of General Green, extended across a nar
row peninsulaj having the East River, which sepa
rates Long Island from New- York on the left ; a marsh
running to the shore, on the right ; with the Bay and
Govelrnor's Island in the rear.

456 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
General Sullivan was encaraped, with a strong
force, at Brooklyn, within these works, and a few
railes frora >Utreclit. From the eastern side of the
narrows, extends a ridge of hills, for about six miles,
covered with a thick wood, and terminating near Ja
maica. Through these hills are only three passes ;
one near the narrows ; a second on the Flatbush road ;
and a third, called the Bedford road, running across
from Bedford to Flatbush, which lies on the southern
side of the ridge. These passes are very narrow —
the sides exceedingly steep and, rugged — so as to be
maintained by a small nuraber against any force what
ever, until dislodged from the heights. Those were
the only roads which led from the southern side of the
hills, to the Araerican lines, except one, passing round
the eastern extreralty of the ridge to Jamaica.
An early attention had been paid to the three pas
ses through the hills, and a body of eight hundred
men were stationed forthe protection of each of them;
Avhile Colonel Miles, with a battallion of riflemen, was
placed a little to the eastward in the wood, to guard
the last mentioned road, lomning from the southern
side of the hills to Jamaica, to watch the operations of
the eneray and keep up a constant coraraunication
with the other corps stationed at the passes. On the
approach of the enemy's boats, the patrolling parties
on the coast had retired to the guard at the second pass
on the Flatbush road. Lord Cornwallis followed at
their heels with his reserve and some hastily collected
troops, in the hope of securing the pass, but flnding it
already occupied by the Americans, in obedience to
Ms orders, made no attempt to dislodge them.
Three days afterwards, on the twenty-flfth, these
forces ofthe British were reinforced by General De

AMfcRlCAN REVOLUTION. 457
Heister, and two brigades of Hessians from Staten
Island. It is said that this intrepid officer, who knew
nothing of the enemy against whom he was about tp
advance, was told by one high in command, " that the
Americans had determined to give the foreigners no
quarter." "Very well," said De Heister, vvith the ut
most composure, " as I know the terms, I am ready
to flght." But whether this be true or not, and it is
rendered somewhat improbable by the indeflnite man
ner iu which " one high in command," without a name,
is raentioned ; it is certain that the foreign troops were
taught that they were to fight Avith savages^ who would
torture befoi-e aslow fire, with every species of cruel
ty that could be imagined. It is no longer material
whether these fancies originated at home with them
selves, by confounding the Indian with me American
character, or whether they were industriously plant
ed by the British during their intercourse ; enough is
known ofthe nature of all soldiers, to suppose that no
great efforts would have been raade by those of Bri
tain, to counteract prejudices, from which many advan
tages might be hoped.
The consequence of such mistaken notions, was, as
^ight be expected, a desperate ferocity in battle — no
mercy^ — no giving or taking quarter; and so far they
may have contributed to the success of the day. It has
since been said that these terrours were caused entire
ly by theBritish officers, and publickly justified, after
wards, as a retaliation for the measures pursued by
Congress to seduce the foreigners from their service.
But such an excuse comes too late for the offence, if it
were an offence ; for it is not to be supposed, that, du
ring the longtintercourse ofthe British troops with the
first division of the Hessians which arrived some time
A^OL. I. 58

458, AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
before this purpose of Congress became known,, no
thing was told the former of the American character.
Some information must have been given them, either
true or false : if true, it would have been.too late to
change their whole belief after this measure of Con
gress was taken ; because the time was too short, and
the design would naturally have been suspected —
That is : if the British before this had instructed the
Germans in the true character of the Americans, it
would have been too late, juSt as they were going in
to battle, and the Americans had publickly offered
them rewards to abandon the British, — for the Bri
tish to have convinced them that the Americans were
savages. The information thus communicated to them
before the attempt of the Americans to seduce them.
Was probably^uch as enraity, ignorance, and contempt,
under all the exaggerations with which loyal troops
might be supposed to misrepresent the character of re
bels. Charity would have been treason — truth, dis
loyalty — and they who were about to cut the throats of
Africans to prove their faith and allegiance would
npi have been over scrupulous about murdering their
reputations. Another circumstance which undoubtedly contribut
ed to the slaughter of the day, and the victory of the
British, was this : a defeat would have been destruc
tiou to them — pressed by a victorious enemy, they
might have been prevented from re- embarking — and
perhaps cut to pieces or made prisoners before they
could receive reinforcements. They were obliged to
conquer. This may be seen by a reference to what has
been said of Washington — he certainly was placed in
a perilous situation, and was supposed to-have risked
too much :. but he risked much less than Sir William

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 459
Howe, for he was within his entrenchmentsT-And Sir
William had no other defence than his covering par
ties to secure a retreat : and no rallying point.
On the S6th, General Howe having fully matured
a plan for the surprise of General Sullivan, directed
General De Heister to take post at Flatbush in the
evening. This division composed the centre. About
nine o'clock in the evening, the main body led by Ge
neral Clinton, Earl Percy, aud Lord Cornwallis, form
ed of the best troops iu the army, attempted to gain
the road, leading round the easterly end of the hills to
Jamaica,'with a view of turning the American left. On
this road Colonel Miles was stationed, but by sorae
unfortunate chance, the enemy was not discovered un
til they had gained two miles in his rear, when the
alarm was instantly given.
Just before day light, on the 37th, Sir Heury Clin
ton, having advanced within half a mile of the road,
halted his forces and made Ms dispositions for an im
mediate attack. Every thing conspired to favour his
enterprize— One of his parties fell in with a patrole of
mounted American officers, and took every man of them
prisoners ; aud General Sullivan, depending ou them
for intelligence, neglected sending out anotherpatrole.
He was thus left in coraplete ignorance of the enemy's
approach. At the first appearance of light. General Clinton with
a battalion of light infantry, took possession of the
heights which commanded the road. Some hours be
fore, about midnight, Ms left wing under General
Grant, which had been advanced to alarm the Ame
ricans and conceal his ovVu designs Pn their left, had
been discovered by the guard* This guard, composed
entirely of New York aud Pennsylvania troops, in-

460 AMERICAN REVOLUTioif.
stantly abandpned the road and fled in the utmost
consternation without firing a gun, and carried to Ge
neral Parsons the first intelligence of the enemy, who
was seen at the same moment descending the north
ern side of the hill. About twenty of the fugitives were
fortunately rallied, and posted on a height about a mile
in front of General Grant, who ha.lted, and forraed his
columns for the attack. This gave time to Lord Stir
ling, with fifteen hundred men, to get possession of a
hill about tWo miles from the American camp and in
front of General Grant.
The engagement began soon after day light, by the
Hessians, under General De Heister, from Flatbush,
and by General Grant along the ccast, and was sup
pprted by the Americans, with great resplutiou for a
considerable time. Those who were first met by Gene
ral De Heister, fought with determined gallantry un
til they found General Clinton had gained their left,
when they immediately broke and fled towards their
carap. It was already too late ; General Clinton was
in their rear with the whple of tbe British right. He
had passed the heights, halted and refreshed his ar^
my, and now charged the Araericans with his dragoons
and infantry, just as tbey had, abandoned the hills and
were flying to their lines. His attack was irresistible ;
they Were forced back upon the Hessians — the Hes
sians followed up their charge — And thus were the
Americans hemmed in on all sides ; driven alternate- .
ly from the British to the Hessians, from the Hessians
to the British : until grown desperate, they suddenly
concentrated — charged the enemy in turn, and cut
their way to their ovvn camp.
The troops under Lord Sterling, composed of Co
lonel Atiee's, Cplonel Smallwood's, and Colonel

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 461
J-
Hatche's regiments, with two battalions under Colo
nel Miles were engaged for six hours Avith the whole
British left, under General Grant. Their coolness and
firmness, would have done honour to A'eterans — But so
unhappily deficient were these fine troops iu the means
of intelligence, that they were only apprized of the
movements of General Clinton by Ms approach, hav
ing traversed the whole countiy in their rear. Their
retreat being thus intercepted, a desperate effort was
the only chance of escape ; aud a large proportion af
ter breaking through tbe enemy's ranks, gained the
woods. Many threw themselves into the marsh in
Gowan's Cove ; some were drowned — and others per
ished in the Avoods, but a considerable number eventu
ally reached their entrenchments.
The Royal troops fought the whole day in a raan
ner worthy of themselves. The memory of defeats,
and a desire of retrieving, their reputation, stimulat- '
ed them to their utmost efforts. The nature of the
ground broke up both parties into detachments,, and
of course gave a greater opportunity for distirfction.
So full of ardour and impetuosity were they after their
victory that they could hardly be withheld frora storm
ing the American lines. Sir William Howe has not
escaped censure for having restrained them — but if
he had not, it is probable that he would liave deserv
ed and received more of it. ,
Washington had expected and provided for this im
petuosity. An assault was precisely what he wished —
and if it had been made, had not the assailants been
instantly successful, they would have been certainly
repulsed in the event. The entrenchments were man
ned with fresh troops : the British were , exhausted
with marching, and fighting; and whatever might have

463 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
been their spirits, if they had not prevailed at the first
onset — they would not have prevailed at all : their ene
my would have repulsed them — pursued them in their
disorder with his fresh troops — and administered a
terrible retribution for the first slaughters of the day.
This is rendered more than probable from the cau
tious character of the American commander. He knew
the strength ofhis works, and was not only willing to
risk an assault, but invited it. Had it been made, the
enemy might have had little to boast of ; and General
Howe might justly have been blamed for hazarding,
with worn out troops, in such a strife, the loss of all
the important advantages he had gained.
Itis said that the works were very feeble, thatthey
had been hastily completed but the night before, by
closing an entrance on the right and throwing an ab
batis alpng the front : yet it is npt to be supposed that
any important means of security would have been ne
glected to so late an hour. The eneray had been ex
pected for several days, and the lines had been man
ned for their reception.
That the result of the struggle on Long Island,
would probably have been very different had the Bri
tish troops followed up their victory, by an assault on
the lines, may be presumed from other circumstances.
Raw troops are easily terrified by manoeuvres in the
field. They feel a sense of protection, not only
against manteuvres, but against balls and bayonets,
in any kind of breast work, however frail. There was
not a man in the American army who could uot relate
the particulars of the skirmish at Lexington, Bun
ker Hill, and Fort Moultrie ; and not a man but
would have attributed the success oftheir countiymen
to the stone wall aud embankments of the two for-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 463
mer, as soon as to the fortiflcations ofthe latter. Be
hind auy breast work, a board fence, they would"
have fought better than in the open field.
The victorious army encamped in front ofthe Ame
rican works, on the evening after the battle ; and on the
twenty eighth, broke ground in form about five hun
dred yards in front of Putnam's redpubt, which cover
ed the ATuerican left, A regular seige Avas begun.
The reraerabrance of Breed's Hill, and a desire to
spare his men, probably prevented a coup de main/
which, should it prove successful. Sir William HoWe
apprehended, might disqualify him for more impor
tant undertakings.
On the same day. General Mifflin reinforced the
Americans, with one thousand fresh troops, and of
fered to go the rounds at night. He observed the ene
my's approaches and the forwardness of their batte
ries, and was convinced that no time was to be lost.
The next morning, Aug. 39th, in a conversation with
the commander iu chief on the subjeqt^ he observed'—
" you must either fight or retreat, immediately. What
is your streugth ? " nine thousand" was the reply.
" It is uot sufficient — 'we must retreat" said the for
mer. Such had been Washington's opinion. He
never designed to sustain the regular approach of his
enemy ; — his works vvere only calculated for tempora
ry defence. It was then agreed that a council of war"
shpuld be called — ^that General Mifflin should pro
pose the retreat ; but as he was to make the proposal,
and his reputation was at stake> be stipulated that if
a retreat should he resolved upon^ he should comraand
the rear ;--— and if an action, the van.
These measures, among others, were urged iu coun
cil. " The heavy rains which have fallen for two

464 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
days and nights, with but littie intermission, have in
jured the arras, and spoiled a great part of the am
munition, and the soldiers being without cover, and
obliged to lie iri their lines, are worn out. From the
tirae the enemy moved from Flatbush, several large
ships have attempted to get up, as supposed, into the
East River, to cut off our comraunication, by which
the whole army would be destroyed ; but the wind
being North East, they have not been able to effect it.
The troops have become dispirited by their incessatit
duty and watchfulness." It was unanimously resolv-
,^0 abandon the Island.
Colonel Glover, with his regiment, was ordered to
take command ofthe flat bottomed boats aud other ves
sels, to superintend the embarkation. Gen. M^Dou-
gal and Colonel Knox, were stationed at the upper and
lower ferries on the East River. The former was on
the ground at eight o'clock ; but the militia had not
then erabarked. Many difficulties occurred, which
would at any time, have been thought remarkable;
but at that tirae they were thought to proceed frora lit
tle else than the special interposition of that Provi
dence which had suffered then to be so cruelly de
feated. While the troops were assembling on the shore, the
tide began to ebb ; the wind blcAV strong from the
North West and the rapidity of the current, made it
appear impossible to effect the retreat, in the course of
the night ; as they had but few row boats, and the
sail boats could not be used. Under tMs distressing
embarrassment. General McDougall sent Colonel
Grayson, one of Washirigton's Aids, to get instruc
tions from his Excellency — at the same tirae, pronounc
ing the retreat to be irapracticable for that night. The

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 465
Colonel was unable to flnd the General, aud immedi
ately on Ms return, the embarkation was commenced
under all those discouragements. But about eleveri,
the wind died away, and soon after a fresh breeze
sprung up from the South West ; enabled thera to use
the sailboats, and made their retreat safe, easy and
expeditious. The embarkation was still further pro
tected by a fog, (so uncommon for the season, that one
of the citizens of New-York declared he had not
known one for twenty or thirty years,) which came in
a remarkably thick mist, about two in the morning,
and hovered like a cloud over Long Island shore,
while the New- York side was bright and clear.
Another incident, but of a different character, which,
with a disastrous result raight have been cited as an
evidence of the iraraediate agency of sorae malignant
being, is well worth recording. Colonel Scammel
was sent to General Mifflin, who reraained in the
trenches, with orders for a particular regiment to march
to the ferry. The Colonel mistook the order ; under
stood instead of a regiment, the whole covering party,
and so delivered it. It was obeyed — and the lines
were abandoned for three quarters of an hour before
the embarkation was completed ; but the British,
though so near, that their working parties were dis
tinctly heard, were enveloped in se thick a fog, that
the evacuation took place without being discovered.
The mistake was discovered— General Mifflin hur
ried back to the lines— took possession, and held until
the next morning, when every thing except some hea
vy cannon was removed. The fog and wind con
tinued propitiPus till the whole army, amounting to
nine thousand, with all their field artillery — such hea
vy ordinance' as was most valuable — ammunition —
VOL. I. 59

466 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
provisions and stores, were safely brought off the islr
and. All this was effected over a river, raore than a
mile in width, in thirteen hours, raost ofthe time in a
violent rain, without the knowledge of the enemy,
who were at work within six hundred yards.
The water was so remarkably smooth as to admit of
the boats being loaded within a feAV inches of their gun
wales. The commander in chief, though repeatedly
and earnestly entreated, would not leave the Island,
till General Mifflin, with his covering party left the
lines, about six in the morning. Scarcely were the
works abandoned, and the rear guard fairly embarked,
when the fog cleared away, and four of the American
boats were discovered on the river ; three about half
way over, full of troops ; and the fourth, in which
were a few person, who had staid for plunder, so near
the shore that it was captured, and the enemy were
seen to take possession of the works.
Had the wind continued from the northwest, whence
it blew, when the embarkation was begun, not more
than one half of the troops could have been passed
over, and the remainder raust have fallen a sacri
fice to the enemy ; and had not the fog appeared so
seasonably — or had it cleared away but a short time
before it did, the Araerican rear would have been in
a raost perilous situation.
In superintending this hazardous and difficult eva
cuation, and the transactions of several days preced
ing it, Washington was indefatigable.
Governor's Island, where two regiraents were star
tioned, was also abandoned at the sarae tirae, without
loss. The removal of the military stores was com
pleted on the second of September, when nothing was

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 467
left except a few heavy cannon, notwithstanding se
veral ships of war lay within a quarter of a mile.
As the conduct of Washington on this occasion,
has sometimes been censured, it would be well to place
the facts together before the mind, and from them thus
asserabled, to determine whether such censure was me
rited. To do this, it will be necessary, first, to in
quire if Long Island ought to have been defended ; —
next if the defence was properly conducted, if the
works, officers, troops were competent for the purpose,
and finally, whether the issue of the battle could have
been provided against, after it was foreseen.
The possession of Long Island was certainly an
object of iraportance, or General Howe would not have
wasted an hour upon the atterapt to obtain it. He
could have brought the Americans to battle, if that
were his object, at other points.
He would have made his attack upon New- York.
It was certainly of importance, because the possession
of New -York was dependent upon it. If it was of
importance to the enemy, it ought to have been de
fended. It will be recollected, that while WasMng
ton prepared to dispute the possession of this Island,
he was led from many other circurastances, to expect
a system of operations frora the enemy entirely of a
different character. He had constantly expected an
attempt to get above him and cut off his communica
tion with the country. He had provided against this
so far as it was practicable ; and as such an attempt
must have compelled him to an unequal battle, the
evacuation of New- York with the loss of all his mi
litary stores, or a surrender — it was necessarily a
subject of extreme precaution and anxiety with him.
And when he found the enemy had so far departed

468 AMERICAN Ri;VOLUTION.
Mm from this scheme, which he most feared, as to
make it subordinate to an attempt on Long Island-
dangerous as it was to defend that Island, with no
shipping, and against a powerful fieet ; yet was it less
dangerous by far, than his situation would have been,
had the enemy pursued the other plan. In the first,
he must attack the eriemy ; in this, the eneray must
attack Mm. In the former, he would fight under the
greatest disadvantages, risking every thing if defeat
ed ; in this the enemy would run the greatest risk, and
be ruined if he failed. If Washington wanted to
bring Lord Howe to battle. Long Island was the
ground for it.
If he did uot, if he wished to avoid a battle, Wash
ington should have withdrawn his troops from the Isl
and aiid evacuated the city, Avithout losing an hour, at
the first approach of the enemy — but a battle Avas to
be fought, it could not be avoided, and the ouly ques
tion was Avhen and where it should be foUght. To
fight it on an Island was certainly dangerous, but
New- York Avas also an Island, and if he did not fight
on Long Island, he must in NeAV-York. It Avas but
a choice of dangers aud difficulties. In either case his
way was liable to be entirely surrounded by ships and
troops. These questions would finally resolve themselves to
this proposition. Eitiier Long Islarid Avould be de
fended, or New- York evacuated. To do the former
it is oniy necessary to ei'ect a chain of slight works, ca
pable of withstaading an assault ; throw into them a
sufficient number of troops to defend them ; give the
command to an active, cautious and intelligent officer,
and fight such a kind of battle as will give the troops
some confldence in themselves, and teach them to stand

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 469
, fire, without exposing them to any great loss, while the
enemy should gain nothing by a victory.
All this Avas done, and the result would have been
still less decisive than it was to the British arms, but
for certain incidents which were not to be foreseen.
The lines were constructed of sufficient strength — but
the troops were beaten by surprise before they could
reach thera. They who had been prepared for a bat
tle frora which they could retreat at pleasure, to their
entreuchraents, found an enemy suddenly thrown in
their rear — were compelled to a field flght, and after
supporting the battle with great gallantry, were only
beaten by manceuvres. At the critical moment, when
every thing depended upon him, the officer appointed
to command was taken sick, and another, equally
brave, but not so well acquainted with the strength of
the place or the disposition of Ms men, and withal,
rather incautious, was called to the command. If Ge
neral Greene had remained in comraand, the Ameri
cans would riot have been surprised ; and then, if the
British army had made their attack upon the , forces
fully prepared to raeet them, with their works in their
rear to which they could retreat at their 16iSure,
though the enemy had found them and stormed them
in their trenches, the American loss would probably
4iot have been so great as it was.
The next question is, were there troops enough em
ployed for the defence. There certainly were ten
thousand troops, according to the smallest estimate
that can be made— 4he strength and flower of the ar
my were at one time on the island. The troops were
well posted and the battle was well fought.
Washington was a spectator of the slaughter that
succeeded ; but it was then too late to prevent it — Ms

470 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
lines were raanned, every bayonet was in requisitioa
to turn back the disasters of the fleld, upon the enemy
if he should have the temerity to assault the works.
This was the only way in which it was possible to
support the troops engaged— every raoment the at
tempt might be made on his lines, and not a man could
be spared. Had he abandoned them and reinforced
the troops engaged, the fate of his country Avould have
been at stake on a single engagement.
But let it be supposed that Washington had adopt
ed the other alternative, and abandoned Long Island
without a single effort to preserve it. Would not au
evacuation of the city have been a legitimate and im
mediate consequence ? A bombardraent would have
been opened from the shore, the passage of East Ri
ver cleared of its obstruction, the whole fleet moored in
front and rear of the city, and the Americans subject
ed to an attack wherever the enemy pleased, unless
they marched out immediately.
An evacuation of New York without a battle, fol
lowing the abandonraent of Long Island, without a
battle, would have been attended with raore calami
tous consequences to the American cause, than the
bloodiest defeat. Now, the enemy had been met, and
fought — a few lives were lost, and there raight be a
general panick araong the troops.^ But what was the
loss of a few troops — and the confidence ofa few dis
heartened railitia, to the loss and confidence of the
whole American people ? They had been defeated, it
is true, but the enemy had gained nothing. It is sorae
tiraes better to be beaten in battle, than to fly without
flghting. By a series of misfortunes, against which
no human wisdom could have provided, the Americans
had been defeated by a superiour force ; but depres-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 471
sing as such a disaster was to the spirits of the people,
it was infinitely less so, than a retreat would have
been, pursued by an active enemy, leaving the whole
country behind him, and a whole season for his ope
rations to be effected in, without one effort to arrest
his course. By this contention for Long Island, though
the enemy had succeeded, it was of no advantage to
him — the season had nearly passed away and the cam
paign was soon to be terminated.
The loss of the British and Hessians, in this battle,
has been variously stated. Once it has been estima
ted at four hundred and fifty ; but a more particular
account states the exact loss of the British at three
hundred and eighteen, of whom only sixty -one were
slain, and ofthe Hessians at three hundred killed, and
twenty-six wounded. Total three liundred and forty-
seven. The American loss was much greater. Hemmed
in on all sides, broken and in disorder, sustaining an
uninterrupted fire and continual charges from both par
ties for a considerable time, and finally escapingthrough
a morass and a creek, the estimate of one thousand will
be regarded as much within the truth. It probably
amounted to fifteen hundred killed, wounded and
prisoners. Many large bodies escaped by flight at the first on
set, that might have been captured, had they offered
more resistance. General Sullivan, Lord Stirling,
three Colonels, four Lieutenant Colonels, three Ma
jors, eighteen Captains, forty-three Lieutenants,
eleven Ensigns, together with ten hundred and
eleven privates and non-commissioned officers, are re
ported as the exact amount of prisoners taken, includ
ing the wounded. Six pieces of brass ordnance were

473 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
taken. One regiment. Colonel SmallwPod's, from
Maryland, was almost cut to pieces. They were all
young raen, and ofthe best families in the country. —
Their conduct was sufficient to show what Americans
could do in battle, Avith officers in whom they could
trust. It Avas the manoeuvering of the enemy that
conquered the Americans. They had withstood the
bayonet, but they were gallantly contending in front,
anew enemy approaching in silence, unexpectedly at-
taclied in their rear. To raw and unexperienced
troops such operations are ahvays terrible, as they
know they are irretrieveably lost if one false step is
raade. For a long tirae after, the terrours of this day
wererememberd, and the appearance of any manoeuvre
in the enemy was the signal fpr a retreat to the Ame
ricans. Thus terminated the first great struggle after the
Declaration of Independence, and if every thing be
considered, the disproportionate strength, experience,
and state of the corabatants, it raust be alloAved that it
terminated favourably for the Americans.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 473

CHAPTER X^V.
Effect of the Defeat on Long Island — State ofthe Army — J^egocia-
iion with Lord Howe — Preparations of the Enemy for cutting
off' the communication between tlie main army and the Eastern
States — Shameful flight at Kipf's Bay — Evacuation of J^ew-
Tork — Refiection^-'Arrangement of Congress for a rigorous
prosecution of the War — Spirited conduct of the troops who
had lately fied at the approach of an Enemy — Retreat to the
White Plains — Loss of Fort Washington — Evacuation of Fort
Lee— Melancholy prospect of the Americans! — Reflections.
The effect produced on the rainds of the militia by
their recent defeat on Long Island, may be seen by the
following extracts frora letters written by officers, high
in coramand, among the Araericans. General Mercer,
who coraraanded the fiying carap, wrote thus on the
subject : " General Washingtou has not, so far as I
have seen, five thousand raen to be depended upon for
the service of a campaign, and I have not one thou
sand. Both our arraies are composed pf new militia,
perpetually fluctuating between tbe carap aud their
farms. These are not a raatch for, were their num
bers equal, veteran troops, well fltied and urged on
by able officers. Numbers and discipline must pre
vail at last. Giving soldiers, or even the lower orders
of mankind, the choice of officers, will fprever mar the
discipline of armies."
General Mercer was right. That " choice of offi
cers" entrusted to the common soldier, was, of itself,
enough to destroy all subordination. The officers be
came dependent upon their men ; and they who would
concede most,, be most familiar, and least rigerous,
VOL. I. - 60

474 * AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
were always sure of preference. Few men will volun
tarily elect masters. And no offider can be useful, un
less he is master of his soldiers.
Washington began soon after his return to New
York, to entertain very serious apprehensions about
his ability to keep possession of that city. " Till of
late," he says, " I had no doubt iu ray own mind of
defending this place ; nor should I haA'e yet, if the
men would do their duty, but this I despair of"
Another question of an alarming nature to the in
habitants of New York was even worse. " If we should
be obliged to abandon the town," says Washington,
in another ofhis despatches, " ought it to stand as win
ter quarters for the enemy ? They would derive good
conveniencies from it on the one hand; and rauch pro
perty would be destroyed on the other. But it will
adrait of but little tirae for deliberation. At present,
I dare say the enemy mean to possess it, if they can.
If Congress, therefore, should resolve upon the de
struction of it, the resolution should be a profound se
cret, as the knowledge of it will make a capital change
in their plans."
The situation of the American General must have
been desperate indeed, to have authorized such a
thought for a single moment. He lived in an age when
mankind had nPt learnt to make a sacrifice of their ci
ties to protect them frpra the unhallowed tread of the
invader. But whatever raay uoav be thought of such
a design, it is probable that it did not occur to Wash
ington till the question was not whether the cities of
his country should be the sanctuaries and refuge of
his enemy, or himself; but, whether that was the on
ly method of saving the country. If the former, howe
ver heroick the deed had been held, however sublime

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 475
the spectacle of such a conflagration mi^ht have been
regarded, by the world, he never would have sanc
tioned it. But had the last question been to be deci
ded — Ms own hand would have-placed the fire on her
altars and wrapped her dwellings and her temples in
flames. This would have been an offering worthy of
Liberty — worthy of Washington. To ambition the
sacriflce would not have been rash ; to Independence
it would have been so.
It has been already related that General Sullivan
and Lord Sterling were among the prisoners taken by
the enemy. The forraer was paroled, but the latter was
not. General Washington coraplains that his Lord
ship's account of the battle was not sufficiently rainute,
and attributes it to some occurrence which interrupted
Mm, as the letter was unfinished. It is not unlikely
that he was still considered as a British subject, and
consequently a greater degree of rigour would be dis
covered in Ms treatment.
General Sullivan was entrusted by Lord Howe,
and Ms brother. Sir William, with a verbal message
to Congress, to this effect — that his Lordship could
not treat with thera in that character then ; that he was
extremely anxious to come to some accoraraodation
speedily, while, as yet, no decisive advantage had
been gained by either party, and it could not be said
that either had been conquered into acquiescence
or subraission ; that he would hold a cpuference with
any of their merabers as private gentlemen; that he
was, with the General, fully authprized to settle all
differences in an honourable manner ; that, were they
to treat, many things which the Americans had not
yet asked, might and ought to be granted ; and. if up
on a conference there appeared any probahle ground

476 ameIhcan he'^olution.
of acCoiriiriodatiPn, the authority of Congress Would
be afterwards acknowledged to render the treaty com
plete. This message was delivered tP Congress, by Gene
ral Sullivan on the 3d of September. He was de&ii--
ed to reduce it to writing; at the same tiriie that a let
ter was received from Washington confirming his pre
vious account Pf the disasters on Long Island, and re-
trea,t therefrom. Yet Congress was immoveable. Ori
the 5th, General Sullivan was dii-ected to inform Lord
Howe, " That Cpngress, being the representatives of
the free and independent States of America^ they can-
npt with propriety send aUy of their members to con
fer with his Lordship in their private characters ; but
that, ever desirous of establishing a peace on reasona
ble terms, they will send a Committee of their body
to know whether he has any authority to treat with
persons authorized by Congress, for that purpose, in
behalf of America, aud what that authority is ; and to
hear such propositions as he shall think fit to make
respecting the sarae."
On the following day, Benjaraiu Fraukliri, John
Adaras, and Edward Rutledge, were elected a Com-
riiittee for this purpose. This was doing all that Con
gress could do. The proposition of Lord Howe could
not be passed over without notice, for in the insidious
shape in which it appeared, immediately after a vic
tory, it must have been regarded as highly pacific and
magnanimous. And thus it was regarded by the ar
my, the Reyal party in America, and many others
Who could not penetrate the design. It raay there
fore be doubted, though Congress had been ever so
well convinced that no advantage could result from
such trifling, if they would have been justifiable in ut-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 477
terly rejecting the proposal. They were compelled
%y their situation to play thesame garaeAvith their ad
versary — delay would be as ruinous to him as to them ;
and by their acceptance of his proposition, they disap
pointed him pf his only hope, which was that they
Would refuse it ; arid shch a refusal would have given
him great advantages, thrown the whole guilt of the
war upon them, arid given to their councils a charac
ter of ambMOti, AvMch might have kindled the most
^ngerous sU^iciPns in the minds of their Republic
an constituents.
But magnanimity Was net then the attribute of British ,
riegociators. The character ofthe nation had degenerat
ed . They were no longer the great men, Avhose forbear
ance was most conspicuous after victory. They were the
soldiers of a ministry, rather than the ambassadors
of a natiori ; of a party with Avhom all measures were
justifiable^f a proper result were obtained. They
would trample on the Colonies, because of their pre
mature manhood, and if this could not be done by open
warfare, it might be effected by political intrigue. If
they could not, by breaking a lance with the youthful
champion, bring hira to their feet, there were other
measures : they might lull him into security by en
ticement. The offer of conciliation was to be ten
dred — if it succeeded, the oranipotence of Pariiaraent
would soPn have little to fear frora the young spirit of
the Americans; arraies, taxes, proscriptions,would soon
have thinned their rauks, annihilated tbeir predominant
characters, driven asunder their coufederacy, and
bound them in fetters that a century might not have
Iposened ; if it was rejected, then might their retribu
tion be measurefl out according to their own views of
the punishment due to rebellion ; the whole country

478 AMERICAN REVOLUTION
might be laid waste by fire and sword ; the standards
of freedom be rent and scattered to the four winds of
heaven — every spark of chivalry extinguished — and
every hopeful plant of tyranny, nourished in blood arid
tears would have been seen springing upon the name
less graves of martyrs ; upon the spot whence a tem
pest had uprooted the young tree of liberty, even
while its branches were spreading over a continent,
and pushing their greenness to the heavens : on a soil,
which if it bore not a new generation of such hardy
plants, should be cursed with everlasting barrenness.
And all this would have been handed down in their
histories as the work ofthe Araericans, and not of their
oppressors ; they who had raagnaniraously extended
the olive to a people that spurned it in their raadness
and presuraption.
Such was the purpose of this offer of negociation.
As such it was regarded at the tirae by all who under
stood the true character of their advers9,ry ; as such
it was to be provided against by the guardians of Arae
rica : and as such Congress were induced to depart
frora that sublirae raaxira ofthe Roman, never to nego
ciate after a defeat. They strove for independence.
and while they would perish to obtain it, something
was due to the prejudices ofthe ignorant and the un
decided ; that they might not appear to have persisted
through infatuation or obstinacy. It was in the night
time of the revolution. Thick darkness was round
about the sanctuary of their hopes. Even Washing
ton hiraself was disturbed — ^but not disraayed; yet
others saw nothing but serenity in his countenance.
From Congress nothing was concealed : in vain they
turned towards him for encouragement — while others
obtained a renewal of hope and vigour in the contem-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 479
plation of Washington's aspect, the American Con
gress saw nothing but the naked truth ; a chart that
told how. hopeless was the path they had chosen —
how beset "with danger and trials. Yet — and it ought
never to be forgotten — Congress and Washington were
immoveable. Not one step was taken in retreat from
the stand they had chosen. America saw in her Sen
ate Chamber, the resurrection of the raen of Rorae,
who, amid the relics of an empire, awaited the ap
proach of the barbarian.
Eight days after their appointment, the Committee
had an interview with Lord Howe, upon Staten Is
land, opposite Amboy. His Lordship received and
entertained them with the utmost respect ; but in the
discussion of the subject was careful to express him
self in the most general and indefinite terms. All was
equivocal, courteous, and conducted according to the
most orthodox spirit of the raodern diplomatick sci
ence : not one inch was gained at last on either side.
The Coraraittee, who had been appointed, not in any
hope of accoraraodation, but to gratify the publick, and
to satisfy the world on a question which had agitated
all Araerica — the true intentions of Great Britain —
Were soon Convinced that uothing was to be hoped. It
was certain that his Lordship was only empowered to
negociate, notto conclude a treaty . He carae to arause,
to qualify, to explain ; not to acknowledge, retract,
or settle differences. No plan of accommodation Avas
proposed; but something was said, and remotely in
sisted on, by his Lordship, about absolute and uncon
ditional submission. It was evident that such diplo
matick quibbling was painful to the frank, manly dis
position of Lord Howe, for he frequently exhibited a
degree of embarrassment, which all his high breed-

480 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
ing and social freedom of intercourse could not con
ceal. It Avas painful to see such a man so employed.
But the conference — for such interviews are not to be
terminated because both parties are weary of each oth
er, or because each is asharaed of such trifling — con
tinued for three or four hours.
The comraittee raade a report to Congress vvhich
was accepted and published. Some good consequen
ces resulted to the Americans from the event. The
loyalists were satisfied that they had to deal with men
ef irresistible resolution. The British coraraissioners
were struck with the temperate, manly discussion of
the American delegates. All was calra, collect
ed, dignified, there Avas nothing of the vehemence of
young men ; it vvas the language and manner of wis
dom and exp^'ience, the stern thoughtful aspect of
manhood in its maturity — supported by confidence iu
heaven and the justice of their cause. The whole
conduct inspired the spectators with something of re
verence and awe. They were plain men, entitled ci
tizens, deliberate talkers, such men as had met the
British at Breed's Hill — men who had debated on a
question of independence, with the same coolness and
moderation as theywere about levying a duty on lands
or merchandize. This conduct had its infiuence. Un
conquerable determination and greatness were in eve
ry word they uttered.
The Americans also were satisfied. There was
nothing more to hope from negpciation. The scabbard
was to be thrown aside, and he who had girded the
sword upon his thigh, novv saw the full extent of Ms
toils before him. Till this interview many a blade
had slumbered in its sheath, in the hope of peace j

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 481
sow, it was plucked forth, and all were prepared for
battle. One of the committee. Dr. Franklin, had been,
when in England, on a footing of intimacy with Lord
Howe. The affairs of America and the measures of
Parliament had been discussed at their special meet
ing, and afterwards in their correspondence. They
knew and respected each other. TMs was probably
their last meeting on earth. They had been friends,
they were soon to be enemies. Both felt the separa
tion, the raemory of other days visited themy and al
though both were negociators and on public business,
they could not forget that they were raen and had been
intimate, aud their parting was painful. In the course
of the conversation, his Lordship, Avithout departing
frora general profession, suffered hiraself to speak,
occasionally, as his heart dictated. He expressed
hiraself warmly respecting the Americans, and the
pain he felt for their approaching calamities. Frank
lin courld not lose such an opportunity — Ms character
triumphed over Ms feeling, the evening separation was
forgotten, and he replied with his cool sarcastick ex
pression of humanity, " that the Araericans would
show their gratitude by endeavoring to lessen as rauch
as possible, all pairi he raight feel on their account, by
exerting their utmost abilities to take care of them
selves."' But, to return to WasMngton — ^his situation became
more distressing and precarious every hour. The
flying camp had dwindled away to' nothing. The
militia were riotous, dismayed, and ungovernable.
On one occasion such was their intolerable panick at
the approach of danger, arising from their recent de
feat on Long Island) that a large body ran off at the
vo^. I. 61

483 AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
firing of a ship's broadside, when not a man was injur
ed. The total nuraber of men fit for duty, including
all the outposts, was for raany days, less than twenty
thousand. More than one third were militia and new
levies, alike unworthy the narae of soldiers ; and the
regulars, who, under other circurastances, or alone,
might have been depended upon for services equal to
their strength, were broken doAvn, and defeated by
the constant desertions of the militia. That object
which others fiy from is soon likely to be regarded
with apprehension by the boldest and steadiest. The
camp was thinning away, as before a pestilence, by
the uninterrupted, but silent desertion of troops ; and
to complete the disheartening recapitulation, within
nine days after the evacuation, the number of sick was
equal to one fourth of the whole array,
, At this tirae too, when the very salvation of the
country was at stake, and rautual concession, raildness
and forbearance was most necessaiy, there was a ma
lignant and restless jealousy, quickened by mutual
recrimination and local reflections, working its way in
to the marrow of the army. And what was still more
incredible, this spirit appeared to have its growth,
or force, from head quarters ; not from the comman
der in chief, he would have spilt his blood to quench
the first appearance of the flarae, but an Adjutant
General. This raan, whatever might have been his
motive, was the chief among those to whom the evil
was attributed. To counteract his influence, so far as
possible, without increasing the division, by his re
moval, a deputy Adjutant General was appointed.
The disaffection from which the enemy hoped so
rauch, and frora which he had derived such iraportant
aid on Long Island, was not confined to the citizens.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 483
The infection had communicated to the soldiery. A
Lieutenant Colonel was tried and convicted, of having
' written a letter to Gov. Tryon, offering his services,
and stipulating for his reward. Whether it was thought
impolitick to proceed to extremity in this case, or whe
ther, as it is said the wretch owed his escape, to hav
ing military officers in the court, who knew nothing
of the law, cannot now be determined, but after con
viction, Ms only punishment was dismission from the
service, when it would have been a greater punish
ment to have kept Mm there.
The disaffected or rather the loyalists, were a for
midable party in the middle states. They might be
forgiven — many of them acted from principle, from
a conscientious regard to their duty, from affection to
their sovereign, and however mistaken they raay have
been, they deserve no censure. It is the infirmity of
men's nature to err, and the majority cannot complain if
the minority insist on the same privilege, for which
the predorainant party are contending, the liberty of
judging for theraselves. But all this is no excuse for
a traitor. The American army, after some further a.ugmenta-
tions, were at length distributed in the following pro
portions araong the posts to be defended.
Four thousand five hundred raen were left at New
York ; six thousand five hundred were posted at Haer
lem ; and twelve thousand at the further extremity of
the Island, at Kingsbridge, and the publick stores
were removed to Dobb's Ferry, about twenty-six miles
from New- York. The causes of this arrangeraent
will be circumstantially exhibited.
On the hills, and in the vicinity ofthese places, forts
had been erected, and they were garrisoned with theit

484 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
troops. The strongest was Fort WasMngton, near
Haerlem, of difficult access, commanding the North
River, and opposite to Fprt Lee, on the Jersey side.
These two were intended tp defend the passage, and
with the obstructions in the channel, were considered
sufficient. After this distributipn, it soon became evi
dent from the manoeuvering of the enemy, that he
meant to throw his whole force between the American
main army at Kingsbridge, and the division in New
York and its neighbourhood. As soon as those indi
cations assumed a deflnite countenance, the American
• general posted himself at an intermediate distance,
about ten miles from the city, aud not far from Fort
Washington. This movement induced Mm to con
centrate Ms force at every given point, aud reinforce
the two extremities, as occasion might require ; where
that would be foretold only by conjecture. The ene
my was able to choose his time and place of attack,
which gave him considerable advantages in any sud
den enterprize.
The British had already takeu possesion of Mon-
tezae's Island, and thrown upon it, a large body of
troops. It lies on the north of Haerlem River, wMch
runs out of the Sound into the^ North River, and af
forded them great facilities for landing on the low
grounds of Morissania, if they intended to seize the
farms above Kingsbridge ; or on the plains of Haer
lem, if they designed to interrupt the commuriicatiuu
between the American ppsts. On the twelfth of Sep
tember, one of the enemy's ships moved towards Hell
Gate, but the tide left her and she could not lay near
enough to the American works for commanding them.
Their batteries from this island, kept up an incessant

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 485
fire, but with little effect, while sorae indications of
a divided attack were repeatedly manifested.
The day before the meeting between the comraittee
and Lord Howe, five ships of war ran up the East Ri
ver ; this raoveraent with the urgent advice of certain
officers, determined Washington to evacuate the city
as speedily as possible. Col. Glover was employed
in removing the hospital, ordnance aud stores, which he
began to do about nine in the evening, and by the next
morning at sunrise, his brigade had landed in the Jer
seys, leaving only a body of sick, amounting to about
five hundred, detached about the city. On the next
morning he was ordered to stike bis tents and move
the heavy baggage up the North River in boats, while
the lighter stores were carried in wagons. This was
completed about nine at night, when au alarm was
given, and he was ordered to join General M'Dugall
at Haerlem, immediately ; he marched and the bag
gage of two regiments which he was obliged to leave
behind, afterwards fell into the hands of the enemy.
Hardly had he reached Kingsbridge, and his exhaust
ed troops were preparing to refresh themselves, than
a new express arrived, announcing the approach ofthe
eneray. Their knapsacks, which had just been thrown
off, were instantly swung, and they pushed for the
field of battle — on their way they were joined by five
other brigades, araouinting in all to about seven thou
sand, formed in order of battie upon Haerlem plains.
General Howe having now prepared Ms plan for a
descent on New York island ; for bringing the Ame
ricans to a general action, or breaking %te communi
cation between their pasts, on the 15th of September
began to land his men under cover erf five ships of

486 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
war, between South Bay and Kipp's Bay, about three
miles above the city. Works had been thrown up
there, which were capable of withstanding an attack
for a considerable tirae, and even till reinforcements
should arrive, if they were necessary, and troops were
stationed in them to oppose any landing of the enemy.
But they fled — at the flrst approach of the British,
and abandoned the works with the most shameful
precipitation. Two brigades had been put in mption
for their support on the flrst intiraation of the enemy's
approach, and General WasMngton, in person, hur
ried to the scene of action, expecting by his presence
to retrieve his late disasters and animate his troops to
inflict a severe retribution on the eneray. He raet
the whole party in a tumultuous flight — it was a bit
ter moment for that great man : to have risked him
self, Ms country, Ms imraortality, with such dastards ;
it was the raost cruel agony of his life. For once, he
ceased to be Washington. He gallopped through the
crowd ; threw himself in their rear ; reined his horse
towards the eneray ; commanded, entreated, and threat
ened ; it was all in vain — ^he even attempted to cut
down the cowards, and snapped his pistols at them.
They were not to be stayed for a minute : their flight
became still more shamefully precipitate at^the sudden
appearance of a small body of their pursuers, not ex
ceeding sixty or seventy. In this hour of self aban
donment, WasMngton would have been lost, but for
the violence of Ms officers — they seized the bridle of
Ms horse and gave Mm a different direction, as he
was advancing towards the enemy.
The ships in the North and East rivers, during this
transaction, were throwing their grape shot and lan-
grage quite across the island. The Hessians having

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 487
landed, began their march, but some delay was caus
ed in their junction by their seizing a number of per
sons, whora they found concealed, in a barn, that had
been placed there for guards. This mistake was soon
explained, and the British having landed their whole
force, they directetl their march towards Kingsbridge.
The retreating Americans who had fled in sucli dis
order from Kipp's Bay, never halted fol" an instant,
until they encountered Colonel Glover, who was then
hastening to their support. This gave thera some con
fidence ; they halted, formed and paraded on the high
grounds in their front. At this raoraent the enemy
again appeared on the next eminence, with a force
then estimated at eight thousand. The Araericans ex
hibited uncomraon fire ; they wished to give battle im-
'mediately : for a mpment Washington, with the sting
ing recollection pf the scene he had just witnessed
fresh upon his heart, was on the point of leading them
to the attack ; but a moment's consideration changed
Ms purpose. He could not depend upon undisciplin
ed valour — the fever of shame and indignation, for a
victory of the cool and steady bravery of well organ
ized veterans.
The Americans encamped on the heights of Haer
lem; and the British Generals finding no prospect of
immediate battle renewed, repaired to a neighbour
ing mansion for refreshment, where so much time was
consumed, that the rear guard of the American army,
about three thousand four hundred, under General
Putnam, were suffered to escape from New York, un
molested. General Putnam, aware of the danger in
taking the main road by which the enemy would ap
proach, directed his march along another on the banks
of the North River, qputinuing along it until it turns

488 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
abruptly to the right, where it unites with a narrow
way, passing to Bloomingdale. By tMs route he es
caped unperceived. His success has been attributed
to a great neglect in the enemy. A small body of
troops with two field pieces, might have taken a posi
tion that would have cut off his retreat.
In the course of this and the following day, seven
teen officers aud three hundred and fifty four privates
were captured by the British. General Howe has not
escaped censure for his conduct on this occasion. His
plan was to bring Washington to an engagement. It
was said that if, instead of landing on the island as he
did, leaving the Americans at liberty to walk where
they pleased, he had thrown Ms troops above Kings-
bridge, hemmed in the whole American army, which
he could have done with his ships in both rivers and
the military forces at his command, he might have ap
proached nearer and nearer to his adversary, till he
brought on a general engagement. That such was
Ms design, is certain, but how his measures were cal
culated to produce it can only be deterrained by mili
tary men fully acquainted with the ground, and the
force ofthe respective armies.
The following letter from the Commander in Chief,
may help to determine how far the causes above sug
gested would have been effectual, had it been adopt
ed at first by Sir Williara Howe. It is written on the
8th of Septeraber. " Since I had the honour of ad
dressing ypu on the 6th instant, I have called a cPun
cil of the General Officers in order to take a full and
coraprehensive view of our situation, and therefrom
forra such a plan of future defence as may be imraedi
ately pursued, and subject to uo other alteration than

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 489
a change of operations on the enemy's side may occa-
sipu. "Before the landing ofthe enemy on Long Island,
the point of attack could not be known, or any satis-^
factory judgment formed of Ms intentions. It might
be on Long Island, or Bergen, or directiy in the city.
This made it necessary to be prepared for each, and
has occasioned an expense of labour, which now
seems useless, and is regretted by those who form a
judgment from after knowledge. But, I trust, that
men of discernment will think differently and see that
by such works and preparations, we have not only,
delayed the operations of the campaign, till it is too
late to effect any capital incursions into the country,
but have drawn the enemy's force into one point and
obliged them to disclose their plan, so as to enable us
to form our defence with some certainty.
*' It is now extremely obvious from all intelligence,
frora their raovements, and every other circumstance ;
that, having landed their whole army on Long Is
land, except about four thousand on Staten Island,
they mean to enclose us on the island. of New York,
by taking post in our rear, while the shipping effectu
ally secure the port ; and thus, either by cutting off
our communjcatiou with the country, obligirig us to
fight thera on their own terms, or surrender at discre
tion ; or by a brilliant stroke endeavour to cut this ar
my in pieces, and secure the collection of arras and
stores, which they well know we shall not be able
soon to replace.
" Having, therefore, their system unfolded to us, it
becomes an important consideration how it could be
most successfully opposed. On every side there is a
choice of difficulties, and .©very measure, ou our part,
VOL. I. 63

490 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
(however painful the refl%ctibn is frorii eJcperiettce) is
to be formed with sorae apprehension that all pur
troops will not do their duty. Iri deliberating on this
great question, it was irapossible to fprget that histo
ry, ourown experience, the advice of our ablest friends
in Europe, the fears of the eneray, and everithe decla-
ratiotis of Congress, deraonstrate that ori our side the
War should be defensive ^ (it has ever been called a
war of posts) — that we should on all occasions avoid
a general action, nor put any thirig to the risk, unless
compelled by an extremity into which we ought never
to be drawn.
" Tlie arguments on which such a system was found
ed were deemed reasoriable, and experierice has giv
en her sanction." ¦
TMs letter should be read arid re-read ; and that
too, under the recollection that it exhibits a plan only
designed, and not executed. Now, every man, sol
dier or citizen, is sagacious enough to see that " a war
of posts" — a war of defence, was the only hope for the
devolution, and raust have been, of necessity, success
ful. But a much greater degree of sagacity, and mili
tary science, was necessary at that tirae, to qualify
one for pronouncing an opimon with such confidence ;
and much more of a gifted spirit was requisite at that
time, to see the issue of the long conflict with such
certainty, as to justify an officer high in his country's
favour, with troops eager for action, in withholding
them in their career ; much more of moderation, too,
than a soldier is generally endued with, to put back
tiie laurels that approached him, because in the effort
that he might make to reach them, the fate of his coun
try IS involved ; merely because he might fail, and the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 49,1
liberty of his country was too mighty a stake to throw
at one cast, against a sudden reputation-
But Washington saw and did ^f\ these at the time ;
in the hour of temptation, t* *
<'With these views," he says, in another place,
" and being fully persuaded that it would be presump
tion to draw out our young tropps into open ground
against their superiours both in numbers a,nd disci
pline, I have never spared the spad^ and picjc axp.
I confess I have not found that readiness to defend
even strong ppsts at all hazards, which is necessary
tc derive the greatest benefit frpm them. The honour
of making a defence does not seem to be a sufficient
stimulus when success is very doubtful, and the fall
ing into the enemy's hands probable ; but I doubt npt
this will be gradually obtained. We are now in a
strong post, but not an impregnable one, nay, acknow
ledged by every man of judgraent to be untenable un
less the eneray will raake an attaok upon lines where
they can avoid it. — and their mpvements indicate that
they mean to do so.
" To draw the whole army together in order to arrange
the defence proportionate to the extent of the lines and
works would leave the country open to an approach,
and put the fate of this army and its stores in the ha
zard of raaking a successful defence in the city, or the
issue of an engagement out of it. On the other hand,
to abandon a city, which has been by some deemed
defensible, and on whose works much labour has been
bestowed, has a tendency to disspirit our troops and
enfeeble our cause. It has also been considered as the
key to the northern country. But, as to that, I am ful
ly of opinion that the establishing of strong posts at
Mount Washingtpn in the upper part of this islapd,-

493 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
and on the Jersey side opposite to it, with the as'sist-
ance of the obstructions already made, (and which
may be improved) in the water, not only the naviga
tion of Hudson's river, but an easier and better com
munication may be more effectually secured between
the northern and southern States. This I believe,
any one acquainted with the situation of the country
will readily agree to ; and it will appear evident to
those who have au opportunity of referring to good
maps. " Those and m^^ny other consequences which will
be involved inthe determination of our next measures,
have given our minds full employ, and led every one
to form a judgment on the various objects presenting
themselves to Ms view.
" The post at Kingsbridge is naturally strong and
is pretty well fortified ; the heights about it are com
manding, and might soon be made more so. These
are important pbjects, and I have attended to them ac
cordingly. I have alsp removed from the city all the
stores and ammunition, except what was absolutely
necessary for its defence, and made every other dis
position which did not essentially interfere with that
object, carefully keeping in view until it should be ab
solutely determined on full consideration how far the
city was to be defended at all events,"
*'In resolving points pf such importance many cir
cumstances peculiar to pur pwn army also occur. Be-.
ing only provided fpr a sumraer's campaign, their
clothes, shoes and blankets will soon be unfit for the
change pf weather, which we every day feel. At pre
sent, we have not tents for more than two thirds ; ma
ny pf them old and worn out ; but if we had a plenti
ful supply, the season will not admit of continuing in

AMERICAN REAi'OLUTlON. 493
them long. The cure of our sick is also worthy of
much consideration ; their number, by the returns, form
at least one fourth of the army. Policy and humani
ty require that they should be made as comfortable as
possible. "With these and many other considerations before
them, the whole council of General Officers met yes
terday in order to adopt some generalline of conduct
to be pursued at this important crisis. I intended to
have procured the separate opinions on each point,
but tirae would not admit. I was therefore obliged to
collect the same raore generally than I could have
wished. All agreed that the town would not be tena
ble if the eneray wished to cannonade it ; but the dif
ficulty attending a removal operated so strongly that
a course was taken between abandouing it totally, and
concentrating our whole force for its defence : we were
some little influenced in their opinion, to whom the
determination of Congress was known against an
evacuation totally, as they were led to suspect Con
gress wished it maintained at any hazard.
" It was concluded to arrange the army under three
divisions : five thousand men to remain for the de
fence of the city ; nine thousand to Kingsbridge and
its dependancies, as well to possess and secure these
posts, as to be ready to attack the eneray, who are mov
ing Eastward on Long Island, if they should attempt
to land ou this side ; the remainder to occupy the in
termediate space, and support either; that the sick
should be immediately removed to Orangetown, and
barracks prepared at Kingsbridge, in order to cover
the troops.
" There were some General Officers, in Avhose judg
ment and opinion much confidence is to be reposed.

494 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
that were for a total and immediate reraoval from the
city, urging the great danger of one party being cut off
before the other can support it — the extremities being
at least sixteen miles apart ; that our army, whenever
collected, is inferior to the enemy ; that they can move
with their whole force to any point of attack, and con
sequently must succeed by weight of numbers, if they
have only a part to oppose them ; that by removing
hence we deprive the enemy of the advantage of their
ships, which will make at least one half of their
force to attack the town ; that we should keep the
enemy at bay, put nothing to the hazard, but at all
events, keep the army together, which may be re-uni
ted another year ; that the transport stores will also
be preserved ; and in this case the heavy artillery can
also be secured. But they were overruled by a ma
jority, who thought for the present, a part of our force
might be kept here, and an attempt be made to main
tain the city awhile longer."
It seems evident, from the positive and clear man
ner in which the opinions of the minority are here re
ported, that the commander in chief was inclined tp
agree with them. Indeed, it appears from other cir
curastances that these opinions were his ; for soon af
,tcr a petition was raade for a new council, and the-
majority united with him, in an almost unanimous
vote for the evacuation of the city. The evacuation
took place accordingly as has been previously re
lated. It may be considered peculiarly unfortunate for
Washington, that at this period of his command, he
was so subject to be entreated by subordinate officers.
If a masterly movement was effected, it was attribu
ted to their advice ; fpr, the natural feelings of the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 495
human heart would prompt every man, who had been
at all instrumental therein to boast of it; ou the con
trary, when any disastrous or blundering operation
took place, the same reaspu would induce eveiy raan
to keep his agency a secret ; aud the consequence was,
that the publick seeing Washingtpn at the head of the
array, made him alone responsible for all its calami
ties. There were always enough to participate in his
triumphs, but few who had the magnanimity to share
his distresses. The wise measures were their's —
those of another character were his. It is true, this
is the common misfortune of all who occupy an eleva
ted station, but not to the sarae extent. At this period,
Washington was so trammelled by the jealousy of
Congress, that he was but nominally the commander
in chief. He ought not to depart from the opinion of
the majority, lest at extreme hazard ; did he succeed,
it would be considered a dangerous precedent, obsti
nacy or rashness ; did he fail, a court martial, or a
committee of blundering politicians, who could neither
understand his views, nor his motives, and fully ig-
norarit of railitary affairs, would be assembled to sit,
in judgement upon a question of retreat and attack.
In time, however, this evil was remedied ; Washing
ton was informed that he was not to be governed by his
councils — they might be assembled for consultation,
but he was not to be bound by their decision. This
placed Washington, for the first time, upon the foot
ing of the captains of Europe-rhe was responsible,
justly responsible, for every step of his array. Their
deeds were his.
Having so far permitted Washington to speak for
himself; because on hira and his array at this time the
Avhole weight of the publick dependence Avas restiug,

496 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
and because Ms letters were the only circumstantial
history of motives and plans, and hopes and fears —
other sources of information are now exposed to re
search, and itis no longer nece'ssary to follow the same
method. A more general view of the large features of
the revolution, will now succeed, occasionally inter
spersed with documents of the sarae character, occa
sional extracts only will be made from his orders and
letters, which will be sufficient for the expansion and
developement of the dangers through which the inde
pendence of America Avas to be achieved. They will
be so presented as to exhibit a connected view of the
transactions of the same period, in the several states,
within the smallest possible compass, that the whole
may be seen at one glance without confusion or delay.
But before this plan is entered upon, the remainder
of his despatch under the eighth of Septemher, Avill
be inserted.
" I ara sensible," he continues, " that with a re
treating array, encircled with difficulties — the declin
ing an engageraent, subjects a general to reproach,
and that the coraraon cause raay be effected by the dis-
courageraent it raay throw over the minds of many ;
nor am I insensible of the contrary effects, if a brilliant
stroke could be made with any probability of success,
especially after our loss upon Long Island. But when
the fate of America may be at stake on the issue ; when
the wisdom of cooler raoraents and experienced men,
have decided that we should protract the war, if pos
sible, I cannot think it safe or wise to adopt a differ
ent system, when the Season for action draws so near
a close." " That the enemy mean to winter at New-Tork,
there can be no dpubt ; that with such an ampunt they

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 497
can drive us out, is equally clear. The Congress
having resolved that it should not be destroyed, no
thing seems to remain but to determine the time of
their taking possession. It is our interest and wish to
prolong it as much as possible, provided the duty does
not affect our future raeasures."
" The militia of Connecticut is reduced from six
thousand, to less than two thousand, and in a few days
will be raerely norainal."
Such was the reasoning of Washington, on the
eighth of Septeraber. On the fifteenth the evacuation
took place, and the Araerican army encamped upon the
Heights of Haerlem, where he said he should A^ish
the enemy to attack hira, if any dependence could be
placed upon his troops. But experience had convin
ced hira of the contrary. They raight fight, for native
valour will sometimes unexpectedly blaze forth ; but
they could not be depended upon. They had no con
fidence in themselves, and little in their officers ; were
not accustomed to withstand the approach of an ene
my ; the whistling of balls, and the intimidating pa
rade of discipline. The bravest troops in the world
are but gradually trained to encounter danger ; the
most cowardly will soon learn, in actual service, to
stand fire and disregard every thing, but the bayonet.
The discharge of a musket, which at first is an object of
extreme terrour to him against whom it appears direct
ed, soon becomes an object of contempt. When the
soldier first receives the fire of an enemy's platoon, he
thinks every ball is dlTCcted at him ; in time he learns
that no individual is selected, and that the whole front
in which he is placed, is the target; that, instead of de
liberate, undisturbed aim, the ball is sent frora one in
trepidation, ou the march, aud directed at random ;
VOL. I, 63

498 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
or, without understanding the process by which his
safety is demonstrable, or Ms fears allayed, the most
unthinking soldier soon acquires as philosophical a
disregard of danger, as others do, who have reduced
the dangers of battle and probabilities of death to a
science ; and can deraonstrate, by the doctrine of chan
ces, that in modern battles, a soldier in the ranks is not
exposed to greater danger than he would be in wrest-
. ling and playing for amusement. It is extremly rare that
one in twenty is either killed or wounded ; and per
haps an average of the slain iu modern warfare, will
not exceed one in thirty. It is true that in cudgel play
ing and Avrestling, very few lives are lost ; but it is al
so true that both parties are injured more or less ; and
in battle there are at least nineteen out of twenty who
escape without any injury ; and of those who are
wounded, many are not more seriously so, than the
conquered party in these rustick arauseraents. War
is now reduced to a systera of raanoeuvres. It is ea
sier to outgeneral, and entrap an army, than to cut it
in pieces ; quite as advantageous, and by far, the less
dangerous. The early measures of defence adopted for the cam
paign of this year, by the Americans, were all on a
liraited scale ; and under the delusive hope of a re
conciliation. Until the Declaration of Independence,
there was by far the largest party who not only expect
ed, but prayed for a reconciliation. England was
their horae and by that affectionate term was always
spoken of. All the wrongs wMch were heaped upon
the children, could not raake them forget their horae,
or entirely alienate thera for their parent. The liga
ments that connect nations are never less powerful,
though less tender, than those which unite individuals.

AMEllICAN REVOLUTION, 499
families andclaus. Consanguinity, affinity, alliance ope
rate alike on each. Neither can be separated unless by
unnatural convulsions ; or the natural independence
ofthe more infirm, when it has outlived its childhood,
and arrived at age and power ; or by a terraination of
their political contract, by the destruction of one of the
parties — a gradual weakening of the bonds, and si
lent decay of reverence and affection.
The former of these cases, was that ofthe Colonies ;
they were in their infancy. The time of their raan
hood had not yet arrived, when they would naturally
be released from a kind of parental authority.
Yet such a tirae raust have arrived. The Colonies
must have been a nation at some age or other. Cau
ses might accelerate or retard her maturity ; but
when it had arrived, there would have been a silent
and imperceptible decay of their connecting bonds —
they would have been so attenuated by mutual repulsion
between the parent countiy and the Colonies, that the
moment of their final disruption, would have been felt
by neither; but now they were in their strength,
twined around every artery and muscle ; interwoven
with the whole political constitution of each, and were
only to be torn asunder by the convulsive struggles
of desperation.
The declaration of Independence was that convul
sion. It was the premature strength of a youthful
giantess, struggling against an attempt to iraprison
her lirabs. Oue raighty effort ! — and America arose
with the badges of her subjection dropping from her
form ; the chains of tyranny beneath her feet ; her
arms uplifted to heaven, aud her young bosom cover
ed with adamant, the armour of indignation. The
enthusiasm was electrick ; every nerve ofthe political

500 AMERICAN REVOLtJTlON.
body testifyed its sympathy with her presence, A
nation arose iii arms. But all this was not enough.
Soldiers are never made by enthusiasm — warriours
are made by nothing else. The less enthusiasm that
au array has in the ranks, the. better will it be qualified
for a long and disheartening struggle. The fiery intre
pidity of youth is terrible but brief. The cold cau
tious prudence of raanhood and old age, are the only
solid qualifications for a long war. Alexander would
never have conquered as he did, Avith other than old
men. The battle, Avhich is to be handed down from
father to son, froin generation to generation, is not to
be fought by the chivalrick spirits, which carried the
banners of republican France, through every kingdom
of Europe. Enthusiasra, is often irresistible in attack,
in the battles of a season, in a sumraer campaign ; but
is hopeless, desponding and desperate in defence and
retreat, through battle after battle, year after year. The
triumphs are brief and dazzling, but itburns too bright
ly, it consumes itself. The most terrible enthusiasm
is always the least enduring.
Such was the character of the Americans. When
they became a nation, they were ou fire with enter
prize. But they kncAv not that it was not their duty
lo propose great actions themselves ; it was only their
duty to prevent the eneray frora preparing thera. They
were the soldiers of a season ; it was therefore poli
tick to fill their rainds with ardour and enthusiasm,
although the. battle which began with the Declaration
of Independence, might be a perpetual entailment up
on their posterity. But it would have been otherwise,
had they been arrayed for the whole season of strife —
not to thrpw dowu their arms until the war was at an

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 501
end, then discipline, not enthusiasra, must have been
their most effective and formidable attribute.
The first troops were precipitately hurried into the
field, under their teraporary engageraents, operating
like an enlistment at will ; under officers so exactly
their equals, that one of them has been found shaving
his own men ; and it was a common practice for them
to club their pay and share it with the privates of their
regiment or company, and as might have been ex
pected, under such circumstances, were defeated. —
After their defeat, they hurried home with the same
precipitation. Yet, some of them became solders ;
the officers soon felt their pride in requisition, were
better paid, were more exposed to applause or cen
sure, were entitled to keep better company in the ar
my than they could expect at home, became unwilling
to retire from places of authority to their tranquil equa
lity, and generally remained when their troops with
drew. By this process of continual refinement, many
good, and some excellent officers were produced, par
ticularly among the higher ranks.
At length Congress were made to confess the full ex
tent ofthe mischiefs they had brought upon the country
by their miserable temporizing policy ; and on the six
teenth of September, passed a resolution for the imme
diate enlistment of eighty-eight battalions, to serve du
ring the war ; this resolution was afterwards, on the
twelfth of November, amended so as to perrait an
enlistraent for three years, or during the war. This
was the first measure of Congress, proportioned to
the question at issue. Indeed, its whole character
was vigorous and decided. A bounty of twenty dol
lars to privates and non-commissioned officers, was to'
be given, and land in the followirig proportipns. Was

503 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
offered to all who should serve out their enlistment :
five hundred acres to a Colonel ; four hundred aud
fifty to a Lieutenant Colonel ; four hundred to a Ma
jor ; three hundred to a Captain ; two hundred to a
Lieutenant ; one hundred and fifty to an Ensign ; and
one hundred to non-coramissioned officers and pri
vates. The appointraent of all, except general officers,
and the filling of vacancies was left to the state govern
ments. Each state was to provide arms and clothing
and every necessary for its quota, to be deducted from
the pay of the soldiers. The appointment was thus :
New-Hampshire, three battalions ; Massachusetts
Bay, fifteen ; Rhode Island, two ; Connecticut, eight :
New- York four ; New- Jersey, four ; Pennsylvania,
twelve ; Delaware one ; Maryland, eight ; Virginia,
fifteen ; North Carolina, nine ; South Carolina, six ;
Georgia, one.
On the twentieth of September, the anxiety and ear
nestness of Washington on this account, led him to
renew his expostulations in the following manner. It
is a raelancholy and painful consideration to those who
are concerned in the work and have the coramand, to
be forming arraies constantly, and to be left by troops
just Avlien they began to deserve the narae, or perhaps
at a moment Avhen an important blow is expected.^
This I am informed will be the case at Ticonderoara,
with part ofthe troops there."
On the twenty-fourth, the subject Avas renewed, in
another despatch from which an extract will be made
intheprogrees of the detail, but soraething that follows
respecting the distresses ofthe array, ought uot to be
omitted here."
" I would beg leave to mention to Congress" he
continues " that the season is fast approaching when

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 503
clothes of every kind will be wanted for the army. —
Their distress is already great, and will be increased,
as the weather becomes more severe. Our situation is
now bad, but it is much better thau that of the mili
tia who are coraing to join us from the states of Mas
sachusetts Bay and Connecticut, in consequence of
the requisition of Congress. They, I ara informed,
have not a single tent or necessary of any kind ; nor
can I conceive how it will be possible to support thera."
And in another place, he says " tliese Eastern re-in-
forceraents have not a single necessary, uot a pan pr
a kettle, in which we are now greatly deficient.
The despatch of the twenty-fourth, above alluded to
contains these words., " We are now as it were up
on the eve of another dissolution of an array. The re
membrance of the difficulties which happened upon the
occasion last year ; the consequences which might have
followed the change, if proper advantages had been
taken by the enemy, added to a knowledge of the
teraper and situation of the troops, reflect but a very
glooray prospect upon the appearance of things now,
and satisfy rae, beyond the possibility of doubt, that,
unless sorae speedy and effectual measures are adopt
ed by Congress, our cause will be lost."
The whole of the letter is the decent manly argu
ment of a soldier, who saw clearly all he expressed.
He urges an increase of pay — an enlistment for the
war, on any terms, as not only th§ most powerful and
certain, but the most economical raeans of defence. "To
bring raen to a proper degree of subordination, is npt
the work of a day, a raonth, or a year ; and unhappily
for us and the cause we are engaged in ; the littie dis
cipline I have been laboring to establish iu the army,
under my immediate command, is in a manner done

5.04 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
away, by having such a mixture of troops as have been
called together within theSe few months."
But, to return to the situation of the army. On the
day after the shameful retreat of the forces from Kipp's
Bay, a severe skirmish took place between two batta
lions of light infantry and Highlanders, with three com
panies of Hessian Chasseurs, (riflemen) commanded
by Brigadier General Leslie, and a detachment of
Araericans under Lt. Col. Knowlton of Connecticut
and Major Leech of Virginia. The Colonel in the
heat of the action received a mortal wound, and fell
at the head of his men. The Major received three
balls through his body. The Americans behaved
with adralrable coolness and resolution, and fairly
beat their adversaries by hard flghting. Their loss,
except in their gallant Colonel, Avas very inconsidera
ble ; about forty were wounded. The loss of the ene
ray, considering the nurabers engaged, was severe ;
amounting to nearly one hundred wounded.and tAven
ty killed. This little affair had a wonderful effect
upon the Americans. These were the very men, who,
but the day before had fled so shamefully at the first ap
proach of an enemy. They had feelings, and being de
termined to redeem their reputation^ or perish, offered
themselves as volunteers to encounter the enemy. —
The result shewed what might be expected frora the
rabble of the army, if they were once disciplined and
well officered. The affair was equally inspiriting
to the commander in chief His orders ofthe follovv
ing day contained a handsome notice ofthe brave fol
lowers, and an euergetick appeal to the manhood of
the whole army. Yet sometMng of the military spirit
Avas forgotten in aniraadverting on a remarkable fact,
that sorae ofthe inferiour officers had disobeyed his or-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 505
ders, and counteracted his schemes ; but with the best
intentions. Such a circumstance shows, unequivo
cally, in what a galling state of dependence he Avas
placed. At such a" critical moraent as this, he dared
not raake an exaraple of those who had disobeyed him,
because they had been victorious ; not even when it
was evident that, had they pursued his instructions,
the enemy would have suffered much more. To have
ealled a court raartial on them might have chilled the
ardour so new^ly kindled, and would have appeared to
the array as harshness or cruelty. Yet it was neces
sary, and should have been done. Exaraples were
wanted ; and there never was a better opportunity. A
court martial should have set upon every man engag
ed ; and, if they were convicted of disobedience, pun
ished thera. Let the precedent be proclairaed, and then
pardon them for their gallantry. The troops should
lie taught to see that they were punished for a violation
of military laws, and rewarded for doirig their duty.
They should be made to knoAv that it is more soldier
like to be conquered when doing their duty/ than to
conquer when acting against it. Examples of both
will be recollected. One of the nav^J Captains in
the time of Elizabeth, who Was stationed at a parti
cular post to watch the enemy, an^Fknew it Avas death
to disobey, receiving intelligence that the enemy were
sailing from an iinexpected/^uarter, abandoned his
cruizing ground to carry yihe information to his Ad
miral. The enemy w^re intercepted and captured.
The officer was sen* to London. " How dare you,"
said Elizabeth : "liow dare you disobey your orders?
You knew it Was death." " Your Majesty," said the
sailor, " I should be unworthy to coraraand in the Bri
tish navy, if I hesitated to risk my life for my coun-
VOL. I. 64

506 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
try." A court was called ; he was sentenced to death —
and immediately restored. By this judicious mea
sure no precedent was afforded for^disobedience. And
once, in Marlborough's array, a picket were found
nearly starved to death at a great distance from camp.
They had been ordered out, aud forgotten. When the
Coraraanding Officer was asked if he did not know
thatthe array had raarched, he answered, yes. Why
did you not follow, said the other — ^I had no orders,
said he. Such is the nature of true discipline. It is,
indeed, the glory and pride ofthe soldier.
It was discovered, on the day after this skirmish,
that a much larger number of the enemy were enga
ged, than had been supposed at the time. This gave
double aniraation to the conquerors. A charge had
been made and continued with such impetuosity, as
to drive the eneray entirely frora their ground ; but
the troops were iraraediately recalled, lest the eneray
should advance his reinforcements. It was afterwards
found that this was the case — a large body were on
their road, vvhen the Americans were withdrawn. The
troops engaged were chiefly New Englanders and Vir
ginians. The attack had beeu begun too soou by
part only, aud t& that circurastance their loss was chief
ly attributed. . The first party were afterwards rein
forced by apart of two Maryland regiments, and a de
tachraent from the eastern troops, who instantly charg
ed the enemy with their bayonets, with such fury as
to force thera through the wood in which they were
posted, to a plain, and were still furiously pushing up
on them when they were recalled.
Another attack was now to be expected on the main
army. It became evident, from the movements of the
enemy, that something important was meditated.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 507
Their cannon were advanced towards the American
ranks on the heights. Eight or nine ships of war ran
up the North River, as it was supposed, to cannonade
the right flank of the Americans, when the land bat
teries were opened in front.
The city had been taken possession of, immediate
ly after the evacuation, by a brigade of the royal ar
my. They had been there but a few days, when a flre
broke out at a place where a party of their sailors had
been frolicking, which spread with unexampled fury.
The buildings were then chiefly covered with shin
gles ; the weather had been extremely dry for sorae
days ; a strong southerly wind prevailed at the tirae ;
and it broke out about one o'clpck in the raorning, at
a season when the town was alraost empty of its ci
tizens — and the engines and pumps were chiefly out
of order. About one thousand buildings were destroy
ed, and but for the exertions of the sailors and sol
diers with engines from the fleet, the whole city must
have been reduced to ashes.
There were reports at the tirae that the fire appear-
peared at the same moraent in different quarters of the
town; but this was afterwards contradicted ; and the
calamity was commonly ascribed tothe disorderly con
duct of the sailors. Happening as it did — so imme
diately after Washington had made its destruction a
subject of inquiry in Congress : alraost recoraraend-
ing the raeasure to Congress — the circumstance of its
having been delayed till after the enemy bad taken
possession of it, could not of itself be sufficient to de
stroy the presumption that it was done by the Ameri
cans. It is now, perhaps, too late to determine the
question — ^but this will be conceded by all : that if it
had been destroyed by Congress, it Avould not have

508 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
been avowed at the tirae, aud probably never after
wards. The local jealousies and prejudices of the different
Provincials had now arrived at such a state of bitter
ness and acrimony, that it was believed , the New En
gland and Pennsylvania troops would as willingly
fight each other as the enemy ; while the disorders of
the camp, and general licentiousuess of the men, ex
ceeded all belief. Many of the regimental Surgeons
were in the daily practice of selling recommendations
for furloughs aud discharges for one shilling per man.
One of the suspected nuraber was arraigned, and ac
tually convicted of having sold thera for six pence ;
but instead of being hung up as a mark of the most
shameless villainy, forthe abhorrence of the whole ar
my, he was civilly drummed out pf the camp.
Several of the regimental Surgeons had never seen
an operation performed, and were ignorant to a de
gree, that would never be credited iu these days. And
even those whohad abilities, experience, and practice ;.
and were otherwise qualified, were deficient in ithe most
necessary instruments. A general return was order
ed ; and it appeared that in fifteen regiments for flf
teen Surgeons and as many Mates, all the instruments,
and they were private property, were six sets for am
putation ; two for trepanning ; fifteen cases for the
pocket; seventy five crooked and six straight needles;
four incision knives and three pairs of forceps for ex
tracting balls. Such a deficiency in one .department,
and that so important as the hospital, will enable us
to judge of that in all the others.
While the American army thus occupied the extre
mity of the island, in constant expectation of au at
tack, with troops so ill calculated, frora the discour-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 509
aging circumstances partially enumerated above, to
resist it, an attempt was made by a small party under
Colonel Jackson on one of the British outposts upon
Mutineer Island. The jiarty, with two pieces of can
non, descended Haerlem River in five flat bottomed
boats, about five in the morning. The post was guard
ed by only eighty raen. One of the boats, as they ap
proached, was fired upou by the Brune frigatej at an
chor near the island, and sunk. The Colonel land
ed, attacked the party with great spirit, but was wound
ed, deserted by his troops and compelled to retreat
with the loss of a gallant officer, and two and twenty
men. About four weeks afterthe evacuation, outhe twelfth
of October, General Howe having matured his plan
for cutting off the comraunication between the Eastern
States and the American army, began an attempt tp
enclose thera and bring on a general engageraent. This
very step raight have been taken a full month earlier,
under greater advantages, if the account of his force and
supplies may be relied upon ; but General Howe was
also a cautious, extremely cautious commander 
With this view the major part of the array passed
through Hurl Gate, entered the Sound, and landed on
Troy's Neck, in West Chester County, on the 13th
of October. Two days after this movement, General
Lee arrived from the Southern departraent : he had
been anxiously expected, and his arrival was hailed
by the Whole army as a most auspicious event. His
success at the South, and his being a foreigner, were
sufficieut to excite such feelings in raw troops, had his
abilities and reputation been thrown entirely out of
the question. The eutire effective force of the- Arae
ricans, including militia, may be estimated at the time

SIO AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
of his arrival, with rauch certainty, at nineteen thou
sand. The whole army were looking for his presence
as the signal of battle. He found a prevailing inclina
tion among the superiour officers to remain on the is
land, which he endeavoured to counteract by his ut
most efforts, urging with some degree of veheraeuce,
the necessity of an instant removal to East or West
Chester. A number of regiments had been sent away some
days before, to delay the operations of the enemy :
and it was so effectually done, that the royal army had
spent six days at this most critical season in attempt
ing to land on the continent over a broken causeway,
when there were many other places where it might
have been effected without difficulty or molestation.
In the mean time, the second division of foreign
troops had arrived at New York ; there were seven
ty sail, with four thousand Hessians, one thousand
Waldeckers, two corapanies of chasseurs, or riflemen,
two hundred English recruits and two thousand bag
gage horses. They had left St. Helen's June 38th,
were driven into Plymouth July 7th, and there detain
ed tillthe 19th. By this reinforcement. Sir William
Howe's force was encreased to thirty seven thousand
men ; he immediately determined on a more vigorous
exertion of his power, and had already begun a new
system of operations at the moment of General Lee's
aiTival in the American camp.
The remonstrances ofthis General had this effect : a
council of war was called on the 16th of October, when
by a manly and frank exposure of their perilous situa
tion ; the enemy having the command of the water on
both sides of them ; a strong force in their front and
rear ; and the only chance of retreat left being by a

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 511
bridge, which they must pass immediately. Or be en
tirely enclosed — a resolution was obtained for the com
plete and instant evacuation of the whole island. —
General Lee also recomraended, and even urged with
earnestness the abandonment of Fort Washington ;
but in this raeasure, he was opposed by the steadiness
of General Greene, who contended that the possession
of that post would divert a large portion of the enemy
from acting with the raain body; and in conjunction
with fort Lee, on the Jersey side, would be of the ut
most service in covering the transportation of provi
sions and stores up the North River, for the use of
the American army. He added, further, that the gar
rison could be brought off at any time by boats frora
the Jersey side, andhis opinion prevailed. It is known
however, that Washington was with those who wished
to abandon this post, which so materially contributed
tothe subsequent disasters of the army. The system of
defence, evacuation and retreat was therefore adopted
in its fullest extent, as a general plan, and as a flrst
step, the garrison of Fort WasMngton, amounting to
three thousand, were left at the mercy of the enemy.
General Howe was at length ready to strike the
long meditated blow. After posting Lord Percy with
two brigades of British, and one of Hessian troops,
amounting to about five thousand, in the lines near
Haerlem, to protect New- York from the garrison at
Fort Washington, and a delay, of six days already
mentioned, atTroy'sNeck, advanced to the vicinity of
New Rochelle, ou the eighteenth of October. On their
march they were constantly annoyed by a party of
Americans, whom General Lee had posted behind a
wall. Their advance was twice repulsed, aud the
Americans did not quit their post till the British threw

513 AMERICAN REVOLUTION
their whole force into solid colurans, when they gave
their several vollies, and retreated, as they had been
ordered. The Americans had a small number kill
ed and about sixty wounded, but the lossof the enemy
was much more severe, being unprotected and constant
ly manoeuvering. On the 31st, General Howe moved
Ms right and centre two railes to the northward of
NeAV Rochelle, on the road to the White Plains,
Avhere he received, on the 33d, a large reinforceraent
of Hessians and Waldeckers, under General Knyp
hausen. Owing to the distressing scarcity of wagon and ar
tillery horses in the American army, the removal of
their baggage was painful, laborious, and sluggish in
the extrerae. The few tearas that could be obtained
were utterly inadequate to the purpose, and the de
ficiency could only be supplied by the labour of the
soldiers, who toiled night and day at the artillery and
baggage. During the retreat. General Washington
constantly presented a front to the enemy, extending
from East Chester nearly to the White Plains, on the
Eastern side of the high way. This effectually pro
tected the rear, which was uncomraonly encumbered
Avith the sick, cannon, and stores of the army, and pre
vented, what was most to be feared, their being out
flanked. The line then presented a chain of small,
entrenched and unconnected camps, occupying suc
cessively every height and rising ground, from Valen
tine's Hill, about a mile from Kingsbridge, on the
right, and extending alraost to the White Plains, on
the left.
Soraelittleskirmishingtook place during the march,
the result of which served to inspirit the Americans.
Tha most trivial circumstances are not disregarded on

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 513
occasions of despondency. A small party of Colonel
Hand's riflemen, about two hundred and forty, enga
ged a detachment of Hessian chasseurs, and drove
them in. The former had one raan mortally wounded,
but the Hessians left ten dead on the field. An attempt
was made to cut off a regiment of the enemy which
had been advanced to Momaris Neck. The expedi
tion was entrusted to Colonel Hazlet, but did not suc
ceed tothe extent that hadbeen anticipated. The Ame
rican advance under Colonel Greene of Virginia, fell
in with their outguard and brought off thirty six per
sons, sixty muskets, and some blankets. The number
of the enemy's killed could not be certainly known ;
it was said that twenty five were counted; but the
American loss was two killed, and ten or twelve
wounded, among whom was Colonel Greene, danger
ously. The royal army, enabled by their facilities for tran
sportation, to raove with greater freedom and celeri
ty than the Americans, advanced on the 35th of Oc
tober, and took a strong position with the Bronx in
front. The latter imraediately raade a correspondent
movement, broke up their line of detached camps, left
a corps for the protection of Kingsbridge, and concen
trated their whole strength in the White Plains, be
hind the entrenchments previously thrown up by their
advance. In this position. General Howe having con
suraraated his plan for bringing his cautious advance
to a decisive action, advanced against the Araeri
cans on the 38th in twooolumns ; his left under Gene
ral Heisler. Before noon the American advance par
ties were driven in, and the enemy formed with his
right upon the road to Momarioneck, about a mile
frora the American centre ; and with his left upou the
VOL, I. 65

514 AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
feronx, about the same distance from the right flank
of the American entrench ments.
General M'Dougall, with sixteen hundred men, had
been adyancedby Washington, to a commanding emi
nence, separated from the right flank of the Americans
by the Bronx, which by its windings, prutected him
from the left ofthe Royal force: Arid General Leslie with
the second British Brigade ; the Hessiari Grenadiers,
under Colonel Donop, and a battalion of Hessian in
fantry were ordered onthe twenty-eighth to dislodge
him. With this view, a brigade ofthe Hessians, ffn-,
der Colonel Rhal, passed the Bronx, and while the
other troops assailed General M'Dougall in front,
gained a position which enabled them to annoy his
flank. The hill, however, was defended against this
force and twelve pieces of artillery, for more than an
hour, though General M'Dougall was deserted by two
thirds of his men ; four whole regiments of militia had
abandoned him in the comraencementof the action, at
the approach of a sraall body of light horse, npt ex
ceeding two hundred and flfty.
During this attempt to dislodge General M'Dougallj \
the American baggage was moved off in full view of
the British army ; and a scattering fire was continued
alpng the adjoining walls and enclosures. The Ame
ricans lost forty-seven killed and seventy wounded,
and by a return said to have been found on the field,
a coramon expedient with the Americans at this time,
for discovering the superior loss ofthe British, that of
the enemy was said to have been ten officers, inclu
ding Colonel Leslie, and one hundred and forty-three
privates killed and wounded. From the advantage
of pPsition, possessed by the Araericans, there seems

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. ^^
to be nothing unreasonable in allowing so sir-* * P''
portion. Soon after this, the Hes.sian grei)-'''*"® ^^'""^ "J<>ved
forward, within reach ofthe ^^^^c^n cannon ; Avith
the second British brigade ''¦ '^"^^'" iieai'va.nd tAvo Hes
sian brigades on the lef*'* **'^ second ; the eighth and
centre maintain'ina: '^'^"' ground. In this positipn, the
whole royal 3 "''J l^J 'iP*''^ tl'^i"" arms, irapatiently
waiting fo- 'he left to raake their attack. But during
the "'gflt, Washington changed his front ; his left kept
jjB post, while his right fell back and occupied a range
of hills. In this admirable position, Avith his works
encreased apd strengthened, he Avas prepared and
wished to receive the enemy. But Sir William Howe,
was too Avary to assail hira, and on the twenty-ninth,
after an ineffectual atterapt to dislodge a small force
under Colonel Glover, from a hill he had occupied,
drew off his army towards Dobb's Fferry, determin
ing, p,s he said, to defer a general action until a rein
forcement, which was hourly expected under JEarl
Percy, who had been left to watch the garrison at
Fort Washington ; and the Americans filed off' in a
north eastern direction.
General Howe, it is said, was afterwards asked
by General Lee, while a prisoner, why he did not at
tack Washington at this time ? His reply was that
he had formed a second line. But the American de-
cipline was so defective, and the difficulty with which
new troops resist tbe contagion of a panick, so great,
that it was thought, if Geneial Howe' had made the at
tempt, and broken the first litoe, the second Would pro
bably have been thrown into confusion. To such spe
culations, it ia enough to reply, tiiat General Wash
ington knew his men, and v\^ished for the attack.

"*" , AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
At theX^ ^j^g engagement between General Les
lie and Gengi. i^^Dougall, while the American bag
gage was moving*^ General Lee severely condemned
the manner in which v „ ^.^nerican array were drawn
up. He declared that, it x.„ pnemy should attack the
centre and bring on a genera^^^jg^gement, the Arae
ricans raust meet with a total deK+ q^ logg all their
baggage, with all the labour and e^^^..^^ iust incur
red in procuring new means of transportatii>^ gut ^jie
precautions of Washington were altogether dirt«ted
to another object, he had no fears on this account; hi?
operations were constantly made tO prevent the enemy
from outflanking hira. The question can only be de
cided by railitary raen, with an exact knowledge of all
the circumstances at the time ; and the railitary char
acter of Washington, raay be safely put against that
of General Lee, in the issue. Washington was cool,
prudent and collected, Lee headstrong, impetuous
and daring. The former was the best soldier to keep
a country ; the latter the best to win it. And here
was no country to be won but kept ; it was exclusive
ly a war of defence.
The Araerican loss during these evolutions and skir
mishings was very inconsiderable. A few privates
and four officers only were taken by the enemy. At
first, it was apprehended to be much more severe ; but
the missing militia were constantly returning to camp
after their terrour, had abated. A few prisoners, and
among them a smaV\ nuraber of Hessians and Wal
deckers, who testified soiae astonishment when they
found they wei-e to be neithes tortured nor scalped,
when captured by the Americans.
The reinforcement under Lord Percyarrived • and
General ^owe determined to attack Washington ih

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 517
his trenches. Preparations were made for the evening
of the thirty-first, but a heavy rain delayed the at
tempt beyond the appointed hour, and it was after
wards postponed, although the day was serene.
A deserter during the same day to the Americans,
gave Washington intelligence of this design, and in
the course of the following night, he withdrew his
troops — totally abandoned his camp, and on the morn
ing of Noveraber first, occupied the high grounds in
North Castle District, about two railes distant, leav
ing a strong rear in the woods and on the heights at
White Plains. So soon as this was known to the Bri
tish General, he ordered this corps to be aaacked,
but again he was prevented frora effecting his purpose
by a violent rain. The town of White Plains vvas set
on fire by their rear guard, with all the forage near
the lines, and entirely consuraed. The above mea
sure in the bitternelss of party aniraosity, was charged
to the Araerican Comraander, but it became evident,
afterwards, that the burning ofthe village was wholly
owing to the misconduct of Colonel Austin, from Mas
sachusetts. After these manoeuvres, Washington, with part of
his army, crossed the North River, and took a posi
tion on the Jersey side, near Fort Lee, opposite Fort
Washington, leaving seven thousand five hundred
raen under General Lee, at North Castle.
General Howe presuraing that Washington could
not be drawn into an engagenient, on the fifth of No
vember, abandoned all his works in the American
front, and made an unexpected movement towards the
North River. " The design of this manceuvre," says
Washington in his despatch of the sixth, " is a raatter
of much conjecture and speculation, and cannot be

518 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
accounted for with any degree of certainty. The
grounds we had taken possession of were strong and
advantageous, and such as they could not have gained
without much loss of blood, in case an attempt had
been made. I had taken every possible precaution to
prevent their outflanking us ; which may have led to
the present raeasure. They raay still have in view
tlrtjir original plan, and by a sudden wheel, try to ac
complish it. Detachraents are constantly out to ob
serve their raotions, and to harrass them as rauch,as
possible." " In respect to myself," he continues, after some
others remarks, " I cannot indulge an idea that Ge
neral Howe supposing he is going to New- York,
means to close the campaign aud sit down without at
tempting something more. I think it highly probable
and almost certain, that he will make a descent with
part of his troops into Jersey : and as soon as I ara
satisfied that the present manceuvre is real and not a
feint, I shall use every means in my poAver to forward
a part of our force to counteract his designs ; nor shall
I be disappointed if he sends a detachment to the
southward, for the purpose of making a winter cam
paign." About this tirae too. Sir Williara Howe had as
sembled a number of transports at Red Hook, with
three thousand troops, with a design of visiting Rhode
Island. There was no observed secrecy in the trans
action, and perhaps from' that very reason, it was be
lieved by Washington to be destined to that part of
the couutry, for he seems to have regarded it as the
first step to a southern expedition.
" In another place" under the sarae date, he says
" I expect the enemy, will send their force against

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 519
Fort Washington, and invest it immediately." And
this, it soon appeared was the real design ofthe raove
raent raade by Sir Williara Howe. General Knyp
hausen had already been advanced to secure the
heights, in the neighbourhood of Kingsbridge, the mo
raent they Avere evacuated by the Americans, Avho
withdrew to Fort WasMngton. In the mean time se
veral ships, disregarding all the obstructions in the
North River, had ascended it ; a circumstance calling
imperiously on the Americans to change their plans of
^1^ defence, aud prepare for some new and important en
terprise of their enemy. On the eighth, Washington
in writing to General Green, mentioned tliis circum
stance, and expressed an opinion decidedly against
longer hazarding at Fort Washington, but giving no
positive orders for its evacuation, as the character of
General Greene, who was on the spot, made it justili-
able to leave hira with a discretionary power, either
of abandoning it, or defending it to the last extreralty.
Tpthis General Greene replied, that he did not thinks
the garrison in any danger ; they could be brought off
at pleasure, were very useful iu diverting a large force
from the main body of the enemy. " This post" said
he, speaking of Fort Lee, from which Washington
had recomraended an iraraediate removal of the stores,
" is of no importance only in conjunction with JVIount
Washington. I was over there last evening, and the
enemy seera to be disposing matters to besiege the
place. Colonel Morgan, (the commander at Fort
Washington,) thinks it will take them till December
expires, before they can carry it. If the enemy do
not find it au object of importance, they will not trou
ble themselves about it ; if they do, it is a full proof
that they feel an injury from our ppssessing it. Our

530 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
giving it up will open a free comraunication With the
couutry, byway of Kingsbridge, that must be a great
advantage to them and injury, to us."
Injustice to the reputation of this able officer, that
his reasons raight be seen for persisting to raaintain
this post, from which such disastrous consequences en
sued, the above extract is faithfully given.
While Sir William Howe was thus taking advan
tage of the absence of the commander in chief and
General Lee, for the reduction of this important post,
the former crossed the North River and took the po
sition previously mentioned, near Fort Lee. As the
dissolution of the Araerican array was now approach
ing, with the end of the year, and one body of three
thousand raen were within three days of their dis
charge, he applied to Massachusetts for four thousand
militia, aud General Lee on the sixteenth, addressed
those whose terras of service had expired, with the Ut
raost earnestness — appealed to their feelings as raen,
as soldiers, on whose conduct the very salvation pf
their country was at stake, not to desert hira at so cri
tical a raoment, but all in vain. They abandoned the
army, leaving only General Lincoln, with one hun
dred and flfty of their nuraber.
On the flfteenth, the rOyal array approached Mount
Washington, and sent a summons to Colonel Mor
gan ; to which he replied that the post should be de
fended to the last extremity. Intelligence of this was
carried to Washington ; he repaired to Fort Lee, and
had nearly crossed the North River, for the purpose
of aiding in the defence, when he met General Greene
and General Putnam returning ; they informed Mm
that the troops were in high spirits, and would raake
a gallant defence — it was late in the evening, he re-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 531
turned. At this time the garrison might have been
withdrawn— there was a misgiving in the mind of
Washington : but even he did not believe the danger
so imminent that a night was, to determine the fate of
the garrison.
On the following day, November 16 th, the royal
army advanced against the post in four different points.
WhUe the enemy were approaching. Generals Wash
ington, Putnam, Greene, and Colonel Knox, with their
Aids, had crossed the river, and were hastening to the
fort, when a sudden sense of their imprudence, fortu
nately induced thera to return.
The first attack on the north side was conduct
ed by General Knyphausen, at the head of two co
lurans of Hessians and Waldeckers. The second, ou
the eastern side, was made by two battalions of guards,
supported by Lord Cornwallis, with a body of grena
diers and the thirty third regiment. These two parties
crossed Haerlem Creek, in boats, and landed on the
American right. The third attack, meant as a feint,
was conducted by Lieutenant Colonel Stirling, Avith
the forty second. The fourth division was under Lord
Percy, with Ms relnforceraents from the .south of the
island. Each party was supported by a powerful and
well served artillery.
The party under General Knyphausen was com
pelled to pass through a thick wood, where a regi
ment of riflemen under Colonel Rawling were posted.
Between these parties an action iraraediately com
menced, which was continued vvith unexampled spi
rit until the Hessians had lost a great nuraber of their
meu. In the mean time, a body of the British light infan
try advanced against a party of Americans, who were
VOL. I. 66

533 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
posted upon a steep and almost inaccessible eminence,
which poured a very destructive fire frgm behind the
rocks and trees; and after suffering severely, drove
them from their position, and thus secured the lauding
of the raain body.
Lord Percy carried an advanced work on his side;
and Colonel Stirling, with the forty second, aud two
battalions of the second brigade, effected a landing pn
the left of the Araerican lines, forced his way to the
surarait of a steep hill, took one hundred and seventy
prisoners, and then crossed the island. A detatchment
from the Araerican flying camp, who were stationed
upon the lines, abandoned them after a slight resist
ance, and crowded tumultuously within the fort; into
which, also. Colonel Magaw had determined to tlirow
himself, when thus he saw the lines forsaken.
In the mean tirae. Colonel Rhal, who led the right
column of Knyphausen's attack, pushed forward and
lodged his troops within one hundred yards of the
fort, where he was soon joined by the left column. A
sumraons was then repeated, and the garrison surren
dered as prisoners of war; the officers keeping their
side arras and baggage. The total loss of the British
has been represented, but very erroneously, at twelve
hundred. In a letter of November 31st, it is there sta
ted by Washingtou hiraself, as coraraunicated by Co
lonel Cadwallader, who was paroled — That of the
Hessians, about three hundred privates and twenty
seven officers were killed and wounded : about forty
of the British troops and two or three officers. No pri
soners, of course, were taken : and the total, instead
of twelve hundred, was only three hundred and seven
ty. That of the gainers, the same letter says, " was

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 533
very inconsiderable ;" but does not mention the num
ber. The number of prisoners taken in the fort has been
generally stated at about twenty seven hundred, and
from that to three thousand : if to the forraer be ad
ded those whicii had been previously captured by
Colonel Stirling, the total will araount to twenty eight
hundred and seventy, which reduces the difference to
a very inconsiderable nuraber : but there is yet sorae
thing inexplicable in the whole account. On the 35th
of October Washington states, in his despatch of that
day, that there vvere fourteen hundred at Fort Wash
ington, and six hundred at Kingsbridge. These were
afterwards united, and amounted to only two thou
sand. And again on the 16th of Noveraber, the ve
ry day after the eneray appeared before the Fort,
Washington writes thus. " When the army moved up
in consequence of General Howe's landing at Frog
Point, Colonel Magaw was left in that coraraand, with
about twelve hundred raen, and orders given to defend
it to the last :" then, after observing that he had coun
termanded these orders, and left the defence entirely
to General Greene, he proceeds—" General Greene,
struck with the importance of the post, and the dis
couragement which our evacuation of posts must ne
cessarily have given, reinforced Colonel Magaw with
detachments from several regiments of the flying camp,
but chiefly of Pennsylvania, so as to make up tbeir
nuraber about two thousand." Another circurastance
which contributes to the proof that the garrison amount
ed to only two, instead of three thousand, is this :—
the letter from which the last extract is taken, is offi
cial, and was not written until the garrison had sur
rendered ; at which tune it cannot be 'supposed that

534 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Washington was so ignorant of its force, as to esti
mate it at one thousand men less than the truth.
The letter continues : " Early this morning Colo
nel Magaw posted his troops partly in the lines thrown
up by our army, on our first coming thither frora
New York, and partly on a coraraanding hill lying
north of Mount Washington. In this position the at
tack began about ten o'clock, which our troops stood
aud returned the fire in such a raanner as gave rae
great hopes the eneray were entirely repulsed. But
at this tirae a body of troops crossed Haerlem river in
boats, aud landed inside ofthe second lines, our troops
being then engaged in the first.
" Colonel Cadwallader, who coinmanded in the
lines, sent off a detachment to oppose them ; but they,
being overpowered by nurabers, gave way ; upon which
Colonel Cadwallader ordered his troops to retreat in
order to gain the fort. It was done with rauch con
fusion ; and the eneray crossing over, carae upon them
in such a manner that a number ofthem surrendered.
" At this time the Hessians advanced on the north
side of the fort in very large bodies. They were re
ceived by the troops posted there with proper spirit,
and kept back a considerable time ; but at length,
they were also obliged to subrait to a superiority of
nurabers, and retire under tbe cannon of the fort."
Washington then concludes, after raentioning that
the garrison had surrendered prisoners of war, and
that he had sent a billet to the coraraanding officer di
recting him to hold out until evening, when he should
be brought off; but which arrived too late, as the trea
ty was concluded so far that he could not retract — iu
these words : " The loss of such a number of officers
and men, many of whom have been trained with more

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 535
than common attention, will, I fear, be sorely felt."
And this is all he says of an event vvhich shook the
whole continent ofAmerica; an event which in its con
sequences reduced the hopes ofthe country to despon
dency. On the day of the attack General Greene and sorae
other officers united to undertake the defence of the
fort. The forraer censured Colonel Magaw for suf
fering the troops to crowd into the fort, when they
abandoned the lines, instead of ordering them to the
brow ofthe hill facing the north, to encounter the Hes
sians ; and was of opinion, further, that if they had
been so posted, the royal army might have been kept
at bay" till night, when the troops could have been
brought off. There can be little question that if Ge
neral Greene had been in command at the time, that
a more resolute defence would have been raadej aud if
the enemy hadnot beeu repulsed, he would have main-
taiued his position, at all hazards for one night, which
might hav« saved the garrison.
From the position in which Washington was plac
ed, he could distinctly see his soldiers bayonetted,
while upon their knees, with their hands uplifted, and
even at that hour, great as must have been his anxie
ty, when the fate of so important a post was at stake,
the feelings of the man were as conspicuous as those
of the soldier. It is said, he was affected with the
butchery even to tears : and General Lee, to Avhora
the fate of the post vvas sent by express, so far for
got the natural aud unbending stateliness of his cha
racter, as to burst into the raost passionate exclaraa-
tions, accompanied also with tears. It was indeed a
terrible blow. Even on the 19th, he had not recover
ed his composure ; for he Wrote thus to Washington

536 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
on that day—" Oh General, why would you be over-
persuaded by men of inferiour judgment to your' own ?
It was a cursed affair!" The defence of the post had
always appeared impossible to this eccentrick man.
The moment he was told that it was determined to
maintain it, he exclaimed, "then Ave are undone!"
See I. Wilkinson's Memoirs, 108, for a letter of Ms
to General Gates, in which he says, " Entre nous, a
certain great man is damnably deficient."
Fort Washingtou being reduced, the whole energy
of Sir William Howe was directed immediately against
Fort Lee. This is situated upon a narrow neck of
land about ten miles in extent, with the North River
ou one side, and the Hackinsack, and the English
Neighbourhood, one of its branches, on the other side;
neither of which were fordable near the works. This
neck joins the main land nearly opposite the corarau
nication between the North and East Rivers, at Kings-
bridge. It had always been regarded as an append-^
age to Fort Washington, and after the fall of that,
every effort had been making to recover the stores, ar
tillery, and araraunition ; the last of which was com
pletely effected, butthe other fell into the hands of the
y enemy. It was not intended to withstand the enemy
for an hour ; preparations for abandoning were alrea
dy on foot, when onthe 15th of November, in the morn
ing. Lord Cornwallis, Avith the first and second bat
talions of light infantiy ; two companies of chasseurs;
two battalions of British and two of Hessian grena
diers ; tvvo battalions of guards, and the thirty third
aud fifty second regiraents, passed through this corarau -
nication in boats, and landed between Dobb's Ferry
and Fort Lee, about a ralle and a half from the English
neighbourhood. Au account of this moveraent was

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 537
brought to General Greene, while iu bed. An imme
diate evacuation was resolved upon. The garrison
were directed to gain the English Neighbourhood,
which would secure their retreat ; and an express was
dispatched to Washington at the Hackinsack town.
The main body were drawu up in front of the enemy,
so as to secure the bridge, and Washington took cora
mand of thera, while General Greene returned to se
cure the reraainder, and collect the stragglers, which
was happily effected. In the mean time the enemy,
as soon as he had gained the high ground in his front,
formed, and advanced against the fort, extending them
selves in their progress, to seize on the passes over
the river.
By the decisive movement ofthe euergetick Greene,
much was done to counteract the evil impressions
against him for the share he had in the loss of the
garrison at the other fort, and the garrison was snatch
ed frora the enemy when alraost within Ms reach ; with
the loss, it is true, of all their artillery, then a most
important consideration ; a quantity of tents which
could not be replaced, and some stores ; with ninety
nine privates and six officers taken by the enemy.
The purpose of Lord Cornwallis was to throw his
troops across, from the place of landing, so far as the
Hackinsack bridge, which would have enclosed the
garrison between the North and Hackinsack rivers,
where they must have fallen speedily, by some means
or other ; by land or water ; as it had already been
demonstrated that the obstructions in the North River
could not prevent the passage of ships. It was, in
deed, a critical raoraent. «
Lord Cornwallis might have effected his purpose
vvith much greater facility than Greene could have

538 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
prevented him : His Lordship was within a mile and
a half of tbe field ; and it was four miles frora the
fort to the road approaching the head of the English
Neighbourhood, when Greene amused his Lordship
by maneeuvering Ms troops as if for battle, till Wash
ington had secured the bridge over the Hackinsack.
The attention of Congress had, at intervals, from
their first asserably, beeu strongly directed to the im
portance of a navy. There were those among the
Americans who remembered that their adversary had
once been as helpless as themselves in that raost im
portant engine of warfare, to a maritime people ; and
how formidable she had became, solely on account of
her navy. They reflected that the materials vvere all
within their reach ; and that their extensive sea coast
and innumerable harbours at the sarae time would fur
nish a navy with employment, and protection. It is not
to be supposed that, at that very early period, they saw
all the advantages of a navy. What was then specur
lation, has since become fact ; what was then prophe
cy, has in late days been fulfllled. But even specu
lation and prophecy did not then imagine or predict
such facts as have since occurred to demonstrate the
indispensable importance of a navy to Anierica.
They had then little experience, were impressed with
respect for that of Great Britain, and had little leisure
to reflect upon, or investigate the subject properly. It
was seen that, although not an island, America was
only to be approached hy water ; that, although she
might never be able to barricade her coast with a line
of battle ships ; or entrench her whole frontier be
hind her wooden walls, she was yet invTilnerable, if
she could defend her shores ; that ships can only be
fought by ships, that the most valuable commerce of

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 539
Great Britain was at the mercy of the Americans 
and could ouly be protected by convoys as numerous
as their merchantmen; that America ought not to
strive in battle with her enemy on the waters ; that
she wanted no fieets — rio navy for disputing the em
pire of the ocean, but a few swift sailers, that could
run or fight at pleasure.
With these considerations operating upon Con
gress, a naval coraraittee after repeated propositions
and consultations produced a report which terminat
ed on the twentieth of Npvember, in a resolution for
the immediate building and equipment of three se
venty-fours, five thirty-six gun frigates, and one
eighteen gun brig, to be built in Massachusetts,
New Harapshire, Pennsylvania, Virginia and Mary
land. On the 33d of Noveraber, General Washington,
retreated to Newark, New Jersey, where his whole
force, on being raustered, was found to be only three
thousand five hundred raen. His troops had aban-
.doned hira in whole companies ou his raarch : a
heavy despondency lay upon the hearts of the whole
pepple of Araerica. Yet, threatening as were the pros
pects of the future; gloomy as was the present; he stood
amid the dreadful calra, as if fully anticipating the
storm that was to burst upon him, and feeling that it
was not to be avoided, but met.. Were it for Mm to
disarm it of its terrours, it had been done ; but it was
impossible. America was not to be sheltered from
the tempest ; but with the sublimity of great minds iu
adversity he looked forward with the hope of rescu
ing something frora the wreck. There were heights
in America, yet inaccessible to the enemy ; ramparts
that vvere not to be storraed by the soldiers ofthe
VOL. r. Q7

530 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
earth: He could abandon the shores of his countiy
, — retreat to her mountains with a few faithful follow
ers, and there amid clouds and snovvs, hang out tlife
banner of his America, in defiance to her oppressors.
" Where liberty was,Jhere was his country;" he ifelt
himself wedded to her fate and was her appointed cham
pion. It was not at this nor at that side of a river;
it was not on the mountain or inthe valley ; the city or
the wilderness that he cared'to dwell;— -it was Where
man w^alked erect; stood upright before his Maker
—the . pathless A?vood, the mountain and the desert
Were places of refuge provided, by heaven itself, for
the great and good. There in the last hold of liberty
he would be found at bay by his hunters.
Whither shall we go? said he at this tirae to a
favourite officer— if we retreat to the back parts of
Pennsylvania, will the JPennsylvanians support us?
That officer saw nothing but discouragement, — " If
the lower counties," said he, in reply, "are sub
dued and abandon our course, the back counties
will do the same." Washington was silent for a
moment — the raemory of what he was, of what he
might have been with soldiers worthy of him, came
over his spirit, and he vvas disturbed ; but only for a
raoraent ; collecting all the force of his character,
embodying Ms whole soul in one sentence, which
ought never to be forgotten, he added, " vve raust
retire to Virginia — nurabers will repair to us for safe
ty ; we raust carry on a predatory war, and if over-
ppwered we raust cross the Alleghanies."
What a spirit was there ! what should a country
despair of from a chief, who with all the inflexibility
of the Roman had not Ms weakness — would not offer

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 631
himself at the threshold of the temple— would not
perish with the liberties of his country ; but dared to
survive them, "and if befell. Would fall not at the en
trance, but within the deepest recesses of the sanctu
ary, grasping the horns of the altar. He would not
desert the hopes of his country during the earliest ce
remonies of their sepulture, but would watch round
them for some propitious hour, when they should
burst their cemetery and reappear in more awful sub
limity and potency.
During the whole of his life ; during the whole of
the revolution when the raaster spirits of their racie
buckled ou their arraour and carae forth in their
strength ; when the feeble dropped aAvay, and the
strong were scattered, and when only the mightiest
survived the trial, there was never a sentiment utter
ed so worthy of America.
Hitherto ithe enemy had seen Washington, with
the remnant of a disorderly rabble, vainly strug
gling to repress his own generous feelings, to hide
the anguish of a soldier, and they alraost pitied hira.
Hitherto his countiymen had seen him in retreat —
the enemy hanging on his footsteps — turning on his
pursuers iu desperation — struggling with thera when
hope had abandoned him ; yet all this tirae with an ar
my powerful in numerical force. To day battling in
his entrenchments; now facing his enemy, and now fly
ing before him ; circurastances raost trying to the best
established reputation— a mode of trial too, which
none but tha truly great can abide. Popularity is
easily gained and more easily lost. But Washington
was never popular in the usual acceptation of the
word. His was that enduring reputation Avhich

533 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
turns away from popular eulogy, in calm disapproba
tion ; that reputation which eneraies are the first to
proclaira. It is the protracted growth of years ; and
its decay whatever be the causes thereof, is equally
slow. Thus had Washington been viewed till this
calaraitous hour, when his hopes were all in an array
of three thousand five hundred raen. But suppose
his last hope had failed-^that he had beeu deserted
by his last battalion, by his soldiers and countryraen,
which would have been more than probable had this
little band been cut to pieces ; that with a fcAV of
those whose heads were as lofty as his oavu, he had
abandoned the plains and sought the mountains ; that
the name of Washington had been thundered from the
heights of the Alleghanies — where no artillery could
approach, and where a navy would be derided — sur
rounded by the tenants ofthe wilderness, the savage,
and a few of his guards ; and suppose that there, in
the last retreat of liberty, there ! he had perished,
what would have been the farae of Washington?
when would it have been forgotten ? It Avould have
been the rallying word for future millions when op
pressed by bondage ; the spirits of Washington and
Tell and Kosciusko, would forever have been seen in
the van of those who smote for liberty ; to thera would
have arisen their hyrans in battle, and their invoca
tions in peace. With what a different feeling he
would now be regarded by Americans, had he so
perished, had he left his country in subjection ! He
would have been the holiest of martyrs, and temples
would have arisen to Ms name : the Alleghanies
would be the Mecca of true believers in the divinity
of patriotism.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. , 533
Yet all this Washington meditated ; and all this he
would have done. Why then should it be forgotten?
The frigid^ Character of histoiy would have been ani
mated to enthusiasm: her conceptions would have
been illuminated ; and instead of epitaphs, and monu
mental entablatures of greatness, she would have been
kindled with blazonry, eloquence, and song ; ajid
who would have been so fastidious as to condemn it ?
Washington would have been inspiration npt only
to the poet, but to the historian, the architect and
sculptor. And shalh less be done for him, becau.se
he did more than this ? Shall he be remembered only
in school-boy narratives and passionless records, be
cause he did not perish ! because, instead of being
left the heirs of bondage, Americans are free ? ¦
Washington did more than all this: and deserves
infinitely more of his countiymen than if he had un
furled his banner to the tempest, and perished upou
the summit of the Alleghanies. He saved a nation by
a sacrifice more glorious thau martyrdom. A martyr
dies but once, but Washington, the soldier and the
man, suffered a death in every disaster audi humilia
tion of his countrymen. Where then is their gratitude ?
It is true that his name is a continued subject of pom
pous, indiscriminate declamation — but is any 6f it all
worthy of him ? There is also a national jubilee ; but
is it a hallowed day? how is it sanctified? Not as a
day of religious celebration, in which the whole popu
lation of the country should be assembled, andbe made
to feel the emancipation that was wrought for them; .
but as a day of riot, clamour, and unmeaning parade.
He is the subject of painting ; but iu what manner ?
Not with his countenance illuminated as in the coun^

534 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
cil or tbe field. He is uow and then mentioned— -but
with the dull, monotonous repetition of set phrases :
in poems, he is sung as the great and gopd ; but why
is he not sung as the only great man ? the only one of
his race who has vindicated Ms origin ; and in the lin
age of the Omnipotent, hasforeborne to act like the ve
riest slave to ambition. August and terrible without
crime ; and awful even in mildness. He, too, is the
subject of histories : but of histories where the statef-
man and the philosopher forget they were men in the
delineation of men : in histories where Americans are
given to Americans with as little of his life and cha
racter as are the representations of the pencil. Why
does not histoiy assert her supremacy — give life as it
is, character in its warrath ; not the austere and forbid
ding narrative of deeds. Men must be made to feel
as well as think ; great men are to be made by enthu
siasm, and enthusiasm is uot generated by thought,
but by feeling. Histories, then, whatever is the
practice, should be so given, as to awaken emotion ;
to stir the feeling, or the influence of the exaraples it
records is never felt, can never be productiv^e of ener
gy or utility. But this is the age of barren philoso- '
phy — ^passionless elocution, apathy and coldness,
which nothing can disturb or animate : and with wMch
the firm feelings of the heart have nothing to do.
But fashionable as it is to dwell on wonders with
au immoveable countenance ; to contemplate the stu
pendous elevations, the interminable rivers of Ameri
ca, and the raighty era of her revolution, as matters
of course — ^the man who does not feel a lifting of his
spirit, a more sublime conception of the human char
acter, Avheu the name of Washington is pronounced,
though it be in a history, deserves uo restiug place iu

AMERICAN IlEVOLUTION. 535
the Country he has emancipated ; heshould be banish
ed from her atmosphere, to where the breathings of li-
Iberty have never been felt upou the wind, Avhere all is
calm and motionless. America AVas not made for sto-
icks. She has nursed and reared t6o many great men ;
men who want no pyramids to perpetuate their deeds ;
men who cannot be forgotten after they are once un
derstood ; whose raeraories ^horild be consecrated to
the holiest feelirigs of the heart ; nPt in useless statua
ry, but in the affections ; whose iraages should be in
the mind, and found only by the family altar, the fire
side, arid in the habitations of those, whom they pro
tected. As yet Americans want anatipnal — almost a natu
ral feeling oh the subject. They either ask too much
or too little ; they make all their patriPts demigods in
their national anniversary, and forget them all the rest
of the year. But another spirit is already awakening ;
the genius of the country is disturbed; it Avill one
day come forth, and then, Americans will speak Pf
their revolutionary men, as they are spoken of, some
times, in Europe : as the natural productions of a great
empire, whose 'march is to be as Calm and irresistible
as fate ; whose destiny, revealed at its birth, is to be
mighty without bloodshed, and without convulsion.
Thpugh all this be generally seen in Europe, years
may pass aWay before it be acknowledged; and a still
longer time before it be admitted by Great Britain; She
has not yet forgotten that from her breast was drawn
the spirit which made her ypungest born so terrible
in its childhood. Recollections of mutual injury pro
voke rautual injustice ; but it will not ahvays be so.
The lioness will forget that her whelp was plucked
from her in its birth ; and the torn mane of the young

536 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
lion will not ahvays bear testimony to Ms sufferings iu
the strugiile. The ligaraents that were rent asunder
by the revolution may never unite — ought never to
unite : but their sensibility will be deadened, and the
remembrance ofthe agony pass aAvay. Mutual justice
will then be done. America Avill bear testimony to
the home of her fathers ; and Great Britain will look
with adrairation upon the heroick aspect of her young
est born. America Avill be the first to oppose all who
would disturb the venerable raajesty of her parent;
while that parent will see her age renewed, her chi
valry awakened, her genius rekindled, and the stu
pendous resurrection of British greatness in the west
ern world. It will no longer be pretended on the one
hand that the couutry of mountains and waters could
exhibit only the degeneracy of creation ; that she has
produced no great captains ; no legislators ; no philo
sophers ; nor, on the other hand, will it be maintain
ed, that all her generals were soldiers ; all her legis
lators statesraen ; all her writers Bacons or Newtons — '
but the fevy that she had will be plucked from oblivion,
and distinguished from the multitude. Less will be
asked by Araerica, and more will be granted by Great
Britain, till both unite in admiration for the truly great
of both countries. May that hour speedily arrive !
But it must be the work of another and a nobler age,
when meu shall no longer be ashamed to feel, nor
afraid to speak.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. §37

CHAPTER XVt

Interesting remarks on the State of the Army— Defeat of Arnold
on the Lakes — State of preparations at Ticonderoga  Ad
vantages gained by the British in the Campaign — Heroick de-
terminatiomipf Washington — His retreat tkrough the Jerseys.
Desperate sitimtion of American affairs—Capture of General
Lee — Issue of the Campaign — Measures of Congress— Bril
liant affair at Trenton : at Princeton — Their effects on the
Publick mind — Skirmishing— Treatment of Prisoners.
Having in the preceeding chapter followed
Washington through a succession of retreats, evacu
ations, and disasters, frora the defeat at Long Island,
when at the head of nearly twenty-five thousand men
— to his arrival at Newark, after the loss of Forts
Washington and Lee, when his army was reduced
to about three thousand five hundred, and constantly
diminishing, it may be proper to show how the spi
rits of the people were affected by the operations of
their army in other quarters ; whether they were
supported by counteracting triumphs, or disheartened
by further and accumulated defeats and disgraces.
In the course of the preceding detail, innumerable
circumstances, shewing the disorder and weakness
prevailing in the American army, have been arrang
ed and exhibited. The laxity of discipline, the tri
vial punishments inflicted for the most alarraing and
destructive crimes, such as disobedience, fraud, sleep
ing on the watch, collectively establish the fact, that the
soldiery, so far from being in a state of subjection,
was nearly independent of all order and laws. Their
VOL. I, , 68

538 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
officers could not, and dared not punish them. These
dreadful irregularities were at last reduced to some
degree of order. On the 10th of September, the
Board of War produced a series of articles, deflnihg
and regulating the duties and prescribing punishment
for offences in the army.
Had this been properly done at the commence
ment of the war, the revolution would have been
corapleted at fiirthest, in two carapaigns, then every
man who enlisted, would enter under a supposed ob
ligation to do his duty, and his punishmeut for not
doing it, would have been considered as an act of
justice ; now it had been delayed so long, that the
troops had a law of their own — it was published by
all tiiose who returned frora the array, from one end of
the country to the other, and new punishment, or
greater severity would be regarded not as justice, but
as cruelty. Yet, late as it came, it was a vast effort to
wards perfection. Soldiers began to take apride iu the
profession when they found those who were a dis
grace to it, nP longer screened from punishment and
infamy, no longer participating in the glory of the
high minded and virtuous.
Something of the unsettled aud arbitrary notions
which had hitherto prevailed respecting the duties of
a military officer, will be seen in the progress of the
fpUowing relatiPn. The commanding General exer
cised a power little less than absolute : and the sub
ordinate officers were proportionably despotick.
Gn the 15th of July, General Arnold had left
Montreal and crossed frpm the island of Longuiel to
the continent, on the route to Chamblee. A great
part of the British fleet aUd army had just sailed for
the same place, and would have arrived but for a

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 539
failure of wind, about the sarae time with Gene
ral Arnold.
The General when he left JMontreal, brouglit off
a large quantity of merchandize, which he directed
Colonel Hazen to take charge of: He had previous
ly directed Captain^ afterwards General Wilkinson,
to seize his goods, but with the spirit of a soldier, he
ventured to remonstrate, and was excused.' They
were afterwards sold, and Arnold pocketted the pro
ceeds. A circumstance which induced Capt. Wilkinson
to leave Ms family. The Colonel disapproving of
the whole measure, absolutely refused obedience.
This refusal exceedingly exasperated the irrita
ble Arnold. When they reached Crown Point, a
part of the goods was missing, the owners had fol
lowed them with their invoices' and claimed a re
storation, and a court martial Avas assembled for the
trial of Colonel Hazen on charges, preferred by Ge
neral Arnold. The Colonel was honourably acquit
ted ; but, such was the intemperate conduct of Ar
nold towards the court, that they were about pun
ishing him for contempt, but flrst demanded his ar
rest of General Gates, a demand to obviate which in
the plenitude of railitary authority he only replied by
imraediately dissolving the court and appointing Ar
nold the next day to the coraraand on the lake. Ge
neral Arnold was a remarkably active daring mau,
and at that time the want of his services might not
have been easily supplied ; much therefore should be
allowed in palliatiPu of the contempt here shown by
General Gates to the court when they had deliberate
ly complained of Arnold. The court continued sit
ting notwithstanding their dissolution by General
Gates, till they had finished the exaraination, given

540 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
judgment, and prepared their proceedings to be laiid
before Congress.
At the same time other charges were preferred
against General Arnold by Colonel Brown who com
plained that the general charged Mm with having
plundered the baggage of officers contrary to the arti
cles of capitulation ; but General Gates had already
determined upon Mm to command the fleet ou Jiake
Champlain, and no attention was paid to the com
plaints of Colonel Brown.
There could not have been a better choice fpr the
command of the little navy, which was to dispute
with that of great Britain for the possession of the
Lake; for, with all the evil qualities of his nature,
which raay be traceji to one weakness — ^profligacy;
he had a resolute fearlessness, which qualified hira,
better than any other raan in commou, for desperate
enterprises. The successful operations of the British in Cana
da, and the failures on the part of the Americans,
having put an end to all prospects of its annexation
to the states, much of the great interest which had
been excited for the northern department, by the he
roick Montgomery, and the successive disasters of
the American forces, had entirely disappeared ; yet
there were some questions of great raagnitude, re
maining to be decided in that quarter. The cora
mand of the Lakes had long been a subject of the
deepest interest. A war of conquest was no longer a
theme of speculation with the Americans ; but their
whole energies were now tp be directed for the de
fence of the northern frontier against the encroach
ments of Britons, and the devastion of savages. The
successes of the British were of a nature to excite the

AMERICAN REVOLUTIOJjT, 541
most alarniing appreh,ensions respecting Albany, aud
the upper parts pf the Hudson. They had posses
sion of Lakes George and Champlain, from which,
if they could obtain Albany, a direct communication
might be maintained with the royal army in New-
York, and thus ei^ectually separate the eastern and
middle states. The cousequences of such dismem
berment, were fully apprehended by Washington,
and the most earnest solicitude had been constantly
expressed by hXm on the subject. As the danger be
came raore iramirient, he had recommended the forma
tion of a distinct army iu the eastern division to act
alone for its pwn protection. The probability of such
a separation being effected was much increased by the
temper of the times. The strong friends of Ameri
ca were few ; the decided were still less, numerous,
and a powerful party of the disaffeeted were already
assembled in the state of New- York, as if for this
yery purpose. Their numbers vvere constantly aug
menting, and such was the weakness pf government,
that the arra of punishment was still upheld, when
proofs of treason were obtained. A few individuals
Were confined, but no examples were made. Suclj
lenity might have been popular, but it exhibited at
the same time, the real strength of the disaffected,
and the impotence of the well disposed. They had
not courage to risk their popularity by vigorous mea
sures. The importance of defending the frontiers, and
thus keeping down the spirit of disaffection, by pre
venting the approach pf a British army, was seen at
an early selason by Congress ; but the unhappy sys
tem of temporising expedients, delayed and enfeebled
all their attempts. Instead pf strengthening the

543 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
northern army for the campaign of 1777? it became
necessary to create one anew. The small pox, de
feats and disasters had reduced it to a skeleton. To
qualify it for the work of this year, such large
draughts had been made from the main army, as ex
posed Washington to the raost irarainent hazard.
The disputed coraraand between Generals Schuy
ler aud Gates, of which soraething has been said, was
at length happily accoraraodated by the magnanimity
of the former, who only asked to be employed for Ms
country. The command of the department could not
have been given to a man better fitted for its arduous
duties, than was General Schuyler, He had a vigorous
mind and indefatigable perseverance, and withal, was
extremely popular iu that part of the country. His
duties had been of a nature the raost complicated and
laborious that can be imagined. He was to nego
ciate with the six nations, at all tiraes the most dan
gerous, fickle, aud turbulent of their race ; he was
to furnish supplies to the armies in Canada; to keep
open a constant communication with all the various
departments ; forward reinforcements when required,
and Avatch the royalists. All this he perforraed with
a vigilance aud ability worthy of distinction; but,
unfortunately, such services although the most irk
some and the most useful, are always the least re
garded. They have too rauch substantial worth to
excite surprise or admiration. They are regarded
merely as the mechanical part of a soldier's duty,
which day labourers, aud not soldiers are required
toiqierform. A powerful British army under general Carleton
had been collecting about Montreal and St. Johns,
after the Americans were driven out of Canada; and

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 548
much was to be apprehended from troops full of their
victories and eager for new enterprises. But the
command of the Lakes, upon which they had not a
single vessel, was indispensable, before they could
push their efforts beyond the American frontiers.
To penetrate to Albany by this route was regard
ed by the British as an object of such importance that
they determined, great as were the difficulties, and
extravagant as such a scheme would have been con
sidered by common minds, to construct a fieet irarae
diately, convey it in a condition for service to Cham
plain, and there bring the question of superiority to
an issue by battle.
But the command of these waters was of equal im
portance to the Americans. The indefatigable Ge
neral Schuyler who was fully equal to the contest of
vigour and activity, was disqualified by the absolute
want of materials, workmen, artillery and stores, al
though he had the command of the Lakes, from
meeting the enemy with a new fleet — he could only
strengthen the old one. Every exertion that could
be effected from Washington, whose solicitude had
always been unconquerable, respecting the comraand
of the waters, was made ; but almost in vain. Car
penters could flnd constant employment aud high
wages in the seaports, and Congress could not, or
would not afford to pay them for the labour required.
That carpenters would have abandoned the seaports,
if it had been made to their interest, there can be no
doubt ; but it may be a question here if national
parsimony is justifiable at such seasons.
Under these discouraging circumstances, the whole
American fleet, assembled at Crown Point, amounted
to only fifteen vessels ; three schooners, one sloop,

544 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
one cutter, three gallies, and eight gondolas. The
largest vessel mounted only twelve guns, six and
four ppuuders; and the Ainerican armament was
vastly infericur to the eneray in ships, men, WeigM
of metal, and all the furniture of war.
The next object, and one in which the destiny of the
fleet and the hopes of the country must depend, was
to prPvide a suitable coraraander, Arnold was the
man. Washington knew him to be admirably qual
ifled, by his wonderful activity, spirit and resolution.
His expeditiPn to Q^riebec had already made Mm
conspicuous. At this time, the evacuation of Crown Point took
place ; an event upon which the sentiments of the
commander in chief have been seen. It was consid
ered as equivalent to a surrender of Lake Cham
plain, and an opening of all New England to the in
roads of the enemy. The field officers reraonstrated
against it, aud it came so unexpectedly upon Congress
that their deliberations were materially disturbed.
So far from expecting the loss of Champlain, tbey
had calculated ori taking possession of Ontario and
Erie, and securing it by a competent naval force.
But to effect such designs. Something more than a
vote for soldiers was required. Artillery, stores,
and money were wanted. From somewhat magnifi
cent views of conquest the publick were suddenly
circumscribed to measures of defence, and even upon
them they could not depend.
At length the extraordinary plari ofthe British Ge
neral was completed. In less than three months, a
powerful fieet was cori^tructed, the riiaterials for
which were transported a long distance over land ;

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. ' 545
the frames ofthe largest vessels having been sent out
from Englaud ; a number of large flat bottomed boats ;
thirty long boats ; a gondola, weighing thirty tons ;
and upwards of four hundred batteaux, were drag
ged up the rapids of St. Theresa and St. Johns, near
Charablee, and on the 1st of October, as by enchant
ment, the waters of Charaplain were suddenly over
spread by a powerful fleet. The squadron consisted
of the Inflexible, a ship carrying eighteen twelve
pounders ; the Maria, a schooner, raounting four
teen guns ; the Carleton, with twelve, six pounders ;
the Thunderer, a flat bottomed boat, carrying six
twenty-fours, and six twelves, besides howitzers ; a
gondola carrying seven nine pounders, and twenty
gunboats cariying each a brass fleld piece, from nine
to twenty^four pounders ; some large boats acting as
tenders, with each a carriage gun, with a large num
ber of small vessels prepared for the transportation
of the army, artillery and stores. This fleet was nav
igated by seven hundred prirae seamen ; of whom
two hundred were volunteers from the transports ;
vvas commanded by an experienced and gallant offi
cer, and the guns were served by detacliments from
the artillery corps.
Intelligence of these formidable preparations had
been communicated to Washington; but he believed
- them to be exaggerated. At the same time, he was
inforraed that an array of about eight thousand Bri-
ish and Gerraan troops, under Sir Guy Carleton, and
a regiment of artillery, with the finest train ever sent
from England, under General Phillips, supported by
a large body of Canadians, were to cooperate with
ihe fleet by invading the colonies. The officers ou
the lakes were also informed of another plan, subardi-
VOL. T. fi9

546 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
nate to this, under the direction of Sir John Johnson,
who was to go round by Oswego with eight hundred
Indians, M'Clair's regiment, and some volunteers-
enter the country by way of Fort George, and cut off
the communication between the Americans at Alba
ny aud Ticonderoga, aud they were urged to corres
pondent exertions to counteract this plan. But it
was in vain — they were deficient in the means. They
could only aAvait the evesit in silence and behave like
men. As soou as the British fleet was equipped it pro
ceeded in quest of Arnold. He was found posted
very advantageously, forming a line across the pas
sage between the south west end of Valcour Island
and the western main. The wind proved unfavoura
ble to the British, and their ship Inflexible with
some other vessels of force, could not be brought into
action. The weight of it, say the British writers,
fell on the schooner Carleton and the gnu boats,
which after rauch difficulty had formed a line parallel
to Arnold's, about three hundred and flfty yards dis
tant ; and they speak of their conduct in the highest
terras. This favourable circumstance enabled the
American commander tp support an engagement of
several hours with the loss of his best schooner, and a
gondola, carrying three guns, which was small. The
action was close and severe. The American Gene-
ralWaterbury, of Connecticut, who was second in com
mand, was seen during the whole of it walking Ms
deck and animating his men. All his officers were
killed or wounded except oue lieutenant, and a cap
tain of marines. Sir Guy Carleton was on board Ms
fleet, and on the approach of night, ordered the gun
boats to withdraw for a more favourable Avind, when

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. ' 547
the ship Inflexible might be worked up. Two of the
British gondolas were sunk, one blown up with sixty
men, and their whole fleet suffered severely. The
Americans also lost about sixty raen ; the Congress
was hulled twelve times, receiving seven shot be
tween wind and water. All were much wounded in
their spars. General Arnold in person directed his
guns ; there was a great deficiency of gunners.
During the night, which was remarkably dark
andvfoggyj Arnold made Ms escape in a masterly
riianner, by running directly through the enemy's line.
By daylight the next morning not a ship of the Ame
ricans was to be seen, but the wind freshening, the
enemy Imraediately crowded all sail in chace, and
during the twelfth, having captured one gondola, and
continued the pursuit until the thirteenth, about noon,
when they succeeded in bringing him to action a few
leagues short of Crown Point It was suppprted
with the greatest resolution and gallantry by both
parties for nearly four hours. The Washington
galley, coraraanded by General Waterbury, had
been so shattered in the affair of the twelfth as to be
entirely useless ; she struck after receiving a few
broadsides, that raked her fore and aft. The Con
gress galley was opposed to the ship Inflexible, two
schooners and the captured galley at the same mo
ment ; two under her stern and one on her side, with
in musket shot. A few of the American vessels
which were most ahead, escaped vto Ticonderoga;
while only two of the gallies and five gondolas pro
tected their escape, and gave battle to the whole
force ofthe enemy. Satisfied, at length, that further
resistance was raadness, and determined not to be

548 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
taken alive, general Arnold suddenly conceived
and alraost as suddenly executed apian of escape.
With that decision and boldness which characterises
the true railitary spirit, he ran his own galley, (the
Congress) witii five gondolas on shore iu such a posi
tion as enabled him to land Ms men and blow up the
vessels. This masterly manoeuvre in such an extremity,
had its effect upon the spirits of the eueray ; such
desperate gallantry gave a treateuing aspect to the
future. The Araericans fought with such fury and
obstinacy that examples occurred when, after any
officer had fallen, the crews continued the action, still
terrible with the irapulse that had been comraunitiat-
ed to them, though disorderly in their movements,
and divided in their purpose. But nothing, perhaps,
contributed so rauch to enkindle a cbivalric spirit in
the American soldiery, as the conduct of Arnold in
protecting his fiag. He would not abandon his gal
ley till the flames were bursting from the sides, and
then left it still floating in deflance to the eneray.
The terraination of this struggle elevated Arnold
still raore in the esteera of his countryraen. To have
contended so long aud so closely, with a force vastly
superior, upon an element new to him, and familiar to
bis enemy, and when defeated, to have brought off
his men in triumph, and prevented his vessels from
falling into the hands of the conquerour, were cir
cumstances so honourable to xArnold, that the work
of blood and expense, and the loss of the Lakes, vvas
alraost overlooked iu the general adrairation. The
Araerican fleet was now reduced to two gallies, two
schooners, one sloop and one gondola.

AMERICAN REyOLUTldN. 549
But while General Arnold was gaining this ap
plause, some disapprobation, as will always be the
case, was mingled with it. It is the mark of an or
dinary raind to be satisfied with any thing. He who
cau discover an imperfection in what others admire,
easily acquires the reputation of superior discern
ment. There will be criticks on all subjects— men,
whose business it is, never to be pleased. Accord-
iugly, Arnold has been condemned for not haying
kept the open Lake, and again for not having sta
tioned his fleet just above Clover Rock, about thirty-
six miles from Ticonderoga, where it was said, he
might have brought every gun to bear upon the sin
gle vessels of the enemy as they successively passed
through the narrpw channel. But the Lake is there
ten times wider than is represented by the maps. It
appears too, that in the instructions given to Gene
ral Arnold, by General Gates, he was directed to
station himself at the Isle aux Tiers, which a recent
writer supposes to have been the Cloven Rock, or,
as it is now called, the Split Rock, and positively or
dered not tp proceed beyond it. To this order he
paid no attention ; or indeed to any part of the in
structions. Scarcely had the shattered relicks pf his fleet ar
rived at Ticpuderoga with a favourable wind on the
fuurteenth, than it suddenly changed aud blew so
freshly for eight days as to prevent the approach of
the British, and probably, to save the post. DiWug
this delay, and in the continual expectation of an at
tack, the Americans constructed carria,ges for about
fifty guns, and rapuiited thera ; finished and strength-
ed their works, by surrpunding their redoubts by ab-
y 'batis, and received a cpnsiderable reinforcement from

550 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Crown Point, who, on the approach of the enemy
had set fire to the Avorks, evacuated them, and were
now assembled at Ticonderoga with a deterraination
to defend it to the last extremity.
Pursuing Ms purpose With as much celerity and
steadiness as circurastances would admit. Sir Guy
Carleton took possession of Crown Point, and ad
vanced a part of his fieet iuto Lake George, within
cannon shot of Ticonderoga ; putting his land forces
in motion upon both sides of the Lake, and menac
ing a seige of the place.
Very tlifferent estimates are given of the force un
der Generals Gates arid Schuyler, when the enemy
were at Crown Point, the garrison was said to be
about tAvelve thousand strong; but subsequent accounts
declared it to be but eight or nine thousand, and
these are probably the nearest the truth. The warm
season having passed away, most of the sick had re
covered. But with this circumstance in Ms favour.
General Gates had others to dishearten him. For
some days after Arnold's defeat, he had less than
tvvo tons of powder, and Avhen he had collected all
within his reach, his stock did not exceed eight tons.
General Washington had been applied to for direc
tions to call in a reinforcement of militia, but he had
so often been disappointed by trusting to them, that he
declared against employing thera but in the last ex
tremity. It was his belief, resting in the information
he had received, that the northern army would be
able to defend its possessions till the enemy were dri
ven into winter quarters. In the mean time he re
commended the greatest activity in removing the cat
tle and horses in the back country, in order to pre-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 551
vent the British army, if it should pass Ticonderoga,
from getting possession of them.
The lateness of the season which prevented him
from opening trenches had its effect on General
Carleton. After re&nnoitering the wprks, he reem-
barked his array and returned to Canada, where he
went into wmter quarters, having his farthest ad
vance upon the Isle Aux Noix. He has been cen
sured for this retreat. After the true state ofthe gar
rison was known to the world, it was reasoned that
Ticonderoga might have been easily reduced ; that
he might have wintered on the Lake, and renewed
hisT' pperations early in the spring, under many ad
vantages. But the propriety of such a measure may
safely be denied. To winter on Lake George and
depend upon Canada for his Supplies during the win
ter, and attempt to penetrate the wilderness to ^^Iba-
ny in the spring,. would have been extremely hazard
ous, if not impracticable. General Carleton Avas a
man of sound judgment, rather than precipitate or dar
ing. It might have been easy to. take the Fort, but
it would have beeu impossible to keep it.
Yet it is not denied that the situation of the garri
son was extremely critical. The deficiency of pow
der, already mentioned, and the want of flour,
which was so great, that on the day of the enemy's
departure, there was not a single barrel in the store
house, and General Gates once sent the commissary
out of the way, that the men might attribute their not
being supplied to some other than the true cause.
This expedient was adopted at a time when it was
known that a spy was in the garrison, who Avas suffer
ed to escape to the eneray, and his representations, it
was thought, contributed in some measure to their

553 AMEllicAN REVOLUTION.
retreat, as they immediately embarked. The coun
try people upon whom the garrison depended for their
flour, were prevented from bringing it in requishe
(quantities, by tiieir fear of the Indians. But theiir
terrours on this subject, were%early groundless;
Sir Guy Carleton, with a spirit worthy of his rank
and profession, Avhile he allowed the savages to take
prisoners, positively forbad their cruelties ; declar
ing that he would rather lose the benefit of their as
sistance, than contribute in the smallest degree tp
their dreadful atrocities.
A number of militia had been collected as the hour of
trial approached; butthe moraent Sir Guy Carleton
had Avithdrawn, they were disraissed : for a week
after their departure, the entire supply of bread for
the garrison was less than thirty barrels, which was
brought by land.
Sorae apprehensions were yet entertained, long
after the retreat of General Carleton, for the safety
of this important fortress ; though the advantages
were at first of a most gratifying nature, as they en
abled the Northern Department to send to Washing
ton with a poAverful reinforceraent, just as his army
Were about to disappear on the Delaware. This de
tachment never arrived. The soldiers returned to
their homes on the way.
These fears were lest an attack ou the water side
should be made, when the Lake should be frozeri
over, Avhich usually took place about the middle of
January. The garrison Would not reraain an hour
after the period of their enUstmerit had expired,
vvhich Avould be at the end of the year; but even then
a new force might be collected in season for their de
fence frorii the New England states. So that,

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 553
all the events of this important campaign Considered,
though the Americans had gained nothing, they had
lost but little, and had abundant reason for grati
tude to heaven. After the surrender of Montreal, a
series of uninterri|pted evacuations, disasters and dcr
feats had followed each other so rapidly,as were enough
to dishearten any people on earth; had they not called
to their recollection the resources aud power of the na
tion with whom they strove, and how very little they
had to expect frora the campaign. It was victory to
the Americans not to have been conquered — riot
to have been annihiliated, by their gigantick adver
sary. And the enemy had gained as little in other quar
ters. He had been shamefully driven frora Charles
ton — he had, it is true, expelled the Araericans from
their precarious possessions in Canada — possessions
which never extended a foot beyond their entrench
ments ; gained a victory ori Long Island ; captured
Fort Washington, but nothing had been done worthy
of his force. America had lost a few vessels, forts,
and troops ; about four thousand privates, and three
hundred officers, by Sir William Howe's official ac
count; but she had gained experience, confidence, of
ficers, and soldiers. On the part of the British, a
campaign which had cost a million sterling, and in
which thirteen thousand men had been employed,
was rendered in a great measure abortive; Ticonde
roga was not reduced, the northern frontiers ravag
ed, or any iraportant diversion effected in favour of
Sir Williara Howe. In other quarters, where the
operations had been conducted on a yet grander
scale, the issue had been as little availing.
VOL. I. 70

554 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
It is UOW time to return to Sir William Howe,
and the feeble remnant of the Anierican array, not ex
ceeding three thousand five hundred men, daily di
minishing, with whom an army of thirty thousand
veterans, fresh from victory and triuraph, were to dis
pute for the liberties of America,
The General and his brother Lord Howe had, with
that sanguine feeling of a speedy issue, which all cir
curastances seeraed to justify, and which, all but the
deterraination of Washington to retreat to the Alle-
ganies, did justify, acting as royal coraraissioners, is
sued a proclamation on the thirtieth of November,
calling upon the American people to throw down
their arras in submission to their magnanimous King ;
proclaiming a general amnesty to all who should ap
pear within sixty days and claira advantage of it, by
subscribing a recantation of their political heresies.
Many of those who had been the most clamorous for
independence, were the first to be quieted : others who
had been distinguished for the vehemence of their
opposition, suddenly became the raost orderly of
his majesty's subjects. Some who had shared iu
the profits of the new government with few scruples,
became reraarkably conscientious on the question of
responsibility — what was at first lawful resistance,
now became downright rebellion. The greatest de
fection took place in the higher ranks of society.
Men who had already much, had little to hope from
revolution. The firra and undaunted — they who pre
sented a dignified and deterrained aspect to the foes
of America, were generally from the raiddle classes.
They were neither to be bought nor sold — had enough
to raake them love their country — but too little to
make it a matter of indifference who was their mas-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 655
ter. They had possessions dearer to their hearts
than lands.
The period for which the whole American army
had been enlisted was now at hand. In Noveraber
and Deceraber it would disappear. Only two corapa
nies of artillery were engaged for the war. The army
had been organized at the termination of 1775, under
the expectation that all deficiences would speedily be
accoraraodated. A reconciliation was confidently ex
pected within a twelve raonth ; for which period the
troops had been engaged. Even the fiying carap,
though forraed after these hopes were seen to be fal
lacious, was composed of men enlisted till the first of
December, from a presumption that the campaign
would then terminate. The knowledge of this gave
an overwhelming advantage to the eneray. He had
but to prepare for a single day after these periods ter
minated, to strike where he pleased.
And thus it was. At the very moinent, when the
people of America looked to be released from their
terrours, aud flnd a season of repose and refreshment,
the enemy, instead of going into winter quarters, sud
denly coraraenced a new systera of operations more
alarming than all their previous victories. The ap
proaching dissolution of the American army, notwith
standing the severity of the season provoked its ene
my to pursue its inconsiderable remnant vvithout giv
ing it tirae to breathe, and thus accelerate its dissolu
tion, or be at hand to cut it to pieces, whenever an op
portunity should occur.
General Washington was posted at Newark, where
his little army had been refreshing themselves, for
about a week, without experiencing or anticipating
any further raolestation, when he was informed that
Lord Cornwallis, with a chosen body of troops, was

556 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
on his track. This was the 38th of Noveraber ; he
marched immediately for Brunswick; and Lord Corn-
wallis entered Newark the same day. A rapid re
treat was now the rinly hope of Washington. It
must open the heart of the country to his enemy, but
distressing as was the alternative, he preferred doing
this to losing the relicks of his army, upon which, as a
future rallying point, every thing would depend.
Lord Cornwallis had six thousand men, and trod so
vigorously upon the heels of WasMngton, that his van
successively entered Newark, Brunswick, Princeton,
and Trenton, as the American rear was leaving each;
and finally, at twelve at night, reached the banks of
the DelaAvare, just as the rear of the retreating army
had left it. Here it was confidently expected by
Lord Cornwallis, that the Americans would lose their
baggage and artillery ; and, but for the destruction
of a bridge over the Raritan (at Brunswick) which
delayed their pursuers for sorae hours, it is extreraely
probable, that his expectations would have been re
alized. But here, as Lord Cornwallis had orders
not to advance beyond Brunswick, the pursuit Avas dis
continued ; and it is probable too, but for these orders,
that the event would have takeu place notwithstanding
this delay, as the Raritan was fordable at Brunswick
at every recess of the tide. Other facts, soraeAvhat
unaccountable at such a season were these. The
Americans did not leave Princeton till the enemy
were within three miles of it, and the two British co
lumns, which first reached Princeton at four o'clock in
the afternoon, actually slept there, and consumed se
venteen hours, within twelve miles of Trenton,
while WasMngton was crossing the Delaware at that
place. Sir William Howe, in a despatch of the 30th

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 657
of December, declared that his first design was only to
get possession of East New Jersey, and Washington
certainly conducted at this time, as if he not only
knew this design, but was confident that it would not
be departed from ; for after advancing his main bo
dy to Trenton and leaving Lord Sterling with about
twelve hrindred, as a covering party ; he afterwards
reinforced his Lordship with the whole militia that
arrived, and privately returned hiraself to Princeton.
Perhaps he also knew, that Lord Cornwallis had
been ordered not to advance beyond Brunswick. Ex
cept on this supposition, the fact of halting so long at
Princeton, is inexplicable ; and the conduct of the
enemy still more so, while Washington was on his
way to Trenton. From Brunswick, Lord Cornwal
lis had despatched an express to General Howe,
assuring Mm that then was the tirae to conclude
the war ; that, if vigorously pursued, Wash
ingtou must lose his stores and artillery before he
could cross the Delaware. General Howe replied
that he would join him immediately ; but he did not
arrive till the sixth of December. At Brunswick, on
the first, Washington had hoped to make a stand, but
was again disappointed in his railitia. Had^ they
supported him with spirit, he could have prevented
the enemy from passing the Hackinsack. On the very
day that he left that village, the time of service for
the Jersey and Maryland brigades expired, and both
of them abandoned him. Under the pressure of
this discouragement, Washington wrote to Lee to has
ten his march, or his arrival might be too late.
Onthe eighth, LordHowe had arrived at the shores
of the Delaware in Ms pursuit, with the intention of
pushing a strong budy acrpss the river. Early in the

558 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
morning, he halted with his rear division, within six
miles of Trenton. The artillery were prepared to
cover his landing, and the troops kept in readiness
for day light. At the place chosen, about two
miles beloAV Corlyl's ferry, it was only twenty-eight
rods to a ridge of sand, on the Pennsylvania side,
on which a body was to be landed, and thence it Avas
proposd to march up to Corlyl's ferry and take posses
sion of the boats collected there by the Americans, and
left under a guard of only ten m en. With the boats thus
obtained, the main body would have been passed over
immediately. In the vicinity of the place, at which
the attempt was to be made by the first party, there
was a large fiour boat, capable of bearing one hun
dred men, concealed beneath a bank. This had
been overlooked, when Washington ordered the boats
to be removed ; but was providentially discovered,
and brought off, in season to "prevent the eneray from
taking possession of it.
The fate of America, for a season, in all probabUi-
ty depended upon that incident. The very day be
fore Washingtou crossed the Delaware, a return of
Ms forces was raade to Congress ; which made it only
thirty- three hundred; and Avhen he crossed, he had but
two thousand two hundred ; from these, such constant
and rapid deductions had been made, that in two
days, he was reduced to less than seventeen hundred ;
and by his own letter of the twenty-fourth of Decem
ber, to between fourteen and fifteen hundred, hourly
diminishing. Why Washington was not pursued when the shores
of the Delaware afforded such an abundance of mate
rials for the construction of rafts and pontoons, is
one of those events which baffles all speculation, if it

AMERICAN Revolution. 559
be not attributed to positive orders ; but why those
orders were given, still remains to be explained.
Washington himself, declared in a despatch, written
after he reached the Pennsylvania bank, that nothing
could have saved hira, but the infatuation of the ene
my. The city of Philadelphia vvas only two days
easy march from Trenton : a greater number of meu
than Washington comraanded could have been ad
vanced, and what part of the British fleet and
transports were wanted, could have passed up to the
city in one week, without encountering any obstruc
tion; for at that time, the Fort on Mud Island was
not built, the chevaux-de-frize nor chain prepared ;
nor had they flre rafts in any place.
This retreat through the Jerseys, was one uninter
rupted series of discouragement to the American peo
ple. It had been commenced, immediately after the
loss of Fort Washington, and a flne garrison ; and a
large quantity of military stores, abandoned at Fort
Lee. In a few days, the whole flying camp disappear
ed. This was followed by the disappearance of whole
regiments, whose periods of service had also expired.
Even the reinforcements, which had been sent from
the Northern Departraent, silently dissolved on the
march, and General St. Clair, the commander, appear
ed in the camp of Washington, with only a few offi
cers, for his relief Every man had abandoned him.
Even the few troops, under the coraraand of Washing
ton, were nearly useless from their wretched deficien
cy in necessaries. They were the garrison of Fort
Lee, hurried away witii such precipitation, as to leave
their blankets and cooking utensils. He had no caval
ry, except one troop, miserably mounted ; and no ar
tillery : yet under all these circumstances of distress

560 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
and ill fortune, with his littie band, a part of whom
were literally barefopted, Washington had the address
to consume nineteen days, in marching ninety miles
before his conquerours, and then to give time for the
militia to collect for his succour. As these — ^the last
hope of their country — ^fled before their pursuers,
scarcely a man had the courage to strengthen them ;
while numbers were flocking to the royal standard, at
every step of its progress. Appearance is every thing
with the multitude. A gallant, well disciplined army,
well officered, and well provided with all the furni
ture of war, with their banners, and horns and trum
pets, were indeed a formidable trial to the constancy of
the multitude ; and all this, when contrasted with a
feeble band of disorderly, tattered and emaciated
wretches, who were flying frora the haunts of men,
like a troop of malefactors, caught abroad in day light.
So powerful was the effect of this contrast, that it ope
rated, not only on the lower classes, but on the opu
lent and distinguished. Sorae of the leading raen of
New Jersey and Pennsylvania, were terrified into
subraission by this pageantry. Araong others, and
they ought never to be forgotten — America should
know who were her friends in that season of doubt
and alarm — were a Mr. Galloway, and a Mr. Allen,
who had been merabers of Congress. But there were
others who acted with fortitude ; who were unshaken
and iramoveable.
It is said, that while retreating before his triumph
ant enemy, Washington again forgot the heroick firm
ness of his character, and was seen to shed tears. It
cannot be true. Not that Washington might not have
wept, when he looked upon his country, and thought
of the widow and the fatherless ; that he might have

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 561
done ; but no man on earth would have seen him
weep. While Washington was thus hunted by his enemy,
he had repeated again and again his intentions to Ge
neral Lee, to move forward ; but, whether it was ow
ing to all hi^ expresses being intercepted, as some
were, or to some other cause yet to be explained. Ge
neral Lee moved so sluggishly in the rear of WasMng
ton, as never to be of any use, and at length was ta
ken prisoner. He had carelessly made his quar
ters in a house two railes from his most exposed flank ;
and on the 13th was carried off by Colonel Harcourt
of the British light horse. This event was a subject
of great exultation to the eneray : they boasted that
they had now the palladiura of Araerican hope ; and
the Americans almost believed it to be true. The feel
ings of the latter were quickened to poignancy by the
circumstances of the capture. They believed that Lee,
their favourite — Lee, in whose railitary talents, from
his European education, they had the raost confldence,
despairing of the Araerican cause, had chosen to aban
don them in this manner. His neglect to obey the re
iterated coraraand of Washington; his extrerae im
prudence in sleeping so far from Ms troops, and with
out a guard,* under the disheartening prospects of
the country, would have been a sufficient foundation
for any opinion, however extravagant, so it contribut
ed to the general alarra.
But to other causes than these, his capture must be
attributed. Lee was arabitious: a great man with
great faults. Excellencies and defects are always pro
portioned to each other in the human character : he
*There was a guard ; but they were scattered about when the
dragoons appeared.
VOU I. 71

563 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
was ambitious, but not weak. He was not anxious to
' save Washington ; nor was he willing to lose him
self If Washington's army was cut to pieces, his
chance of succeeding to the chief command in Ame
rica was probably better than that of any other officer.
He did not reinforce Washington, because he was am-
bitibus ; because he actually meditated a blow at the
enemy ou his own responsibility at the time. Gene
ral Wilkinson supposes, and he knew the character of
Lee, that he would probably have made an attack on
the British ppst pf Princeton, on the very next morn
ing, had he npt been captured. If successful, a link
would have been brcken in the chain, and Sir Williara
Howe raust have fallen back. Tbe supposition is not
only ingenious, but supported by so many circumstan
ces, collected and arranged in the spirit of an expe
rienced soldier, as entitle it to something mere than
the credit of a plausible conjecture. It is rendered
extremely probable that such was his design ; and he
did not voluntarily suffer the British to take him pri
soner, because he was not a blockhead. He was, un
doubtedly, surprised. His capture produced an un
justifiable despondency in the publick miud; he had
been successful when the other leaders had been beat
en; and how far his foreign education then contribut
ed to his value, may be imagined by observing how
much is now thought of European schools and sci
ence. Even now, the soldier who has fought in Eu
rope, or the scholar who has been educated in Europe,
exacts a kind of supremacy over mere Americans.
After his capture, the coraraand of his troops devol
ved on Genei-al Sullivan. He immediately crcssed the
Delaware and joined Washington, who had already
received considerable reinforcements of Pennsylvania

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 6p3
militia, which had chiefly been obtained, at this sea
sonable moment, by the activity and influence of Ge
neral Mifflin, and was soon after joined by General
Gates with his division.
On the very day that Washington crossed the De
laware, General Clinton, with two brigades of British
troops and two of Hessians, with a squadrun under
Sir Peter Parker, took possessipn pf Newpprt in
Rhode Island, and blockaded Commodore Hopkins,
with his squadron and a number of privateers, in Pro
vidence. The chief object ofthis movement was to pre
vent the New England states from reinforcing Wash
ingtou ; and it had that effect-^six thousand troops,
under General Lincoln, which were already on the
march, were detained to watch the enemy at home.
Another object waste interrupt the privateering busi
ness ; this also was effected. But such inconsidera
ble objects were purchased too dearly. From three
to flve thousand tropps were kept in a state pf inac
tivity for nearly three years.
By the approach of the British army, the delibera
tions of Congress were disturbed, and on the ISth of
December they adjourned from Philadelphia tp Bal
timore, where they met on the 30th, passing a resolu
tion, at the time of their adjournment, authorising
Washington to direct all things relative to the war,
and giving Mm full powers to act at discretion. TMs
was a noble example of confiderice but it came almost
top late.
Thus far had uninterrupted success trod in the foot-
stftps of the British army. Multitudes were crowding
to its banners. Their march was continued without
molestation on the Jersey side of the Delaware ; and
they were only waiting for reinforcements to majie a

564 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
blow at Philadelphia. But Congress was still unsha
ken. On the 10th of December they addressed the
states in the eloquence of national energy and feeling.
There was littie to hope. But, after all, it was only
to be conquered like men, with arms in their hands ;
and those who would have submitted if assured of
safety and protection, felt unwilling to throw aside
their shield until that security was rendered certain.
Thus the strong and the feeble alike remained in ar
mour. The mighty drama appeared hastening to a
close. The actors were thinning away, and the last
dreadful scene seemed at hand, which should forever
terrify the brave and the oppressed frora lifting up
their manacled hands against their destroyers ; but
even yet there were some stout hearts within the land,
the fastnesses of America, that would sooner burst
than submit.
On the 11th of December, Congress recommended
a day of national fasting, and humiliation : " To im
plore of Almighty God the forgiveness of their many
sins, and to beg the confidence and assistance of his
Providence in the prosecution of their present just and
necessary war."
Iu this hour of darkness, when clouds were resting
upon the pavilion of their hopes ; when the prayers of
a whole people , were to be lifted to the Everlast
ing God 5 a sudden illumination passed athwart their
firmament. It was in the councils of the nation. On
the 37th of December the powers of Washington were
unexpectedly augmented. He was erapowered to give
bounties, and use what measures he chose for the en
listment of troops, to appoint a Comraissary of Prison
ers and Clothier General, and fix their salaries ; to
establish a system of military promotion ; to raise

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 565
and officer sixteen battalions of infantry in addition
to those already voted ; three thousand light horse ;
three regiments of artillery; and a corps of en°-i-
neers ; to displace and appoint all officers under the
rank of a Brigadier General ; and to fill all vacancies ;
to impress stores aud necessaries for Ms array, &c.
in short, acknowledging, in so raany words their own
incorapetence, and clothing him vvith full powers for
the conduct of the war.
TMs was a prelude to great events. Washington
felt his raight. If he perished now, he would perish
in a raanner worthy of himself : not as a subaltern iu
the battles of his country, but as her leader and her
champion. True, these vast powers, were rendered
nearly ineffectual by the poverty of Ms resources,
and the lateness of the hour ; but if he could survive
this season of doubt and dismay, a brighter morning
would spon break upon him.
It might be proper here, as the campaign and the
year are drawing to a close, to review for a few rao
ments the measures of the continental Congress. It
is necessary to understand their worth, their irapor
tance. Under the continual and accumulating pres-
.sure of all their calamities not a voice was lifted for
submission in their counsels, or even in a single state
or town, that was not absolutely in the power of the
enejny. They had chosen their stand and it was
not to be abandoned. But to such extremities were
they reduced at the terraination of the carapaign, that
sorae members prudently distrustful of the powers of
America, single handed to battle with Great Britain,
that they proposed to offer to France, whose aid they
were then supplicating, that monopoly of their trade,
which had hitherto beeu enjoyed by Great Britain,

586 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
The policy of such a measure Avas debated. It was de
termined that concessions of such a nature would on
ly degrade the character of tiie struggle, to contest
about pecuniary matters ; and probably disunite the
staunch friends of American independence. It was
then proposed to substitute a monopoly of particular
articles. To this the local interests of tbe several
states opposed an insurmountable objection. Again,
it was proposed by those who were hearty and reso
lute in their detestation of the British ministiy, to of
fer an alliance, complete and unequivocal, offensive
and defensive to France, if she would put forth her
strength in this contest. To this it was replied by
the politicians of the day, (and they were men who
could foresee the consequences of such an unequal
alliance) — that it would be either destructive to Ame
rica, or useless to France ; that the friendship of
small states might be purchased, but America was
too poor to purchase that of France. But this was
the great argument, aud it Avas urged with a force
correspondent Avith its importance. If France caube
induced to assist Araerica, it cannot be frora any re
ward that America can spare, but from a natural de
sire of crippling and restraining her formidable and
arabitious neighbour. These arguments had been
urged in a masterly manner by General Lee, while at
the southAvard, to the French minister, and av ere pro
perly appreciated. The navy of Great Britain, and
her commerce were what made her so terrible'; inter
cept the communication between her and her colo
nies, and the difficulties and expense of maintaining
the former, wpuld be exceedingly increased, while
the means of supporting both would be diminished
in the same proportion. It would be assailing her

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 567
dockyards and her revenue— the points where, alone,
she was vulnerable.
The most powerful inducement, therefore, which
they could offer to France or any other potent nation,
jealous ofthe growing supremacy of a rival, would be
the proof of an invincible determination, never to re
turn to a state of dependence on that rival. After all
these propositions had beeu deliberated upon, it was
again determined never to listen to any terms of sub
mission, to assert their independence with their last
breath, and trust their destiny and the destinies
of their children to the God of Battles. Copies of
these resolutions were distributed at the courts of Vi
enna, Madrid, Berlin, and the Grand Duke of Tus
cany, and commissioners were appointed to solicit
their friendship and negociate loans. These resolu
tions afterwards fell into the hands of the British
and were published. A magnanimous step, it must
be acknowledged, but its policy raay be questioned,
as it contributed to extend the proofs of American
firmness, in the darkest hour of American hopes, from
one extreralty of Europe to the other. It was a sub
lime exhibition. At such, his hour of deepest hu
miliation, when the nations of Europe were looking
for his entire self-abandonment, to behold the ge
nius of the western world, rising from his devotions,
again throwing his shield before his force, and ad
vancing to battle with the same undaunted step — ^the
same intrepid look, but with a holier, steadier confi
dence in heaven. Such a spectacle was inspiration.
Monarchs forgot their danger — their sceptres trem
bled in their hands, as they contemplated with enthu
siastic admiration, the illuminated countenance of the
youug stranger, bursting from the solitudes of a new

568 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
world, and grasping the lightenings of heaven. They
forgot that the bolt raight be launched against them
selves before an arm could be raised for protection —
that the commotion which already shook the thrones
of Britain was every moment approaching their own.
This was the forgetfulness of France. The kindling
presence of liberty was already felt amid her govern
ment of ages, already its dreadful agony was toiling
at the monuments of her strength — they were soon to
be tumbled to the earth.
These measures, adopted so critically in the coun
cils of the nation, Avere seconded by a proportion
ate energy in the fleld. Fifteen hundred Pennsyl
vania militia were imraediately embodied to reinforce
the continental army. The delay of nineteen days in
the retreat of the latter through New Jersey, enabled
these reinforcements to asserable. The force under
Washington, it has been mentioned, Avas fluctuating
between tvvo aud three thousand men ; but soon af
ter it was augmented by these seasonable supplies,
to about seven thPusand. To give battle to the Bri
tish with such a handful, would have been madness ;
yet sometliing to inspirit the nation, the army, and
give life to the recruiting service, had long been a
subject of anxious raeditation in the raind of Wash
ington. So early as the 14th of Deceraber, the roy
al array, vvere so scattered along the Jerseys, that
the probability of effecting soraething of this nature
was constantly working in his thought. Opportuni
ties were presented, but he was unable to take advan
tage of them ; it was too hazardous in his enfeebled
state, but as the Pennsylvania militia came in, a part
were posted at Bristol, and the remainder of the ar
my were cantoned along the Delaware to oppose any

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 569
attempt of the enemy to cross, and be ready for tak
ing advantage of every oversight or imprudence.
But instead of pushing their advantage over a nar
row, smooth river, with such means of transportation
as the neighbourhood of Trenton afforded, theBri
tish troops were throAvn into temporary cantonments ;
forming a chain from Brunswick to the Delaware,
stretching down its shore for several miles, and prcr
senting a front towards Philadelphia, at the extremity
of the line. An account of their situation and num
bers was brought to Washington, by a lad who, on
account of his extreme simplicity, was long permitted
to mixAvith the British soldiers and traverse their carap
without suspicion. "Now then," said Washington,
" is the tirae to clip their wings, while they are so
spread !" and, iraraediately all the energies ofhis nature
were labouring to effect the wish. But before it
could be done, he was alraost discouraged from the
atterapt, when he reflected on the probable reduction
of his army which was at hand. No dependence
could be placed on those Avhose terms of service had
expired ; and every information he could obtain, led
Mm to expect the enemy would cross as soon as the
ice should be formed. I saw him at that gloomy pe
riod, says General Wilkinson, dined with him, and
attentively marked his aspect ; always grave and
thoughtful, he appeared at that time pensive and solemn
in the extreme. An exact return of his forces was
called for. They proved far less efficient than his
worst fears had anticipated. But Washington was a
man to know the worst at once : he would raeet his
fate and not shrink frora it. His situation was com
municated to a confidential officer. Let it not be
discovered, said Washington ; a discovery may be fa-
voL. I. 73

670 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
tal to us. This officer was Colonel Joseph Reed, al
ways a favourite of the Coramander in Chief, and
afterwards Governour of Pennsylvania : He had writ
ten to Washington in a noble and raanly strain of
argument, apologizing for the freedom of a soldier-
he, like Washington had every thing at stake, and
urged a blow at the enemy, however, or wherever it
might be given, as an event, upon which the salva
tion of the countiy depended. Washington felt the
force of his arguments, and subscribed to the necessi
ty of doing something immediately — but Iioav? or
where? — these were important questions. At length
he had determined. On the 33d, he said to the same
officer, "necessity, dire necessity, will — nay, must
justify the atterapt. Prepare, and in concert with Grif
fin, attack as raany posts as you possibly can, with a
prospect of success. I have ample testimony of the
enemy's intentions to attack Philadelphia, as soon as
the ice will afford the means of conveyance. One
hour before day is the time fixed upon, for an attempt
upon Trenton. If Ave are successful, which Heaven
grant ! and other circumstances favour, we may push
on. I shall direct every ferry and ford to be well
guarded, and not a soul suffered to pass."
The Colonel Griffin here spoken of, while entirely
unacquainted with the hour and plan of attack, had
crossed over from Philadelphia, aud being joined
witha few Jersey railitia, advanced to Mount Holly;
a raoveraent which drew Colonel Donop, twelve miles
from Bordentown, and contributed, in some measure,
to the success of the attack on Colonel Rhal.
It was a part of the plan prepared by WasMngton,
for General Putnam to keep Count Donop employed,
but the latter represented the disorderly conduct pf the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 571
militia, and ^e danger of an insurrection among the
loyalists in Philadelphia, so earnestly, that this part
of the design was abandoned. The question of in
dependence had been determined inthe affirmative, by
a great majority in Philadelphia ; but the minority
were powerful, respectable, and turbulent. Most of
the Quakers were in the negative, perhaps from their
pacific principles, and antipathy to revolutionary dis
orders — not with open violence, but with theii* counte
nance and influence, which rendered the rainority yet
more formidable. Theirs' is a dangerous neutrality
in all seasons ; for it is never strictly observed. They
were not required to unite in active opposition to the
ruling powers, to whom political obedience, with
thera, is an absolute duty; and they should, at least,
have held theraselves aloof frora all measures, which
might lead to more continued and desperate scenes of
battle and bloodshed. But, whether unwilling or
not, they certainly contributed to prolong the war.
It was at length determined by Washington, to pass
the Delaware in three divisions : one consisting of
five hundred men, under General CadAvallader from
the vicinity of Bristol, which miscarried by a strange
aud unfortunate inattention to the tide and state of
the river, then fllled with ice, by which the opposite
banks were rendered inaccessible to his artillery and
horses. The next day, however, after Washington's
return, supposing him still on the Jersey side. Gene
ral Cadwallader crossed Avith ahout flfteen hundred
men, and pursued tiie panick struck enemy to Bur
lington. During the day, he was still further rein
forced with about eight hundred men, from General
Mifflin. There was no Avaut of zeal or activ-ity, on
the part of General CadwaUadcr. He did all that

573 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
could be dene to support Washington. The safety
of a small number of grenadiers left at Bordentown,
by Count Donop, was only owing to the ice.
A second division, under the coramand of General
Irving, was to cross at Trenton Ferry, and secure the
bridge leading from tbe town ; but there, the same
obstacle presented itself. The ice had suddenly ac
cumulated in such quantities, that he was compelled
to abandon the atterapt. Hete, therefore^ were two
divisions out of three, absolutely prevented frora cp-
opperating iu the enterprize.
The third, and raain body, not exceeding twenty-
five hundred raen, under the command of Washing
ton in person, asssisted by Generals Greene and Sul
livan, and Colonel Knox, of the artillery, Avere pa
raded onthe evening of the twenty-fifth, at the back
of Mr. Koukey's Ferry, with the intention of em
barking so soon as it became dusk. It was determin
ed to attack the enemy early iu the raorning of the
3^th, when the festivities of the preceeding day,
(Christmas) would probably leave them, in some mea
sure, unprepared. By tAvelve, it Avas calculated that
this body, with, the artillery, would have gained the
Jersey shore ; and it being but nine miles to Trenton,
it vvas thought that, allowing for all delays, the at
tack might be made, as early as five in the morning.
Butthe quantity of ice which had gathered during the
night, so obstructed this division also, that it vVas
three, before the artillery had lauded ; and nearly
five, before the troops were on their march, Avhen it
began to hail and snow. It was then too late to re
treat without discovery, aud though all hopes of sur
prising the town were necessarily abandoned, it was
determined to proceed.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 573
-It is a somewhat singular fact, that a vague rumour
of this design, had reached Cplonel Rahl ; that on
this very night his men were paraded, and a picket
advanced to prevent a surprise ; and that a captain
Washington,afterwards so distingnished at the South,
having been abroad during the whole day without
effecting any thing, determined, on his return to take
a slight brush with the enemy's advance at Trenton.
His party encountered this picket guard, exchanged a
few vollies, and disappeared. This attack, it will be
thought, would necessarily, have confirmed the enemy
in his expectations of an atterapt to surprise him, but
from the raanner in which it was conducted, they were
led to treat the whole as a frolick and had returned to
their quarters.
As the Araericans were approaching, they fell in
with Capt. Washirigton'si party, and frora his account,
very naturally concluded that the enemy would be
prepared ; but it was then too late to deliberate. The
troops were thrown into two divisions ; the right un
der Major General Sullivan with St. Clair's brigade
was directed to take the river road to Trenton, while
the left under Washington himself, accorapanied by
Generals Greene, Morin, and Stevens, advanced on
the upper, or PenningtPu Road. This division en
countered aud drove in the enemy's advance, precise
ly at eight o'clock ; arid within three minutes, the fir
ing of the other party was heard, from the quarter
where they had been directed to enter, and push iuto
the centre of the toWn before the enemy could form.
The picket, which was driven in by the first party,
believiug this a second attack from the marauders
who had just left them, neglected to give the alarm ;
and the Hessian outposts, being very inconsiderable.

574 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
were unable to check the approach of the Americans.
That they fought with great spirit, was said by
Washington himself, keeping up a constant fire, and
retreating behind the houses. The person of Wash
ington was much exposed the whole time.
By the time the raain body of the Hessians had
formed, they had lost their artillery, and were cem-
pletely surrounded. They attempted to file off tP
wards Princeton, but Washington, foreseeing this
measure, had thrown a body in advance, which pre
vented it. There was left but one alternative ; to sur
render iraraediately, or be cut to pieces. They chose
the forraer ; and, to the number of eight hundred and
eighty-six meu and twenty-three officers, laid down
their arras on the spot. Nine hundred aud eighteen
prisoners, twelve drums, six brass field pieces, aud
four pair of colours were taken, with the loss of only
two or three men killed. Captain Washington aud
six others wounded, and three or four frozen tp death;
for the night vvas exceedingly cold, accompanied with
hail and sleet, which not only chilled the trppps, but
retarded their approach over the slippery roads. The
Hessians had a gallant officer. Colonel Rahl, and
about forty others, killed and wounded. During the
tumult, a troop of British light horse, and a body of
troops amounting together to about six hundred men,
escaped by the Bordentown road. These also,
would have been taken, had General Erving gained
th** bridge as Washington directed. The whole
force of the enemy was about fifteen hundred men,
under Rahl, Losburg, and Kniphausen, with the
troop of horse. General Wilkinson, who was pres
ent in the action, speaks in animated terms of Captain
Washington, Lieutenant Monroe, (uow President of

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 575
the United States,) and Colonel Stark; of their gal
lantry, and conduct.
From Trenton, General Washington, seconded by
the wishes of General Greene, and Colonel Knox,
would have continued bis march to some other post,
but they were overruled by the council, who protested
against any farther measures that should hazard
what they now gaiued ; and the design was abandon
ed. On the evening of the sarae day, he recrossed
the Delaware, bearing Avith hira his trophies, artillery,
and prisoners; justly elated with anticipations of th»
effect, which such a spirited manceuvre, raust pro
duce on the aspect of publick affairs. But, what
ever was its operation on the minds of the Ameri
cans, it fell upon the enemy like a sudden burst of
thunder in a serene day ; a blow so unexpected, con
ceived in a spirit so different frora that which had
hitherto directed the labours of Washington, and
executed in such a workmanlike manner — it was abso
lutely unaccountable to the enemy. They attributed
it to the neglect of Colonel Rahl in omitting to en
trench himself ; but Colonel Donop was equally
guilty — his post vvas not entrenched. The trutli is,
they were surprised, defeated by the masterly, though
almost desperate conduct of Washington ; not by the
blunders of Colonel Rahl. The errour of Lord
Howe lay in advancing so small a body of foreigners,
so near the ma^u hody of the Americans. As fo
reigners, they laboured under every disadvantage in
their communication with the people, but had they
been Britons, they were too weak for their extreme
point of advance as a frontier post. The spell was
now broken which made the Hessians so terrible, auc'
the British testified much of that kind of involUutar

576 AMERICAN REVOLUTION
and reluctant admiration for their adversary, in their
subsequent operations, which might have been expect
ed, if Washington had silently surrounded their
main body, and charged upon thera in the dead of
the night. They forgot their own force, and his
weakness at the same moment. Terrour and dis
may contributed to magnify the one inthe same propor
tion as it dirainished the other. The first shock was
felt like electricity along their ranks, but at the se
cond, which was given at Trenton, their extremities
were suddenly contracted; — and their centre, for a mo
ment, was affected like the human heart, when its pul
sation is stopped.
At the very raoraent when this daring plan was
executed, they had a strong battalion of infantry at
Princeton, aud a force distributed near the Delaware,
mueh superiour to the whole Araerican army. The
knowledge of this, induced Washington to march off
his prisoners to Philadelphia, on the evening after
their capture. Having thus provided against the suc
cess of any attempt to retake them, he recrossed the
Delaware again,and took possession of Trenton; while
the scattered detachments ofthe British were instantly
concentrated at Princeton, and Avere soon joined by the
main body from BrunsAvick, formerly under Lord
Cornwallis. From Princeton, nearly the whole body
was put in motion against Trenton, with a view of
retrieving the loss of reputation by the late disaster,
and deciding at once and forever, the long litigated
question. The situation of Washington, at this raoment, was
extremely critical. When he took possessipn of Tren
ton on the 39th of Deceraber, his force was only eigh
teen hundred continental troops; of these, twelve

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 577
hundred were to be released on the first of January.
Attempts had been made, but iri vain, to detain them
for a few weeks longer. A bounty of two dollars was
offered for this period. It was accepted, but nearly
one half abandoned the camp imraediately after. At
this time it was determined to advance the Pennsylva-
ma militia to Washington's relief ; but when they
arrived, his total force of continentals and militia, did
not exceed five thousand.
To retreat with this force, at the very moment when
the hearts of all America were lifted to exultation, by
an enterprise achieved with raeans so much less effi
cient — to abandon a post with five thousand men,
aud retreat, iraraediately after having advanced and
beaten the enemy, with half that number, was but little
else than quenching, at once, the light which had just
been kindled. Yet, to risk an action with a force so su
periour in front, and a river in the rear, was hazardous
in the extreme. The first might have eclipsed the
star of their hopes for a time, but the latter, if the is
sue should be calamitous, would be blotting it out
from the heavens.
Au opportunity soon presented itself for avoiding
the one, and the other of these alternatives. There
were links and joints in the armour of his adversary,
and Washington had an eye to discover, and a hand
to take advantage of them. Lord Cornwallis had
once gone to New York with the intention of carrying
to Great Britain the intelligence oftheir successes — the
entire destruction of the American army, wMch cer
tainly seemed unavoidable ; and the consumraation of
American slavery ; but the unexpected awakening of
Washington at Trenton, sostartied his Lordship, that
he began to think such comraunications might be a littie
VOL. I. 73

578 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
premature ; abandoned his design for a time ; humed
back to the Jerseys ; joined the raain army just be
fore its arrival at Trenton, and leaving the fourth bri
gade, consisting of the seventeenth, fortieth, aud fifty-
fifth regiments, under Lieutenant Colonel Mawhood,
at Princeton, and the second brigade under General
Leslie at Maidenhead, was now advancing against
Washington. For checking the advance of Cornwallis, aud giv
ing his own main body an opportunity for passing
tiie enemy's advance, and gaining his rear, Washing
ton advanced a considerable detachment, under Ge-
eral Greene, with four field pieces, to the support of
a sraall body which had been previously stationed
about a mile in front ; but General Greene found them
already on the retreat, which they continued with
such precipitation, as to throw his reinforceraent iuto
confusion. The British pushed forward until they
were checked at the bridge on Surpinck Creek, by
four field pieces, when they soon fell back beyond
their fire. The passage of this creek, was guarded
by about forty pieces of artillery; but this was a very
inconsiderable protection to a stream which Avas for
dable in many places. The Americans were drawn
op in order of battle upon the bank, aud, iu that situa
tion, remained till night, cannonading the enemy.
Lord Cornwallis displayed his columns and extend
ed his lines to the heights at the westward of the
town. Every thing was to be apprehended by Washr
ington ; his rear might be gained by a small circuit ;
and, from the superiority of the enemy and the nature
of the ground, he could not but anticipate a disastrous
issue. In this critical situation, two armies, upon
which the destinies of a whole continent reposed.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 379
were within one thousand yards of each other,
crowded into a small village, and only separated by
a fordable creek.
In the raean tirae, a council was called in the Arae
rican carap. Their situation was deliberately con
sidered. They were to retreat by the Jersey side
and cross the Delaware at Philadelphia, or flght.
Both were extreraely hazardous ; but there seemed no
other alternative. At lengtii General St. Clair pro
posed to turn the enemy's left flank. On considera
tion, it was adopted by the Commander in Chief,
who before had inclined to give battle in front ; he
agreed that Lord Cornwallis must have advanced
with his raain body, in the hope of atoning for the de
feat at Trenton, aud, consequently, must have left a
weaker rear at Princeton. How exactly this was the
case, will be seen by the event. The proposition was
agreed to. A fortunate, and somewhat remarkable
change took place at the same time, that rendered the
movement of their artillery and heavy baggage over
roads, which for several days before, had been almost
impassible, as expeditious and easy, as it AVould have
been over a solid pavement. It had been warra and
rainy, but the wind suddenly changed to the north
west while the council was sitting, and, blew so cold
ly, that by the time the troops were put in motiou,
the roads were firm enough for the heaviest artillery.
Washington ordered the fires to be doubled along the
whole front of his army, and constantiy supplied till
day light. These fires necessarily concealed the ope
rations in their rear, and the baggage, with three
pieces of ordinance, was sent off to Burlington, to
divert the attention of the enemy. About one, the
troops were filed off in detachments, with the great-

580 AMERICAN REVOLUTIOS%
est silence, the creek was crossed, and the whole
army arrived at Princeton a little before day break.
It happened that the three British regiments, was al
ready ou their march to Trenton, by another road,
about a quarter of a mile distant. They were first
discovered by Major, afterwards General Wilkinson,
and General Mercer, Avith the Philadelphia militia
was advanced against them. Colonel Mawhood, who
commanded the first party, regarding the Americans
as only a fiying body, detached to harrass hira on the
march, neither halted nor formed, but advanced stead-
dy till his bayonets almost crossed, poured iu a vol
ley upon them, aud then charged. The Americans
gave way in all directions, many were armed only
with rifies, and the officers were panick struck. It
was a moment of extreme peril. Washington saw it
 leaped Ms horse into the narrow space between the
British and the Americans — ^reined his head towards
the forraer, and in that situation, while waving his
sword to his troops, received successively the fire of
each, when not more than fifteen yards from either
party. Not a ball struck him. This decided the bat
tle. Sixty of the enemy were bayonetted on the spot.
But the gallant Colonel, with a few followers, cut his
way tlirough the surrounding battalions, and pursued
his route, though in great disorder, over fields and
fences, towards Pennington. At the moraent of attack,
intelligence had been communicated to the rear, which
was thus enabled to save itself. The fifty-fifth being
hard pressed, and finding it could not advance, had
retreated to Brunswick by the way of Hillsborough.
The fortieth was but little engaged, and with a very
inconsiderable loss, retired to the same place. During
the action a party had escaped to the college, but they

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 581
soon abandoned it, and a part raade prisoners. It
was determined, so suon as this action was over, to ad
vance upon Brunswick, where the baggage of the
whole British army had been left, and where General
Lee was known to be confined. Such objects were
animating rewards for toil and peril; but there were
limits to the daring of the greatest. The American
troops were worn down with fatigue : they could
scarcely drag their lirabs after thera. For eighteen
hours they had been under arras, and for two days
and nights, they had been'alraost constantly engaged
iu marching, manoeuvering, and fighting without pro
visions, liquor, or rest. It was then proposed to file
off to Cranberry, cross the Delaware and proceed to
Philadelphia ; but General St. Clair urged the expe
diency of a different route, which, as he was known
to be familiar with the countiy, was immediately
adoiited. General Greene, led the main body pushed
forward directly without any directions respecting
the ground which General Knox had recommended ;
but he had scarcely taken up his march, when his rear
was fired upon by a new eneray.
When the American .cannon were first heard by
the British in their encampment, so little suspicion
had they ofthe truth, that they supposed it to be thun
der ; they were actually under arms at the moment
and on the point of storming the American lines. But
they were soon undeceived. Lord Cornwallis had
learnt to respect the Generalship of his adversary,
aud alarmed for his baggage at Brunswick, put his
army instantly in motion for its protection.
Some skirmishing took place with General Greene's
rear and his advance : but nothing was effected. The
Americans pursued their march unmolested, and de-

683 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
stroying all the bridges in their progress, arrived at
Morristown on the sixth. Nurabers of them had
dropped down in their march ; many others fell
asleep in the woods ; and the whole were so complete
ly overcome when they arrived, that five hundred
fresh troops might have cut them to pieces^ Such,
however, was the effect of this spirited affair, that the
enemy continued Ms march without halting for a mo
ment, till Ms arrival at Brunswick.
In this affair. General Howe admitted a loss of se
venteen killed, and nearly* two hundred wounded and
raissing ; but the Americans reported nearly three
hundred prisoners taken, including fourteen officers ;
upwards of sixty were bayonetted, and probably ma
ny others wounded. The American loss was very
inconsiderable in nuraber, not exceeding thirty iu
killed and wounded ; but of the former, were some
invaluable officers. Colonels Hazlett and Porter, Ma
jor Morris, Captains Sheppen and Neal ; and among
the latter was the intrepid high minded General
Mercer. He had abandoned his horse in his impe
tuosity, and was leading his men to the charge, when
by an unexpected raoveraent, he found hiraself a pri
soner ; he surrendered, but was instantly bayonetted
in thirteen places, and left for dead by the exasperat
ed soldiery. Of these wounds he died on the twelfth.
An amiable and interesting young man. Captain
Leslie, the son of a distinguished nobleman, was
among the slain of the eneray. He was buried with
military honours, and some of the raen he had com
manded, who were taken prisoners, actually sobbed
aloud at his interment.
The gallantry of the enemy was a subject of admi
ration tothe Americans, even in the heat of battle.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 583
The cool, steady manner in which Colonel Mawhood
brought up his men, without firing a shot, till their
muzzles almost met, was so new to them, that an
American officer was heard to exclaim — when will
our men fight like those fellows !
Such was the astonishment of the British, at tiiese.
unexpected aud spirited manceuvres of their enemy —
that eneray, whom they believed already upon his
back — ^that they immediately asserabled their whole
force, comraenced a retrogade movement ; for it might
be held uncourteous to call it a retreat — successively
abandoning every foot of ground they had gained to
the south of New York, except Brunswick and Am
boy ; while the American militia awakening and con
centrating, by a new impulse, overran the whole coun
try, fought and cut to pieces the small parties of the
enemy wherever they could be found, and communi
cated a sudden vigour to the whole military and po
litical constitution ofAmerica.
Thus within the period of thirty days, the whole
of New Jersey which lies between New Brunswick
and DelaAvare, was twice successively won and lost ;
won by a greatly sriperiour aud triumphant army of
veterans, and recovered by a dispirited and almost
annihilated body of militia.
But in the mean time a mighty change was silently
operating. It had hitherto been working in secrecy,
at the fire sides> and within the hearts of the people —
they had learnt a lesson of bitterness in their habita
tions, that was never to be forgotton. Submission
had been made to the British in the confidence of pro
tection. It had been made when the American army,
famished, destitute, and flying before a powerful and
splendid body of British troops, had beeu under the

584 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
necessity of impressing provisions and cattle for their
very preservation. They who could not tolerate in
their countrymen such proceedings, when occasioned
by necessity, could not readily brook the wanton
depredations, cruelties, and excesses of an enemy.
The British commander, and the British troops were
all loyal subjects, and the sufferings of rebels, the sin
cerity of whose submission, could only be a matter
of opinion, could not have beeu expected to excite
rauch coramisseration. They had little sympathy
with the plundered and insulted inhabitants ; but
their want of feeling was Christian charity and kind
ness, to the desperate licentiousness of their mercena
ries. The Hessians had fought the Americans as
savages, and like savages, they had conquered them,
as they supposed ; and they were not to be troubled
with squeamish and casuistical distinctions between
the spoils of those who had resisted, and the pro
perty of those who had not. Every thing upon which
they could lay their hands was lawful plunder to
them. To plain country farmers, and their families,
unaccustomed to the rapacity and licentiousness of
military guardians, and taught tocouflde in the royal
troops as tbeir protectors ; in the royal commander, as
the representive of majesty, even coraraon and par
donable irregularities, would have been hard to en
dure. Insults and indignities are forgiven in ene
mies, sooner than in friends. But here, these insults
and indignities were quickened to poignancy, by eve
ry species of robbery and violence. Horses and cat
tle were driven away without cereraony, or wantonly
destroyed ; dwellings pillaged, and their furniture
carried off, or consuraed ; infants, children, old raen
and women stripped of their last clothing and blank-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 685
ets— every species of mockery and outrage reiterated
— and to complete the scene of humiliation and hor
rour, wives and daughters were ravished in the pre
sence of their husbands and their fathers. This is not
declamation — it is fact, plain, undeniable fact. A so
lemn inquiry was made, and oaths administered,
when it was found that twenty-three females had
been violated, in oue neighbourhood. And these
must have been far short of the truth — there is some
thing in the nature of fathers, husbands, brothers and
friends, as well as in the wretched victims to such vio
lence — which urges them to concealment. What
racks and agony raight never extort, may have been
discovered by strangers, and by such accidental in
stances, must the evidence of this number have been
obtained. The recruiting service, which, till the battle of
Trenton, was at a stand, was so suddenly and gene
rally accelerated by that event, that Washington be
gan to look forward with cheerfulness to the opening
of the next carapaign. He threw his army at Mor
ristown into tolerably comfortable quarters. The ap
proach from the seaboard is rendered difficult and
dangerous by a chain of sharp hills, extending from
Chickaraia by Bound Brook and Springfield to near
the Passaic river; in a rich countiy, nearly equi
distant from New York and Amboy, and frora New
ark and Brunswick, with defiles in its rear ; and to
provide against an enemy which had thinned his
ranks with a more wasting energy thau battie, had
the whole of the men inoculated with the small pox.
Very few died under it, and so littie hindrance was
the indisposition which ensued, that there was not a
single day when they would not have tuyied out and
VOL. I. 74

586 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
fought the British, if they had been attacked. At
the sarae time, to provide for proper attendance to the
troops, all the inhabitants and families of the neigh
bouring couutry were also iuoculated. By this step
the soldiers were enabled to take the field in the
spring without any further apprehensions of their
most formidable eneray.
Vigorous preparations were making in all quarters
for an early campaign for 1777 j and the attention of
the Araericans was wholly directed to the security of
their present advantage. General Putnara with a
few hundretl troops was stationed at Princeton, with
in eighteen miles of the British army at Brunswick,
and at one time, had not so many under his command,
as he had miles of frontiers to protect. During this
critical season, he resorted to a stratagem, so entire
ly characteristick of himself, that it ought not to be
forgotten. One of his prisoners, a British officer, lay
at the point of death ; and expressed a strong anxie
ty to see some person from the British array, to whom
he could entrust something for his wife and children.
The humanity of Putnam led hira to accede to the
prayer; but to provide against a discoveiy of his
weakness, he ordered candles to be placed in every
roora of the College, and the dwelling houses, and
kept his handful of troops perpetually in motion.
From these appearances the British officer was led
to estimate and report Putnam's force at several thou
sands. Nor was the situation of Washington much more
enviable. His force, when compared with that of
the British, vvas insignificant in reality ; while not
only to his own countryraen, but to the enemy, it was
regarded as formidable. The latter, however, may

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 587
be regarded as the natural consequence of the former.^
The deception was profitable and important to Wash
ington, though somewhat mortifying and injurious to
Ms reputation, during subsequent events ; and, there
fore, he contributed to strengthen and extend it by
every stratagem in his power. Military parade,
cheerful countenances, and the best troops were con
stantly exhibited. The American posts Avere all dif
ficult of access, and the utmost vigilance was on foot,
to prevent the approach of the suspected. Among
many other partial encounters that took place during
this season of expectation, between the foraging and
scouting parties of their respective arraies, there were
two, of which an account raay not be uninteresting.
On the 30th of January, General Dickinson, with
four hundred Pennsylvania railitia, and fifty Pennsyl
vania rifiemen, passed Millstone river, near Somerset
Court-House, and attacked a large foraging party of
the British with such fury, that they abandoned their
convoy, left nine of their nuraber prisoners, and fled.
Forty wagons and upwards of one hundred horses,
with a considerable body were taken. About a raonth
after this affair. Col. Nelson, of Brunswick, with one
hundred and fifty railitia captured, at Laurena neck,
a major and fifty-nine privates of the refugees, who
were in British pay.
Thus ended the campaign of 1776. A retrospect
of the raoA'ements and conquests of the enemy has al
ready been exhibited ; but a few moments Avill not be
lost in reflecting on the vicissitudes experienced to
wards its termination, by both parties. Sir William
Howe, after hunting his enemy through the Jerseys,
and almost reaching Philadelphia, was unexpected
ly turned upon and driA'en back to his entrenchments^

588 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
and at the conclusion ofthe campaign instead of hav
ing the country, he seemed farther than ever from
it; his army was diminishing day after day, in
inconsiderable numbers, it is true, but with a cer
tainty and frequency that must soon disable Mm,
unless reinforced ; while that of his enemy was hour
ly augmenting.
Examples of cruelty were frequent at first with
both parties ; but much more so with the British than
the Americans. The latter were induced by every
motive of policy to treat their captives with humanity;
and nothing could have driven them to severity in any
case, but the duty of self-preservation ; and still
more reluctant was their progress to cruelty ; for in
the earliest stage of the war, when it became necessa
ry to march the prisoners from Philadelphia, to the
interiour of the country, it was done with great ten
derness, and their families were permitted to choose
their own season for following them ; and even after re
peated evidences had been produced before Congress,
of plots for escaping, it was with undissembled reluc
tance that farther raeasures of security were adopted.
Much of this was surely policy ; sorae part of it fear ;
but there was a part in all their transactions, which
had kindness and huraanity for its ingredients. Most
of the prisoners were raen who had hitherto been treat
ed as fellow citizens under the sarae government,
rather mistaken than guilty — and their confinement,
at first, was rather nominal than effectual. And
when prisoners were afterwards taken in battle, the
sarae feelings were extended towards them. They
were treated like men. Not so with the British. Ex
amples of the most persevering cruelty were frequent.
Insult, oppression, and bitterness were measured out

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 589
to all; but upon the officers a double portion was heap
ed, and this was doubly felt by them, from their better
education, rank, and preceding habits of life. They
were regarded and treated as rebels ; and not a few
suffered more in their imprisonment than would have
been inflicted upon them by British law, had they
been convicted of rebellion. They died many lin
gering deaths — of famine, wretchedness, filth, and
disease ; accompanied with every unraanly reproach,
and hurailiating indignity.
These barbarities had been begun by the personal
exasperation of General Gage. He could never for
get, as the Monarch of France did, the affronts that
had been offered to the Duke of Orleans — that Gov
ernour Gage had been put to shame in the colony of
Massachusetts. In this spirit believing that a speedy
restoration of the British power was at hand, and,
consequently, the speedy and exemplary punishraent
of the rebels ; and dreading no retaliation, he liad
ventured to anticipate the rigours of justice. Ame
rican officers of all ranks, soldiers, and distinguished
citizens were thrown into the comraon jail and treat
ed as state Criminals. To this conduct. General
Washington remonstrated with teraper and dignity.
Political opinion, he said, was to form no part of the
present question; demanded the laws of war, and the
usages of humanity to be observed ; and hoped he
should not be driven to retaliation.. To this. Gene
ral Gage replied in a haughty and intemperate raan
ner ; retorted the charge of cruelty, and said that
cleraency alone, and not justice, had hitherto protect
ed the Araerican prisoners frora the halter. Such
sentiments, thus avowed, by a military comraander,,
high in the service of his country, at a time when all

590 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
the passions of human nature were in uproar, called
for a determined and imraoveable stand on the part
ofthe Americans. Washington took that stand— he
replied calmly, but firmly and unequivocally. That
letter, he said, was to close their correspondence—
perhaps forever ; he assured General Gage, in a man
ner that could not be mistaken or doubted, that the
measures of retaliation should be religiously admin
istered on every mau within his reach. Congress were
immediately informed of the whole correspondence
and they ordered the British officers at Watertown
into close confinement. This soou brought General
Gage to terms. But the question was soon agitated
again. Colonel Ethan Allen, a remarkably daring
and resolute mau, belonging to that part ofthe coun
try now knoAvn as Vermont, who, on Ms own respon
sibility, had assembled a small body of men and gone
against Montreal, at the time of General Montgome
ry's attack on Quebec, had been taken prisoner;
and, under pretence that he Avas acting without au
thority, was ironed aud sent to England for trial as a
traitor. This produced another investigation in Congress,
aud it was determined*that General Prescott, who
had been instrumental in the ill treatment of Colonel
Alien, and was then a prisoner, iu the American camp,
should be held as a hostage for the safety of Colonel
Allen, and experience the raost scrupulous retalia
tion. This resolution was communicated to General
HoAve who paid no attention to it. Some further in
quiries were then made, and General Prescott, accord
ingly was thrriwn into jail. But again American
humanity was triumphant. On a report that his
health was much impaired, was suffering from the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 591
dampness of his prison, he was removed to a cora
fortable lodging and strictly guarded. At length
this system of cruelty and absurdity was abandoned
by the British. Sir William Howe, soon after his
arrival at New York, agreed to an exchange of pris
oners ; but cruelty and insult had not yet terminated.
Sir Guy Carleton was one among the feAv British
officers who were busy in the Americau revolution,
and .shoAved any veneration for the history and char
acter of Great Britain; almost the only man among
them all, Avhose enmity did not survive the battle — he
forgot that he was pot an American, when Americans
were defenceless and in his power. By him, the
brave men he had conquered, were treated as fellow-
soldiers, as human creatures ; he pitied their delu
sion — but when they were fallen, the heart of a Bri
tain rose to protect them. They were actually cloth
ed, fed, and supplied with money to assist them in re
turning to their families. That was the hour of trial
for their constancy. Who would be outdone in gene
rosity? — Not an American. The memoiy of their
enemy was hallowed in their recollection, aud such
were the feelings of those Avho had been clothed and
fed by their generous conquerour, that they not ouly
would have throAvn themselves before his enemy to
protect him ; but they transcribed the remembrance
and the gratitude of their hearts to their posterity.
There are men in America at this hour, descend
ed from the prisoners of Sir Guy Carleton, who
would perish for the preservation of any of his de
scendants. In America gratitude like resentment, is
hereditary. It is always easier to forget injuries than
kindness ; and that little difficulty is diminished when
instances ofthe latter are so rare, as those of the Bri-

693 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
tish were to their prisoners. They became excep
tions, which in the pride of feeling are remembered,
to prove that general recrimination is just.

END OF VOLUME I.

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